Anthony Albanese, who will campaign in Eden-Monaro on Thursday, has lost any possible claim to “underdog” status in the coming byelection.
The idea of Labor as underdog was always dubious in light of history, despite former member Mike Kelly’s personal vote. But the prospect of one or other of two NSW government high flyers having a tilt at the seat gave it some credibility.
Now, thanks to a rolling implosion within the Coalition parties, Labor starts as favourite to retain the seat, which it holds on a margin of less than 1%.
There’s a sting, however. If the favourite lost, defeat would carry even more serious implications for Albanese than a loss to a star candidate.
NSW Transport Minister Andrew Constance’s Wednesday withdrawal as a contender for Liberal preselection, a day after throwing his hat in the ring, took the Coalition parties’ shenanigans to an even higher level of farce.
The last several days have seen a political shootout between NSW Deputy Premier and Nationals leader John Barilaro and Constance. Both are damaged as well as a big blow having been dealt to the Morrison government’s aspiration to defy history (no federal government has taken a seat from an opposition at a byelection for a century).
It started with Barilaro’s plan to run for the seat, which includes his state electorate where he had a very strong vote last year.
Barilaro wanted the Liberal party to step aside for him, but that was not a goer. Then Constance, whom he hoped would support him, stayed in the frame as a potential Liberal candidate, even though it was clear the two NSW ministers couldn’t both run, especially given the state government’s narrow majority.
The Nationals put out research favouring Barilaro; the Liberals had competing research.
By Monday Barilaro had hoisted the white flag – of course citing the family.
He was furious – at federal Nationals leader Michael McCormack, for not helping him, and at Constance for impeding him.
A blistering text went to McCormack, leaked to Sky on Tuesday. On Wednesday the Daily Telegraph reported “Barilaro told a parliamentary colleague Mr Constance was a ‘c…’”.
Constance cited the story in his withdrawal.
He told a news conference: “Stuff that — I hadn’t signed up to contest federally to be called that type of smear.”
“Why would I sit here for the next five weeks defending that type of front page? You can’t.”
But he also said: “I don’t believe John means it. I had that discussion with him. We’ve cleared it up. I forgive him”.
In short, Constance was all over the place, and likely a mix of reasons caused his meltdown.
Despite a touch of wild speculation that Barilaro might rethink, he quickly dispelled any such suggestion, saying: “My decision not to seek preselection for the Eden-Monaro byelection has not changed”.
The other name on the government side who’d been mentioned, Liberal senator Jim Molan, also ruled himself out on Wednesday.
Molan never seemed likely to contest. But he issued a statement saying “no one has tried to force me to not nominate, nor was I ever intimidated by the prospect of competing in a preselection or in a campaign”.
The Liberals will be well behind Labor – which is running Bega mayor Kristy McBain – in beginning their campaigning.
Nominations for Liberal preselection close Friday and then they have to organise a rank and file ballot.
Fiona Kotvojs, who pushed Kelly close at last year’s election, is seeking endorsement.
Pru Gordon, from the National Farmers Federation, a former adviser to two trade ministers and a former official with the department of foreign affairs and trade, is also in the field. A third contender is Jerry Nockles, now at World Vision, who formerly worked for federal Liberals.
The Liberal candidate, whoever they may be, will inherit the legacy of a Coalition display of bad behaviour and self-absorption, which is not a good start when you are asking for votes in an electorate that’s faced drought and fire and now struggles to recover amid economic devastation.
Nev Power, former head of “Twiggy” Forrest’s Fortescue Metals Group, is now the Chairman of the government’s National COVID-19 Coordination Commission.
The commission, set up by Scott Morrison in March, is working on mitigating the effects of the virus on jobs and businesses, and exploring opportunities to help get the country moving again in the post-virus future.
This week the national cabinet was briefed on its preparations for the COVID-safe workplaces.
It is also looking towards the big ideas.
With many calling for reform, Power advocates “tax benefits to companies that invest here in Australia”.
“If there are opportunities to incentivise companies to do that, and to accelerate that process, I think that would be very positive.
“This would be some form of investment allowance, or investment tax concessions that reward companies for investing directly in Australia rather than across-the-board tax reductions for those companies.”
Power sees a longer-term role for the national cabinet: “I think the national cabinet has been very successful and the results speak for themselves… I believe that there’s a great opportunity to keep it in place to help us accelerate the economy and to put through all of the changes that we need to make sure the economy comes back as quickly as possible.”
After all, we know smoking is bad for our health. It’s a leading risk factor for heart disease, lung disease and many cancers. Smoking also reduces our immunity, and makes us more susceptible to respiratory infections including pneumonia.
And smokers touch their mouth and face more, a risk for COVID-19 infection.
But a recent paper which examined smoking rates among COVID-19 patients in a French hospital hypothesised smoking might make people less susceptible to COVID-19 infection.
This study was a cross-sectional survey where the researchers assessed the exposure (smoking) and the outcome (COVID-19) at the same time. This type of research design can’t prove the exposure causes the outcome – only that there may be an association.
There were two groups included in the study – 343 inpatients treated for COVID-19 from February 28 to March 30, and 139 outpatients treated from March 23 to April 9. Among other data collected, participants were asked whether they were current smokers.
The researchers compared smoking rates in both groups with smoking rates in the general French population.
The results
The study found 4.4% of inpatients and 5.3% of outpatients with COVID-19 were smokers, after adjusting for differences in age and sex.
This was only a fraction of the prevalence seen in the general French population. Some 25.4% reportedly smoked daily in 2018.
The authors asserted:
current smokers have a very much lower probability of developing symptomatic or severe SARS-CoV-2 infection as compared to the general population.
The finding of lower rates of smokers among COVID-19 cases has been more recently described elsewhere, in a rapid review of 28 studies on smoking in COVID-19 patients from various countries.
The authors of the French study suggest the mechanism behind the protective effects of smoking could be found in nicotine.
SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19, gains entry into human cells by latching onto protein receptors called ACE2, which are found on certain cells’ surfaces.
The researchers have proposed nicotine attaches to the ACE2 receptors, thereby preventing the virus from attaching and potentially reducing the amount of virus that can get into a person’s lung cells.
The researchers are now planning to test their hypothesis in a randomised trial involving nicotine patches; though the trial is still awaiting approval from French health authorities.
So how should we interpret the results?
These counterintuitive results may be due to several biases, so let’s explore some alternative explanations.
First is what we call “selection bias”. The hospital patients may be less likely to be daily smokers than the general population. For example, health-care workers and those with existing chronic conditions were disproportionately represented in the inpatient sample – both of these groups usually show lower prevalence of current smoking.
Further, around 60% of the hospitalised patients in the study were ex-smokers (similar to the national prevalence). Some may have given up smoking very recently in response to the WHO declaring smoking as a risk factor for COVID-19. But they were classified as non-daily smokers in the study.
We can identify several biases in the study.Shutterstock
Second is what we call “social desirability bias”. COVID-19 patients may be more likely to deny smoking when asked about their smoking status in hospital, wanting to be seen by medical professionals as doing the right thing.
And data collection may have been incomplete for behavioural questions in busy hospitals overwhelmed by COVID-19 cases.
Finally, it’s important to note this paper has not yet been peer-reviewed.
Taken together, although there appears to be an association between smoking and COVID-19 in these hospital-based samples, there’s no evidence of a causal relationship – that is, that smoking prevents COVID-19.
We must acknowledge this research has been conducted at “pandemic speed”, much faster than usual research time frames.
Normally it would be months between submission and publication – but in this case the researchers completed their observations and had the research published online within the same month.
An unintended consequence of the early release of research is that it may provoke undue community hope or belief in unproven treatments.
We saw a similar phenomenon recently with the drug hydroxychloroquine, where supplies ran out for those who needed them after politicians proclaimed it as a cure for COVID-19.
So right now we need to put in extra effort to make sure early evidence is not misinterpreted or overstated.
As for the role of smoking in COVID-19 – this link requires substantially more research and critical appraisal. Because overall, smoking still kills. – Adrian Bauman, Melody Ding and Leah Shepherd
Blind peer review
On the whole, this Research Check represents a fair and balanced account of the study. The alternative explanations for the observation of low smoking status prevalence among the French hospital sample provided are possible.
One plausible explanation is error in recording smoking status. There is evidence of under-reporting and inaccurate reporting of smoking status within hospital samples, in general.
It’s unclear from the study what method was used to collect smoking status data. The authors simply state patients were “asked” and “data were collected in the context of care”. It’s important to know who asked the smoking status questions, what questions were asked, when they were asked, and what record keeping system was used.
Given clinical smoking status record keeping may not capture all smokers accurately, a better comparison would be to compare the 2020 data with pre-COVID-19 hospital patient data, rather than general population data which may have asked different questions. – Billie Bonevski
Research Checks interrogate newly published studies and how they’re reported in the media. The analysis is undertaken by one or more academics not involved with the study, and reviewed by another, to make sure it’s accurate.
My home away from home is my studio space at Carriageworks in North Eveleigh, Sydney.
The studio is in a beautiful old building called The Clothing Store. Since February 2019, I have shared this space with some of Australia’s most celebrated contemporary artists.
Carriageworks established the residency program in 2017 through a partnership with Urban Growth NSW (now Infrastructure NSW), giving artists subsidised spaces in central Sydney to work.
My studio is in a beautiful old building called The Clothing Store at Carriageworks.Cherine Fahd, Author provided
But the studio offers far more than real estate. It gives us a unique communal experience that is closely connected to the cultural life of Carriageworks.
My affiliation with Carriageworks began long ago. Like many Sydneysiders, I have been a regular visitor since its inception in 2007.
I am often there to experience the more quirky events that rarely find a home in other venues in Sydney.
It is where I go to be with my children, to cultivate our familial connection beyond Netflix, to incorporate art, music and dance into our being together and to open their eyes to the wonders of all types of bodies in movement, the art of noise, and the unimaginable ways we can make the world together.
It is where I go to connect with Queer Sydney, to be myself in all my indefinable glory.
I take my students there to offer them a real-world classroom that immerses their imagination, presenting tactile hybrid forms of visual art, politics, technology and science.
UTS first-year Bachelor of Design Photography students visit Carriageworks in 2019.Cherine Fahd, Author provided
I particularly love visiting the Saturday farmers’ markets, to sit anonymously in the sun surrounded by children on scooters, dogs on leads, milk crates and the smell of sausages, flowers and miso soup. To watch people from all over Sydney learn pickling, to cook and to taste wine.
Carriageworks is not a conventional gallery or museum. It is a multi-arts centre and a creative community, a place where people come to be together to feel like they are part of something big but also unique.
Carriageworks farmers’ markets are a space for all of Sydney.Daniel Linnet/Carriageworks
The National biennial of contemporary art, Sydney Festival, Mardi Gras, Sydney Writers’ Festival, Fashion Week, Sydney Dance Company, Sydney Contemporary Art Fair and Vivid are just some of the big events Carriageworks hosts.
Carriageworks is home to young Aboriginal people through Solid Ground, an initiative in conjunction with Blacktown Arts Centre that provides pathways through education, training and employment for Indigenous youth in Redfern, Waterloo and Blacktown.
It is home to much-loved resident companies like Sydney Chamber Opera and Force Majeure, and unique Indigenous companies such as Marrugeku and Moogahlin Performing Arts.
Carriageworks contributes to the renewal of urban space in Redfern by commissioning the South Eveleigh Public Art initiative, enriching local public spaces. Carriageworks established New Normal, a national strategy for the development of disability arts practice with Back to Back Theatre and Studio A.
Back to Back Theatre’s The Shadow Whose Prey the Hunter Becomes was performed at Carriageworks in September 2019.Zan Wimberley
The list goes on.
For six weeks, the Sydney arts sector has eagerly awaited news from the New South Wales government, hoping an announcement might be made in support of the institutions that support us.
Instead, we have seen Arts Minister Don Harwin quit after breaching coronavirus travel restrictions. With no replacement minister, Premier Gladys Berejiklian has taken on the job but remains ominously silent on the arts.
Since the outbreak of COVID-19, I, like thousands of artists from all disciplines across the country, have had long-term projects and events cancelled or postponed indefinitely.
Ironically, the project I have laboured over in my Carriageworks studio for the past 15 months is a live performance of public intimacy and of all things un-COVID – touching.
Called Ecdysis, the project was jointly commissioned by Carriageworks and Performance Space for the Liveworks Experimental Art Festival, which was scheduled for October.
With touching out of bounds, the project is unlikely to go ahead.
Ecdysis, video stills, 2019. Commissioned by Carriageworks and Performance Space for Liveworks Experimental Arts Festival 2020.Cherine Fahd, Author provided
Post-COVID, more than ever, we will need places where we can go to recover ourselves, to remember what it feels like to be together: to be touched emotionally, to be moved creatively and to be roused intellectually and physically.
Art is reparative. It brings people together, reminding us of our shared humanity and our long history on this planet together.
When social distancing is but a distant memory, Carriageworks, my home away from home, is where I want to be. I want you to look for me ready to perform Ecdysis, standing in the public gallery, all dressed in black.
I’ll invite you to dress in a blue coat, to sit down and let me wrap my arms around you, touching you ever so tenderly but tightly all the same.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karin Hammarberg, Senior Research Fellow, Global and Women’s Health, School of Public Health & Preventive Medicine, Monash University
IVF clinics are now open after a temporary closure due to the coronavirus pandemic. But in some states clinics are not yet operating at full capacity. You will also see some changes to your care.
In late March, non-urgent elective surgeries, including IVF services, were postponed. The idea was to avoid the spread of coronavirus, help the health system prepare for the expected influx of coronavirus patients, and to preserve stocks of personal protective equipment (PPE) such as masks and gowns.
Many people who were getting ready to start IVF or who were in the middle of a treatment cycle were distressed.
Some weeks later, as the famous curve had flattened, Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced IVF clinics could reopen:
[…] subject of course to capacity and other constraints that may exist in each jurisdiction.
Different rules in different states
Different states and territories implemented this announcement in different ways. In some states, IVF clinics have resumed normal services. But in others, there are restrictions on the number of egg collection procedures that can take place because they require hospital admission.
This means the number of women who can start treatment needing egg collection is limited and clinics might therefore prioritise women with the most urgent needs.
However, women who want to have frozen embryos transferred should be able to have that done irrespective of where they live because it doesn’t involve a surgical procedure. It’s a simple procedure, similar to a pap smear, in which a thawed embryo is inserted into the woman’s uterus.
So existing and new patients should contact their clinic or treating specialist for advice on when their treatment can start.
Here’s how your care might change
Clinics are changing the way they operate in coming months to manage the risk of coronavirus transmission.
This is not only to protect patients and staff, but to limit the use of PPE, which might be needed elsewhere in the health system.
Clinics are minimising physical contact between patients and staff. So instead of meeting face-to-face, consultations with doctors, nurses, counsellors and accounting staff will be via phone or video conferencing wherever possible.
There will be fewer visits to the clinic and fewer people in the clinic (including in the waiting room) when patients attend. Appointments will be staggered so social distancing can be maintained.
To minimise the number of people in the clinic, some clinics won’t allow partners or other people to accompany women to appointments.
You will likely have your temperature checked before entering the clinic.Shutterstock
If patients do need to attend the clinic, they will be asked about possible coronavirus symptoms (fever, cough, shortness of breath, sore throat), whether they’ve had close contact with someone who has tested positive for COVID-19, and have their temperature checked.
The federal government’s advice on PPE in hospitals is that “it’s business as usual” and “additional COVID-19 specific precautions are not required” for procedures on patients who are not suspected of having COVID-19.
Is it safe to have IVF now?
People might worry about the risks of COVID-19 and whether it’s safe to embark on pregnancy right now.
Because COVID-19 has only been around for a short time, it’s hard to know how it might affect people’s fertility, and the health of pregnant women and their babies.
fever associated with COVID-19 can affect sperm quality for about three months, so may temporarily reduce fertility
pregnant women are not more likely to get infected by the coronavirus than other women, nor are they at higher risk for severe illness
women who become seriously ill with COVID-19 in late pregnancy are more likely than other pregnant women to deliver their babies prematurely
after birth, transmission of COVID-19 from mother to child has been reported, but there has been no indication these infants have any significant problems.
A recent study of 43 pregnant women in the USA who had been admitted to hospital and tested positive for COVID-19 found nearly nine out of 10 had mild disease.
For people who have been anxiously waiting to start IVF the good news is clinics have now reopened, albeit with reduced capacity in some states.
The bad news is that for some, the financial consequences of COVID-19 might mean they cannot afford IVF.
If you decide to postpone IVF for financial or other reasons, getting into shape will increase your chance of having a healthy baby when the time is right.
In just a few months, COVID-19 travelled from China to more than 200 other countries, and has now killed more than 200,000 people. Some claim the pandemic sounds the death knell for globalisation – but in fact, it reveals the disasters that can arise when nations try to go it alone.
Examining where the world went right or wrong in its COVID-19 response may help mitigate another global crisis, climate change.
In the face of coronavirus’ global sweep, most national governments acted independently from each other, rather than in unison. Just as in global action on climate change, the responses of nations to the health crisis has largely been ad hoc, piecemeal and, in many cases, lethally ineffective.
My recent research as an international business scholar has focused on finding the common threads of national cultures. My research shows that people around the world have many needs and aspirations in common, such as good health, education and employment. These are best fulfilled when world leaders work jointly with a global, rather than a national, mindset.
So let’s look at the lessons COVID-19 has taught the world, and how this might help the global effort to curb climate change.
Locals in Tuvalu, a Pacific island nation vulnerable to climate change. Like coronavirus, global warming does not respect borders.Mick Tsikas/AAP
Disunity is death
Following the COVID-19 outbreak in China, many countries imposed unilateral travel bans on Chinese arrivals, against advice from the World Health Organization.
The bans mirror the response of many nations during the west African Ebola epidemic which began in 2013. Research has shown that those travel and trade restrictions acted as a disincentive for nations to report outbreaks.
There are undoubtedly legitimate questions over China’s reporting on the coronavirus outbreak. However, travel bans may have made China more defensive and less willing to share vital information with the rest of the world.
A shortage of vital supplies also exposed fractures in international cooperation. For example, France and Germany banned the export of medical equipment such as face masks, and the United States was accused of intercepting a shipment of medical supplies en route to Germany.
But where the world has cooperated to stop the spread of COVID-19, the benefits have been obvious. Collaboration between global health scientists has helped identify the virus’ genome sequence, and grow the virus in the lab.
Similarly on climate change, international unity is required if the world is to keep temperatures below 2℃ warming this century. But international climate meetings frequently end in disunity and despair. Meanwhile, global emissions creep ever higher.
Medical supplies from China being unloaded in East Timor. International cooperation is vital during the pandemic.ANTONIO DASIPARU/EPA
The butterfly effect
One person practising social distancing during the pandemic might think their effect is negligible. But coronavirus is highly infectious: on one estimate, a single person with coronavirus could eventually infect 59,000 others.
Similarly, many countries seek to avoid responsibility for taking climate action by claiming their contribution to the global problem is small. The Australian government, for example, repeatedly points out it contributes just 1.3% to the world’s emissions total.
But on a per capita basis, Australia is one of the world’s highest emitters. And as a rich, developed nation, we must be seen to be taking action on cutting emissions if poorer nations are expected to follow suit. So actions Australia takes will have major global consequences.
The developed world has a moral obligation to act on climate change, regardless of its emissions contribution.Federico Gambarini/EPA
Act quickly
In the two months it took the virus to spread from China and become a global pandemic, other nations could have readied themselves by amassing test kits, ventilators and personal protective equipment. But many nations did not adequately prepare.
For example the US was slow to implement a widespread testing regime, and Japan did not declare a nationwide state of emergency until mid-April.
Of course the world has had a far longer time to adapt to and mitigate climate change. The time lag between emissions and their consequences is years, even centuries. There has been ample opportunity to take progressive and thoughtful corrective action against climate change. Instead, the crisis has been met with complacency.
As the COVID-19 experience has shown, the longer we delay action on climate mitigation, the more global, costly, and lethal the consequences.
US President Donald Trump, right, with Vice President Mike Pence. The US response to coronavirus has been criticised as too slow.Doug Mills/EPA
Challenges ahead
As others have noted, a major supplier of swabs used for coronavirus testing is based in Italy, and a German company is a primary supplier of chemicals needed for the tests. Many counties rely on foreign suppliers for ventilators, and an Indian firm – the world’s largest vaccine manufacturer – says once a COVID-19 vaccine is ready for mass production, it will supply large volumes to the world, at low cost.
It’s clear that international cooperation is critical for effective mass testing and treatment for the virus. Nations must work together to improve production and distribution, and resources must be shared.
So too is cooperation needed to deal with the worldwide economic downturn. The global recovery will be long and slow if nations adopt sovereign mindsets, putting up barriers to protect their own economies.
With the coronavirus as with climate change, working together is best way to secure humanity’s safety, health and well-being.
As fears grow over vulnerability to the coronavirus in parts of the Pacific, some governments stand accused of sheltering behind tough emergency or lockdown rules to silence criticism.
Already, several media freedom watchdogs and the United Nations have condemned countries – including Fiji and Papua New Guinea – for exploiting the crisis.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet has called on governments to stop using the pandemic as “a pretext to restrict information and stifle criticism”. She cites the International Press Institute’s tracking of at least 152 alleged media violations since the outbreak began in China last December.
This is no time to blame the messenger. Credible, accurate reporting is a lifeline for all of us.
According to a new report from the International Federation of Journalists, three out of four journalists worldwide have faced intimidation, obstruction or other restrictions covering the pandemic.
– Partner –
In April, Papua New Guinea police minister Bryan Kramer attacked two experienced journalists, saying they “can’t be trusted” and ought to be sacked.
Kramer used his Kramer Report Facebook page to accuse Loop PNG political and business editor Freddy Mou and senior PNG Post-Courier journalist Gorethy Kenneth of misrepresenting a financial report by Treasurer Ian Ling-Stuckey. “Both journalists have close ties to the former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill,” Kramer wrote. “Both have been accused of publishing biased and misleading reports.”
PNG journalists Gorethy Kenneth and Freddy Mou. Image: Loop PNG
Based on an interview with Ling-Stuckey, Mou’s story alleged the “bulk” of a 23 million kina (NZ$11 million) budget for COVID-19 operations was being used to hire cars and media consultants. Kenneth supported Mou by posting the interview video on social media
‘Unaceptable meddling’ Loop PNG stood by its “key facts”, saying any “misunderstanding” was “not deliberate or intentional”. Paris-based media freedom advocacy group Reporters Without Borders said the harassment was “unacceptable meddling”. The PNG Media Council called for greater “transparency”.
Ironically, Kramer has a reputation for political transparency rare in PNG. His blog pledges to tell the “inside story through in-depth investigative reporting” and boasts more than 128,000 readers in a country with low internet penetration.
PNG has eight confirmed COVID-19 cases but no deaths. However, there are fears that a serious outbreak could rapidly overwhelm the health system. Even before the pandemic, warned Human Rights Watch, “the fragile health system […] was underfunded and overwhelmed, with high rates of malaria, tuberculosis and diabetes”.
Human Rights Watch’s Georgie Bright points out that 80 percent of the PNG population is rural, the country has only 500 doctors, fewer than 4000 nurses and barely 5000 hospital beds.
The country has only 14 ventilators. A COVID-19 outbreak would be catastrophic.
Health officials also point to neighbouring Indonesian-ruled Melanesian provinces Papua and West Papua as a warning for PNG. Politicians worry about encroachments along the 820 km locked-down but still porous border.
Reliable West Papuan data are hard to obtain as they are sometimes “hidden” within Indonesian statistics, but reports indicate 283 cases and seven deaths with totals rising. Only seven respiratory doctors and 73 ventilators are available for 45 hospitals with a regional population of 4 million.
The doctor in charge of the capital Jayapura’s COVID-19 Response Team, Silwanus Sumule, toldThe Jakarta Post:
I know this might sound harsh for some people but this is the fact – if you don’t want to die, don’t come to Papua.
‘No mercy’ warning Indonesian authorities warned in April that people illegally crossing borders would be shown “no mercy”, making reporting from the region particularly dangerous. Three days later, after PNG border police arrested nine “illegals”, East Sepik governor Allan Bird called for a “shoot to kill” order.
Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama with Brigadier-General Jone Kalouniwai (right). Image: RSF/Fijileaks
While other Pacific countries such as Cook Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands and Tonga remain COVID-19 free, elsewhere in the Pacific media are still struggling to report the crisis, especially in the American territory of Guam (148 cases and 5 deaths) and the French territories of New Caledonia (18 cases) and Tahiti (58 cases).
On Guam, when nearly 1000 infected crew members on the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt were taken ashore, the captain who blew the whistle was relieved of his command. The Pacific Island Times has condemned a lack of transparency during a “news blackout” around a US$129 million (NZ$213 million) federal relief budget.
In Fiji, where there have been 18 coronavirus cases with no deaths, Brigadier-General Ratu Jone Kalouniwai warned in the Fiji Sun that the government had “good reasons to stifle criticism” and for “curtailing freedom of […] the press” in response to curfew violations. Two radio personalities were arrested and charged over “malicious” social media comments.
Reporters Without Borders’ Asia-Pacific director Daniel Bastard said the comments “recall the worst time of the Fijian military dictatorship from 2006 to 2014”.
Launching its 2020 global Media Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders recently warned that the pandemic “provides authoritarian governments with an opportunity to implement the notorious ‘shock syndrome’ – to impose measures that would be impossible in normal times.”
Although Pacific nations are not among the worst offenders on the index, with factual reporting of COVID-19 crucial for vulnerable societies, any suppression or censorship is a threat.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Larissa Hjorth, Professor of Mobile Media and Games. Director of the Design & Creative Practice Platform., RMIT University
The COVID-19 pandemic has recalibrated everything: work, life and play. As work, schooling, socialising and play have moved into the digital and the confines of our homes, cities have become spaces for reimagining — especially as new sites for formal and informal play.
Playgrounds — once filled with children, parents, grandparents and animals — now look like crime scenes, with police tape and all. They have become forbidden territories, temporal lieux de memoirs of how we used to play. And as play goes into the home and digital, we are reminded of the importance of non-digital play in how we socialise and innovate.
As cities get reconfigured under pandemic restrictions, it is an important time to reflect not only on changing practices of work but also of play. What can be adapted and translated into the digital, and what can’t?
Play — as a form of creativity, sociality and innovation — is a crucial skill for future workforces. Play provides possibilities for reimagining the city. It draws out new and different connections between people, things, buildings and places. And playgrounds, rather than being spaces that set boundaries for play and non-play, remind us of the importance of play in the social fabric of healthy cities.
Play and the city
Cities have long been sites for play. Play scholars, urban theorists, designers and creative practitioners, to name a few, have discussed the important role of urban play and urban playgrounds. They show that play in cities has a complex and uneven history.
Movements such as the 1960s Situationist International and the New Games Movement in the early 1970s sought to turn the whole city into a playground for politics, environmentalism and sociality. These movements subverted traditional ideas of playgrounds as designated and separate areas.
Interestingly, we are now living in times that playgrounds have to become internalised in the home, if we have one. And while, for some, videogames have become a substitute for alternative sociality in a time of physical distancing, it does not replace the sensorial experience and learnings of non-digital play.
Playgrounds have long had an important role in representing cultural and social mores, reflecting the relational, political and psychological dimensions of the city. They expose how a society views childhood, control, leisure and space.
For example, in Denmark after the second world war, “junkyard” playgrounds were revolutionary sites for reclaiming urban spaces. Likewise, 1960s Situationist International’s practices such as dérive (drifting) transformed cities like Paris into multisensory playgrounds.
Such interventionist ways of producing urban playgrounds resonate with urban practices today — such as parkour, which subverts “normal” ways of navigating the city.
Over past decades, artists and designers have explored the city’s “playability”, thus expanding our territories of play and heightening their unevenness. Famous collectives such as Blast Theory transform the city into a theatre of life in which videogames are played through physical streets. Initiatives such as Playable Cities in Bristol, Tokyo and Melbourne (to name a few) demonstrate how urban play can choreograph innovative ways of being in the city that emphasise the social, relational and sensory experiences of urban environments.
Now our mobility has been limited to domestic postage-stamp size, play is even more salient. As artist Kera Hill’s map poignantly shows, how can we playfully reimagine our habitat?
What do our creative maps of our “sanity walks” (escaping Zoomlandia for walking on phone “feetings”) say about how cities might be reimagined by foot? How might a city be reimagined playfully via smell or as a playful space for listening and quiet? Or into a playground that celebrates multiculturalism?
Who (still) has the means to move playfully and turn fear and boredom into play? How can play transform mobility practices to celebrate walking rather than cars?
COVID-19 highlights the unevenness of city geography further, but also shows how we can reimagine play when pushed to the extreme and can (re)connect in hopeful ways. There are lessons to be learnt here. As we go back to the “new normal”, let play help engender our reimagining of cities as future sites for care and social innovation.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people know very well the challenges of dealing with infectious diseases introduced from overseas to which the people have no immunity.
Historically, epidemics have brought a double threat: first to Indigenous health, then to Indigenous self-determination.
Compared to the past, this time Indigenous people have been more able to take measures to protect their communities from disease. Nevertheless, history shows community-controlled responses must remain a priority. To beat COVID-19, Indigenous self-determination is vital.
The beginning
At the beginning of European invasion, in 1788-89, Indigenous communities had to deal with a devastating smallpox epidemic. Since then, Aboriginal people have endured wave after wave of introduced diseases. The European invaders brought with them venereal diseases, colds and influenza, tuberculosis, measles and more.
In the 19th century, mass deaths in Aboriginal communities were reported whenever Europeans came into contact with them. Unfortunately, the fact so many died of disease has been used to minimise or deny that many were also killed in massacres. Aboriginal communities faced both massacre and disease, and disease became a tool of colonialism.
Captains Hunter, Collins & Johnston with Governor Phillip, Surgeon White &c. visiting a distressed female native of New South Wales at a hut near Port Jackson 1793.National Library of Australia
In February 1913, nearly a third of the population of the Tiwi Islands died in just two weeks. The epidemic began around Christmas 1912. A government medical inspector found that, of a population of 650 people, 187 had died.
The disease remained unidentified but its symptoms resembled measles. A Tiwi elder sang a song describing the typical progression of the disease:
[It] starts with feeling like snake walking up legs, the stomach and bloody diarrhoea, when reaches heart, no more eat, die.
In 1930, a white couple arrived at Gunbalanya, bringing their young daughter and whooping cough. The ensuing epidemic coincided with an outbreak of influenza and malaria and caused “several deaths” – the precise number is unknown as many died “in the bush”. The school was closed and, according to one missionary, the Aboriginal community was at fault, supposedly for their bad attitude:
The fault generally was their own ideas about sickness & some said our medicines were poisonous, & refused to come for them […] Some of the dormitory girls were very sick with malaria & other troubles, they were most difficult to help & not a smile only whine all the time, & did not seem to care if they lived or died, they were deep down in the valley of the shadow. [One woman] who was married last year had a bonny baby just before she took whooping cough, the baby died.
A whooping cough and measles “double-punch” epidemic later hit the Angurugu on Groote Eylandt in January 1950. Families fled to their homelands, hoping to escape the disease. The government put the community into lockdown, cutting off people from family and country.
Those who had to remain had little health care. The rudimentary “hospital” had a single missionary nurse tending 50 critically ill people. Of 240 community members, 175 were infected, and 19 babies died between Christmas and mid-January.
These waves of diseases could have been prevented or minimised through properly funded housing, sanitation and health care. As late as the 1960s at Wurrumiyanga, dysentery was causing devastating child mortality. As government officials noted:
The problem of hygiene at Bathurst Island Mission has virtually reached a state of emergency […] There are far too few lavatories for the number of people […] There have been 20 deaths of children at Bathurst Island since January last.
Excuses for exclusion?
Often the “cure” imposed on Aboriginal communities was worse than the disease. In Queensland, when Aboriginal people were suspected of having a venereal disease, they were exiled to Fantome Island north-east of Townsville. In Western Australia, they were sent to punitive lock hospitals or isolated islands such as Dorre and Bernier.
Relationships between Aboriginal women and white or Asian men were criminalised in the name of preventing the spread of disease in the Northern Territory in 1918.
Although leprosy is often thought of as an ancient disease, until recently it had devastating effects on Indigenous communities. Much of the horror was due to the heavy-handed government restrictions on Aboriginal people. Those found to be infected were forcibly removed to leper colonies such as Channel Island in the Northern Territory until they died.
Naturally, people did all they could to evade detection, meaning disease was untreated and spread further. Many Aboriginal people today still remember their parents and grandparents who were taken away, never to return. The policy survived even after effective treatment for leprosy was discovered. The last leprosarium, Bungarum at Derby, did not close until 1986.
Derby Leprosarium Orchestra.Stuart Gore Collection, State Library of Western Australia
Aboriginal people know concerns about infection have been used to control even the most intimate details of their lives. Restrictions of movement, removal of family members and regulation of relationships and marriages have all been justified many times under the label of infection control. At the same time, Aboriginal people have lacked the resources, especially housing and sanitation, and decision-making power to control diseases on their own terms.
Indigenous communities’ success in managing COVID-19
Facing the threat of COVID-19, Indigenous communities rose to the challenge early, decisively and of their own initiative. Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands Traditional Owners restricted access to their region in early March (when the prime minister still planned to attend football matches).
On March 19, the Combined Aboriginal Organisations of Alice Springs demanded a special control area for the Northern Territory. On March 20, the chief executive of the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation, Pat Turner, called for better health resourcing with community control to face the virus. On March 24, Mapoon Aboriginal Shire implemented its own travel ban, again before governments acted (Australia’s international travel ban began on March 25).
Numerous land councils stopped issuing permits for visitors, again before government action on lockdowns. Tangentyre Council and Larrakia Nation implemented “Return to Country” programs to cover the cost of people wishing to return to their communities (see this report for details of Indigenous responses).
Communities have produced their own educational material in multiple formats in their own languages. (These are arguably sometimes more informative and direct than government communications.) The Northern Land Council produced YouTube videos in 17 languages. Language centres released COVID-19 information in Kunwinjku, Anindilyakwa and more, and Aboriginal Medical Services have released other resources.
We cannot let the response to COVID-19 erode the self-determination of Indigenous people as occurred with past epidemics. Indigenous communities have dealt with disease before. Not only are Indigenous communities taking COVID-19 seriously, they have been leading the way.
By respecting Indigenous authority and resourcing Indigenous communities, we stand a better chance of beating this disease.
Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage
By Patricio Zamorano From Washington DC
Now that we have had a few days to study the failed, illegal paramilitary incursion by a group of American and Venezuelan mercenaries into Venezuela, some key details have emerged in this incredible story. They reveal the internal dynamics of the country’s fractured, demoralized, and financially corrupt opposition. Much of the information was provided by the former U.S. soldier Jordan Goudreau, hired for “Operation Gideon” by Juan Guidó himself along with advisors Sergio Vergara, Juan José Rendón, and with the advice of attorney Manuel Retureta, all of them who signed the service plan to launch the paramilitary operation (called “General Services Agreement”).
A dozen paramilitaries were captured from Sunday May 3 to Monday May 4 in the coastal area of La Guaira and Chuao[1] with the help of fishermen. They include deserters from Venezuela’s armed forces and police, along with former U.S. soldiers. Eight of the mercenaries were killed by the country’s security forces.[2]
The trove of evidence makes it impossible for Guaidó and his advisors to deny their involvement in the contract for services. Not only are copies of the 8-pages General Services Agreement circulating on the internet,[3] there is also a recording of their phone conversation while they were signing it.[4]
Mercenaries captured in Chuao (Photo-credit: Government of Venezuela).
A multi-million dollar contract
U.S. mercenary Jordan Goudreau, owner of Florida Silvercorp USA Inc, which has been around for two years, is revealing all the inside information for the simple reason that Guaidó never paid the agreed upon fee, including a retainer of $US1.5 million. He claims that he only received US$50,000[5] through Rendón.
A native Canadian, Goudreau is a U.S. Army combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan. According to his simple website that centers around his personal image, Jordan Goudreau “has also planned and led international security teams for the President of the United States as well as the Secretary of Defense.”[6] According to a profile AP wrote about him,[7] that claim seems to be an exaggeration of his friendly relationship with Keith Schiller, who served as chief of security and bodyguard to Trump. Several interviews conducted by AP of people close to the mercenary suggest that Goudreau is politically naive, impulsive, and harbors delusions of grandeur.
Airing it all out in public
From all the extensive videotaped interviews of Goudreau, it is apparent that on the heels of a failed operation fraught with incompetence and which resulted in the deaths of several mercenaries, the soldier of fortune is rushing to reveal all to the world press in order to redirect blame towards Juan Guaidó. It is also clear that his public statements are motivated by the fact that his fees were not paid and he has no obligation to maintain confidentiality, because “At this point the contract has been completely fractured and nothing has been upheld on the side of the opposition (…) I have done everything that the contract outlines.”[8]
A big arsenal of weapons was confiscated from the mercenaries. (Photo-credit: Government of Venezuela)
The actual contract has over 70 pages according to Goudreau. The shorter General Services Agreement promises Silvercorp payment of over US$200 million[9] for overthrowing the government of Nicolás Maduro. According to the contractor, the money comes from the ample funds the U.S. has illegally confiscated from the Citgo oil company, owned by the Venezuelan State, and which has been transferred to Guaidó’s account.[10] Goudreau also cited the Rio Treaty (The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, TIAR) as justification for the operation, which is the agreement the Venezuelan opposition has fruitlessly been trying to invoke in the Organization of American States (OAS) to spur military action against Venezuela.[11]
Goudreau criticizes Guaidó on moral grounds
The mercenary also questioned Guaidó’s character:
“They hurt us more than they helped us. At the beginning they said they were going to help us. You have these guys with access to millions of dollars. They were given 90 million dollars, 9 million of which were allocated towards defense. Look, they are going to deny all this. They knew there were guys in the frontier. You have 60 Venezuelans who were hungry, training, thinking about liberation, and they went and did it. Meanwhile your opposition government is making tons of money. I think there is a problem.” When asked why he thinks Guaidó withdrew support for the attack, Goudreau added, “I think there is a lot of money involved right now. When people are making money, they are comfortable. I don’t think there is a real incentive to free” the country.[12]
The opposition’s growing disenchantment with Guaidó
Despite all the evidence against him, particularly the contractor’s complaints of non-payment and his apparent signature on the contract for services, the self-proclaimed president of Venezuela was quick to deny any involvement with the paramilitary operation.[13]
Identity documents that prove the presence of US former soldiers among the mercenaries. (Photo-credit: Government of Venezuela)
All of these revelations have two implications. First, they confirm the continuous charges made by the Maduro administration in recent years of the existence of a real paramilitary threat coming from Colombian soil.[14] Second, it drives a wedge of criticism among many in the opposition, particularly in the U.S., who have been coming down hard on Guaidó for abandoning the former Venezuelan military officers.[15] Even the journalist who interviewed Goudreau on video, Patricia Poleo, who is against the Chavista Maduro government, is being harshly criticized by the most extremist elements of the opposition.[16]
Criticism and scandal are familiar themes. This case is reminiscent of the abandonment of dozens of Venezuelan military deserters in Colombia, some with their families, after the frustrated fake “humanitarian aid” operation that was staged in February 2019 along the Colombian-Venezuelan border. On that occasion it came to light, and was confirmed by the Colombian intelligence services, that Guaidó’s team stole thousands of dollars that had been raised for that campaign. The Venezuelan deserters who were inspired by the opposition were abandoned in unpaid hotel rooms.[17]
The opposition is clearly willing to use paramilitary violence
This case proves several fundamental points: That Guaidó is handling large sums of money; his constant attacks on the Venezuelan government are to limited effect; and he has not managed to break the unity of the Venezuelan military. It is also clear that he is financing semi-clandestine private activities, with nothing to show for it so far. And he is willing to hire mercenary forces to launch adventurous military attacks that risk the lives of the participants and of civilians in Colombia and Venezuela.
While the moderate opposition forces continue to engage in talks with the government of Nicolás Maduro, an increasingly isolated hard-line faction continues in its efforts to uphold the U.S. sanctions, to validate foreign military intervention, and to launch paramilitary attacks.
It is also clear that incompetence and low morale are having a significant impact on the extremist opposition in Venezuela, which for some unknown reason, abandoned the group of mercenaries at the start of their attack on this Caribbean nation. The case is like so many such operations in the history of U.S. intervention in Latin America, when groups of mercenaries are abandoned at the last minute for reasons of political pragmatism, realistic military calculations predicting failure, money grabbing scandals, or simple military incompetence.
Contract (“General Services Agreement”) signed by Guaidó for more than 200 million dollars, to hire the services of mercenaries with the goal of overthrowing president Maduro, according to Jordan Goudreau statements (images provided by Goudreau to the press).
Leaving obvious clues: operational naiveté and the end of Guaidó
All of the recent scandals surrounding Guaidó have led to a significant withering of his support. There has been clear disappointment in his lack of results, while all the hundreds of millions of dollars the U.S. government has placed at the shadow government’s disposal have not paid off. It also shows that Guaidó is politically immature and inept, leaving such clear traces as a mercenary services contract signed in his handwriting at a law firm that cannot refute the legal evidence.
There is no doubt that this marks the beginning of the end of Guaidó’s influence with the hard liner sector of the Venezuelan opposition and could perhaps bolster the position of the moderates who prefer a political solution over sanctions, violence, and outside intervention. This unfunded, ill-prepared military attack fraught with errors cost human lives—about eight soldiers perished, many of them young former soldiers and police officers shown on the videos of the ex-military fighters before the attack began.[18] All those who plotted to support or abandon this military action bear the blame.
The words of Jordan Goudreau leave no doubt about what much of the opposition is feeling now, after the failure of this pseudo-military adventure: “I have been a freedom fighter my whole life. I fought in Iraq, in Afghanistan, I am a decorated soldier. I have been shot at. But I have never ever in my life seen the back stabbing and the level of complete disregard for men in the field.”
This article was translated from the original in Spanish by Jill Clark-Gollub, COHA Assistant Editor/Translator.
Contract (“General Services Agreement”) signed by Guaidó for more than 200 million dollars, to hire the services of mercenaries with the goal of overthrowing president Maduro, according to Jordan Goudreau statements (images provided by Goudreau to the press)
End Notes
[1] “Hijo de Raúl Baduel se encuentra entre los detenidos en la embarcación de Chuao”,
Australia’s health system has embraced telehealth during the coronavirus pandemic, with patients getting care online, by video or by phone. But what happens to this post-pandemic is uncertain.
Unfortunately, the pandemic’s spatial isolation converted quickly into social isolation, and this created stress and anxiety for many. All of this means that after the pandemic, there will be a surge in demand for mental health services.
This extra demand will put still more pressure on an already overloaded mental health system.
Digital help is on hand
It’s crucial that public and private mental health services adopt new technologies now to help meet this future demand.
Compelled by the massive health services dislocation accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic, Medicare this year finally moved to support for the most basic form of telehealth, supporting both telephone and video consultations.
That’s 144 years since Alexander Graham Bell produced the first working telephone in 1876. Let’s hope it doesn’t take quite as long for our general health care system, and particularly our mental health system, to incorporate the power of 21st-century digital technologies.
Australians are fortunate to have already benefited from many innovations in digital mental health care, such as moodgym, eHeadspace and Project Synergy, all offering online support to people in need.
This has been led by partnerships between major universities, non-government organisations and industry.
ReachOut was the world’s first online service when it launched in Australia in 1996 to reduce youth suicide.
Clearly too many Australians who seek mental health care do not gain the potential benefits of what’s available in telehealth innovation.
This failure is not unique to Australia. Pre-COVID-19, the World Economic Forum highlighted the massive gap in mental health service provision between developed and developing countries. It’s calling for rapid deployment of smarter, digitally enhanced health services.
The World Health Organization and every other major health body is warning of the urgent need to expand mental health services in response to the economic and social dislocation caused by the pandemic.
To prevent this in Australia, we need widespread social and welfare investments and a better mental health system.
Pre-COVID-19, the Productivity Commission in its draft report on Australian mental health care highlighted a lack of sustained investment (relative to the social and economic costs of poor mental health), poor coordination and a fundamental lack of responsiveness to the needs of those most affected.
It also called for more prevention and early intervention measures, particularly for children and young adults.
Australia has two separate mental health systems. State-based systems are highly focused on emergency departments and acute and compulsory care. These benefit principally the smaller number of people with very severe and persisting illnesses.
Private hospitals provide additional hospital beds to people with private health insurance, but also support day programs that cost a lot but provide limited value.
The upshot is that Australia has a missing middle – big service gaps for the people most in need of care.
We need more specialised but outpatient care and multidisciplinary care for those in need. That means GPs, psychiatrists, psychologists, nurses and other skilled health workers, working in coordinated team structures. These services are desperately needed in outer urban, regional and rural communities.
A digital future, now!
A digitally enhanced, 21st century-style mental health service may be the answer.
Smart digital systems, such as smartphone apps and other technologies, can help to assess quickly the level of need and direct people to the best available clinics.
They can help our highly talented mental health professionals provide better care. They also bring the world of other tools, peer support and enhanced social connections to the client, no matter where they are located.
These innovations can bring real expertise to the lounge room of those in rural and regional areas who typically live most distant from quality face-to-face care.
In one of our research trials, a child and adolescent psychiatrist operating in Bogota, Colombia, was able to provide same-day specialised assessments to young people in Broken Hill, New South Wales.
Mental health services in Australia have already been radically transformed during the pandemic. Video-style consultations are now central to the work of mental health professionals.
Psychologists and psychiatrists all around the country are reaching out to their clients online. Many clients find it much more convenient and far less costly than attending regular clinics.
Time to act
The digital future is not just about making small changes. A digitally enhanced future for mental health involves a fundamental rethinking of models of care.
Online or helpline-supported screening tools should be used to guide people along the best, evidence-based treatment path for them.
Primary health networks – the regional health authorities funded by the commonwealth to coordinate primary care – should ensure the services they commission are using digital technology appropriately and tracking the provision of care.
These new forms of digitally enabled care will make the whole mental health system more efficient, freeing up resources to help the backlog of Australians who need more intensive clinical care.
Australia’s governments must seize the opportunity that COVID-19 has created. Digital systems must now be viewed as essential health infrastructure, so that the most disadvantaged Australians move to the front of the queue.
Members of Parliament sitting on New Zealand’s Epidemic Response Committee say the chair, opposition National Party leader Simon Bridges, is to blame for the lack of Māori voices at the committee meetings.
The committee is tasked with challenging the government’s response to the covid-19 coronavirus epidemic, but in six weeks only two Māori organisations have been invited to speak.
Labour’s Ruth Dyson said she and other MPs had proposed a number of Māori spokespeople and organisations to appear at the committee, but most of those proposals had been ignored by Bridges.
“At the end of every meeting we have a discussion about further questions, further submitters, what we want to do and what key issues we want to see, and we have consistently raised the issue of under representation of Māori voices,” she said.
“We have put in written proposals to the chair of the committee, the honourable Simon Bridges, specifically linked to topics that have been agreed on like health, like education, like sport… We’ve made genuine proposals and to date they have not been successful.”
– Partner –
Dyson said Māori input at the committee was incredibly important.
‘For all of NZ’ “This is for all of New Zealand and we have to make sure that the most vulnerable, most disadvantaged, and likely most negatively impacted if things went badly wrong, should have their voices heard when we’re considering these issues,” she said.
“We will continue to raise these issues, but in the end the chair sets the agenda.”
Te Roopu Whakakaupapa Urutā, a group of more than 50 Māori health experts and policy specialists, and the iwi chairs forum criticised the committee earlier this week for ignoring their expertise and leaving them out.
However, that message seemed to have fallen on deaf ears yesterday when the committee met with the education sector and did not hear from a single Māori education provider.
In a statement, The Kōhanga Reo National Trust said it was disappointed the committee had not approached them to speak at the committee.
“Te Kōhanga Reo National Trust was not invited to participate in the Epidemic Response Committee’s education-themed select committee. It is disappointing the committee excluded Kōhanga Reo from the process. The trust is always ready to share our experiences especially when there is an opportunity to improve the lives, health and wellbeing of our mokopuna.”
Bridges cannot assure Māori will appear Bridges said it was still his aspiration to hear from more Māori at the committee, and he was considering a day dedicated to hearing from Māori.
“It’s always the aspiration to hear from more folk at the committee, I can tell you quite clearly I probably have 50 proposals from really significant bodies and agencies who want to come along.”
But he could not give any assurances Māori would appear at the committee any time soon.
“It does depend a bit though on how long the committee goes for, we’re full this week of course,” he said.
Pressed on why only two Māori leaders have spoken to the committee, Bridges told RNZ Morning Report the committee had had a busy agenda and some leaders had spoken.
“I’m very focused on what Māori leadership are focused on.”
He agreed more should be on the committee but he couldn’t say when he would invite them.
“Look, I’m not going to decide the committee agenda in a radio interview.”
Green Party to keep pressing While Dyson said Bridges had rejected proposals to have more Māori leaders on, he told Morning Report Dyson had never personally raised the issue with him.
Green Party co-leader and committee member Marama Davidson said she would keep pushing to make sure more Māori voices could be heard.
“We’re hearing more and more that the committee would actually benefit from at least a whole day of focus purely on the Māori response and Māori leadership to Covid-19… That is something we will continue to raise and ask for,” she said.
The Epidemic Response Committee is meeting with the New Zealand Cancer Society, Funeral Directors of New Zealand and representatives of the palliative care sector today.
No Māori group working in these fields have been invited.
This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.
If you havesymptomsof the coronavirus, call the NZ Covid-19 Healthline on 0800 358 5453 (+64 9 358 5453 for international SIMs) or call your GP – don’t show up at a medical centre.
The National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) today issued a cease-and-desist order against ABS-CBN Corporation, the major television broadcaster in the Philippines, after its 25-year broadcast franchise expired on May 4.
The shutdown order, coming down amid the covid-19 coronavirus pandemic, places in danger some 11,000 jobs in the country’s biggest media network.
“Upon the expiration of RA (Republic Act) 7966 (ABS-CBN franchise), ABS-CBN Corporation no longer has a valid and subsisting congressional franchise,” the NTC order said.
It said ABS-CBN should “immediately” shut down five AM radio stations, 18 FM radio stations, 42 TV stations, and 10 digital terrestrial television broadcasting stations “for implementation,” and comment within 10 days why its broadcast frequencies should not be pulled.
ABS-CBN said it would comply with the NTC order and shut down at 7 pm. The ABS-CBN News channel said it would continue brioadcasts as it was not covered by the NTC order.
– Partner –
On Sunday, Solicitor-General Jose Calida, an appointee of President Rodrigo Duterte, warned the NTC that it faced graft charges if it gave the Lopez-led ABS-CBN a provisional authority or temporary licence to operate.
The House Committee on Legislative Franchises had written to the NTC asking it to allow ABS-CBN to operate beyond the expiry date of its licence, while Congress deliberated on a new franchise.
Temporary licence expected On March 10, the NTC assured the House panel that it would grant ABS-CBN a temporary licence, as this was the practice in the case of broadcast companies whose applications for franchise remained pending before lawmakers.
In February, Calida had asked the Supreme Court to void ABS-CBN’s franchise, citing supposed violations such as skirting the constitutional ban on foreign equity.
Duterte denies Calida was doing his bidding but in the past had threatened to shut down the network over an election ad dispute and critical news coverage.
Senators Franklin Drilon and Francis Pangilinan condemned the NTC’s action and urged ABS-CBN to seek redress from the Supreme Court.
Albay Republican Edcel Lagman said the exchanges between NTC and lawmakers in March seemed to be a charade and that the ultimate goal was to close ABS-CBN.
“I have explained this over and over again that the provisional authority is not the solution,” he told the ABS-CBN News channel.
Lagman said ABS-CBN’s shutdown was the “death knell” to freedom of the press and doomed the livelihoods of thousands of workers.
But not all is lost as Congress has resumed sessions and could tackle the ABS-CBN franchise, he said.
Felipe F. Salvosa is coordinator of the journalism programme at the University of Santo Tomas in the Philippines and publishes the independent news blog PressOne. He is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katharine Kemp, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, UNSW, and Academic Lead, UNSW Grand Challenge on Trust, UNSW
The Australian government will need to correct earlier misstatements and improve privacy protections to gain the trust of the millions of Australians being called on to download the COVIDSafe contact tracing app.
The COVIDSafe bill includes some significant improvements on the protections offered by federal health minister Greg Hunt’s current determination under the Biosecurity Act, which put rules in place to encourage uptake of the app. However, the bill falls short on other substantial concerns.
Improvements incorporated in the bill
The COVIDSafe bill includes several amendments to the privacy protections originally set out in the determination, which the legislation is intended to replace.
Importantly, the bill also permits individuals to take some enforcement action on their own behalf if the privacy protections are breached, rather than relying on the government to bring criminal proceedings. It does this by making a breach of those protections an “interference with privacy” under the Privacy Act. This means users can make a complaint to the federal privacy commissioner.
The bill also improves the kind of consent needed to upload a user’s list of contacts to the central data store, if the user tests positive for COVID-19. Instead of allowing anyone with control of a mobile phone to consent, the bill requires consent from the actual registered COVIDSafe user.
The legislation will also apply to state and territory health officials to cover data accessed for contact tracing purposes, in case they misuse it.
A crucial problem with the bill is it allows the government to collect much more personal data than is necessary for contact tracing.
Just before the app’s release, federal services minister Stuart Roberts said the app would only collect data of other app users within 1.5 metres, for at least 15 minutes. He also said when a user tests positive the app would allow the user to consent to the upload of only those contacts.
Neither of these statements is true.
According to the Privacy Impact Assessment of COVIDSafe, the app collects and – with consent of a user who tests positive – uploads to the central data store, data about all other users who came within Bluetooth signal range even for a minute within the preceding 21 days.
While the Department of Health more recently said it would prevent state and territory health authorities from accessing contacts other than those that meet the “risk parameters”, the bill includes no data collection or use restrictions based on the distance or duration of contact.
The government should correct its misstatements and minimise the data collected and decrypted to that which is necessary, to the extent that is technically possible.
An overly narrow definition of protected data
The privacy protections in the bill only apply to certain data. And the definition of that data does not capture critical personal data created and used in the process of COVIDSafe contact tracing.
The bill defines “COVID app data” as data collected or generated through the operation of the app which has been stored on a mobile phone or device. This would include the encrypted contacts stored on a user’s phone.
But if the user tests positive and uploads those encrypted contacts to the national data store, the decrypted records of their contacts over the last 21 days do not clearly fall within that definition. Data transformed or derived from that data by state and territory health officers would also fall outside the definition.
“COVID app data” should be re-defined to expressly include these types of data.
No source code
Ministers have said COVIDSafe’s source code, or at least the parts of it which do not pose “security issues”, would be made available within a fortnight after the app’s release. Yet, there is no sign of this.
The full source code should be made public at least a week prior to the COVIDSafe Act being enacted so experts can identify weaknesses in privacy protections.
The bill also fails to provide any guarantee of independent scientific advice on whether the app is continuing to be of practical benefit, or should be terminated.
Loopholes in the rules against coercion
The bill contains some good protections against coercing people to download or use the COVIDSafe app, but these need to be strengthened, by preventing requirements to disclose installation of the app, and discriminatory conditions. This is especially necessary given various groups, including chambers of commerce, have already proposed (illegal) plans to make participation or entry conditional on app usage.
Some behavioural economists have proposed making government payments, tax break or other financial rewards dependent on individuals using the app. The bill should make clear that no discount, payment or other financial incentive may be conditional on a person downloading or using the app.
The government must abide by its promise that use of the COVIDSafe app is voluntary. Coercion or “pseudo-voluntary” agreement should not be used to circumvent this.
‘Google knows everything about you’ doesn’t cut it
Many have argued Australians who do not yet trust the COVIDSafe app should download it anyway since Google, Facebook, Uber or Amazon already “know far more about you”. But the fact that some entities are being investigated for data practices which disadvantage consumers is not a reason to diminish the need for privacy protections.
The harms from government invasions of privacy have even more dramatic and immediate impacts on our liberty.
Parliament will debate the COVIDSafe Bill in the sitting expected to start May 12, and a Senate Committee will continue to investigate it. Many are likely to wait for improved protections in the final legislation before making the choice to opt in.
The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed cracks in many areas of our society, but at the same time it offers the opportunity for a fundamental rethink of what we consider normal. One of these areas is academia.
The pandemic seems to be a fruitful time for research, with some academic journals reporting that article submissions are up by as much as 25%. But a closer look reveals that most of these submissions are coming from men, with work by women becoming less common.
Given the global challenges we face beyond coronavirus, academic institutions are vital to our future. Australian research and innovation will survive; it has thrived post-crisis before.
But it did this in spite of the inequities that existed, which continue to exclude some academics from contributing their full potential today. While it’s understandable that we want to return to normal, we should aspire to a better normal.
Academia is not an even playing field. There are systemic inequalities that exist and persist in the academic workforce. Some are overt, like under-representation of women at senior leadership levels. Others draw on unseen social capital and ideas of “prestige” to provide a cumulative advantage to the select few.
Yet despite some efforts within the sector to create greater equity, progress has been slow. For some academics, these inequities have created chasms between opportunity and progress.
Determining merit
Academic merit is determined largely by publication output and grants. A potential silver lining of isolation for some academics may be the opportunity to focus on their research or finally get that paper written. A recent article from Inside Higher Ed magazine suggests this is the case, with editors of some journals reporting a 25% increase on submissions from the same time last year.
However the editors also note women are absent from this productivity push. Within academia, women – and all those with caring responsibilities – are at a disadvantage, even when schools and day care are open.
Isaac Newton, who self-isolated for two years during the Great Plague of the 1660s, was a commonly tweeted example of what could be achieved during isolation. It is probably fair to assume Newton was able to develop calculus and theories on optics because he wasn’t trying to look after kids and someone else was doing the cooking and cleaning.
Caring responsibilities and academia are largely incompatible, yet academics are evaluated and compared using the same metrics irrespective of their non-work commitments.
Flexible juggling
Flexible work arrangements are one means of trying to create equity, to help those with caring responsibilities to better balance their professional and private lives. But, before COVID, flexible working was not yet ‘mainstream’ – for either individuals or organisations.
One thing COVID-19 stay at home restrictions immediately showed is that, when the nature of the work allowed, flexible working arrangements became mainstream very quickly. The tertiary sector was well positioned to make this transition with just over 80% of these organisations reporting they had flexible working arrangement policies and strategies before COVID.
However flexible working conditions can only go so far, and academia is not a typical 9-to-5 job. In comparison to academics in other countries, Australian university academics have higher levels of work-related stress and burnout due to workload demands.
Within some institutions there is the expectation that saying no and protecting “family time” could be detrimental to career progression. This is no doubt worse for casual and non-tenured academic staff without job security.
These academics also need to generate their own publications and grant applications to demonstrate their merit. They do this often with high teaching loads, inadequate professional development and career support or, unfortunately now for some, without any means of income.
COVID restrictions have highlighted that despite attempts to create equity, the basic structures of academia still put an unequal burden onto some. Perhaps this signals an opportunity for academia to reconsider how it measures merit, and the ways in which those measures are pursued.
The maxim of “publish or perish” has created a competitive, often unkind, research culture. Last year, the Wellcome Trust in the UK launched a campaign to “reimagine research” which director Jeremy Farrar states is driven by the realisation that “the relentless drive for research excellence has created a culture … that cares exclusively about what is achieved and not about how it is achieved”.
There are signs that COVID-19 could help to change this. The worldwide search for a solution has changed the way research is “done”. This includes increased collaborations which are needed to produce the best possible knowledge which can help manage COVID and the broader, equally urgent, challenges facing the world.
Rapid sharing of information – which has definite pros and cons – and journals removing paywalls has created easy access to COVID-related information for everyone. This represents an opportunity to transform science and offer an open research system where information is readily accessible to researchers and society.
To generate the best information, academia needs to attract and retain the best people. This means not using measures of merit that ultimately punish academics who have responsibilities outside work, or those who may not have the social capital to open otherwise obscured doors. This means having a work environment that meaningfully supports those attempting to establish themselves as researchers while juggling multiple casual roles to keep a roof over their heads.
It was Newton who said “if I have seen further it is by standing on the shoulders of giants”. If academia can build a system that lifts everyone up equally, who knows how far we could see?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caroline Fisher, Deputy Director of the News and Media Research Centre, and Assistant Professor of Journalism, University of Canberra
During social isolation, Australians have been staying at home to stop the spread of COVID-19. This has resulted in an increase in news and media consumption. After weeks of restricted movement and social distancing, Australians are restless. Not only are they tired of being in lockdown, they are also feeling worn out by news about the coronavirus.
More than two-thirds of Australians (71%) say they are avoiding news about the coronavirus and this is largely driven by news fatigue. This figure is 9% higher than our usual rate of avoidance, according to the Digital News Report Australia 2019, which showed 62% of Australians avoid the news generally.
News fatigue is driving avoidance. About half (52%) say they are tired of hearing about COVID-19, and 46% say they find the news coverage overwhelming. Women are more likely to avoid news about the coronavirus than men because they find it upsetting. Men are more likely to avoid it because they simply feel overwhelmed by the sheer volume of news.
While news about coronavirus has provided people with an important shared topic of conversation (53%), it has also made people feel more anxious (52%).
Women were much more likely to feel an increase in anxiety because of coronavirus news (59%) than men (44%), and younger people – Gen Y in particular – have found the news coverage more anxiety-inducing than older people. This seems odd given older people are more likely to suffer serious health effects. However, job losses, isolation from friends, school closures and uncertainty about the future impact on younger people more.
The report also finds a connection between news consumption and stockpiling. People who have been consuming more news than usual were more likely to say they had stocked up on essentials (41%), compared to those whose news access had stayed the same (23%) or decreased (26%).
Overall, news consumption has been much higher during this time. More than two-thirds of Australians (71%) say their news consumption has increased since the COVID-19 outbreak, and 70% say they have been accessing news about it more than once a day. Last year, the Digital News Report Australia 2019 showed only 56% accessed news more than once a day.
Concern about COVID-19 is driving this increase in news consumption – 78% of those who say they are worried about it have started watching, reading and listening to news more often.
On a positive note, trust in news about COVID-19 is higher (53%) than trust in news in general. Last year, overall trust in news was much lower at 44%, according to the Digital News Report. While Australians have drawn information from a range of sources during the crisis, including the government and health experts, the news media have been their main source of information.
In comparison to the UK and US, the Australian news media and government have been regarded as performing better. Three-quarters (75%) of those surveyed think the government has done a good job informing them about the pandemic, compared to 63% of people in the UK and 45% in the US.
However, fewer people in the UK think the government has exaggerated this issue (11%) compared to 21% in the US and 18% here. Similarly, 33% in the UK think the news media have exaggerated the issue compared to 38% in the US and Australia.
While there has been a lot of talk about the “infodemic” that has accompanied the health pandemic, concern about misinformation is not high. Less than a quarter (23%) of people say they have encountered a lot of misinformation about the coronavirus, and 30% say they haven’t encountered much or at all. But around one-third (36%) say they have seen it occasionally. In most cases, people have said they encounter misinformation on social media.
The post-coronavirus recovery will likely see Australia emerge into a significantly changed media landscape, marked by great uncertainty over the future of journalism. However, the question remains whether COVID-19 will change attitudes towards news and information more permanently, or if the changes found in this survey will prove to be short-lived.
The online survey of 2,196 Australians aged 18 and older was conducted for the N&MRC by McNair yellowSquares from 18-22 April 2020. The final sample is reflective of the population that has access to the internet. We used a quota for gender, age, region and education, reflecting the Australian Bureau of Statistics 2016 Census for adults aged 18 or older. The data were weighted based on the quota. This research was supported by Deputy Vice-Chancellor Research and Innovation Strategic Funding, University of Canberra.
For many of us, working from home during COVID-19 has meant we are spending a lot of time on video meeting applications like Zoom. The effects of this have taken us by surprise.
Having giant heads staring at us up close for long periods can be off-putting for a lot of us. Never mind that we feel we should fix our iso-hair (COVID mullet anyone?), put on makeup, or get out of our pyjamas.
So why are online meetings more tiring than face-to-face ones?
People feel like they have to make more emotional effort to appear interested, and in the absence of many non-verbal cues, the intense focus on words and sustained eye contact is exhausting.
Meetings in person are not only about the exchange of knowledge, they are also important rituals in the office. Rituals provide comfort, put us at ease, and are essential in building and maintaining rapport.
Face to face meetings are also important mechanisms for the communication of attitudes and feelings among business partners and colleagues.
Emotions precede and follow all our behaviours, and influence management decision-making. Sensitive topics are often canvassed, requiring us to notice subtleties and display empathy.
How are Zoom meetings different?
Our brains can only do so many things consciously at once, because we have limited working memory. In contrast, we can process much more information unconsciously, as we do with body language.
Meeting online increases our cognitive load because several of its features take up a lot of conscious capacity.
Video meetings take up a lot of cognitive resources, often leaving us feeling frustrated and drained.www.shutterstock.com
1. We miss out on a lot of non-verbal communication
Our feelings and attitudes are largely conveyed by non-verbal signals such as facial expressions, the tone and pitch of the voice, gestures, posture, and the distance between the communicators.
In a face-to-face meeting we process these cues largely automatically, and can still listen to the speaker at the same time.
But on a video chat, we need to work harder to process non-verbal cues. Paying more attention to these consumes a lot of energy. Our minds are together when our bodies feel we’re not. That dissonance, which causes people to have conflicting feelings, is exhausting.
Also, in face-to-face meetings we rely heavily on non-verbal cues to make emotional judgements, such as assessing whether a statement is credible. We automatically take in information such as, is the person fidgeting? Predominantly relying on verbal information to infer emotions is tiring.
2. What if the kids run in?
We feel anxious about our remote workspace and controlling events that might make us look bad to our colleagues. Will my Zoom background suddenly fail leaving my hoarding tendencies on full display?
And none of us want to be like Trinny Woodall, fashion guru and television presenter, who was doing a live stream when her partner walked naked across the room.
3. No water-cooler catch-ups
In person, we often meet people on the way to a meeting to catch up on issues or discuss our views before going in. We get coffee, and the simple act of relocating to a different room is energising.
But at home, we might be just working on a task and then we get on to Zoom, often without taking breaks.
Also, walking is known to improve creativity, highlighting the importance of discussions while walking to meetings, moving around during the meeting, and holding the now popular stand-up meetings. But we can’t walk on Zoom calls.
And where we meet matters. The physical environment acts as a cognitive scaffold – we attribute certain meanings to meeting rooms and this subtly changes our behaviour. This can include anchors to important topics such as creativity and problem solving.
4. Looking at our own face is stressful
The heightened emphasis on facial cues and the ability to see oneself, can also act as a stressor. Viewing our own negative facial expressions (like anger and disgust) can lead to more intense emotions than when viewing similar facial expressions in others.
Seeing our own face on screen can make us self-conscious because we are very aware of being watched.Reuters
5. Are you listening or are you frozen?
Silence in real life conversation is important and creates a natural rhythm. But in a video call, silence makes you anxious about the technology. Even a 1.2 second delay in responding online made people perceive the person talking as less friendly or focused.
In addition, frustration with people turning their microphones on and off, lagging connections and background noise mean the meeting rarely flows as smoothly.
It’s not all Zoom and doom
On the upside, social anxiety is positively correlated with feelings of comfort online. So for people who dread physical meetings, meeting online might be a welcome respite.
Meeting online might help people feel more relaxed if they tend to feel anxious socialising in-person.Eduardo Munoz/Reuters
And even though the increased focus on verbal information in video meetings can be mentally more draining, it might also have some potential positive side effects by reducing biases due social and emotional signals.
For instance, certain physical factors are linked to social dominance, such as height. But these factors are less apparent in video meetings, which could lead to increased emphasis on the merits of arguments.
With predictions that the new workplace “normal” will be very different from the old one, it seems that Zoom is here to stay. There are a number of steps we can take to reduce the negative effects of online video meetings.
Firstly, consider whether the meeting needs to happen. In some cases, shared document platforms with detailed comments can reduce the need to meet.
Limiting the number of Zoom meetings in a day can assist, as well as using messaging and email.
Sometimes, the phone is better. On the phone we only have to concentrate on one voice and can walk around which can help thinking.
Climate Explained is a collaboration between The Conversation, Stuff and the New Zealand Science Media Centre to answer your questions about climate change.
If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, please send it to climate.change@stuff.co.nz
I am wondering about the climate impact of vegan meat versus beef. How does a highly processed patty compare to butchered beef? How does agriculture of soy (if this is the ingredient) compare to grazing of beef?
Both Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat, two of the biggest players in the rapidly expanding meat alternatives market, claim their vegan burger patties (made primarily from a variety of plant proteins and oils) are 90% less climate polluting than a typical beef patty produced in the United States.
The lifecycle assessments underpinning these findings were funded by the companies themselves, but the results make sense in the context of international research, which has repeatedly shown plant foods are significantly less environmentally damaging than animal foods.
It is worth asking what these findings would look like if the impacts of plant-based meats had been compared with a beef patty produced from a grass-fed cattle farm, as is the case in New Zealand, instead of an industrialised feedlot operation that is commonplace in the United States.
Building on international research mainly carried out in the Northern Hemisphere, we recently completed a full assessment of the greenhouse gas emissions associated with different foods and dietary patterns in New Zealand.
Despite dominant narratives about the efficiency of New Zealand’s livestock production systems, we found the stark contrast between climate impacts of plant and animal foods is as relevant in New Zealand as it is elsewhere.
For example, we found 1 kilogram of beef purchased at the supermarket produces 14 times the emissions of whole, protein-rich plant foods like lentils, beans and chickpeas. Even the most emissions-intensive plant foods, such as rice, are still more than four times more climate-friendly than beef.
The New Zealand food emissions database: comparing the climate impact of commonly consumed food items in New Zealand.Drew et al., 2020
The climate impact of different foods is largely determined by the on-farm stage of production. Other lifecycle stages such as processing, packaging and transportation play a much smaller role.
Raising beef cattle, regardless of the production system, releases large quantities of methane as the animals belch the gas while they chew the cud. Nitrous oxide released from fertilisers and manure is another potent greenhouse gas that drives up beef’s overall climate footprint.
Climate impact of the New Zealand diet
Everyday food choices can make a difference to the overall climate impact of our diet. In our modelling of different eating patterns, we found every step New Zealand adults take towards eating a more plant-based diet results in lower emissions, better population health and reduced healthcare costs.
Climate impact of different dietary scenarios, as compared with the typical New Zealand diet.Drew et al., 2020
The graph above shows a range of dietary changes, which gradually replace animal-based and highly processed foods with plant-based alternatives. If all New Zealand adults were to adopt a vegan diet with no food wastage, we estimated diet-related emissions could be reduced by 42% and healthcare costs could drop by NZ$20 billion over the lifetime of the current New Zealand population.
The current global food system is wreaking havoc on both human and planetary health. Our work adds to an already strong body of international research that shows less harmful alternatives are possible.
As pressure mounts on governments around the world to help redesign our food systems, policymakers continue to show reluctance when it comes to supporting a transition toward plant-based diets.
Such inaction appears, in large part, to be driven by the propagation of deliberate misinformation by powerful food industry groups, which not only confuses consumers but undermines the development of healthy and sustainable public policy.
To address the multiple urgent environmental health issues we face, a shift towards a plant-based diet is something many individuals can do for their and the planet’s health, while also pressing for the organisational and policy changes needed to make such a shift affordable and accessible for everyone.
For millions of years, the Murray River has flowed from the Australian Alps across the inland plains, winding through South Australia before emptying into the ocean. But the final leg of its journey once looked vastly different.
Our research released today conclusively shows what has long been suspected: 6,000 years ago, water levels in the Lower Murray River were so high that much of the system in South Australia comprised a huge lake.
We also uncovered an invaluable long-term record of floods and droughts in the Murray Darling Basin, by drilling deep into layers of silt and clay built up over 12,000 years.
Our findings point to how Australia’s most important river system might be altered by future sea level rise. What’s more, a better record of past floods and drought will help manage water use in Australia’s most important river system.
The Lower Murray River today and a computer-generated image of what Lake Mannum may have looked like between 5,000 and 8,500 years ago when sea levels were 2 metres higher than they are today. Original photo: Tom Hubble. Modified image: Kathirine Sentas.
Probing the past
Our climate is changing and sea levels are rising. Scientists are working hard to forecast what environments such as rivers and estuaries will look like under higher sea levels and, in Australia, more intense droughts and floods.
One way to do this is to look back to a period 5,000-8,000 years ago, to a point in the sea level cycle known as the Holocene highstand. The Holocene refers to the past 11,700 years or so of Earth’s history. The highstand is the point at which sea levels were highest.
Today, the Murray River crosses into South Australia and flows within a narrow valley, then gradually widens towards Lake Alexandrina where it empties into the sea.
But it wasn’t always this way. After the peak of the last glacial period 18,000 years ago, melting ice caused sea levels to rise from about 120 metres below today’s level. About 6,000 years ago, sea level peaked at two metres above today’s level.
Researchers have previously hypothesised that over several thousand years, the high sea level at the mouth of the Murray acted like a dam, causing water to back up in the river, creating a saltwater lake known as Lake Mannum.
Our research confirms that the lake existed, and that it was enormous – stretching from the mouth of the Murray to about 200 kilometres upstream near Swan Reach.
We used high resolution two- and three-dimensional modelling modelling of water levels and flows to confirm the presence of the lake, and how it formed.
Layers of history
The naturally still waters of Lake Mannum acted as a enormous trap for clay and silt discharged upstream. Under various conditions, such as floods, the sediment travelled downstream and settled to the lake’s floor.
Today, the climate history for the Murray-Darling Basin is written in these sediment layers.
Sediment core collected near Monteith in the Lower Murray River Valley showing lots of fine layers of mud.Scanned core images created by Anna Helfensdorfer.
We collected a 30 metre-long sediment core from the present day floodplain of the Lower Murray River.
The core contains an 11-metre section of sediment deposited on the floor of Lake Mannum between 8,500 and 5,000 years ago. Each metre took roughly 315 years to accumulate – about three millimetres a year.
We believe each layer in the core probably represents an episode of increased or decreased river flow.
Most layers were probably produced when snow melt from the Australian Alps in spring and summer transported mud along the river system. Some layers will represent large floods that came down the Murray River, while others will represent floods that flowed down the Darling.
Longer-term variations in the thickness of the layers may correspond to extended periods of wetter and drier weather.
The next phase of our research will involve a close analysis of the sediment layers to obtain a reliable, detailed, high resolution record of flood and drought in the Murray Darling Basin.
What can we learn?
As sea level dropped to modern levels over the last 5,000 years, the lake slowly drained and turned back into a river.
These days, the lower Murray River is intensively managed. Five barrages, or barriers, have been erected near the river mouth to keep the water fresh by preventing seawater from creeping in, and to maintain water levels. Significant volumes of water have been extracted for irrigation and domestic use.
Some people argue the barrages should be removed to restore the natural tidal estuary and allow sea water to influence lake levels. Their removal is unlikely in the near future. But our research gives insight into what could happen if the barrages were removed, and sea levels rise under climate change.
The Lower Murray River near Mannum confined within the Lower Murray Gorge.Photo: Tom Hubble
We expect the next step in our research, analysing the sediment cores, to provide valuable data on long-term river flows and indicate whether intense droughts, such as the Millenium drought, are more or less frequent than the once-in-a-century figure often suggested.
In future, water managers deciding on water allocations may benefit from knowing how much water has historically come down the system, and how often.
This essay is based on the first episode of the new UTS podcast series “The New Social Contract” that examines how the relationship between universities, the state and the public might be reshaped as we live through this global pandemic.
Younger Australians will bear the economic, social and environmental costs that come from the COVID-19 pandemic. They’re making sacrifices in the name of public health and to protect the old and vulnerable. The heavy lifting of rebuilding will also fall disproportionately to them.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison referred to these sacrifices as “a social contract”.
A social contract in this sense is not something that gets recorded in legislation, but more of an unstated agreement that comes from practice, policy and circumstance. It is a reciprocal relationship, in which obligation and benefits rest on all parties – though these aren’t always evenly distributed.
How Australia will fare in a post pandemic world depends on this relationship between institutions, society and the state. And universities have a crucial role to play, by providing public goods such as understanding, training and research.
The social contract for universities has changed several times. Its different versions can be seen in the decisions students have had to make on entering university at different points across the 20th century.
These decisions tell us a lot about how the social contract for universities in Australia has changed, and what might be possible as it changes again.
Early 1900s – the family
In 1910 a student, let’s call him Frederick, had his family at the centre of decision-making.
Frederick is from Bendigo where his father is a shopkeeper. He is eager to study Medicine at the University of Melbourne. But before he even sets foot on campus, he has to sort out his finances.
That he can even attend university is thanks to his uncle Jim, a successful doctor. His uncle is paying for Fred’s textbooks, microscope, accommodation, living expenses and tuition fees – though the latter are only a minor component of the costs.
Fred and his uncle both expect the university will provide an education on par with that offered in British universities – training that will enable Fred to attain the cultural capital necessary for middle-class society and the technical knowledge to practise as a doctor.
On graduation, he knows he is expected to make his uncle proud by returning to Bendigo and joining the family practice.
Frederick’s story reflects the broad terms of a social contract under which universities, which received about half of their funding from state governments, trained a relatively small cohort of professionals. In return for social status, these professionals provided expert services to a rapidly growing society.
State government annual grants supported universities as institutions that would build the society and economy of the new Australian nation.
The 1910 student has family at the forefront of his decision-making. (Students Ormond College, Melbourne University 1896/1902)James Fox Barnard/State Library Victoria
Research played a minor role, with some funding from private companies and state governments. As far as the student was concerned, the cost (or risk) of attending university was borne by the family (or other patron) and it was to the family obligations were owed.
Mid-20th century – employers
Forty years later, Margaret is one of a growing number of women entering university.
On her first day in a teaching degree at the University of Queensland, she meets chemistry student Eric. They find they have a lot in common. They have both joined UQ’s chapter of the Student Christian Movement, and have already signed contracts with their future employers who will financially support them during their studies.
The Queensland education department has awarded Margaret a bonded scholarship based on her high school matriculation results. Eric has taken a cadetship with the CSIRO.
After they graduate, both will have to work on their employers’ terms for three to five years.
Margaret’s and Eric’s stories reflect the terms of a social contract that emerged in the middle of the 20th century. Under this model, the costs of higher education could be borne by a student’s future employer such as government departments like the Postmaster-General or the railways, or private entities such as manufacturers and mining companies.
Connected to an expanding network of state secondary schools, this new pathway delivered benefits to students who would not otherwise have been able to go to university. This enabled them to join the ranks of the expanding white collar, salaried middle class, in return for a commitment to work.
The same logic underpinned the creation of two postwar Commonwealth programs: the Commonwealth Reconstruction Training Scheme, which enabled 21,000 ex-servicemen and women to receive a free tertiary education, and Commonwealth Scholarships, which covered fees and in some cases living expenses on the basis of secondary-school results.
Employers benefited, but so did the state, which saw this as a more directed way of providing funding to universities to produce skilled graduates in needed areas.
Eager to boost post-war development and in the strategic context of the Cold War, universities expanded research, helped by new direct grants from the Commonwealth.
It’s 1975 and Daryl, having passed his high school matriculation exam, enrols in the recently opened Macquarie University without having to worry about finances at all.
Since 1974, fees have been abolished and, once Daryl fills out the right form, he can get student assistance for living expenses based on a means test rather than a competitive exam.
Like increasing numbers of his generation, Daryl decides to study science. But he can switch degrees if he finds he is better suited to another program.
He lives in a share-house with other students. With less pressure to pass every subject to keep his place, he enjoys his social life in an inner suburb. He forms a punk rock band with some university friends and, for a few years after graduation, tours pubs around Australia.
In the mid-20th century, the costs of higher education were often borne by the student’s employer. (First Students at Macquarie University, Sydney. 1967)Wikimedia Commons
Eventually Daryl settles into a job at the Australian Bureau of Statistics. He feels lucky to find employment in an expanding public sector during a period of economic stagnation.
The agreement Daryl made on entering university was not with his family or future employer, but with the state itself, when he applied for student assistance.
Prime Minister Gough Whitlam’s government abolished fees and reduced financial barriers to study. This reallocated the cost of higher education from state governments to the Commonwealth, and the benefit to society.
Daryl benefited because he got a secure job in the public service. And society benefited through his skilled employment and active participation in the cultural and social life of the nation.
The Commonwealth also funded research to support economic development, productivity and defence.
1990s – the individual
No one in Ashley’s family has ever been to university before. But the introduction of the new Higher Education Contribution Scheme (which means she doesn’t have to pay fees until she begins earning money) has opened places for people like her.
Conscious HECS is just a loan, Ashley wants a degree that gets her a job. That’s why she picks Communications. And because she’s interested in video production, she gets involved in the film society.
Ashley hopes this might give her an advantage in a very competitive industry. She doesn’t have much time for socialising, because she also has a part-time job to help pay her living expenses.
Ashley’s experience reflects a social contract ushered in during the late 1980s and early 1990s. With the reintroduction of student fees and creation of HECS, students knew they were paying a much larger contribution to their higher education.
They expected direct benefits in terms of future employment options and income. An emphasis on “human capital” came to the fore and universities were told to equip students with skills they could can take into the job market.
COVID-19 has pulled on the threads of the already worn fabric of higher education policy. (University funding cuts protest, 2017)Callum Godde/AAP
They also competed for a reduced amount of research dollars which were now distributed on the basis of competitive application through a newly created entity, the Australian Research Council.
And they competed with high paying international students whose numbers grew by 2,000% between 1986 and 2006, providing an extra non-government source of income.
Competition created national and global university rankings and research metrics as a way of measuring value. This social contract worked within the terms of the market economy.
2020 – a new social contract?
While on average, graduates earn more than non-graduates, a degree no longer guarantees employment. Going to university is more expensive that before, and its returns are less guaranteed to convert into personal benefits.
And COVID-19 has pulled on the threads of the already worn fabric of higher education policy.
The deferred nature of the HECS payment, use of market mechanisms to allocate value, and the enormous supplement that comes from international student fees, has pushed the idea of the social contract for higher education out of view.
After a summer of devastating fire, universities, society and even some Australian states have recognised the country needs a social and economic framework dedicated to the conditions of habitability.
To achieve that, care for the planet, and each other, must be at the heart of all we do.
COVID-19 has also revealed people’s willingness to participate in collective action is just as crucial to effecting transformation as is expertise.
What does that mean for universities? What is their purpose in the 21st century? What new set of obligations and expectations will students face? What should we ask of them? What role should government play?
These are the questions our sector should be asking as we face lengthening months and years in which the world higher education in Australia, and the lives of all those who rely on it, is likely to grow even more precarious.
Next week’s podcast will explore the current context of the crisis for the university sector.
Our governments are committing taxpayers to further debt as part of a planned recovery from the economic impacts of the coronavirus pandemic. Infrastructure spending is great for economic stimulus, but it has to be the right kind of infrastructure.
These are some of our largest public investments, so we want this public money to work a lot harder to create multiple rather than just singular benefits. As well as quickly providing jobs and the economic benefits of solving the problems of transport or energy supply, stimulus projects need to deliver broad, long-term community value, reduce inequality and help counter climate change.
For example, the high-speed rail project Labor has proposed will help decarbonise travel, but it won’t provide enough jobs in the short or medium term. Major road projects will cut commuting time for some drivers, but won’t provide widespread benefits or longer-term employment. New roads also increase emissions and often damage neighbourhoods.
Infrastructure projects are such significant economic engines they can incorporate community improvement without compromising their other outcomes.
The ways in which projects get planned and implemented hold the key. For example, projects should involve local businesses, give hiring preference to long-term unemployed people and use sustainable materials.
Infrastructure planning can integrate multiple functions. For example, water-management infrastructure (for drainage or flooding) can be designed to include open space, tree cover, recreation and cycleways. Streets can be designed as beautiful public spaces that include pedestrians, cyclists and cars, as well as tree canopy and water storage.
Good infrastructure used for employment creation and economic recovery looks like Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s. These programs created a legacy of high-quality public infrastructure across the United States.
A “Green New Deal” approach in Australia could focus on smaller-scale projects, including:
This greenway traverses Sydney’s Inner West municipality.
These types of projects are fast to get going and labour-intensive. They can be implemented in both cities and regional areas. These projects can also build longer-term employment capacity and help with the transition of workers out of fossil fuel industry jobs.
The largest infrastructure projects, like those being proposed, are the riskiest in terms of cost blowouts and often deliver limited social and environmental value. In many instances their claimed economic value is also doubtful, as their costs are modelled inaccurately and their benefits and use are often vastly exaggerated.
The Morrison government is promoting the myth of fast-tracking through the cutting of red tape and green tape. This is not the key to faster project delivery. We have a decent system of development regulation, which attempts to balance the business interests of developers against the public good. The current crisis has illustrated very clearly the importance of the public values of liveability, preserving natural resources and easy access to open space and local centres.
In this pandemic crisis we have seen governments move fast and effectively to change policy and implement large-scale programs to benefit the community. The economic rebuilding forced on us by the pandemic is an opportunity to show the same agility to rethink our approach to infrastructure as an engine to uplift our communities and improve life for all citizens.
When it comes to our economic over-reliance on China, New Zealand consumers need look no further than their most popular big box chain, The Warehouse. The familiar “big red shed” sourced about 60% of its home brand stock from China in 2017 – and a further NZ$62 million in products directly through offices in China, India and Bangladesh in 2019.
In Australia, many major chain stores as well as online retail giant kogan.com are in a similar position. Reliant on China for much of what they sell, including exclusive home-brand items, they are part of what has been described as the world’s most China-reliant economy.
The COVID-19 crisis has thrown Australian and New Zealand businesses’ dependence on China into stark relief. With countries reportedly competing with and undercutting each other to secure desperately needed medical supplies from China, many are now waking up to their economic exposure to a single manufacturing giant.
Understandably, discussions about creating a “trans-Tasman bubble” between Australia and New Zealand have focused on kick-starting economic activity in the short term, particularly through tourism. But both countries also need to take a longer-term view of boosting economic activity – including through increased manufacturing and trade integration.
The statistics support this. In 2018, 20% of global trade in the manufacturing of “intermediate” products (which need further processing before sale) came from China. Chinese manufacturing (including goods made from components made in China) also accounted for:
35% of household goods
46% of hi-tech goods
54% of textiles and apparel
38% of machinery, rubber and plastic
20% of pharmaceuticals and medical goods
42% of chemical products.
Australia and New Zealand are no exception, with China the number one trading partner of both. Australia earned 32.6% of its export income from China in 2019, mostly from natural resource products such as iron ores, coal and natural gas, as well as education and tourism.
Inside a Bunnings store in Australia: many of the shelves would be empty without goods sourced from China.www.shutterstock.com
From New Zealand, 23% of exports (worth NZ$20 billion) went to China in 2019, and much of the country’s manufacturing has moved to China over the past 20 years. The China factor in New Zealand supply chains is also crucial, with a fifth of exports containing Chinese components.
Supply shortages from China
The world is now paying a price for this dependence on China. Since the COVID-19 outbreak in early 2020 there has been volatility in the supply of products ranging from cars and Apple phones to food ingredients and hand sanitiser packaging.
More worryingly, availability of popular over-the-counter painkiller paracetamol was restricted due to Chinese factory closures. This is part of a bigger picture that shows Australia now importing over 90% of medicines and New Zealand importing close to NZ$1.59 billion in pharmaceutical products in 2019. Overall, both countries are extremely vulnerable to major supply chain disruptions of medical products.
For all these reasons, a cooperative trans-Tasman manufacturing strategy should be on the table right now and in any future bilateral trade policy conversations.
The big red shed: New Zealand’s Warehouse chain sources 60% of its products from China.www.shutterstock.com
Rather than each country focusing on product specialisation or setting industrial priorities in isolation, the two economies need to discuss how best to pool resources, add value and enhance the competitive advantage of strategic industries in the region as a whole.
Currently, trans-Tasman trade primarily involves natural resources and foodstuffs flowing from New Zealand to Australia, with motor vehicles, machinery and mechanical equipment flowing the other way. Manufacturing is skewed towards Australia, but closer regional integration would mean increased flows of capital, components and finished products between the countries. We have seen this already in the primary and service sectors but not much in the manufacturing sector, especially from New Zealand to Australia.
Medical technologies and telecommunications equipment manufacturing (both critical during the pandemic) stand out as potential new areas of economic integration. In that sense, it was heartening to see major medical tech companies such as Res-Med Australia and Fisher & Paykel Healthcare in New Zealand rapidly scale up their production capacities to build respiratory devices, ventilators, and other personal protective equipment products.
These brands enjoy a global technology edge, smart niche positioning and reputations for innovation. We need more of these inside a trans-Tasman trade and manufacturing bubble.
China still vital but balance is crucial
Key to successful regional integration will be the pooling of research and development (R&D) resources, mutual direct investment, subsidising R&D and manufacturing in emerging markets with profits from another (such as China), and value-adding specialisation in the supply chain. For example, Tait Communication in New Zealand recently invested in a new facility based in one of Australia’s largest science, technology and research centres.
Together, we can make a bigger pie.
None of this means cutting ties with China, which will remain the main importer of primary produce and food products from Australasia for the foreseeable future. And Chinese exports will still be vital. Fisher & Paykel Healthcare sells its products in about 120 countries, for example, but some of its key raw materials suppliers are Chinese.
Getting this dynamic balancing right will be key to Australia and New Zealand prospering in the inevitably uncertain – even divided – post-pandemic global business environment. And you never know, maybe one day we’ll see a “made in Australia and New Zealand” label in the aisles of The Warehouse and Bunnings.
But globalisation isn’t new. Archaeological research shows it began in antiquity.
A global economy, with luxury consumerism and global interconnectivity, linked Europe, Africa and Asia at least 5,000 years ago and was widespread 2,000 years ago.
Over the past decade, archaeological excavations of ancient ports of trade have revealed prosperous networks of maritime and terrestrial trade that flourished in the ancient world.
Recent discoveries challenge our understanding of global economies and international connectivity through studies of architecture, excavated trade goods, and “ecofacts”: organic evidence (such as seeds, pollen or various sediments) associated with human activity.
Commercial ports and hubs linked the Indus Valley civilisation in South Asia with those of ancient Dilmun (current-day Bahrain) – a southern gate to Mesopotamia – some 4,500 years ago.
The Roman and Han empires – and everyone in between – were directly connected through outposts across the Indian Ocean some 2,000 years ago, foreshadowing our globalised world.
Common goods and exotic luxuries
Berenike, a small Roman city of about 2,000 inhabitants on the southern Red Sea coast of Egypt, was one of the key international trading hubs. The site was operational for over 800 years from its foundation by the Pharaoh Ptolemy II to bring African war elephants to Egypt.
The city was one of the starting points of the Periplus Maris Erythraei (Circumnavigation of the Red Sea), an ancient merchant guidebook written in the first century CE. Located strategically at the northernmost reach of the monsoon winds, Berenike received goods from across the Indian Ocean to be packed on camel caravans and transported along desert routes to the Nile. At the Nile port of Coptos, goods were reloaded onto riverine ships travelling to Alexandria and then across the Mediterranean.
A 1597 map depicting the locations of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea.Wikimedia Commons
Excavations at Berenike have yielded organic remains, common trade goods and exotic luxuries. These attest to contacts as far north and west as Spain and Britain and as far south and east as southern Arabia, sub-Saharan Africa and Sri Lanka. Indirectly, these ports provided contact with Vietnam, Thailand and eastern Java.
It is believed Berenike fell into disuse around the sixth century CE due to the Plague of Justinian.
An excavation at Berenike.Anna M. Kotarba-Morley, Author provided
An interconnected world
Humans have been involved in seafaring since the Stone Age. Over time, shipbuilding and navigation technologies improved. More than 2,000 years ago, Indian, Arab and Roman seafarers mastered the monsoon routes.
By understanding Red Sea wind patterns and Indian Ocean monsoons, the journey to South Asia could be made without reliance on time-consuming coastal hopping.
Understanding of the winds and currents in the Red Sea, Asia and Europe was greatly improved in Roman times.Anna M. Kotarba-Morley, Author provided
In the late 15th and early 16th centuries, explorers like Christopher Columbus, Vasco de Gama and Ferdinand Magellan set out on journeys with an almost single-minded purpose: to acquire exotic spices. This “Age of Exploration” came long after far-distance trade bridged continents.
In July 1497, de Gama left Lisbon, arriving in the Kenyan port of Malindi in April. There, he hired an Arab mathematician, Ahmed Ibn Magid, who flawlessly navigated the monsoon route to the Indian port of Kozhikode.
After circumnavigating Africa and 23 days of open sea voyage, da Gama and Ibn Magid arrived on the Malabar Coast in a journey of under a year.
Similar journeys would also have taken just under a year in Roman times: by sea from Rome to Alexandria, by river from Alexandria to Coptos, by caravan from Coptos to a Red Sea port, and across the sea to India. Dependent upon monsoon winds, Roman merchants could undertake this journey only once a year in each direction.
In the 18th and early 19th centuries, improvements in shipbuilding and the opening of the Suez Canal reduced the journey from England to India to between four and six months, running all year round in both directions. Nowadays the Suez Canal records upward of 20,000 passages a year.
Today, powerful modern cargo ships take 20 days on the same route. You can fly from London to Mumbai in nine hours.
The unprecedented rapid spread of COVID-19 is just one of the many legacies of the globalised ancient world.
Internationalised old world
With borders closing and travel restrictions remaining widespread, many are questioning “modern” globalisation, but far-distance trade and exchange networks have interconnected the world since the Bronze Age (3300-1200 BCE).
A fresco of boats and a coastal village, dated between 1650 and 1500 BC.Wikimedia Commons
Ongoing archaeological investigations help shape important narratives relating to human mobility, placing modern debates about cross-cultural interchange, migrants-versus-expats narratives, global and local religions, forced and voluntary migration, as well as adaptation and assimilation patterns within a wider historical framework.
In the world of growing political division, it is important to remember the ancient world, with all of its shortcomings, was open, tolerant and multiracial. It was not that strikingly different to the world of today.
With the COVID case curve currently close to the floor, Scott Morrison on Tuesday declared attention had to be directed firmly onto another curve.
“Thousands of Australian lives have been saved, when you look at the experience of how coronavirus has affected so many countries around the world,” he said in his update following national cabinet’s meeting.
“But we now need to get a million Australians back to work. That is the curve we need to address.”
There are multiple problems in – to use Industrial Relations Minister Christian Porter’s term – “re-animating” the squashed economy and its individual businesses.
And there is also a potential danger in the process.
The government and health officials are being frank in admitting they expect the number of COVID cases will rise as things re-open.
“When we move and start to ease some of these restrictions, of course you will see numbers increase in some areas, you will see outbreaks occur in other places, that is to be expected,” Morrison said.
“What matters is how you deal with it, and how you respond to it,” he said.
Cases could be managed in a strong health system.
In response to a question about schools, Morrison said: “So rather than be focused on how many more cases there would be, what we’re focused on is making sure we have the capacity to deal with the cases.”
At the early stage of the pandemic, even when case numbers were low, the government’s great fear was it did not have the health infrastructure in place to cope with an escalation.
Weeks of frantic activity buttressed these resources, physical and human, including with the much-discussed app (that still needs many more than the present about five million downloads).
But while the government acknowledges we’ll likely see COVID cases creep up again, it will put no figures on this.
Asked what the health advice was on numbers, Morrison said, “Nothing at this point because it all is a function of what restrictions [are lifted] and how quickly.”
In terms of the virus, we’re headed into a new chapter of uncertainty, though this time with our defences stronger and extra knowledge about the enemy.
The government likes to talk about crossing a bridge to the other side of the COVID crisis. Ahead is a narrow part of the bridge, where missteps or ill-judged acceleration of the journey out, could result in a fall into dark waters.
Hence the work (presented to the national cabinet meeting) being done with business to make workplaces fit for purpose, and to enable outbreaks to be dealt with quickly and properly.
The disaster would be for the virus to take off, leading to the re-imposition of restrictions that had been removed.
As they talk up the imperative of the other curve, both Morrison and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg are ramming home the message about the damage to the economy of prolonged restrictions.
Both made the point on Tuesday that for every extra week the restrictions remained, there would be about $4 billion reduction in economic activity.
National cabinet agreed to have a three-stage framework – with detail on Friday – “to gradually remove baseline restrictions” so Australians could “live in a COVID-19 safe economy”.
Note that is a “COVID safe” economy, not a “COVID free” one (unlike New Zealand’s ambition). As Morrison said, “We aren’t pursuing an eradication strategy”. The virus will still be lurking.
National cabinet aims for this “sustainable COVID-19 safe economy” to be reached in July.
But everyone won’t be marching at the same pace.
Individual states and territories will decide their timeframes for moving between steps and removing particular restrictions.
This reflects that different parts of the country are at different stages, and some leaders are more cautious.
Asked whether there was anything he could do to pressure some states to move faster, Morrison had two messages: that federal government authority was limited, and that state and territory leaders would be accountable to their own constituents for the decisions they take.
Indeed, it’s been very obvious these leaders are acutely aware of their responsibility and answerability, a factor in the stances of some on the vexed issue of schools, in defiance of Morrison’s arm twisting.
“We’re a federation and at the end of the day, states have sovereignty over decisions that fall specifically within their domain,” Morrison said.
“Every premier, every chief minister has to stand in front of their state and justify the decisions that they’re taking in terms of the extent of the restrictions that are in place. The trade off that they’re making between people having jobs and the impact on the containment of the coronavirus.
“Now, my view has always been this … Just having a low number of cases is not success. Particularly when you got a lot of people out of work … That is the curve that I’m looking to address,” he said.
“We’ve had great success on flattening the health curve, and that’s great and we all wanted that. But it has come at a price and we now have to start balancing that up.”
On and after Friday, following the next national cabinet meeting, we’ll see how that balancing act is going to play out.
The Eden-Monaro byelection has triggered an extraordinarily bitter attack by NSW Deputy Premier John Barilaro on fellow National, deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack.
In a message to McCormack, a furious Barilaro said, “You will never be acknowledged by me as our leader. You aren’t. You never will be”. He accused McCormack of feeling threatened by his (short-lived) bid to switch to federal politics.
After giving every indication last week he wanted to contest the byelection Barilaro on Monday announced he would not be seeking nomination.
This followed his failure to get the Liberals to make way, allowing him to be the only Coalition candidate. But he is also blaming McCormack for undermining him.
McCormack was known to be unenthusiastic about the prospect – in the event of a win – of having the volatile Barilaro in his federal party. This would have put more pressure on McCormack’s leadership, which pre-COVID was under strain after a failed bid to overthrow him by Barnaby Joyce. Publicly McCormack, while careful with his words, noted that if Barilaro decided “to put his hand up, he’s got to go through the pre-selection process. That is always the case with every National Party member.”
On Tuesday NSW Liberal Transport minister, Andrew Constance, from the state seat of Bega, which takes in a substantial part of Eden-Monaro in the south, announced his bid and is set to be the party’s candidate, although the Liberals still have a preselection open.
Constance will come to the byelection with the memory of his prominent role during the bushfires still fresh in the voters’ minds. At that time, he was sharply critical of Scott Morrison’s performance. But Morrison will be now be happy to have him as Liberal candidate, giving his local popularity.
In his vitriolic message, Barilaro said: “Michael. Please do not contact me. Your lack of public enthusiasm or support for my candidacy went a long way to my final decision.
“Don’t hide behind the ‘members will choose the candidate’ rubbish, as you were the only one saying such lines. Don’t you think my branches would have backed me in?
“To feel threatened by me clearly shows you have failed your team and failed as a leader.
“You will never be acknowledged by me as our leader. You aren’t. You never will be.
“The Nats had a chance to create history, to change momentum, and you had a candidate that was prepared to risk everything to make it happen.
“What did you risk? Nothing.
“Hope you are proud of yourself.”
In his Monday announcement Barilaro said: “The polling showed I could win but sometimes in this game, you let ego get in the way of good decisions and I’ve got to make the best decision for me, my family, for the people of NSW – more importantly for the people of Eden-Monaro”.
The Liberals argued Constance would have a better chance of taking the Labor seat than Balilaro, despite the fact the regional centre of Queanbeyan is in his state seat of Monaro, and he won every booth in his electorate at the NSW election last year.
Eden-Monaro became vacant because of the resignation of Labor’s Mike Kelly due to ill health. Labor has chosen Bega mayor Kristy McBain, who is considered a strong candidate.
The contest is seen as an important test for opposition leader Anthony Albanese.
Labor has history on its side – it is a century since a federal government took an opposition seat at a byelection.
In response to Barilaro’s attack McCormack said he respected his “personal decision not to contest the Eden-Monaro by-election due to family reasons.
“I have always supported the democratic election processes of the National Party of Australia. I wholeheartedly endorse the right of branches to select their local candidates first and foremost.
“My support of Mr Barilaro has been long standing and I respect his position as Deputy Premier and New South Wales Nationals’ Leader.”
Papua New Guinea’s two daily newspapers – the PNGPost-Courier and The National – which dominate the market, demonstrated“overwhelming deference”to theoffice of former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, says a new report about the country’s media freedom.
Transparency International Papua New Guinea (TIPNG) released a preliminary statement from a research report onWorld Press FreedomDaylast Sunday, sayingit found “much wrong” with the PNG media.
The global WPFD20 theme this year was “Journalism Without Fear orFavour”and the Transparency International statement featuredmedia trends in Papua New Guinea and the issue of bias in reporting on governance issues among print media.
– Partner –
Analysing a period from June 2017 to August 2018, the report examines the balance of coverage on governance issues in particular.
“The threats to PNG’s media freedom are most obvious when it comes to major national events that require objective reporting in the public interest,” the statement said.
Hampered by other interests “Recent instances where the ability of the media to report have been hampered by other interests (often political) include:
the 2017 national election;
the 2018 APEC Leaders Summit;
the 2019 Political Transition [after the ousting of O’Neill and the formation of a new government led by current Prime Minister James Marape]; and
the 2020 Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic public spending.
“Journalists in PNG are further disadvantaged by the lack of Right to Information (RTI) legislation to enable them to obtain public documents from the state.” the statement added.
“In the absence of a RTI law in PNG the media outlets are further beholden to political interests as sources of information – which further erodes public trust in news outlets.”
Transparency International also said: “While PNG has enjoyed a relatively free media, this has been under threat in recent years. For instance, the 2020 Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index assessed PNG to have a press whose independence is ‘endangered’, with a corresponding drop of eight places in rank since last year,” the report said.
“Interestingly one of the reasons cited by RSF for the diminished ranking is that journalists nonetheless continue to be dependent on the concerns of those who own their media.”
‘Crisis on multiple fronts’ Commenting on the report, Scott Waide,theLaebureau chief of EMTV News, told Pacific Media Watch“what we have here is a crisis on multiple fronts“.
PNG television journalist Scott Waide … “Debate is stifled, journalists are threatened.” Image: EMTV
“Debate is stifled, journalists are threatened, abused and ridiculed, editors, CEOs and board members are put under pressure –youare excluded from eventsor deliberately not informed,” he said.
“Politicians feel invincible because of the image we reinforce in the media.They want us toreport the factsbut not report the whyandhow.They avoid live debates, or live interviews, unless they feel they have some control over them.
“They avoid interviews unless you push them into a corner,ifthey cannot fully control them, they will influence them.”
Waide said he had given lectures on the misgiving of the PNG media which become beset with many problems.
“Politiciansareput on a pedestal and adored, corruption is normalised and legalised.Politicians feel that government policy should not bequestioned,and criticalthinking islargely absent in public debate.”
The problems stemmed from the overalldecline in the quality of training at universitieswhere students took journalism as second or third choice.
‘A constant void’ “As well as the steady exit of senior journalists, taking with them years of accumulated institutional knowledge, younger journalists leave after an average of five years, there is alwaysa constant void that needs filling in newsroomsand theabsence of critical debate driven by the media,” he said.
He pointed out there was a generalabsence of proactive action to question, analyse and explain bad government decisions, and fact checking of political statements was non-existent.
The Transparency International report said: “To reach its potential, however, professional and ethical journalism standards need to be raised in the face of increasing political pressures.”
However, Waide was forthright in his assessment: “The solution is cross-sectoral and can’t be done only by media organisations.”
Meanwhile, in Samoasimilar problems were expressed by Samoa Observer editors and reporters of not being informed of press conferences by the government.
The newspaper, one of the region’s leading advocates of media freedom, produced a video on social media speaking about the virtues of media on World Press Freedom Day.
“You are talking about giving the media the ability to go out there and reach out to the masses, give them a voice, give them the ability to reach out to the leaders of this country, give them an opportunity to tell them this what you should do,” said co-editorAlexanderRheeney, who is also a former editor of the Post-Courier in Port Moresby.
Samoa media ‘encroachments’ His co-editor, James Robertson, said: “There regular updates on this coronavirus situation in Samoa to which we are not invited, there are regular press conferences by the prime minister to which we are not allowed to send reporters to ask questions.”
“And these are significant encroachments of press freedom in Samoa,” he said.
Rheeneywas more philosophical, asking the reporters not to take their jobs for granted.
“I asked them not to clock-in in the morning and clock-out in the evening Monday to Friday without thinking about their work as reporters, and the power they have in their hands to change the lives of ordinary Samoans for the better and to influence government policy decisions for the benefit of the people,” he told Pacific Media Watch.
“There is a big difference between working for a daily newspaper that publishes ordinary news stories Monday to Friday without thinking about the ‘big picture issues’, unlike at the Samoa Observer where we urge our reporters to think outside the box.
“We strive to get our reporters totell the bigger storyand not just focus on news that gets fed from the Prime Minister’s Facebook livestream or at a press conference where the questions that matter don’t normally get asked,” he said.
It has been interesting for me to look back and investigate the Black Flu pandemic of 1918. The 1918 pandemic is widely regarded to have been the world’s worst pandemic since the Black Death of the late 1340s. (It was commonly known as the ‘Spanish Flu’, but this is misleading because it most likely began in the United States; this American Flu was brought to Europe by American troops, who helped the allied nations to ‘win’ World War 1, in part by infecting German troops on the western front. Pandemics are pandemics; it’s best not to label them in ways that point blame towards specific others, such as Spanish people. In any pandemic, many mistakes are made by many people; and many good – and often very brave – decisions are also made by many people.) The 1918 pandemic was also called the Black Flu because the often-fatal pneumonia brought about by the virus caused cyanosis, which turned many victims black.
A couple of weeks ago I created a Smithometer chart which suggested that, for two weeks in November 1918, New Zealand had ten times the rate of deaths that it would have had in the absence of that lethal influenza outbreak.
Since then I have been reading Geoffrey Rice’s 1988 book, ‘Black November’. I was struck by the following two passages (pp.49,50), quoted from the private correspondences of two girls caught up in the Wellington outbreak:
“In our apartment house only the lady owner and two girls aged twelve and eleven (one was me) were still standing, to nurse 13 patients…. We didn’t lose a single one, but we heard rumours of whole families dying around us. One evening we two girls went down to Lambton Quay and Willis Street for a gulp of formalin spray and to pick up some lemons from the Town Hall. As we passed houses along the way we twice had to pause while the undertakers brought out the dead in coffins…. Some of our patients turned black all over not brown or blue but a smoky sort of black. Some stayed like that for up to three weeks. Those who could swallow were given water and lemon drinks or beef tea, no food. Those who were unconscious had to be given enemas … to replace fluids. The doctor came when he could…. I often wonder why our patients all survived when so many better cared for died in hospital. We did no housework, no sterilizing or disinfecting. It was just a matter of getting fluids into them and out of them, with a face and hand wash when we had time. While they were very ill, there wasn’t much else we could do for them. It seemed more like plague than ‘flu’.”
And:
“One by one my five sisters and one brother went to bed, until I was the only one helping mother…. I spent long periods of time at our upstairs window watching the funerals go along Aro Street on their way to Karori. Those funerals gave way to trucks loaded with coffins, and the coffins (for a brief period) gave way to wraps of sacking. I used to count the trucks. Sometimes they just passed one after the other …. My eldest sister Elizabeth, in her first pregnancy, was taken to hospital dying in an effort to save the child. Both lived, but my sister completely lost a thick head of hair – was quite bald – and all her toe and finger-nails. My mother and father did not contract the disease, and always maintained it was because they took massive doses of quinine each day ‘My baby brother died – he was pronounced dead by Dr Gibb – but as the undertaker was carrying him in his arms to the waiting hearse, he looked down on the terribly discoloured little face, and thought he caught a faint sigh. He did too, and our brother was thus saved from being buried alive.”
These are survivors’ stories; stories of houses with desperately ill people who survived while people in other places were dying in large numbers. These important stories have only surfaced through the private reminiscences of modest people who would not have been witnesses to official inquiries. It wasn’t money that allowed these people to survive; it was doing the basics, and retaining hope.
In the first story, a combination of Vitamin C and fluids helped people who were desperately ill to survive, when people in the hospitals were succumbing. Hospital environments may in many cases have contributed to the deaths; some people in hospitals may not have been getting Vitamin C and fluids. The emphasis in hospitals on the cleaning of surfaces – sterilizing and disinfecting – may not in fact have made much difference to patient outcomes.
In the second story, not only did everyone survive, but the parents did not even get a disease that had severely affected other people in their communities with the same demographics. The parents used intelligent self-medication. They did not see quinine as a panacea. But they did see it as low risk, likely to reduce their chance of contracting the ‘black flu’, and likely to reduce the severity of the illness if they did get it.
The principal public health clinical measure used in 1918 was the use of ‘inhalation chambers’. These were used to internally disinfect people with zinc sulphate. From ‘Black November’ (pp.97-98):
“At Milton … both local doctors strongly opposed the inhalation method…. The avoidance of the inhalation chamber may have been a contributing factor to Milton’s low infection rate and low death toll.”
With hindsight, all health emergencies have included treatments that have hindered and treatments that have helped. Finding out as soon as possible which ones are which is all important. That knowledge enables societies to be able to adopt smart treatments; to know what does work and what does not, so that public health measures can be no more costly than necessary. Smart treatments apply to prevention of infection, facilitating recovery from infection, prevention of economic turmoil, and minimisation of the loss of liberty.
One important type of restrictive treatment is quarantine, and its cousin, physical distancing. Both were used, successfully, to varying extents in 1918 and 1919. Australia applied strict quarantines, and faced a much less severe flu epidemic, in 1919 rather than 1918. American Samoa had a quarantine, and had zero cases. Western Samoa, controlled by New Zealand, had among the world’s most severe outbreaks of the Black Flu. Coromandel town had no cases, thanks to an effective quarantine. Generally, these barrier measures were lifted promptly when no longer required.
In New Zealand, Māori experienced double the mortality from Black Flu, compared to Pakeha, for a variety of reasons; one being to less immunity acquired from a prior but similar strain few months earlier. But the Māori from Te Araroa escaped ‘the flu’ entirely (ref. Rice p.96):
“At Te Araroa, near East Cape, the locals set up a road block guarded by men armed with shotguns to make sure nobody went out or came in.”
The Black Flu was only similar to Covid19 in that both were viral, both led to pneumonia, and both were highly infectious. Today, we cannot learn precise lessons from 1918. But we can learn from the kind of mistakes that were made then, and we can learn that the most effective treatments – medical and social treatments – are not necessarily those involving the latest medical technology. Local initiatives could make a huge difference, for the better.
Low Tech ‘Treatments’ for Covid19
A ‘treatment’ is an intervention, be it a clinical intervention or a public policy intervention. The best treatments are those that give plenty of ‘bang’ (ie are effective) for relatively little ‘buck’ (ie no more costly than necessary).
Senegal is a proud and innovative West African country. It’s had its past tragedies – the North Atlantic slave trade, European colonisation, World War 1 losses at Gallipoli, the ebola epidemic in 2014.
Senegalese troops fought alongside New Zealand troops at the disastrous Second Battle of Krithia on 8 May 1915 (see 1915 Smithometer). New Zealand troops were British reinforcements; Senegal’s finest were France’s reinforcements. It was a battle with huge allied casualties that went under the radar of our WW1 memory.
Countries like New Zealand tend not to look at countries like Senegal for modern solutions to modern problems, despite some shared history. For the most part ethnic Europeans have a condescending pity towards Africa, in line with the first-world narrative that the whole African continent is impoverished, dangerous and (implicitly) pathetic.
While Senegal has had quite a few new cases of Covid19 since the cited story (though its case rate and death rate remain much lower than New Zealand’s), it still seems that Covid19 is well under control there, thanks to cheap low technology testing and tracing. We can learn from Senegal, which is using smart solutions to deal with Covid19. Indeed, Africa is by and large finding its own solutions to Covid19. All the evidence so far suggests that Africa will end up the continent least affected by Covid19 illness.
Chile has also developed cheap low technology sniff testing (Al Jazeera news today). Low tech tests are not necessarily low quality or unsophisticated. They may not be perfect (just as high technology methods are not perfect), but they are easily done and can be done repeatedly, as a way to check the spread (or non-spread) of Covid19, and can give the necessary information very quickly when new outbreaks occur.
The first-world can learn much from poorer countries, if only it deigns to look.
Targeted Restrictions
The best treatments are smart treatments, not costly treatments. Restrictions on our freedoms are policy treatments.
People all over the world have faced severe restrictions, all over the world, these past two months. Most have been necessary, in light of our substantial ignorance about the problem we are facing. We need to know, with urgency, which of those restrictions have been important, and which have not. Just as we need to know which clinical treatments are effective, and which ones are not.
We are already learning much about the infection cycle of Covid19, and about the demographics of which people are most at risk of being infected, and most at risk of becoming critically ill or worse.
We need to do more to understand which environments are substantially safe, and which are not. Aeroplanes may be safe, but airports not. Cruise ships are not safe. Relatively open food halls may be safe, while enclosed restaurants may not be. Outdoor spaces may be much safer than indoor spaces. Ventilation using windows may be safer than spaces with minimal indoor-outdoor flow.
Are indoor spaces like modern offices among the most dangerous of environments? Could the single most effective public health treatment be to substantially reduce the density of workers in these spaces, in large part by having such people work from home? This one measure may mean we no longer need to have blanket physical distancing imposed on us.
Further, by attempting to minimise our exposure to a single virus, we may also be substantially underexposing ourselves to the microbes in the environment that fine-tune our immune systems. In particular, over-the-top disinfecting may be setting ourselves (and especially our children) up for other major public health crises in the future. We cannot expect to be able to vaccinate ourselves against everything. Past pandemics have been more lethal when people have less life-acquired immunity. Senegalese (and other African) ‘labourers’ in America’s past were so effective because they were relatively immune to the diseases that Europeans brought to America; diseases that killed so many native Americans.
In the coming long tail of Covid19, we need smart policies that maximise the protection from immediate threats, while minimising the losses to our freedoms. We need to live good socially enriched lives, without losing the incidental freedom to expose ourselves to nature, dirt and all.
These deaths show how fatal and fast the spread of the infection can be, and the extreme challenge of containing the virus once a positive case appears in aged care homes.
But there is also community pressure to ease social distancing rules for aged care residents and, for facilities that banned visits, to start allowing family members and friends to see their loved ones again.
To address these concerns, on Friday the aged care sector and consumer advocacy organisations released a draft visitor access code. The code aims to meet the needs of residents to see their families and friends while minimising any risk of spreading COVID-19.
But putting the code into practice will require more staff time to implement them. And while additional funding is on its way, existing workforce shortages may mean a delay to boosting the front-line workforce.
Rights and responsibilities of residents and visitors
According to the code, visitors should be provided with regular updates and information about what’s happening in the facility.
They should also have the option to talk to their loved one via video conference or telephone calls to supplement in-person visits.
But they can’t visit while they have cold or flu symptoms. They must also have had their flu vaccination, wash their hands, remain in the resident’s room or designated area, and to call ahead before visiting. They may also have their temperature taken on arrival.
Each facility will create its own guidelines about where residents can have guests visit – whether it’s in a dedicated room, the resident’s room, a visiting window or something else.
Most visits should be brief. But residents in their final weeks of life and those with an established pattern of care from a family member or friend, for example to help them eat, should be allowed longer and/or more frequent visits.
The code states residents can continue to use public spaces in the facility, including outdoor spaces. But if there is an outbreak, they will need to be confined to their rooms.
Rights and responsibilities of providers
Facilities have the right to refuse entry to someone for a justifiable reason, and to move to lockdown if there is an outbreak.
They have a responsibility to ensure all staff have their flu shots, to facilitate video conferencing or phone calls with family and friends, and enable in-person visits.
These changes require more staff
All of these changes require additional staff to facilitate better communication, video conferencing and increased visits during the pandemic.
Use of new technologies requires a significant amount of staff time. Many residents would need help holding the phone or dialling the number, or using Zoom or Facetime and maintaining a video conversation online. For some residents, such technologies may be a whole new world of experience.
Taking bookings for visit times and screening visitors for temperature, flu vaccination status and hand sanitising takes considerable staff time. As does escorting visitors to the room and back out of the facility while ensuring they’re keeping physical distance throughout.
Staff increases will take time to implement
Residential aged care has long experienced workforce problems, including high staff turnover, failure to attract staff with sufficient qualification and training, and leadership issues, to name a few.
A timely and effective response to the COVID-19 outbreak is likely to be hampered by the sector’s existing challenges.
Implementing the guidelines will take up more staff time.Shutterstock
The draft code is a positive step in addressing some confusion around social distancing measures in aged care homes. Many providers have already been implementing the principles in the code, and beyond. But some haven’t.
Hopefully the code will be more broadly and consistently practised by all aged care providers.
Public consultations about the code are underway and close 3pm Thursday May 7. If you are a family member or friend of someone living in aged care, or you’re an aged care provider or staff member, you can raise concerns or views about the code here. The code is due to be finalised on May 11.
New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern was a special guest at Australia’s national cabinet meeting on Tuesday, which discussed the possibility of setting up a travel safe zone.
Both Ardern and Australia’s Prime Minister Scott Morrison have cautioned a travel bubble will not happen immediately. After the meeting, Morrison said a safe zone is “still some time away”. But he also stressed, “it is important to flag it, because it is part of the road back”.
What would a travel bubble mean in practice for Australia and New Zealand?
As tourism researchers in both countries, we see a travel bubble as a great opportunity to kick-start the post-COVID economic recovery, while also focusing on more sustainable tourism.
Why the trans-Tasman bubble makes sense
A travel bubble would see quarantine-free travel allowed between Australia and New Zealand.
The two neighbours have a unique opportunity to do this. Not only are they geographically isolated, both have so far had success containing – perhaps even eliminating – COVID-19 cases within their borders.
It is not yet known when international flows of tourists will be possible again. But it is understood that global tourism as we once knew it will not be possible until a COVID-19 vaccine is widely available.
Historically, limited travel circuits have been associated with former and current Communist states. Nevertheless, for Australia and New Zealand in 2020, the idea of a travel safe zone makes a lot of sense.
Australians make up more than half of international arrivals to New Zealand each year.Lukas Coch/AAP
The beauty of our shared travel markets is our visitors are generally repeat visitors who head to diverse regions. Because more than 70% of Australians book self-drive holidays, for example, their spending spreads more widely than some other visitors.
Australians seek skiing and adventure in Queenstown, wine in the Martinborough or Waiheke Island regions. They also support Australian sports teams competing in Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin. In reverse, lots of Kiwis head to the Gold Coast but also visit the Hunter Valley for wine or Melbourne, Sydney or Brisbane for sports events.
Starting to rebuild these markets while the rest of the world remains in lockdown would represent a huge boost to both economies.
The key to a successful trans-Tasman travel arrangement will be sound planning and implementation.
Rigorous public health measures to facilitate safe travel will be essential, including being prepared for all travel to be halted again if the situation changes.
Broad stakeholder involvement and coordination will be necessary, including between tourism commissions, airlines and airports, industry associations and a range of government agencies, to ensure any reopening is managed well.
Local councils and businesses must also be involved to ensure that the tourism restart is planned, coordinated and controlled.
A chance for greener travel
A trans-Tasman travel bubble could also lead to a change in both countries’ tourism strategies.
A COVID-era focus on domestic and trans-Tasman travel will likely result in lower yield but could also lead to a more sustainable tourism future. Trans-Tasman travel is the least carbon emitting of our international markets, because it does not rely on long-haul flights.
A focus on domestic and trans-Tasman travel also provides a chance to create a greener tourism industry.Lukas Coch/ AAP
Trans-Tasman visitors also tend to have a lower carbon footprint at their destinations. In 2018, more than half of all Australian visitors to New Zealand (57%) were repeat visitors. Repeat visitors tend to spend more of their time at regional destinations, and less time incurring the carbon costs of transporting themselves around the country.
New Zealand has already begun to rethink its tourism economy to establish greater sustainability. A trans-Tasman bubble presents an opportunity to foster tourism with a lighter footprint.
Could the bubble be expanded?
There is a call for an extension of this travel bubble to the Pacific neighbourhood, where there are also low infection numbers.
Such a move would not only provide economic support to the Pacific community, it would also represent another step in the long process of restoring normality in different regions of the world.
Ardern has kept the door open on this aspect, but noted “at the moment, we are focused on Australia”. She has also cautioned about not introducing COVID-19 to parts of the Pacific untouched by coronavirus.
Even if it remains just Australia and New Zealand, any travel bubble will obviously elevate the risk of COVID-19 reinfection. So, public health priorities must trump the desire to kick-start economies, to make sure we don’t squander our success against coronavirus so far.
But if the governments and tourism industries can find the right balance between public health and economic needs, then Australia and New Zealand stand to benefit from a head start on the long road to economic recovery.
Last month, Victoria swiftly pushed through a bill introducing judge-only criminal trials as a short-term measure to tackle the absence of court sittings during the coronavirus lockdown.
The new law, which was cautiously welcomed by the state Criminal Bar Association, puts Victoria in line with other states that already have judge-only trials as a permanent option.
In Victoria and other states, there is a requirement for the accused person to consent to such a trial. The new ACT law, however, allows a judge to order such a trial whether the accused agrees or not. This was not welcomed by the Law Council of Australia and is now the subject of a constitutional challenge.
Right to a fair trial
Jury trials have long been a staple of common law and one of the essential liberties of a free country.
In Australia, one of the few express constitutional rights is a trial by jury at the Commonwealth level. Richard Harding, former director of the Australian Institute of Criminology, has noted there is an expectation this right extends to jury trials on state indictments, too.
It seems, however, this deference is no longer being observed.
Such a significant change to the criminal justice system deserves much more public scrutiny than it has received.
Even with the ostensible consent of an individual to a judge-only trial, there is a real risk we lose a sense of public accountability for decisions at the state level and the methods used to accuse people of serious crime.
In addition, these judge-only trials have been introduced in Victoria and the ACT during an emergency, without an audit of outstanding trials and a taskforce to look at alternative measures (such as fewer jurors). It is the prefect storm of short-term gain with the potential for long-term harm.
In the UK, where a similar backlog of trials has been exacerbated by the pandemic, some lawyers have urged the courts to adopt the Australian model and offer the judge-only trial option.
There are so many imponderables that this pandemic should not be used as an excuse to rush into the great unknown where the risks are simply not worth taking, from what would be a wholescale change, volte-face to a tried and tested system that worked for at least the past 800 years.
Community engagement in justice is vital
It is also worth bearing in mind that jury service is an exercise in democracy. In cases where the public has a vested interest and the verdict could lead to a life-changing punishment, it is vital the community decides on a person’s guilt or innocence – and not a privileged professional.
Lord Devlin, a British judge well known for his stance against what he saw as injustice in the legal system, once said
a jury cannot fight tyranny outside the law, but it ensures that within the law liberty cannot be crushed.
More recently, in an appendix to a book about great trials at the Old Bailey, Sir Edward Bindloss wrote that
jurors serve a political function: they are lay people who administer the law as a direct act of citizen engagement.
Because criminal cases focus so much on people and their behaviours, there is a real value in the role members of the community play when they answer the call for public service on a jury.
More research needed on judge-alone trials
Then there is the question of finding the right balance on acquittal rates.
In 2009, there were only 53 judge-only trials in NSW out of a total of 575, or about 10%. The acquittal rate for judge-only trials was just 17.3% – far lower than the acquittal rate for jury trials of 43.8%.
By 2014, however, judge-only trials had become much more commonplace in the state, accounting for a quarter of all trials. And the acquittal rate was more even – 33.3% for judge-alone and 35.2% for jury trials.
There might be a range of reasons for such differences in the statistics, which could be determined by thorough analysis of the cases themselves.
This shows the need for more analysis and study of judge-only trials to gauge their fairness before more permanent changes are made to state laws.
Guarding against biased decisions
We also need to consider the impact that changing or removing trial by jury will have on marginalised groups.
The Australian judiciary is well known for its lack of diversity. Because of this, is there a potential for judge-only trials to lead to biased decisions against certain minorities?
Research on the Diplock courts in Northern Ireland – judge-alone courts set up in the 1970s to address criminal cases during the Irish Troubles – has studied whether judges acting on their own could become “case-hardened” over time and thus biased against the accused.
The research also raised concerns that judges would decide the facts in cases and then draft their reasons in such a way as to make their decisions more difficult to appeal.
In South Africa, jury trials were abolished in 1969 due to racial bias against black people and a new system was set up with an option for two lay assessors to sit with the judge. These assessors are able to overrule the judge when it comes to a verdict on the facts of the case.
Judge-only trials in Australia have no similar checks from the community on the judicial process. In cases involving Indigenous people in Australia, it would be worth considering having Indigenous lay assessors similarly accompany judges who sit alone on trials.
Instead of changing to judge-only trials, perhaps what is really needed is a more fundamental recognition of the disadvantages and vulnerabilities that many people face in the criminal justice system.
If this is something we’re committed to addressing, then verdicts that affect someone’s life should always come down to more than one person.
Even during a pandemic, it must still be possible to select a diverse group of jurors committed to public service to make sure trials are fair, even if, in the short term, they have to sit 1.5 meters apart.
She had met German artist Max Ernst one day in 1942 when he came to her Manhattan apartment to look at some paintings for an all-woman show at Peggy Guggenheim’s gallery. He selected the only two completed works she had; they played chess and he never went home.
By the time Max knocked on her door, Tanning had seen the Fantastic Art, Dada and Surrealism exhibition at Museum of Modern Art in 1936 and was already a convert to surrealist imagery. She described it as “the infinitely faceted world I must have been waiting for”.
The fact the imagery of Dali, Man Ray and Duchamp and their ilk emphasised a “male gaze” did not deter her. While the male surrealists of the time objectified the female body and revelled in desire, Tanning’s work was notable for its interest in actual female experience while also exploring the unconscious – our inner most dreams – as well-springs of creativity.
From a place where nothing happened
Tanning was born in 1910 in Galesburg, Illinois, a town in which she declared “nothing ever happened but the wallpaper”. A self-taught creator, she sustained herself as a successful commercial artist while pursuing her own painting.
She was in New York as the surrealists began to arrive, exiled or rescued from a ravaged Europe, and she forged deep friendships with the likes of John Cage, Marcel Duchamp, Joseph Cornell and Lee Miller.
She and Ernst (who’d previously been married to Peggy Guggenheim) married in 1946 in a double ceremony with Man Ray and Juliet P. Browner. The couple moved to France in 1950s after Ernst relinquished his American citizenship in the rigid conservatism and nationalistic Cold War fervour of the McCarthy Era.
Eine Kleine Nachtmusik (1943)Dorothea Tanning Estate
Fluid spaces
Tanning developed her own visual language to explore her experiences in a world alive with emotional and psychological complexity. She aimed “to capture the moment, to accept it with all its complex identities”. She was interested in the fluid spaces in between realities – places of infinite possibility.
Accordingly, her characters are often caught in states of physical, emotional or psychological transformation. Her work demonstrates a preoccupation with thresholds, liminal and transitional spaces in which fantasy, reality, sensation and imagination converge. Her 1976 work Murmurs illustrates this.
Her repeated motifs of doors, wallpaper and cloth are symbols of these thresholds that create otherworldy spaces. She was interested in how irrational events are folded into mundane, everyday interiors.
Tanning’s work satellites around the feminine form, its boundaries, movements, abstractions and sensations. She was fascinated with the lived experience of the female body in maternity or when confronted by violence. She depicted childhood and puberty in works like The Guest Room as both desired and dreaded.
Tanning explored relationship dynamics – in families, among strangers, in the bond between human and animals (particularly dogs) – through voluptuous surfaces of paint, cloth or tissue paper that convey a sense of perpetual transformation. In works like Family Portrait (1977) she visibly collapses the boundaries between her figures to engage the imagination of any viewer.
Tanning was the subject of a retrospective at London’s Tate last year.
Always creating
Tanning returned permanently to New York in 1980 soon after Ernst’s death. While she continued to make visual artwork, she increasingly turned her hand to writing, becoming an accomplished and well-published poet.
In a career spanning more than 70 years, her prodigious output included: painting, drawing, print and etching, sculptures, fabric installation, etchings, jewellery, costume and set designs, collage, memoirs, fiction and several volumes of poetry.
She was still producing extraordinary work when I met her in 2000 and began a friendship that lasted until her death in 2012. Her consummate skill as an artist was acknowledged among her peers throughout her life, and her work features in international galleries including Tate, San Francisco and New York Museums of Modern Art and the Pompidou Centre in Paris.
Tanning’s work has recently returned to the spotlight in recognition of its unique contribution to visual art. The first major retrospective of her work in 25 years was held at Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía in Spain and London’s Tate Modern last year. Her work was also included in the 2013 Venice Biennale.
Scholars have also begun paying attention to her work. In November, my monograph Dorothea Tanning: Transformations, the first devoted to her, traced her career’s recurrent themes and preoccupations. As an artist interested in exploring the richness of human experience from a feminine viewpoint, Tanning’s work occupies a singular position in the history of modern art.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Robie, Professor of Pacific Journalism, Director of the Pacific Media Centre, Auckland University of Technology
As fears grow over vulnerability to the coronavirus in parts of the Pacific, some governments stand accused of sheltering behind tough emergency or lockdown rules to silence criticism.
Already, several media freedom watchdogs and the United Nations have condemned countries – including Fiji and Papua New Guinea – for exploiting the crisis.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet has called on governments to stop using the pandemic as “a pretext to restrict information and stifle criticism”. She cites the International Press Institute’s tracking of at least 152 alleged media violations since the outbreak began in China last December.
This is no time to blame the messenger. Credible, accurate reporting is a lifeline for all of us.
According to a new report from the International Federation of Journalists, three out of four journalists worldwide have faced intimidation, obstruction or other restrictions covering the pandemic.
In April, Papua New Guinea police minister Bryan Kramer attacked two experienced journalists, saying they “can’t be trusted” and ought to be sacked.
Kramer used his Kramer Report Facebook page to accuse Loop PNG political and business editor Freddy Mou and senior PNG Post-Courier journalist Gorethy Kenneth of misrepresenting a financial report by Treasurer Ian Ling-Stuckey. “Both journalists have close ties to the former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill,” Kramer wrote. “Both have been accused of publishing biased and misleading reports.”
PNG journalists Gorethy Kenneth and Freddy Mou.Loop PNG
Based on an interview with Ling-Stuckey, Mou’s story alleged the “bulk” of a 23 million kina (NZ$11 million) budget for COVID-19 operations was being used to hire cars and media consultants. Kenneth supported Mou by posting the interview video on social media.
Loop PNG stood by its “key facts”, saying any “misunderstanding” was “not deliberate or intentional”. Paris-based media freedom advocacy group Reporters Without Borders said the harassment was “unacceptable meddling”. The PNG Media Council called for greater “transparency”.
Ironically, Kramer has a reputation for political transparency rare in PNG. His blog pledges to tell the “inside story through in-depth investigative reporting” and boasts more than 128,000 readers in a country with low internet penetration.
PNG has eight confirmed COVID-19 cases but no deaths. However, there are fears that a serious outbreak could rapidly overwhelm the health system. Even before the pandemic, warned Human Rights Watch, “the fragile health system […] was underfunded and overwhelmed, with high rates of malaria, tuberculosis and diabetes”.
Human Rights Watch’s Georgie Bright points out that 80% of the PNG population is rural, the country has only 500 doctors, fewer than 4000 nurses and barely 5000 hospital beds.
The country has only 14 ventilators. A COVID-19 outbreak would be catastrophic.
Health officials also point to neighbouring Indonesian-ruled Melanesian provinces Papua and West Papua as a warning for PNG. Politicians worry about encroachments along the 820 kilometre locked-down but still porous border.
Reliable West Papuan data are hard to obtain as they are sometimes “hidden” within Indonesian statistics, but reports indicate 283 cases and seven deaths with totals rising. Only seven respiratory doctors and 73 ventilators are available for 45 hospitals with a regional population of 4 million.
The doctor in charge of the capital Jayapura’s COVID-19 Response Team, Silwanus Sumule, told The Jakarta Post:
I know this might sound harsh for some people but this is the fact – if you don’t want to die, don’t come to Papua.
Indonesian authorities warned in April that people illegally crossing borders would be shown “no mercy”, making reporting from the region particularly dangerous. Three days later, after PNG border police arrested nine “illegals”, East Sepik governor Allan Bird called for a “shoot to kill” order.
Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama with Brigadier-General Jone Kalouniwai (right).RSF/Fijileaks
While other Pacific countries such as Cook Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands and Tonga remain COVID-19 free, elsewhere in the Pacific media are still struggling to report the crisis, especially in the American territory of Guam (148 cases and 5 deaths) and the French territories of New Caledonia (18 cases) and Tahiti (58 cases).
On Guam, when nearly 1000 infected crew members on the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt were taken ashore, the captain who blew the whistle was relieved of his command. The Pacific Island Times has condemned a lack of transparency during a “news blackout” around a US$129 million federal relief budget.
In Fiji, where there have been 18 coronavirus cases with no deaths, Brigadier-General Ratu Jone Kalouniwai warned in the Fiji Sun that the government had “good reasons to stifle criticism” and for “curtailing freedom of […] the press” in response to curfew violations. Two radio personalities were arrested and charged over “malicious” social media comments.
Reporters Without Borders’ Asia-Pacific director Daniel Bastard said the comments “recall the worst time of the Fijian military dictatorship from 2006 to 2014”.
Launching its 2020 global Media Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders recently warned that the pandemic “provides authoritarian governments with an opportunity to implement the notorious ‘shock syndrome’ – to impose measures that would be impossible in normal times.”
Although Pacific nations are not among the worst offenders on the index, with factual reporting of COVID-19 crucial for vulnerable societies, any suppression or censorship is a threat.
With the COVID-19 pandemic, an urgent need has risen worldwide for specialised health and medical products. In a scramble to meet demand, “makers” in Australia and internationally have turned to 3D printing to address shortfalls.
These days 3D printers aren’t uncommon. In 2016, an estimated 3% of Australian households owned one – not to mention those available in schools, universities, libraries, community makerspaces and businesses.
A collection of desktop 3D printers in the Deakin University 3DEC lab.James Novak
Across Europe and the United States, access to essential personal protective equipment (PPE) remains a concern, with nearly half of all doctors in the UK reportedly forced to source their own PPE.
The global supply chain for these vital products has been disrupted by widespread lockdowns and reduced travel. Now, 3D printing is proving more nimble and adaptable manufacturing methods. Unfortunately, it’s also less suited for producing large numbers of items, and there are unanswered questions about safety and quality control.
One of the earliest examples of 3D printing being used for pandemic-related purposes is from mid-February. One Chinese manufacturer made 3D-printed protective goggles for medics in Wuhan. With 50 3D printers working around the clock, they were producing about 300 pairs daily.
Designers, engineers, students, manufacturers, doctors and charities have used 3D printing to produce a variety of products including face shields, masks, ventilator components, hands-free door openers and nasal swabs.
Many designs are freely shared online through platforms such as the NIH 3D Print Exchange. This US-based 3D printing community recently partnered with the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and the Department of Veterans Affairs, to assist with validating designs uploaded by the community. So far, 18 3D-printable products have been approved for clinical use (although this is not the same as FDA approval).
Such online platforms allow makers around the world not only to print products based on uploaded designs, but also to propose improvements and share them with others.
Makers are using various ways to 3D print medical supplies during COVID-19.
Just because you can, doesn’t mean you should
In a public health crisis of COVID-19’s magnitude, you may think having any PPE or medical equipment is better than none.
However, Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) – our regulatory body for medical products – has not yet endorsed specific 3D-printed products for emergency use during COVID-19. Applications for this can be made by manufacturers registered with the TGA.
However, the TGA is providing guidelines which designers, engineers and manufacturers are working with. For example, Australian group COVID SOS aims to respond to direct requests by frontline medical workers for equipment they or their hospital need. So, local designers and manufacturers are directly connected to those in need.
3D printing provides a means to manufacture unique and specialised products on demand, in a process known as “distributed manufacturing”.
Unfortunately, compared with mass production methods, 3D printing is extremely slow. Certain types of 3D-printed face shields and masks take more than an hour to print on a standard desktop 3D printer. In comparison, the process of “injection moudling” in factory mass production takes mere seconds.
That said, 3D printing is flexible. Makers can print depending on what’s needed in their community. It also allows designers to improve over time and products can get better with each update. The popular Prusa face shield developed in the Czech Republic has already been 3D printed more than 100,000 times. It’s now on its third iteration, which is twice as fast to print as the previous version.
A Prusa RC3 face shield 3D printed on a desktop 3D printer.James Novak
Opportunity vs risk
But despite the good intent behind most 3D printing, there are complications.
Do these opportunities outweigh the risks of unregulated, untested product used for critical health care situations? For instance, if the SARS-CoV-2 virus can survive two to three days on plastic surfaces, it’s theoretically possible for an infected maker to transfer the virus to someone else via a 3D-printed product.
Medical products must be sterilised, but who will ensure this is done if traditional supply chains are bypassed? Also, some of the common materials makers use to 3D print, such as PLA, aren’t durable enough to withstand the high heat and chemicals used for sterilisation.
And if 3D-printed products are donated to hospitals in large batches, identifying and treating different materials accordingly would be challenging.
For my research, I’ve been tracking 3D-printed products produced for the pandemic. In a soon-to-be-published study, I identify 34 different designs for face shields shared online prior to April 1. So, how do medical practitioners know which design to trust?
If a patient or worker is injured while wearing one, or becomes infected with COVID-19, who is responsible? The original designer? The person who printed the product? The website hosting the design?
These complex issues will likely take years to resolve with health regulators. And with this comes a chance for Australia – as a figurehead in 3D printing education – to lead the creation of validated, open source databases for emergency 3D printing.
The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions have reminded us of the vital role public space plays in supporting our physical and mental well-being. We need to move, to feel sunlight and fresh air, and to see, talk and even sing to other people.
What about the well-being of our cities? Avoiding walking and public transport in favour of cars could kill cities.
The trajectory of the pandemic suggests physical distancing could remain in place for some time. The subtle “step and slide” that people ordinarily use to negotiate their way through crowded urban spaces has given way to the very blunt act of “stop and cross”, as people try to avoid one another on footpaths that are too narrow.
We need to act swiftly to retrofit our public spaces so they are both safe and support social activity. Our goal must be to avoid a long-term legacy where people fear cities and other people. This is where approaches known as temporary and tactical urbanism come in as a way to quickly reconfigure public spaces to create places that are both safe and social.
As COVID-19’s impacts on public life become more evident, so has the abundance of street space left vacant by the substantial drop in vehicle traffic. Recognising this opportunity, cities around the world have begun repurposing street spaces for people.
Brunswick Street, Melbourne, as it is now and with proposed added space for walking and riding bikes (click on and drag the slider to compare images). Original image: David Hannah. Photoshopped image: Gianfranco Valverde/City of Melbourne. Author provided.
A global public space revolution?
Leading urban theorists, such as Jane Jacobs and Richard Sennett, have long argued that social interaction is the lifeblood of cities. The COVID-19 pandemic can be seen as an attack on urbanity itself.
But social/physical distancing should not preclude social interaction. Major cities around the world are responding by reclaiming street spaces for people to safely walk and cycle. They are acting quickly, because the need to increase public space for people is more urgent than ever.
How can this be done? After all, urban design proposals usually take months or years to realise. Tactical urbanism approaches overcome this by drawing on a palette of low-cost, widely available and flexible materials, objects and structures to quickly create new forms of public space.
Despite this, there has been little examination of locally specific design and implementation approaches that can rapidly deliver the urban spaces people need right now.
This, and other more recent projects, have proven temporary and tactical urbanism adds value beyond physical activity and social interaction. Successful schemes can increase the vitality of streets and neighbourhoods, engage local communities and enhance a local sense of place.
Social enterprises and community groups are well placed to deliver such projects, because of their enthusiasm, agility and local networks. Governments also have a crucial role in enabling other actors and maximising public benefits. Every weekday between midday and 2pm, the City of Melbourne temporarily closes Little Collins Street between Swanston and Elizabeth streets with a removable bollard, giving over the street to pedestrians – it’s that easy!
Little Collins Street already becomes a place for pedestrians at lunchtime.City of Melbourne. Author provided., Author provided
Our cities’ urban spaces are full of such potential for greater flexibility, experimentation and innovation. For example, on-street parking can easily be converted into spaces for socialising and outdoor dining. A vacant space can become an outdoor cinema.
Elizabeth Street, Melbourne, as it is now and with added space for walking and riding bikes. Original image: Google Street View. Photoshopped image: Audrey Lopez. Author provided.
Temporary or permanent?
The COVID-19 pandemic and its associated restrictions have created an epic social experiment on a global scale. We argue that urbanity itself is at stake. What will cities be without the social interactions that enable us to exchange ideas, opinions, values and knowledge?
Can we afford to go back to the cities designed for cars that we have spent decades reshaping for people? If we don’t act now, the social life of cities that sustains our economy, creativity and culture is at risk.
We need to counter the social impacts of COVID-19 by experimenting at the micro scale of public space. Temporary and tactical urbanism offers simple, low-cost and agile solutions. We should act quickly to make streets safe and sociable during this crisis. The long-term health of people and cities depends on it.
Afternearly fiveweeks of alert level 4 covid-19 lockdown and a further week at level 3, there is only one voice most New Zealandersrelyon – Prime MinsterJacinda Ardern.
While there has been clamouring to get the economy going from the likes of former prime minister Sir John Key and opposition leader Simon Bridges, Jacinda Ardern has remained firm.
Sir Key said during an interview on TV3’s Rebuilding Paradise with Paul Henry: “It’s crucially important we get to a freer, more open economy. In a funny kind of way, I think the levels system was a good idea and it did its job – it defined what we had to do, but in a lot of ways it defined what we couldn’t do.”
However, there is no economy without healthy people, and Prime Minister Ardern realisedthat veryearly in the pandemic.
On March 23, Ardern stood on the Beehive Theatre stage to announce she was putting New Zealand into lockdown,she gave a warning withfive words: “Tens of thousands could die.”
That’s why I have trusted the Prime Minister through this lockdown – and she has been proven right.Yesterday’s zero new cases for the first time in eight weeks is a good sign.
‘Proof from New Zealanders’ “The thing that has probably given me confidence in our response has been the proof from New Zealanders today that as long as people see the need, people know why you’re making that decision, that you’re sharing all of the information, and people are coming on that journey with you then they will do extraordinary things,”she told The New Zealand Herald.
“It’s just been about trust.
Working on this story remotely from home … postgraduate student author Sri Krishnamurthi. Image: PMC
“Human behaviour changes as long as people trust they have all the information they need to support the decision you are making on their behalf.”
While Jacinda has cut back on her appearances on the Beehive Theatre stage, she does appear – if only to provide reassurance to the public just as she did during theChristchurch massacre last year and the White Island volcanic explosion.
The level of trust she has engendered can be seenin Ardern’s popularity is at a record high, taking 65 percent of the preferred Prime Minister ratingin the latest UMR poll whichcame out on May 1.
Whilenot condoningremaining illegally in New Zealand, the leading Tongan news websitesaysthat overstayers’ families and children are particularly vulnerable in the current crisis.
Papua New Guinea expects a spike of covid-19 cases this month – but so far no new cases have been detected in the country beyond the eight previously reported.
InGuam, therearenow 145 cases with five deaths, and there are now1100 casesamong the USS TheodoreRooseveltcrew.
Northern Marianas has 14 cases with two deaths, French Polynesia now has 58 cases while Timor-Lestehas 24 cases.
The coronavirus pandemic has spawned reports of unregulated health products and fake cures being sold on the dark web. These include black market PPE, illicit medications such as the widely touted “miracle” drug chloroquine, and fake COVID-19 “cures” including blood supposedly from recovered coronavirus patients.
These dealings have once again focused public attention on this little-understood section of the internet. Nearly a decade since it started being used on a significant scale, the dark web continues to be a lucrative safe haven for traders in a range of illegal goods and services, especially illicit drugs.
Black market trading on the dark web is carried out primarily through darknet marketplaces or cryptomarkets. These are anonymised trading platforms that directly connect buyers and sellers of a range of illegal goods and services – similar to legitimate trading websites such as eBay.
So how do darknet marketplaces work? And how much illegal trading of COVID-19-related products is happening via these online spaces?
There are currently more than a dozen darknet marketplaces in operation. Protected by powerful encryption technology, authorities around the world have largely failed to contain their growth. A steadily increasing proportion of illicit drug users around the world report sourcing their drugs online. In Australia, we have one of the world’s highest concentrations of darknet drug vendors per capita.
Contrary to popular belief, cryptomarkets are not the “lawless spaces” they’re often presented as in the news. Market prohibitions exist on all mainstream cryptomarkets. Universally prohibited goods and services include: hitman services, trafficked human organs and snuff movies.
Although cryptomarkets lie outside the realm of state regulation, each one is set up and maintained by a central administrator who, along with employees or associates, is responsible for the market’s security, dispute resolution between buyers and sellers, and the charging of commissions on transactions.
Administrators are also ultimately responsible for determining what can and can’t be sold on their cryptomarket. These decisions are likely informed by:
the attitudes of the surrounding community comprising buyers and sellers
the extent of consumer demand and supply for certain products
the revenues a site makes from commissions charged on transactions
and the perceived “heat” that may be attracted from law enforcement in the trading of particularly dangerous illegal goods and services.
A report from the Australian National University published last week looks at several hundred coronavirus-related products for sale across a dozen cryptomarkets, including supposed vaccines and antidotes.
While the study confirms some unscrupulous dark web traders are indeed exploiting the pandemic and seeking to defraud naïve customers, this information should be contextualised with a couple of important caveats.
Firstly, the number of dodgy covid-related products for sale on the dark web is relatively small. According to this research, they account for about 0.2% of all listed items. The overwhelming majority of products were those we are already familiar with – particularly illicit drugs such as cannabis and MDMA.
Also, while the study focused on products listed for sale, these are most likely listings for products that either do no exist or are listed with the specific intention to defraud a customer.
Thus, the actual sale of fake coronavirus “cures” on the dark web is likely minimal, at best.
A self-regulating entity
By far the most commonly traded products on cryptomarkets are illicit drugs. Smaller sub-markets exist for other products such as stolen credit card information and fraudulent identity documents.
This isn’t to say extraordinarily dangerous and disturbing content, such as child exploitation material, can’t be found on the dark web. Rather, the sites that trade in such “products” are segregated from mainstream cryptomarkets, in much the same way convicted paedophiles are segregated from mainstream prison populations.
Since the outbreak of the coronavirus, dark web journalist and author Eileen Ormsby reported some cryptomarkets have quickly imposed bans on vendors seeking to profit from the pandemic. For instance, the following was tweeted by one cryptomarket administrator:
Any vendor caught flogging goods as a “cure” to coronavirus will not only be permanently removed from this market but should be avoided like the Spanish Flu. You are about to ingest drugs from a stranger on the internet –- under no circumstances should you trust any vendor that is using COVID-19 as a marketing tool to peddle tangible/already questionable goods. I highly doubt many of you would fall for that shit to begin with but you know, dishonest practice is never a good sign and a sure sign to stay away.
So it seems, despite the activities of a few dodgy operators, the vast majority of dark web traders are steering clear of exploiting the pandemic for their own profit. Instead, they are sticking to trading in products they can genuinely supply, such as illicit drugs.
Kristina Keneally, Labor’s home affairs spokesperson, is calling for a reset on migration as we emerge from the coronavirus crisis.
She noted in an article over the weekend that migration had been responsible for “over half of Australia’s economic growth” since 2005.
However, she argued that in a post-COVID environment with a sluggish economy, we need to focus instead on skilling up Australian workers to perform the jobs in the health, hospitality and other industries that have been the focus of skilled migration in recent times.
Many economists disagree with Keneally’s connection between migration and the availability of local jobs. They point out that migrant workers contribute to overall economic growth, leading to a net increase in new jobs available for local workers.
There is also a risk that, despite her best intentions, Keneally’s rhetoric of “Australians first” will feed nationalist, anti-immigration sentiments that have no relationship to the economy and job opportunities.
A review of our migration intake is overdue
Keneally is right to call for a review of “the shape and size” of our migration intake, although not in the way she was suggesting.
At the top of this review should be a consideration of the balance between the two major streams of our migration program – skilled migrants and family migrants.
Current immigration policy favours skilled over family migrants, significantly underestimating the importance of family for the well-being and potentially the productivity of new migrants, as well as Australia’s long-term national interests.
There was a substantial shift in the balance between these streams from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s.
In 1995-96, permanent migration was comprised of 58% family, 25% skilled and 17% humanitarian migrants. A decade later, the overall migrant make-up had changed dramatically: 62% skilled, 29% family and 9% humanitarian.
These proportions have remained about the same ever since. In 2018-19, there were 109,713 migrants (62%) in the skilled stream, 47,247 (27%) in the family stream and 18,762 (11%) in the humanitarian stream.
At the same time, temporary migration of short-term skilled workers, working holiday makers, international students and New Zealanders on temporary special category visas has risen dramatically to over 1.2 million in December 2016.
Preferencing skilled migrants over family migrants is the inverse of the US, where most migrants come via family connections. Unlike Australia, this also includes the potential for migrants to sponsor siblings.
What is sometimes lost in Australia, with a single-minded focus on migration to boost the economy, is that immigration is not only about economic growth. It is also about relationships.
Permanent migrants are future citizens. Migration builds community, and the ability of migrants to sponsor their broader family will deepen their connections and commitment to Australia.
The family migration program enables Australians to sponsor parents and children living overseas, partners, and in some cases their remaining relatives.
One of the effects of our focus on skilled migration has been the increase of new migrants with no extended family in Australia.
Although skilled worker visas allow for partners and children to accompany them, there is no provision for extended family. This makes these migrants potentially more vulnerable and isolated, less committed to Australia and, some have suggested, less productive as workers.
If they were allowed to enter Australia, these extended family members could offer emotional support and practical assistance to their loved ones working here, such as child care.
Most temporary migrant workers, meanwhile, have no entitlement to be accompanied by any family at all. Only some international students can have family accompany them as a support person while they study.
Kristina Keneally says Australia needs ‘a migration program that puts Australian workers first’.Lukas Coch/AAP
A growing waiting list for partners and parents
The difficulty skilled migrants have sponsoring their parents to migrate to Australia provides a dramatic example of just how restrictive current family migration options are.
In 2018-19, just 1,218 non-contributory parent visas were granted out of tens of thousands of applicants. The waiting period is at least 30 years, longer than many of these parents have left to live.
family migration visas are in high demand. It might take many years for this visa to be granted.
The waiting time for partner visas for all Australian citizens and permanent residents has also grown as the number of allocated placements has been cut. The home affairs website currently says 90% of applicants will be processed in 21 months.
Migration numbers are destined to drop dramatically as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-21. When the economy and our borders open up, there is an opportunity to reflect on what is the best balance of skilled and family migration.
Attracting the most accomplished skilled migrants will undoubtedly continue to be a driver of migration policy.
However, in choosing numbers in the skilled and family streams, it is also vital the government factor in the role of extended family for the well-being and productivity of migrant workers, as well as the importance of family for community cohesion and a migrant’s sense of connection and commitment to Australia.
For most women, perimenopause – the transition to menopause – begins in their 40s. The entire menopause process typically lasts around four years and begins with the ovaries making less estrogen.
Symptoms of menopause can include irregular periods, hot flushes, fatigue, tender breasts, night sweats, vaginal dryness, difficulty sleeping, changes in mood and lower libido.
During menopause, hormonal changes can affect the way fat is distributed in the body, but ageing is more likely to be the cause of any weight gain associated with menopause.
Gaining weight isn’t inevitable, though. There’s plenty you can do to combat weight gain as you age.
Ageing is more likely to be the cause of any weight gain associated with menopause.Monkey Business Images/ Shutterstock
Hormonal changes alter where the body deposits fat
Certain areas such as your stomach are more prone to weight gain during menopause. This is because the change in hormones, which lead to a higher testosterone-to-estrogen ratio, alters where the body deposits fat. Fat comes off the hips and is deposited around the middle.
But the hormonal changes involved in menopause aren’t the reason you gain weight.
A higher testosterone-to-estrogen ratio resulting from menopause can restribute weight from the hips to the middle.Maridav/ Shuttertock
As we age, our body stops working as efficiently as it did before. Muscle mass starts to decrease – a process known as “sarcopenia” – and fat begins to increase.
And because muscle mass is one of the determining factors of how fast your metabolism will run, when your muscle mass decreases, your body starts to burn fewer calories at rest. This might make it more challenging to maintain your weight.
As we age, we tend to continue with our same food habits but don’t increase our activity. In fact, aches and pains can make some people actively decrease theirs.
Not compensating for the ageing process and the change in body composition can lead to weight gain.
And this applies to men too – they are just as likely to gain weight due to this process known as sarcopenia.
Menopause and weight gain take their toll
Due to a change in body fat distribution and increase in waist circumference, menopause can also increase your risk of other health conditions.
Following menopause, your ovaries make very little of the hormones estrogen and progesterone. Estrogen helps to keep your blood vessels dilated – relaxed and open – which helps keep your cholesterol levels down.
Without estrogen, or with lower quantities, your bad cholesterol (known as low-density lipoprotein or LDL-cholesterol) starts to build up in your arteries. This can increase your risk of heart disease and stroke.
Having less estrogen also results in a loss of bone mass, putting you at risk of the disease osteoporosis, which makes your bones more prone to fractures.
What can you do?
Weight gain associated with ageing is not inevitable. There are a number of things you can do to maintain your weight as you age.
1. Exercise
Incorporate regular daily exercise, with a mixture of intensities and variety of activities. Try to include body-strengthening exercises two days per week.
2. Weigh yourself – but not too much
Weigh yourself once a week at the same time and day to monitor the trend over time. Any more than this will only create a fixation with weight. Day-to-day fluctuations in weight are to be expected.
Regularly weighing yourself can help you monitor your weight over time.Stock-Asso/ Shutterstock
3. Create positive habits
Create positive habits by replacing negative behaviours. For example, instead of mindlessly scrolling through social media of an evening or turning on the TV and comfort-eating, replace it with a positive behaviour, such as learning a new hobby, reading a book or going for a walk.
Eat food away from technological distractions and slow down your food consumption.
Try using a teaspoon or chopsticks and chew your food thoroughly as slowing down your food consumption reduces the quantity consumed.
5. Switch off from technology:
Turn off technology after dusk to improve your sleep. Blue light emission from phones, tablets and other devices tell your brain it’s day, instead of night, which will keep you awake.
If you’re craving sugar you’re better off reaching for foods naturally high in sugar and fat first. Some great options are fruits, nuts, avocado and 100% nut butters. These foods release the same feel-good chemicals in the brain as processed and fast food and leave us feeling full.
Allow yourself your favourite treats, but keep them to once per week.