Ex-Israeli Air Force pilot Yonatan Shapira is on board the international Freedom Flotilla boat, Al Awda, now heading for Gaza in a bid to peacefully break to Israeli blockade. Image: Kia Ora Gaza
‘My message to the Israeli soldiers – what will you tell your grandchildren?’
An open letter from former Israeli Air Force “rescue” pilot Yonatan Shapira on board the Al Awda bound for Gaza.
My name is Yonatan Shapira and I’m an Israeli citizen. I was a captain and a Blackhawk helicopter pilot in the Israeli Air Force.
I never shot anyone and was flying mostly rescue missions but nevertheless, I realised that I was part of a terrorist organisation.
Fifteen years ago in 2003 I organised a group of 27 air force pilots who publicly refused to continue to take part in the oppression of the Palestinian people.
READ MORE: Israel threatens ‘all necessary measures’ against flotilla
Since then I’ve been active in different organisations that struggle against the Israeli occupation and apartheid. I am a member of Boycott from Within – Israeli citizens who support the Palestinian call for boycott, divestment and sanctions.
This is my fourth attempt to break the Gaza blockade from the sea.
My message to the Israeli soldiers who are now training and preparing to board our boats and arrest us:
“Think about what you will tell your grandchildren in many years from now and not about what your friends will say about you today.
“Refuse to take part in this ongoing war crime. Refuse to continue murdering people who are locked in the biggest prison in the world.
“I was once one of you and I know that among you there are some who can still think.
“Refuse to be the guards of the Gaza ghetto.”
Israel’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, has warned the body that his country “will use all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty should the flotilla with 45 peace activists, parliamentarians, trade unionists and journalists now sailing to Gaza from Norway attempt to breach the illegal Gaza blockade.
The Freedom Flotilla coalition includes members from 15 countries – among them Mike Treen from New Zealand – and began the sea voyage on May 15.
Asia Pacific Report, through the Pacific Media Centre, is sharing Gaza Freedom Flotilla coverage with Kia Ora Gaza and Scoop Media.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>No injuries in Vanuatu ‘runway excursion’ emergency landing
Nobody was hurt, but three commercial aircraft were damaged when an Air Vanuatu ATR-72 made an emergency landing at Bauerfield airport, Port Vila, today. Image: Dan McGarry/VDP
By Dan McGarry in Port Vila
An Air Vanuatu ATR-72 made an emergency landing in Port Vila today. The aircraft, which had 39 passengers and 4 crew aboard, landed in a gentle tail wind.
According to a statement issued by Air Vanuatu Ltd, the aircraft “was involved in a runway excursion. The incident occurred at the end of the runway on landing”.
Neither the pilots nor the passengers on board suffered any injuries. The Civil Aviation Authority Vanuatu is investigating the incident.
The aircraft was inbound to Port Vila from Tanna. It apparently suffered loss of power to one engine as it overflew the island of Erromango, about 20 minutes away from Bauerfield airport in Port Vila.
Multiple sources told the Vanuatu Daily Post that there was smoke in the cabin when the aircraft landed.
Passenger Janis Steele added some details on a Daily Post social media discussion board:
“The cabin was filled with smoke from a fire below and they cut off the starboard engine mid flight. No oxygen masks dropped and visibility in the cabin was only a couple of meters and breathing was difficult.
“The plane went off the runway during the emergency landing and cut through the front half of a [Unity Airlines] plane before we stopped. We then (elderly included) had to jump down from the cabin with about a meter and a half drop.
“So relieved that everyone appears to be physically OK.”
Medical assessment
All passengers were given an emergency medical assessment by first responders. ProMedical staff report no injuries, but confirmed that 13 people reported discomfort due to the smoke, and requested further medical assessment.
The plane landed at 11am and after it had run a significant distance, it veered to the left, into an area in which several small charter aircraft were parked.
One plane belonging to Unity Airlines was a “write off” according to its owner. The nose section of the plane was obliterated, and there is a visible dent in one engine enclosure.
Another aircraft, operated by Air Taxi, suffered significant damage to its tail section. The owner of the aircraft told the Daily Post that she had not been allowed to approach her aircraft to assess damage.
In an update received by the Daily Post shortly after 1pm today, Air Vanuatu offered additional detail:
“Air Vanuatu has advised all domestic and international services are continuing after the re-opening of Bauerfield airport.
“Passengers booked to travel on domestic services are advised to reconfirm their flights with Air Vanuatu by calling 22000.
“Air Vanuatu management is working closely with authorities to investigate the runway excursion of one of their ATR-72 aircraft.
“Chief Executive Officer Derek Nice has spoken with passengers and the operating crew of the flight and praised the crew for their professionalism and skill which contributed to no injuries from the incident.”
No comment
The Daily Post visited the emergency operations centre established by Airports Vanuatu Ltd, which operates Bauerfield airport.
Staff refused to comment, except to confirm that an incident had occurred. They declined to confirm the number of aircraft involved or, curiously, whether airport operations were resuming.
They referred the newspaper to Air Vanuatu for this last piece of information.
Air Vanuatu Ltd later confirmed that the airport had reopened, and they confirmed that one flight, from Port Vila to Nadi, was cancelled. All other flights were going ahead according to schedule, they said.
First responders spoke glowingly of the professionalism of the AVL fire crew. One person with professional firefighting experience told the Daily Post that the ground personnel acted with professionalism and at the highest standard.
The identity of the pilots on board the aircraft has not yet been released.
Dan McGarry is media director of the Vanuatu Daily Post group.This article is republished with permission.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Komo Airfield landowners give PNG government ‘last warning’ over deal
Komo landowners spokesman John Pipija calls for “no more excuses”. Video: EMTV News
Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk
Komo International Airfield landowners in Hela have given the Papua New Guinea government a last warning, EMTV News reports.
Spokesperson John Pipija said the government must stop making excuses and compensate the 16 clans who had been left out from benefits.
Chairman Pipija said that for eight years no development forum was held, three moemorandum of understanding (MOA) agreements had been signed but the landowners had not been recognised.
LoopPNG’s Freddy Mou reported last month that landowners had closed the Komo airfield in Hela on June 19 after the government had failed to respond to their petition. He wrote:
The landowners gave their petition on May 10, 2018, calling on the government and the developer, ExxonMobil, to review the UBSA agreement and make Komo Airfield Facility a standalone project.
Talking to this newsroom from the Komo airfield [today], chairman of the Komo landowners, Michael Tiki, is urging the government to respond to their petition or the closure of the airfield will be definite.
“We have given the government ample time but they haven’t responded to our petition,” he reiterated.
Standalone project
“Our position still stands and that is we want Komo airfield to be a standalone project.”
Chairman of Undupi Telia clan, Paranda Uripako, has also shared similar sentiments, calling on the government to at least listen to the landowners.
“We want the government to respond to our petition quickly and don’t want to be deceived again.”
Asia Pacific Report has permission from EMTV News through the Pacific Media Centre to republish this news item.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Decolonisation in New Caledonia – who decides the future?
In this second of three articles from Noumea, Dr Lee Duffield learns about multicultural New Caledonia and the events that led to their referendum on independence due on November 4.
What is the shape of decolonisation in the present time, now long after the rush to independence that went on in countries around the world from 1960 to 1980?
Who will be there on November 4 and how did they come to the point where they will be voting together on a still uncertain future?
New Caledonia: What next? Part 2 of Lee Duffield’s seriesThe thoughts of three best-informed persons are consulted here to provide answers – an historian, a lawyer and a leader in the indigenous Kanak community.
History of troubles and reforms
Luc Steinmetz, the historian and jurist has made detailed studies of the territory’s contested, sometimes blood-stained story.
He gave a recent long interview analysing the progression of different laws made in Paris for ruling the territory to the Noumea newspaper Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes.
It traces repeated changes, following the swinging interests of French governments, left-wing or right-wing, with one main event – a new law in 1963 transferring power back from a local elected government to French administration – that set off a period of conflict.
Historian Luc Steinmetz … France “did not want to provide loudspeakers to voices that would be too critical.” Image: France TV 1
Nuclear testing – political trouble in New Caledonia
That was done after France having “lost” Algeria decided to move its nuclear testing programme to the Pacific, and, says Steinmetz, it “did not want to provide loud speakers to voices that would be too critical.”
While the nuclear decision generated trouble and harm all over the Asia-Pacific, many historians also saw the taking-back-of-powers as the beginning of campaigns by Kanaks in New Caledonia for “revendication” – give us back our land.
Optimistic beginnings
The story had begun optimistically in 1958 with the conversion of New Caledonia from a colony to a partly-autonomous territory immediately after the Second World War. New Caledonia and its people had supported General Charles de Gaulle and the Allies against the Japanese.
It got an elected governing Council, including local ministers — and for the first time allocation of French citizenship to the Kanak population.
Kanaks were a majority then, and most of their leadership did not show much interest in independence at the time being achieved by former colonies in Africa.
In this analysis the change in 1963, reducing the elected Council to consultative status only, produced bad blood, and despite later changes back towards autonomy, it came to violence during elections held in 1984, after an “active boycott” by the Kanak political alliance, the FLNKS.
Insurrection and reforms
That was the time of an insurrectionist movement; the “outside” population from France had grown and received the vote, beginning to outnumber the local Kanaks, and in 1988 the tragic conflict on Ouvea Island saw the deaths of six police and 19 pro-independence militants.
The following reforms – the Matignon and Noumea agreements –which set up the referendum process, included creation of “custom” territories for Kanak tribal groups and the present elected system of government.
Futures
The historian judges the present system to be the best ever tried. He suggests that if the referendum supports staying with France, it could be improved with more revenue and power shifted from the Noumea government to the three provinces, and a possible new federal constitution.
A move to full independence with changing elected governments would need guarantees of stability and individual rights, against the risk of break-down, such as the military takeovers in Fiji.
French lawyer Philippe Bernigaud representing indigenous Kanak groups negotiating over land rights. He has lived in Noumea for 17 years but cannot vote in the referendum. Image: Lee Duffield
Two cultures, two systems and the land
Philippe Bernigaud is a French lawyer from Burgundy, aged 50, who has lived in Noumea for 17 years and represents indigenous Kanak groups negotiating over land.
Like at least three other long-term residents consulted for this inquiry, he cannot vote, under provisions of the Accords restraining the number of French electors not in residence before 1988 – but he avers that the law was made clear at the time he moved there and so cannot complain.
Identity and land rights under the law
He explains a system with two distinct sets of official identity for persons (Kanak and others), and a strategic, strict land rights law for indigenous communities.
Kanak citizens have full rights and obligations under French law but also have an official “Custom” status, and can share in owning land zoned as “Reserve” property.
There are extensive Reserve lands, in the case of Northern province covering probably more than half the territory, which can only be held jointly by a tribe or clan, not individually, and cannot be mortgaged, subdivided or sold.
“When village owners have wanted to develop their land, and bring in outside investors, we have had to be creative”, Bernigaud said this week.
Working on cases
“For example in a district called Bako it was possible to enable investment in buildings for a shopping centre, for a set time, but not to buy or even lease the land underneath.”
A process has also been going on, the “revendication”, where tribal groups can get back land taken up by settlers, to make it a Reserve.
When there is an application to sell Private land, the lawyers are obliged to report it, a state agency called ADRAF may investigate and determine there is a case for returning it to custom ownership, and so it will exercise a priority right to make the purchase, and hand it to a claimant tribe, at no cost to them.
Bernigaud said such acts, now not too frequent, became important during a time of crisis.
“Especially in the East Coast region, around 1988, when New Caledonia was close to civil war, a lot of settlers left their land and it was handed back”, he said.
One ‘big day’
He had worked on a large claim, for half of one valley, three years ago, where under French law he was required to hold a meeting with owners to explain the transaction.
“This became a big day”, he recalled.
“I was in front of hundreds of people, with heads of the provincial government, there was music, dancing and a custom welcome, a big meal, and special symbols were brought out.
“Every participant had to plant a tree on the land and I had my tree.
“The chief explained why I had intervened, and I was given an honorary membership in that Tribu.
“It was a great memory.”
Marriages, births and deaths
He outlines other aspects of enforceable traditional law that applies to Kanaks as persons with Custom status.
Identity is with the tribe or clan, an individual does not exist under this system. In marriage, all property acquired after the wedding must be jointly owned by the couple, nothing separate. In death, the tribal group decides who will benefit from the estate, a provision causing difficulty now in the case of mixed couples with a “non-custom” partner or others wanting to act individually to give something to their own children. A recent law is being tested, which aims to provide some priority rights to spouses and children in such cases.
Future times
Bernigaud believes coexistence is possible under provisions like the 1988 Matignon Accord where the Kanak and settler communities recognised each other’s right to be in New Caledonia and agreed to live together.
If there was full independence, the laws would probably change only slowly, but both communities could endure hardship at the level of day-to-day life, for a long time, as investment and French government funding was withdrawn.
“For example you might pay double for the internet, and in an accident there would be no helicopter to take you to a beautiful hospital,” he says.
“Being prepared might have needed more than the 30 years at first thought, in 1988, but after some hard years people may succeed through working together.”
The experience might be seen differently, he says, in Kanak communities, where younger people – who would “watch Disney channel in the Tribu” and use modern audio-visuals in school – were becoming more “occidental” than their elders, but where a priority in life continued to be belonging to your land and having ownership there.
Kanak community leader and Radio Djiido coordinator Andre Qaeze Ihnim … sharing is key to the Melanesian way of life and is the main argument of the Kanak political organisation, the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front – FLNKS. Image: Lee Duffield
Sharing as a way of life
Andre Qaeze Ihnim confirms that sharing is key to the Melanesian way of life and is the main argument of the Kanak political organisation, the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front – FLNKS.
A leader in the Kanak community and coordinator of the famed indépendentiste media outlet Radio Djiido, he says the community has been maintaining a traditional way of life while also in transition to modern practices.
“We have been following the route laid out when our leaders signed the documents in 1988, as a kind of guideline to go on to sovereignty and independence”, he says.
‘We are ready … we are not against them’
“We recognised the differences between ideology and reality, and have spent 30 years getting experience in managing the country — and showing that now we are ready.
“That is our understanding of what our leaders signed on to.
“You know that French interests want to maintain the status quo; we can understand that, and we want to explain that we are not against them — we just ask that now we can do things together.
“We can share and we can manage it together.”
Qaeze says the idea of sharing is in step with the Melanesian way of life and can include sharing with other French people.
‘Importance of the human being’
In terms of spending and wealth, his movement demanded more priority be given to public welfare – better access to work, health care and education, where there was still “not enough sharing”.
“The most important things is the human being”, he said.
“With not even 300,000 people, we are a small society and cannot do things like a big society; we have provided the country, the land, French people have brought technology and expertise, and we must cooperate. “
A main part of identity for Kanak people also was to be part of the Melanesian society throughout Oceania, to share culture and work on equal terms with neighbours, in Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Fiji or Papua New Guinea, and Australia and New Zealand.
Dr Lee Duffield is an independent Australian journalist and media academic. He is also a research associate of the Pacific Media Centre and on the Pacific Journalism Review editorial board. This second article in his series was first published by EU Australia, and the final article will be published by Asia Pacific Report tomorrow.
Reference
Philippe Frediere, En Caledonie, les statuts successifs ont fait le yoyo, (In New Caledonia constitutional laws have come up and down like a yoyo). Interview with Luc Steinmetz. Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes, Noumea, 18 July 2018, pp 2-3.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Lifetime of devotion to Māori and Pacific student success
Tui O’Sullivan (right) with Tagaloatele Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop at the Pacific Media Centre recently when retiring. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
PROFILE: By Leilani Sitagata
Educator and kuia Tui O’Sullivan has recently retired from Auckland University of Technology after close to 40 years of service.
Born and breed up North in the heart of Ahipara, she says choosing to do tertiary study was the right choice for her.
“Growing up as a young girl you were told to pick from three directions – academic, commercial or homecraft,” O’Sullivan says.
“I never had a burning desire to become a teacher, but it just seemed like the best fit for me to follow that path.”
Over the years, O’Sullivan (Te Rarawa and Ngati Kahu) gained a Bachelor of Arts, Master’s in Education (Māori), a Diploma in Ethics and a Diploma in Teaching.
“Coming from a town where you didn’t know names, but everyone was Aunty or Uncle, Auckland was by far a change of scenery.”
O’Sullivan was appointed as the first Māori academic at AUT, then AIT.
Tui O’Sullivan at her recent Auckland University of Technology farewell on Ngā Wai o Horotiu marae. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Evening classes
She says she taught evening classes on literacy twice a week and had many people from the Pacific wanting to improve their written and oral skills.
“A number of them were members of church groups who wanted to polish up for competitions involving writing and speaking.”
Alongside the night classes, O’Sullivan was involved in the formation of the newspaper Password.
“We formed a newspaper which explained certain things about living in New Zealand, among other things like the Treaty of Waitangi and Māori culture.”
O’Sullivan says there was an increasing number of immigrants to her English classes and Password helped with their immersion into a new culture.
While working in general studies, she says she helped teach communications English and basic skills to full time students, predominantly young men.
However, women started to come along to O’Sullivan’s teaching and the numbers slowly grew.
Tui O’Sullivan (right) with fellow foundation Pacific Media Centre advisory board member Isabella Rasch. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
First women’s group
O’Sullivan was part of the creation of the very first women’s group on campus.
“A senior lecturer approached a couple of us women staff asking if we could keep an eye out for the young women and be an ear should they need that.
“From there Women on Campus developed which looked after the interests of women students and staff members.”
She said they switched the name of the group over the years because what they originally chose didn’t have a ring to it.
“We were called Women’s Action Group for a while, but WAG didn’t sound too good.”
Another first for the university was the establishment of the Ngā Wai o Horotiu marae in 1997 which Tui said she’ll forever remember.
When the marae was officially opened more than 1000 people turned up to celebrate the momentous occasion.
Students and staff at the Pacific Media Centre’s farewell for Tui O’Sullivan. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Emphasis on diversity
The marae opening signified AUT acknowledging the Treaty of Waitangi and further emphasised the diversity within the university.
“The majority of staff here have had this willingness and openness to support and promote success for Māori and Pacific students.”
When asked what was one of the most gratifying times for her during her time at AUT, O’Sullivan simply says applauding the young people who cross the stage.
“I always seem to end up with lots of those lolly leis because people end up with so many, and they get off-loaded to me.”
O”Sullivan says that over the years she’s never missed a graduation for her faculty regardless of how many there are.
“Seeing students wearing their kakahu or family korowai, and others who have grown to learn more about their whakapapa and their place in the world.
“Those are the most rewarding times for me.”
O’Sullivan was the equity adviser for the Faculty of Creative Technologies and lectured in Te Tiriti o Waitangi and community issues. She was also a strong advocate of the Tertiary Education Union (TEU) and a foundation member of the advisory board for AUT’s Pacific Media Centre from 2007.
She insists she hasn’t left a legacy but has been part of an ever evolving journey that AUT is going through.
Tui O’Sullivan (centre) with Pacific Media Centre director Professor David Robie and advisory board chair Associate Professor Camille Nakhid. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>New Caledonia celebrates Bastille Day and thinks about independence
By Dr Lee Duffield, recently in Kanaky/New Caledonia
The Quatorze Juillet (14 July) events in Noumea this month, as in any small French city, reflected the grand military parade down the Champs Elysees in Paris – ranks of soldiers and a senior officer taking the salute.
It was like a refrain from colonial times, kepis under the coconut palms, as if no breath of a wind of change was anywhere being felt.
The impression of total normality was strong also the evening before at the informal public celebrations concentrated on Noumea’s town square, the Place des Cocotiers.
READ MORE: Part 1 of a series of three articles on Kanaky/New Caledonia
This was patriotic enough, red-white-and-blue everywhere, (even with a can-can, and a visiting Army band from Australia), anticipating the joy of France’s victory in the World Cup football a few nights later. Mostly a big fete being enjoyed by a highly multicultural community.
Signs of the future
A taste of the inter-communal character of New Caledonia was given at the tail-end of the day’s parade, by a local cadet platoon slow-marching to a Melanesian chant.
It was not in the tradition of the Grande Armee of Napolean; it was imaginably the young officer corps of an independent country.
Not that a full independence is greatly expected from the coming vote, mandated under agreements made by the country’s political groups with the French government – the Matignon Accord (1988) and Noumea Accord (1998).
Opinion polls have been running strongly against it and even many in the indigenous Kanak community can be heard to say it is “not yet the time”.
Voices from other times
Dr Lee Duffield’s New Caledonia seminar to be hosted by the Pacific Media Centre at Auckland University of Technology today.
Certainly the weekend events of Bastille Day and then the World Cup made it “France Week”, not the best time to talk change.
“People realise the independence idea is not practical”, said “Jacques”, a fifth-generation member of the European settler society, the Caldoches.
A well-established and prominent business owner, he was uneasy about speaking under his own name on the divisive issue of the referendum – exposure would create difficulties of one kind or another.
But he was prepared to recite the standard analysis of the anti-indépendentiste cause, beginning with the observation that French investment and a high standard of living had won a lot of hearts.
“Even in the Loyalty Islands province, which is a big Kanak area, the opinion polls which always showed a strong ‘yes’ vote for independence – as much as 70 percent, are now showing 50/50 or even a slight ‘no’,” he says.
“Things have been slowly improving with the circumstances of life for most people, and I would agree some change and reform is a good thing, but slowly — it needs to be long-term.
“Women are helping. In the tribus, the villages, they do so much of the work providing for the household and raising children, and they are the practical ones.”
Three flags of Noumea – European Union, French tricolour and the independent Kanak ensign. Image: Lee Duffield
Keeping watch on the future
Jacques admits to being worried about what the future may hold, “only a little worried” over the idea of violence or revolt affecting his family.
He does take some comfort being able to tell of a precautionary doubling of the paramilitary Gendarmerie and National Police forces, reinforced from France with the approach of referendum day on November 4 – together with the availability of an extra intervention force in Tahiti.
Yet his most serious concern is about what can be agreed on next among the different parties.
“We don’t know what will take place after November 4, or what it will be like here in another 10 or 20 years.
“We definitely need a road map, and we should manage all this together.”
That is a common position of the Caldoche and the general settler community, which began falling back on prepared positions after the violent confrontations of the 1980s that brought new Caledonia close to civil war.
Even the most strongly “French loyalist” anti-indépendentiste parties, barring a few on the margins, want just the status quo – no fast forward but no winding back the clock.
They have committed to abiding by decisions of the referendum and have not talked of any attempts at stamping out the independence movement.
Gone are the days when the local European gentry had the ear of French ministers who were themselves brought up in the colonial era, and could hold off change.
New order
Instead the territory has been through 30 years of managed change, including ingenious and effective reforms, all falling short of a full independence, but all focused on the referendum process now about to start.
The changes:
- Power sharing in an elected territory parliament and executive Council, with both indépendentiste and anti-indépendentiste members.
- The formation of a consultative Senate for customary or traditional Kanak leadership (not unlike the body envisaged by Indigenous Australians in their Uluru proposals – struck down unexpectedly this year by Prime Ministerial decree). It gives additional representation to people from the Tribus, tribes or clans, who have a special customary legal status as well as their full French citizenship, and are subject to customary laws.
- Major funding of the government from France.
- A safety valve provision that says, independence will follow a “yes” vote, but after a “no” indépendentistes in the parliament can still get it reconvened, to have a second, or even third referendum.
- Three provinces with extensive powers and sustainable budgets set up after 1988, one of which (South province on the main island, Grande Terre) is predominantly “French”, the other two (North province and the Loyalty Islands) are Kanak territory and mostly run by local Kanak politicians.
Experience in government, money and Big Nickel
It all amounts to actual experience in governing a modern democratic state, more than just practising, with the idea that over the three decades the whole society would be “ready” for the decision to be taken at the referendum.
Money is important in setting up the lines of argument and conditioning people’s views about what they hope to obtain in their future.
Three big nickel mines with refining plants and modern ports produce more than 10 percent of the territory’s wealth but crucially well over 80 percent of its export earnings. All arguments come back to the importance of the industry to the economy and ways to get good returns that will benefit the local population.
The point is made everywhere on the anti-indépendentiste side and among neutral observers that actual independence would prompt likely reductions in French government support, over time, and a fall in investor confidence in France or countries like Australia.
Investment from China would almost certainly fill the gap – there is much worry about Chinese interest and ambitions in the Pacific region. Would a newly independent government, strapped for cash to provide benefits to its people, use its powers over immigration and economic policy to admit more participation from China?
What is the direct French financial commitment at this time?
Future security
France has already handed over all powers to the autonomous government in New Caledonia, except for military and foreign policy, immigration, police and currency – and the specific issue in this year’s referendum is whether those will be passed on as well.
The bulk of French national spending on the territory is to pay the soldiers, police and public servants including teachers – bringing up again the sound of marching boots on July 14.
Also various grants come to the local treasury through Paris, like $80 million over 4-5 years for economic development and professional development of personnel, from the European Union.
France is partnered with Australia and New Zealand in guaranteeing security in the South Pacific region. These have a protective role for the 278,000 French citizens in New Caledonia, but the regional connections are strong, so their decision-making this year is being watched closely far and wide.
Dr Lee Duffield is an independent Australian journalist and media academic. He is also a research associate of the Pacific Media Centre and on the Pacific Journalism Review editorial board. This article was first published by EU Australia, and the next two articles will be published by Asia Pacific Report over the weekend.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>An open letter to Israel: The global ‘blockade busters’ sail in peace
By Chris Graham on board the Al Awda
By the time you read this, I’ll be sailing on an old, converted fishing trawler from Sicily, Italy, headed for Gaza, Palestine, the tiny sea port in the bottom right corner of the Mediterranean Sea.
I’m on board the Al Awda as a journalist, covering the Freedom Flotilla to Gaza, an event staged every year or so to challenge the Israeli naval blockade that has been imposed on the Palestinian community for just over a decade.
Gaza is home to more than 2 million Palestinians. It’s a small strip of land that takes less than an hour to drive, from north to south. It borders Israel in the north, and Egypt in the south and is regarded as the world’s largest open air prison.
It’s called that because the people of Gaza do not have freedom of movement, like other global citizens. Their nation is occupied by Israel, which has prevented travel to and from by an air and land, in addition to the sea.
Israel’s rationale is that Hamas, the democratically elected leadership of Gaza, is a “terrorist” organisation that fires rockets.
Hamas does occasionally fire home-made, unguided rockets into Israel. Israel, by contrast, fires shells, sends drones, tanks, soldiers, naval ships, and American-built jet fighters. It has one of the most powerful armies on earth, as the body count – hopelessly one-sided in favour of Israel – should remind anyone.
That’s part of why I’m going to Gaza. I visited the West Bank in 2016, but was denied entry to Gaza by Israel. It is a nation with a long history of preventing journalists from scrutinising its actions.
Staring down Israeli army
I’m also going to report on the activists who are going to stare down one of the world’s great armies.
I’ve spent the past 10 days with dozens of them. I’m surprised at how inspired I’ve been.
In 2010, the Israeli Defence Force attacked the Mavi Marmara, a ship in the Flotilla with almost 700 activists on board. 10 were killed, at least six of them execution-style, including two journalists.
Israel was also subsequently found by the United Nations to have tortured hundreds of other activists in the days that followed.
The activists in the 2018 Flotilla also know that in the past few months, Israel has shot and killed more than 130 unarmed Palestinian protesters, during the Great Return protests, which have seen thousands more injured.
Footage of Palestinians – unarmed, waving flags – being sniped dead by Israeli soldiers on the other side of the border fence is shocking, and yet there has been barely any international response, including from Australia, which urged “both sides” to show restraint.
US ‘blind eye’
The Flotilla activists also know that there is little to no international sanction against Israel for its repeated violations of international and human rights law. Israel has a powerful friend in the United States, which routinely turns a blind eye to its violent excesses.
And yet, the 2018 Flotilla activists – featuring almost three dozen activists and three boats in total (a fourth has had to drop out) – are still prepared to get on boats and sail to Gaza, to try and break the Israeli blockade.
As a journalist, the threats I face are markedly reduced to those faced by the activists. I’m likely to be targeted in the initial raid by the Israelis, which, based on past experience, will be hyper-aggressive and violent.
But once the raid is over – once the Flotilla is under Israeli control – I’m likely to be treated far better than the activists on board.
I face at most a few days in jail, before being deported – ironically for illegally entering Israel. Of course, at no stage will I ever voluntarily enter Israel. I’m on a boat bound for Gaza, a city of another nation.
But instead, Israel will forcibly board the Flotilla in international waters, take the crew and passengers captive, and force them to an Israeli prison.
For this too, there will be no international sanction, although it pales into comparison compared to what the people of Gaza, and Palestinians in the West Bank face every day.
Deafening silence
The threat from Israel to journalists trying to report on the Freedom Flotilla is that all of your equipment will be confiscated, you’ll be jailed for a brief period, and you’ll then be deported, thus affecting international travel from that point forward.
But those threats are precisely why journalists should stare them down. They’re precisely why journalists should go on the Freedom Flotilla, and should find ways to get into Gaza, whether the Israeli military approve it or not.
Bad things happen when good people stay silent, as history well records. But horrendous things happen when media are prevented from scrutinising the actions of a state.
I hope to bring you stories from Gaza if the Flotilla breaks the blockade. But more likely, I’ll bring you stories of Israel once again flouting international and humanitarian law, and the deafening silence that inevitably follows from the international community.
I’ll file as soon as I’m able.
Chris Graham is the publisher and editor of New Matilda. He is the former founding managing editor of the National Indigenous Times and Tracker magazine. Graham has won a Walkley Award, a Walkley High Commendation and two Human Rights Awards for his reporting. Asia Pacific Report republishes this article with permission. New Zealand trade unionist Mike Treen is also on board the Al Awda.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Mediterranean update from the Gaza ‘blockade busters’
Former Israeli Air Force “rescue” pilot Yonatan Shapira calls for a boycott of Israel. Video: RealNews
Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk
The three Gaza “blockade busting” flotilla boats (the Al Awda, Falistine and Freedom) with prominent human rights defenders representing nearly 20 countries, are now on the eastern Mediterranean heading for the port of Gaza.
The fourth boat the Mairaed will not continue with the flotilla at this time.
READ MORE: Fresh demand to end the blockade
Here is an update from the leading boat, the Al Awda, with the New Zealand representative, trade unionist Mike Treen, on board:
Update from the crew of #Alawda (25 July 2018):
“We have now sailed 5000 nautical miles from Bergen towards Gaza – with solidarity and medical equipment.
“Morale is high on board. It’s hard to understand how our politicians can sit to look at what happens when we see all that support from ordinary people who want to help other ordinary people. People who put human rights in front of political decisions.
“Put pressure on our elected officials, end the blockade and let us through. Greetings from the ship, 600 miles from breaking the blockade.”
Asia Pacific Report, through the Pacific Media Centre, is sharing Gaza Freedom Flotilla coverage with Kia Ora Gaza and Scoop Media.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Sylvester Gawi: Papua New Guinea, a dream of the new Singapore?
Silvester Gawi … “Our politicians should stop coming to Singapore for medical treatment alone, they should start focusing on making PNG become the next Singapore.” Image: Silvester Gawi
By Sylvester Gawi in Singapore
I hope you are reading this with ease and a positive mindset to help change the course of this beautiful country of ours – Papua New Guinea. My first time experience here has made me raise questions about how our economy has been mismanaged over the last 40years.
I’ve come to know this place from reading books, magazines, watching videos, documentaries and even looking it up on the internet.
From the countless travel magazines in secondhand shops in Lae in the 1990s to the LCD screens of the most sophisticated smartphones accessed by almost all school age kids in PNG today, Singapore has literally changed in front of our eyes.
I read with much interest about how Singapore has transformed itself from a small island nation to become one of the most developed countries in the world.
Singapore’s rise to power
Singapore has a rich history of civilisation. It was once colonised by the British empire. During the Second World War it was invaded by the Japanese, and later taken over again by the British after the war when Japan surrendered to the Allies.
The failure of Britain to defend Singapore during the war forced the people to cry for merdeka, or self governance. It 1963, Singapore became part of Malaysia, ending 144 years of British rule on the island.
Since gaining independence from Malaysia on August 9, 1965, Singapore has since progressed on to be the host of one of the biggest and busiest air and sea ports in the world.
Lessons for PNG
Papua New Guinea has some of the world’s largest natural resource deposits in gold, copper, timber and now the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) or the PNG LNG Project which is worth US$19 billion.
Papua New Guinea’s GDP per capita in 2017 was US$2401. The highest so far was in 2015 when our GDP per capita was US$2402.
Singapore’s GDP per capita continues to grow annually and it is now US$55,235.
Singapore has been able to made its way to becoming a developed country in just under 53 years of Independence. Its government subsidises housing, medical bills, education, public transport and so on, and increases economic opportunities for middle to low income earners.
It is an island country without any gold, copper, nickel mines, LNG project, organic coffee, timber or any other natural resources. It is a very strategic port of transition where goods and raw materials are brought here first then transported elsewhere across the world.
We also have the Lae port in PNG, which is one of the the most most strategic ports in the Southern Hemisphere. It is where cargoes from across the world transit into the Australia and even the Pacific.
The Lae port and the production line of businesses operating in Lae generates well over K111 million for the national government coffers annually as internal revenue. The Lae port serves as the only seaport that controls import of raw materials and exports of organic coffee, cocoa and other organic products for international markets.
Better roads, schools
We could have better roads being built, good schools, hospitals and life improving facilities for every tax payer in the city. Our SME sector should have fully flourished by now if we have the government putting its paper policy to work.
Squatter settlements and law and order won’t be major impediments for growth and development. People’s mindset would have changed and people’s movement in search for better service delivery would have been narrowed down.
Everyone here in Singapore respects each other despite their color, ethnicity and religion. There is no littering, loitering or even people sleeping on the streets. You will get caned by the police if you don’t dispose your rubbish in the right place.
The Singaporean government has made it its responsibility to ensure every citizen learns to appreciate and look after the environment. There are separate rubbish bins for biodegradable and non-biodegradable. No smoking in public or even spitting as you will be fined and dealt with accordingly.
All this boils down is a need to for a change in attitude in Papua New Guinea. If we change our attitude and start respecting each other and the environment we live in, we will create a good future for our children.
Since we don’t change ourselves, we have kept on voting self-centered individuals to represent our interest in Parliament for the last 40 years.
A politician once told me, he has plans and dreams to reclaim the beauty of the city he grew up in the early 70s. But he added that that dream would only be achievable if the people changed their mindset. Also one member of Parliament won’t make the change happen, it needs the majority to stand up for the people’s needs.
Last generation
“represent the last generation of Papua New Guinean kids who have used a kerosene lamp, a payphone, drank from a Coke bottle and listened to music on cassette players while growing up. We have anticipated so much to change for the better, but we are seeing it the other way around.
Life is getting tougher.
Our politicians should stop coming to Singapore for medical treatment alone, they should start focusing on making PNG become the next Singapore.
A wise man once said, if we continue to tell lies, it will surely become the truth. If the government can fool us for 40 years, they might continue to sell PNG’s resources for their own interest.
Sylvester Gawi is a Papua New Guinean journalist who blogs at Graun Blong Mi – My Land.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
]]>Bid to unite Asia-Pacific press councils takes off in Timor-Leste
Former Timor-Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta (second from left) in the front row during the Dili Dialogue. Image: Bob Howarth/PMW
By Bob Howarth in Dili, Timor-Leste
The Dili Dialogue Forum, sponsored by UNESCO and organised by the Timor-Leste Press Council, will be held again next year after the inaugural successful one last week.
It is a forum of Asia/Pacific press councils and it hopes to become an alliance of all press councils in the region by next May. May 3 is World Press Freedom Day.
This year Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, South East Asia Press Alliance (SEAPA) and Thailand were represented. It was held in an US$8 million auditorium (capacity 400) in the high-rise new Ministry of Finance building.
Topics included country reports of press freedom, ethics, training, social media issues and cybersecurity for journalists.
The TL Press Council impressed delegates.
Timor-Leste at 95 has the highest Asian ranking in Reporters Sans Frontiers World Press Freedom Index.
The TL Press Council was established two years ago with seven directors (two appointed by the government but possibly for the last time), mostly veteran newsmen.
Solid funding
It has solid funding sourced from the Timor-Leste government, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), New Zealand, Japan and the Netherlands (but not Australia).
The council has 38 full time staff including media monitors, trainers, IT and a transport team with nine cars and 21 motorbikes in well-equipped premises (50 PCs) opposite Dili University.
The government has no influence over its operations and has enshrined freedom of speech in its national constitution.
The council runs regular monthly training and certification of graduates, backed by UNDP, for young reporters and students in all formats of print, TV and the most popular medium radio.
One objective is to become an avenue for resolution of media complaints instead of costly legal action, similar to Australia’s Press Council and New Zealand’s Media Council.
Current campaigns include lobbying Google to include Tetum, one official language alongside Portuguese, and seeking assistance from Facebook to include Tetum-speaking content monitors to quickly react to reported offensive posts, a major issue in the country’s recent elections.
Next year it is hoped countries such as Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Samoa, Solomon islands and Vanuatu will attend the Dili Dialogue.
The next forum will be held on May 9-10 next year.
Bob Howarth, a media consultant and correspondent for Reporters Without Borders, was a delegate at the Dili Dialogue Forum and is a regular contributor to Pacific Media Watch.
Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz
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The Ambae volcano article as it appeared in the Vanuatu Daily Post at the weekend.

The Al Awda, one of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla’s four boats. Mike Treen is on board for the final leg of her voyage to Gaza. Image: Kia Ora Gaza
Mike Treen (left) and Youssef Sammour with the Palestinian Ambassador to Italy, Dr Mai Alkailla. Image: Kia Ora Gaza

Canadian activist Ron Rousseau from Yukon … “as an Indigenous activist … we feel that it’s necessary to be defending Palestine.” Image: Scoop
Youssef Sammour’s boat Freedom. Image: Lois Griffiths/Scoop

A
The scene at the Indonesian police raid on Papuan student quarters in Surabaya over the film Bloody Biak. Image: Suara.com
















A “trophy photo” by an Indonesian soldier from Battalion 753 of a man he had shot from the Lani tribe in 2010. Image from Papua Blood
A local chief in red sunglasses and bra talks to his people about the dangers of Indonesian administration plans for Okika region. Image: Peter Bang

A West Papua cartoon by Malcolm Evans (who also has a cartoon featured on the book cover) first published by Pacific Journalism Review in 2011. © Malcolm Evans



My ticket from the 1998 World Cup final between France and Brazil. Image: Marwan Bishara/Al Jazeera


Nauru … restricted media access because of “very limited accommodation”. Image: LoopNauru











All rescued … the Thai boy cavers. Image: Bangkok Post

RSF’s Christophe Deloire talks of the Czech President’s anti-journalists gun “joke”. Image: David Robie/PMC
Asia-Pacific correspondents gather for the opening session of the RSF consultation in Paris. Image: David Robie/PMC
Afghan Independent Journalists’ Association vice-president Hujatullah Mujadidi holds an image of a murdered journalist at the Asia-Pacific consultation. Image: David Robie/PMC
NUJP’s Jhoanna Ballaran … worrying situation in the Philippines. Image: David Robie/PMC
RSF’s Asia-Pacific director Daniel Bastard (left) and his colleague Myriam Sni (right) with some of the Pacific and Southeast Asian press defenders. Image: RSF
A workshop on online media security and “how to block hackers” by Nico Diaz of The Magma cited Chinese general and strategist Sun Tzu’s quote: “To know your enemy, you must become your enemy.” Image: David Robie





