The COVID-19 pandemic has forced religious congregations to stay at home after the doors have been closed to their churches, synagogues, mosques, temples and gurdwaras across Australia.
But religious life has not stopped. Congregations are discovering new ways to meet virtually on plenty of online video platforms.
Google searches for the word “prayer” have skyrocketed in recent months, apparently in response to the coronavirus outbreak.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison, for one, said his “prayer knees were getting a good workout” as he prayed for the nation and for religious communities facing the closure of sacred meeting spaces due to the pandemic.
And it is not just traditional religious communities that are coming together in virtual assembly.
Spiritual and therapeutic activities, such as yoga, meditation, martial arts and conscious dance classes, are also moving online for those Australians, particularly younger people, who identify as spiritual but not religious.
A global meditation, for example, was held earlier this month via YouTube to send healing and love to those struggling to cope during the pandemic. Some yoga studios have even offered classes for free or via donation, challenging popular assumptions about links between spirituality and consumerism.
The resilience of these groups in the face of adversity backs up the argument of scholars such as Boston University sociologist Nancy T. Ammerman, who argue the spiritual and religious are not so distinct from one another as popular opinion would have us believe.
Religious and spiritual practices deliver something special when they are done socially – a deep sense of community and connection with something larger than ourselves.
A time to pray online
All religions are dependent on their cultural contexts. Throughout history, they have adapted to changed circumstances and new technology. This current move to embrace live-streaming and video-conferencing is no different.
In fact, in this rapidly developing crisis, religious leaders have at times been ahead of political leaders.
For example, while leaders in the UK were debating whether to embrace a “herd immunity” strategy for the country, the archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, made the call to cancel in-person church services and move to live-streaming instead.
Mega-churches in Australia, such as Hillsong and Gracepoint, have also transitioned to live-streaming their services with relative ease.
An Anglican priest leads Easter mass via web broadcast in Adelaide.David Mariuz/AAP
Many other faiths are doing the same. The Buddhist Society of Victoria has been live-streaming its Sunday talks for several years now and has recently shifted its guided meditations online.
Islamic leaders, meanwhile, have urged Muslims to stay home for the holy month of Ramadan, which began on Thursday, instead of breaking their fast in large gatherings in the evenings, as is customary.
The grand mufti of Australia has been offering weekly lessons following the Friday prayer since the start of the pandemic. These lessons will be expanded during Ramadan.
However, the Eid al-Fitr celebration at the end of Ramadan in late May will be a more muted affair. Normally, millions return to home towns and villages to celebrate with family, but none of this rich communal activity will be possible during the pandemic.
Social distancing at a mosque in Syria.YOUSSEF BADAWI/EPA
Not the same personal touch
While these technological changes have shown promise in meeting people’s more immediate spiritual concerns, months of self-isolation, rising unemployment and mounting death tolls will surely present fresh challenges.
Especially worrying is the fact religious groups have long assisted newly arrived immigrants to settle in Australia. With many international students and people on temporary work visas struggling to find work and affordable housing during the pandemic, online community outreach by religious groups will likely not be enough.
Some religious groups and individuals are still helping the most needy in person, abiding by social-distancing measures. Father Bob Maguire’s Community Pantry Warehouse in Melbourne, for instance, is still offering food packages, though its community meals in parks have been temporarily suspended.
And what about death and dying, of having to bid farewell online, and not being able to honour loved ones in funeral rites? The lack of these rituals, which bring people together, will surely affect the process of grieving.
Being able to leverage the digital domain to connect virtually is a great blessing in this crisis. But it is difficult to replace in-person human connection when we are at our most vulnerable.
Once we get through this, Australia’s rich religious and spiritual landscape will be awash again with colourful celebrations affirming the sanctity of real-world connection and community.
Nonetheless, some things will be forever changed by the crisis. And the new skills and online practices learned at this time will impact the ways Australians engage with the religious and spiritual into the future.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nic Geard, Senior Lecturer, School of Computing and Information Systems, University of Melbourne; Senior Research Fellow, Doherty Institute for Infection and Immunity, University of Melbourne
By international standards, Australia has had considerable success in containing the COVID-19 outbreak. As the number of new cases continues to decline, several states have announced they will begin to ease restrictions.
But debate about when and how we can ease physical distancing measures safely remains ongoing.
Modifying restrictions too soon, or making too many changes concurrently, could easily see a resurgent second wave of COVID-19.
To prevent this, we need to ensure any new infections in the community are detected promptly, and their contacts traced to contain transmission as early as possible.
Sentinel surveillance – or testing randomly in the community – could help us with this.
Testing is key
Testing provides our window onto the extent of infection in a population: where we look determines what we see.
The differences in reported case numbers between different countries can be at least partially attributed to different levels of testing. For example, if testing is restricted only to patients in hospital, less severe cases won’t be counted.
To be confident transmission doesn’t increase as distancing measures are lifted, we will need to test broadly, and strategically, across the population.
Testing is a finite resource: health services need physical kits to conduct the tests, and laboratories need time and people to analyse samples. So testing efforts are concentrated where they’re most likely to aid control efforts.
The decision to test someone is guided by testing criteria, which in Australia are set at the state and territory level.
Testing will be particularly important as we start to ease restrictions.Shutterstock
In the early stages of Australia’s outbreak, the greatest risk of infection was among people arriving from overseas. Testing understandably focused on this group, as well as people who had been in contact with confirmed cases.
At that time, and since, Australia has maintained one of the highest rates of testing globally.
As the number of cases imported from overseas fell, attention shifted to transmission occurring in the community. From early April, testing criteria were expanded nationally to include any health-care and aged care workers who developed respiratory symptoms.
While we still have more to learn about the virus, there is evidence that infected people may be able to transmit infection to others before they develop symptoms.
This poses a challenge when public health surveillance is based on symptoms. By the time someone realises they’re sick and presents for testing, they may already have been shedding virus and infecting others.
Meanwhile, other people may experience trivial or no symptoms. We don’t know yet whether these people can spread infection.
Some people may have coronavirus but not show any symptoms.Joel Carrett/AAP
Physical distancing measures currently limit the number of contacts at risk from potentially infectious people without symptoms. Once we lift these measures the number of people we have contact with will increase.
So identifying infected people with no symptoms is crucial, especially now. We need to consider more active approaches to surveillance.
Enter sentinel surveillance
Sentinel surveillance involves testing people across the community, including those who are apparently well, in order to discover unseen transmission.
Often, sentinel surveillance programs involve a prearranged set of health-care providers. For example, the Victorian Sentinel Practice Influenza Network (VicSPIN) is a general practice-based program that provides information about the proportion of patients with influenza-like illness.
Government and public health agencies are still determining the appropriate design of a sentinel surveillance program for COVID-19 in Australia.
In the UK, where prevalence is much higher, there have been calls for mass testing of the entire population on a regular basis to help bring the outbreak under control. But such a resource-intensive approach would be challenging to implement.
It’s more likely a sentinel surveillance system in Australia would aim to test a geographically and demographically diverse sample of the population.
Additional emphasis may be placed on groups at higher risk should an outbreak occur, such as those in detention facilities or group residential settings.
Sentinel testing could involve, for example, testing every fifth person a particular GP sees on one day, every tenth person leaving a shopping centre on one day, or a selected group of frontline workers without symptoms.
While we don’t yet have a national timeline, sentinel surveillance is likely to form the next step in Australia’s testing regime.
Victoria has already commenced wider scale testing, pledging to test up to 100,000 people over two weeks, including volunteers from vulnerable settings without symptoms.
Spoiler alert: this story describes a pivotal film scene that is designed to surprise the viewer.
LGBTQ films tend to provoke debates about authenticity, especially when it comes to sex: should it be represented explicitly or not? Portrait of a Lady on Fire (2019), the latest award-winning film from French director-screenwriter Céline Sciamma, refuses to choose, offering instead a funny and sophisticated response to the politics of lesbian representation. The film has just been released on disc and digital for enjoying in the privacy of lockdown.
Sciamma has a reputation for making films that encourage audiences to think differently about desire. Her first three films, Water Lilies (2007), Tomboy (2011) and Girlhood (2014), avoid triumphant coming out narratives. Instead, each follows the tentative and ambivalent experiences of their young queer protagonists as they negotiate hostile heteronormative worlds.
Sciamma’s latest film turns from adolescent coming-of-age drama to adult lesbian romance. Set in 18th-century France, Portrait of a Lady on Fire centres on the painter Marianne (Noémie Merlant) and the reluctant portrait subject with whom she falls in love. Resisting an arranged marriage, Héloïse (Adèle Haenel) refuses to pose for a painting for her future husband. Marianne is hired ostensibly to be a walking companion, but really to observe Héloïse and paint her in secret.
Across scenes of Marianne glancing surreptitiously at her subject, the film establishes a story of desire. Héloïse’s reciprocal gazes are freighted with homoerotic meaning.
Smoke is an erotic stand-in in Un Chant D’Amour (1950).IMDB
When the industry banned explicit representations of sex and so-called sex perversion under the auspices of the Production Code, filmmakers responded by developing a sophisticated system for representing desire and sex. A glance, gesture, line of dialogue or object could be coded with sexual meaning. Because it was “only” implicit or indirect, that meaning could be readily denied by Hollywood studios under pressure to offer wholesome entertainment.
The underground gay film A Song of Love (Jean Genet, France, 1950) exploits this representational history in a well-loved erotic scene in which a cigarette, and a thread of smoke, stand in for something else.
The legacy of classical Hollywood cinema is not over, but the stakes have changed. Now the question is not whether a mainstream film will make queer romance visible, but whether it will include queer sex.
Abdellatif Kechiche’s Blue Is the Warmest Colour (2013) outraged some lesbian critics for scenes regarded as too explicit and objectifying. On the other hand, Luca Guadagnino’s decision in Call Me By Your Name (2017) to coyly pan to an open window rather than show sex was castigated by influential critic D. A. Miller.
Some critics were outraged by explicit scenes in Blue Is the Warmest Colour (2013).IMDB
As the lovers lie in bed together, Hélöise proposes to Marianne they try a tincture of psychedelic herbs that promises to stop time. With an arm stretched upward, Hélöise takes some ointment and smears it along her armpit. The film then cuts abruptly to a close-up image of penetration. It’s puzzling at first, but as the camera drifts, we realise its source: Marianne’s finger held close under Hélöise’s armpit.
This visual joke plays on our desires to see sex, desires shaped in part by film style and genre.
Many have hailed the film as 2019’s best.
One of the conventions of lesbian film romance, exemplified by the cult classic Claire of the Moon (1992), is that audiences will spend the entire film suspended in anticipation, waiting for the climactic sex scene and its combined narrative and sexual release. In Portrait of a Lady on Fire, the image of sex arrives so suddenly in the scene and too soon in the story, it breaks with generic norms.
On one level, the image is a knowing gesture to classical Hollywood cinema imagery. Seemingly innocent body parts have a double meaning. Yet this image of sex goes further. Rather than evoking the raunchy sex scene of contemporary lesbian romance, it mimics the real sex scenes (both hetero and homo) popular in arthouse films since the 1990s.
Real, unsimulated sex scenes, typically organised around erection, penetration and orgasm, try to make sexual intimacy not only visible but authentic.
Instead of trying to guarantee the authenticity of her love scene in a similar way, Sciamma playfully draws attention to the convention itself, and the sexual identities and ideologies it tries to sustain. To refuse to see Sciamma’s scene as a real sex scene is to go along with dominant culture’s blind spots about sex: that it only happens in genitally focused zones of the body, that it always involves penetration of an orifice, and that it must culminate in orgasm.
Sciamma recognises and responds to these issues by veering in another direction. The scene interrupts the flow of our expectations to make visible a sex act that opens out to alternative erotic pleasures.
Sciamma’s film draws attention to cinematic conventions to upend what counts as sex. In a brief, startling, and exquisitely erotic moment, Portrait of a Lady on Fire plays with how we see (and think we see) sex between women.
Local authorities and indigenous communities in Indonesia’s Papua region have imposed a sweeping lockdown in an attempt to minimise the spread of the novel coronavirus.
The region, which comprises the provinces of West Papua and Papua, is the least developed in Indonesia, with scant public health facilities, poor road connectivity, and the highest rates of maternal and infant mortality in the country.
Faced with the challenge of containing a covid-19 outbreak in these circumstances, the provincial governments have temporarily restricted air and sea traffic into the region, with the exception of the freight traffic.
In the Papuan hinterland, indigenous communities have blocked road access into their villages for outsiders.
There are fears that a covid-19 outbreak here, particularly among the more than 300 indigenous tribes, could have a disastrous impact. The first case of infection among indigenous people has already occurred in the Brazilian Amazon.
Health authorities have reported a surge in the mining hub of Timika with 51 cases – the highest of any regency in the West Papuan region.
The total for Indonesia was 10,118 cases and 792 deaths.
Vulnerable communities In Papua province, where the travel restriction came into force on March 26, Governor Lukas Enembe said a full closure could be implemented for three indigenous territories in the province: Lapago, Meepago and Animha.
He said these communities were particularly “vulnerable” to infection.
In West Papua, authorities followed with their own travel restriction on March 30.
Activists have welcomed the measures to restrict arrivals from outside and to close off vulnerable areas, given the lack of adequate health care facilities in the region. The government has designated just five hospitals to treat covid-19 patients in the region — an area double the size of the United Kingdom and home to 4 million people.
Between them, the hospitals have access to a combined 60 ventilators, and have had to rely on the national government for supplies of personal protective equipment for health workers.
“Most of the tribes have small populations, so they are vulnerable to extinction when faced with the covid-19 pandemic,” Rukka Sumbolinggi, the general secretary of the Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN), said in a statement.
“Indigenous communities are unfamiliar with its spread and with the medication [needed] for patients.”
Franky Samperante, the executive director of the Pusaka Foundation, which works with indigenous communities, said residents in Papua’s Boven Digoel and Maybrat districts had closed off their villages to people from other areas. He added that indigenous communities were also carrying out traditional rituals that they believed could deflect bad energy.
“These people have heard some information about the coronavirus and the horrors of covid-19, and they are worried about it,” he told Mongabay.
These lockdowns will be important in preventing outsiders from bringing the virus into indigenous communities, said Christian Ari, director of the NGO Perkumpulan Silva Papua Lestari (PSPL). Members of these communities have strong social relationships, so practicing physical distancing once an infection has been recorded will be difficult, he said.
“If the government hadn’t taken strong actions there could be many deaths of Papuans, with implications for the political dynamic in Papua,” Christian said. “Papuans could take the view that they were being intentionally murdered by the state.”
Ari added that his team also had to deal misinformation making the rounds in these communities.
“Some people believe that the virus only attacks officials who travel out of town and not them,” he said.
Plantation restrictions called for Samperante called on authorities to also restrict the activities of plantation and mining companies operating in the vicinity of indigenous lands to mitigate the risk of infection by workers.
“The people can’t control these workers for development projects, and they are potential carriers of diseases that might infect the people in the villages,” he said.
Ari said the authorities should ensure the availability of food supplies for communities that had chosen to shut their villages off, including those accustomed to foraging in the forests.
He said food insecurity could compel members of these communities to leave their villages in search of food, thereby running the risk of encountering other people and possibly becoming infected.
But while activists see these restrictions as necessary, the national government in Jakarta has criticised the travel ban. The government insists only it has the power to impose such a measure, and to date has refused requests from other regions to impose lockdowns, citing dire economic impacts.
Ricky Ham Pagawak, the head of Papua province’s Central Mamberamo district, said the restrictions were legally valid and necessary to protect public health, and had been approved by local police and legislators.
“Whatever happens in Papua, Papuans are responsible, and the district heads, mayors and governors are responsible,” Pagawak said. “This is our people, our land, our country.”
Basten Gokkonis a Jakarta-based writer and contributor to Mongabay with an interest in wildlife conservation, renewable energy efforts, and indigenous peoples empowerment.
As Australia begins gradually to relax some of its containment measures (so-called nonpharmaceutical interventions or NPIs) we are confronted with a number of questions
when will children be back at school full time?
when might restaurants and pubs be open and will the public continue to respect social-distancing rules when they do?
do we have adequate testing and contact tracing to extinguish flare-ups in infections without reverting to harsher containment measures?
And more. They are hard and important questions.
But another one being asked is surprising: do lockdowns work?
The question has underpinned the position of lockdown sceptics such as Henry Ergas writing in the Australian and Christopher Joye,
The Australian’s Adam Creighton gave explicit voice to the question this week, writing that our excellent performance in keeping COVID-19 at bay had blinded some to the lack of evidence for lockdown restrictions
The human desire for ritual, and our laudable want to do the right thing, appear to underpin social distancing restrictions more than science.
It is odd that anyone should be seriously asking this question, and it is important to understand that the evidence most certainly does suggest that lockdowns work.
If we fail to accept it, our response to a second-wave outbreak, or to the next global pandemic, will be badly compromised.
It is also important to consider what constitutes “good evidence” when high-stakes decisions need to be made quickly.
The evidence is fairly clear
The gold standard is high quality evidence from randomised controlled trials subjected to peer review, but in emergencies there’s no time to wait for it.
It allows sceptics to point to uncertainly and cherry-pick low-quality evidence that supports their case.
As it happens, the cross-country evidence is fairly clear. Countries that locked down earlier have had better health outcomes, as the following chart from the Financial Times shows.
FT analysis for European Centre for Disease Control data.Financial Times
We don’t yet have the final word on this crisis, so it is also worth looking back to an earlier pandemic.
It found measures such as school closures and bans on public gatherings were (statistically significantly) associated with fewer excess deaths.
Cities that implemented NPIs earlier had lower peak mortality rates and lower total mortality. Also the cities that kept the NPIs in place the longest had the lowest mortality.
As the authors put it,
these findings demonstrate a strong association between early, sustained, and layered application of nonpharmaceutical interventions and mitigating the consequences of the 1918-19 influenza pandemic in the United States
A more recent study by economists at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Federal Reserve finds the cities that adopted the most aggressive social distancing measures had the highest economic growth after the restrictions were lifted.
Moreover, cities that implemented NPIs 10 days earlier than other cities increased their manufacturing employment by 5% more than those that imposed restrictions later. The difference lasted through to 1923.
Overall they found an additional 50 days of social-distancing was associated with a 6.5% percent increase in manufacturing employment.
Sure, it’s not gold standard
As his evidence that there was no evidence to support the measures Australia had taken, Creighton cited a World Health Organisation report that summarised a number of studies of previous pandemics.
In fact, the World Health Organisation report said two things.
One was that randomised controlled trials are the best, but that they are not always possible or available.
No surprises there.
The second was in the form of a series of recommendations, based on the evidence it assessed.
In summary, the World Health Organisation looked at the evidence and recommended social distancing measures to avoid crowding, school and workplace closures, and internal travel restrictions.
It is true that at that stage it recommended against border closures, but if Creighton or his newspaper want to defend the docking of the Ruby Princess on March 19 on the basis of the report, they can go ahead.
In a crisis, evidence is never gold standard
In a crisis, decision makers don’t have the luxury of time. They have to act based on the best evidence they have.
Even if that evidence falls short of perfectly identified causal effects, it deserves to be interpreted in a scientific and dispassionate way.
Or to paraphrase the late US Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “commentators are entitled to their own opinions but not to a wilful and purposeful misinterpretation of the facts”.
Those who misinterpret the evidence there is have COVID-19 on their hands.
For example, term 2 began this week in New South Wales. From week 3, children in government schools have been allocated a day per week when they should learn on site. In Western Australia, parents have been asked to decide if their children will return to the classroom, learn online from home or learn from home with hard copy materials. The situation in both states is to be reviewed around week 3.
In contrast, all Victorian students who can learn from home must do so. The ACT is also proceeding with online learning for all children who can be supervised at home.
Human rights relevant to schooling
Australia lacks a comprehensive human rights framework, although human rights laws have been passed in the ACT, Victoria and Queensland. Little commentary to date has considered the return to school in a human rights context.
Human rights are interconnected values. Many are relevant to this issue and the pandemic more broadly.
Under international law, all people have the right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. The right to health extends beyond access to health care. Importantly in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, it includes a right to the prevention, treatment and control of disease.
All people, and particularly children, also have a right to education. This right is described as essential for people to participate effectively in a free society. Countries are obliged to protect the right by ensuring, at a minimum, free and compulsory primary education and a system of schools to provide equitable access to education at each level.
International law also confirms the right of all people not only to work, but to enjoy just and favourable conditions of work. This includes a right to safe and healthy working conditions.
Human rights issues arising from a return to the classroom
How can we balance human rights implications of a return to classroom learning, when rights may come into tension with each other?
Most human rights can be constrained, although not to the point where their essence is denied. Limitations on rights must be necessary in response to a pressing public or social need. They must also pursue a legitimate aim and be proportionate to that aim.
When we consider rights in tension at this time, it is clear a right to health must be the primary focus. A weakening of protective measures may heighten the risk of a second wave of the virus.
However, the advice for those who are at risk continues to be to stay at home. While some jurisdictions are moving to require in-person attendance, little has been said about how at-risk staff and students are to be protected at school or supported to continue in isolation.
Aspects of a return to school also pose mental health risks. Some students who require set daily routines may become anxious when required to attend only one day per week. Others, especially high school students in their final year, should perhaps be prioritised to return as a cohort in order to complete their education.
For teachers, there are significant workload implications in managing both in-class and online cohorts of students. The right of teachers to enjoy good mental health may also be compromised by a sense of risk in the return to classroom teaching. The potential for stress-related illnesses is obvious among parents, many of whom have found learning from home taxing on their mental health.
There is a widespread desire to support the right of students to education. Schools in Australia have mostly remained open throughout the peak of the crisis for children of essential workers and children who are safer at school than at home. This approach was a measured means of balancing rights to health and education and could be maintained for a longer period across the country.
It has been argued here that the “staggered” return to school in some states ought to prioritise the needs of children at certain key stages of learning.
We add that the most vulnerable children should also be prioritised. For example, greater equity in access to education at this time may call for special arrangements to include students with disabilities, chronic illnesses or mental health conditions. Students who lack at-home access to online learning could also be prioritised in a return to the classroom.
The physical environment in schools is a further complicating factor, particularly in terms of teachers’ rights to safe conditions of work. The prime minister is adamant schools are exempt from social-distancing requirements. Yet those states returning students to the classroom are implicitly undermining that message by setting maximum numbers and requiring staggered break times and other measures.
Many teachers feel confused and stressed about how they can do their work safely. This is unsurprising, given some states and other countries are taking much more cautious approaches to the health and safety of school staff.
No magic right answer
The balancing process between human rights values at this time is highly complex and beyond what we can hope to resolve in this article. And human rights analyses cannot deliver us a simple “right” answer as to how the return to classroom learning should be managed.
What human rights give us is another frame through which to consider these fundamental challenges. There are obvious economic and educational imperatives to prompt a return to classroom learning. Our national debate could be richer and more inclusive if it also included human rights claims.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Thurbon, Scientia Fellow and Associate Professor in International Relations / International Political Economy, UNSW
The chaos of COVID-19 has now hit global energy markets, creating an outcome unheard of in industrial history: negative oil prices. With the world’s largest economies largely in lockdown, demand for oil has stagnated.
Essentially, the negative prices mean oil producers are willing to pay for the oil to be taken off their hands because soon, they will have nowhere to store it.
Federal energy minister Angus Taylor has proposed a partial solution: Australia will spend A$94 million buying up oil, to bolster domestic supplies and help stabilise global prices.
That strategy is a fool’s path to energy security. Right now, the best way to shore up Australia’s future energy supplies is to invest economic stimulus money in renewables – essentially to manufacture our own energy security.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison with Angus Taylor, right, who wants Australia to buy surplus oil.Mick Tsikas/AAP
A flawed plan
Australia’s oil reserves have for years languished well below the International Energy Agency’s recommended 90 days. Taylor says his plan would address this, and help stabilise (read: push up) oil prices and restore faith in the global oil market on which Australia depends.
But the plan is undermined by a simple fact: unstable global oil prices have been a recurring problem for decades, largely for political reasons well beyond Australia’s control. We need look only to the price shocks triggered by the Yom-Kippur war of 1973, the Iraq war of 2003, and the Saudi drone attack of 2019 – to name just a few.
Price instability is all but guaranteed to increase in future, as climate change concerns drive insurers and investors away from fossil fuels and towards green energy.
The current chaos actually creates a much better opportunity for Australia: use the massive COVID-19 economic stimulus to manufacture real energy security in the form of renewables.
Buying large volumes of surplus oil will not ensure stable prices.Flickr
Renewables: a win-win
The price and supply of energy from fossil fuels is vulnerable to natural resource depletion, geopolitical tensions and climate change concerns. This is true not just for oil, but coal and gas too.
The only real path to energy security is manufactured energy such as solar panels, wind turbines, electrolysers, batteries and smart grids.
These technologies can turn infinite natural resources into energy, then store and distribute it to ensure stable supply.
For example, a large-scale battery in Victoria stores energy produced by the Gannawarra solar farm. The battery provides energy during peak times when there is no sun.
Manufacturing energy is also important from an economic security perspective, promoting the creation of high-tech, high-wage industries.
These industries can create thousands of skilled jobs and open up massive new export markets – all while helping to mitigate climate change. This reality has been accepted by major East Asian economies, including China to South Korea, for more than a decade.
The Australian government must use its enormous stimulus to help local companies dramatically expand their wind, solar, hydrogen and energy storage investments. This would satisfy domestic energy needs and grow the new green export markets ready and waiting in Asia.
Asia presents huge export potential for Australia’s renewable energy.DAN HIMBRECHTS/AAP
A jobs boon
There is no shortage of projects waiting to be turbocharged. The government could start with Sun Cable, linking Australia’s and Singapore’s clean energy markets via an undersea cable.
It could also kickstart Australia’s clean hydrogen industry. According to the government’s own National Hydrogen Strategy, developing hydrogen would dramatically reduce Australia’s oil import reliance and energy costs and vastly expand its clean energy exports.
By simply following its own strategy, the government could create about 7,600 skilled and semi-skilled jobs and add about A$11 billion each year to Australia’s gross domestic product to 2050.
The cheaper energy prices that follow could help Australia revive its techno-industrial base by making energy-intensive manufacturing a viable proposition once again.
According to leading economist Ross Garnaut, Australia could then bring home its long-lost materials-processing industries and re-emerge as a world-leading exporter of (clean) steel and aluminium.
Geopolitical benefits would also flow from Australia becoming a green hydrogen superpower, such as reducing our worrying export dependence on China.
An investment injection in renewables would be a huge jobs boost.Flickr
Seize the moment
The idea of using the COVID-19 stimulus to turbocharge Australia’s clean energy shift is not pie in the sky. Indeed, doing so is the explicit recommendation of the International Energy Agency, which this week noted:
These huge spending programmes are likely to be once-in-a-generation in scale and will shape countries’ infrastructure for decades to come… Governments can … achieve both short-term economic gains and long-term benefits by making clean energy part of their stimulus plans.
COVID-19 has undoubtedly been disastrous for Australia and the world. But it creates new opportunities in energy, economic security and climate action. To seize these opportunities, the Morrison government must chart a new industrial course for the nation by manufacturing Australia’s energy security.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tan Yigitcanlar, Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Planning, Queensland University of Technology
Australia has borne the brunt of several major disasters in recent years, including drought, bushfires, floods and cyclones. The increasing use of social media is changing how we prepare for and respond to these disasters. Not only emergency services but also their social media are now much-sought-after sources of disaster information and warnings.
We studied Australian emergency services’ social media use in times of disaster. Social media can provide invaluable and time-critical information to both emergency services and communities at risk. But we also found problems.
The escalating use and importance of social media in disaster management raises an important question:
How effective are social media pages of Australian state emergency management organisations in meeting community expectations and needs?
To answer this question, QUT’s Urban Studies Lab investigated the community engagement approaches of social media pages maintained by various Australian emergency services. We placed Facebook and Twitter pages of New South Wales State Emergency Services (NSW-SES), Victoria State Emergency Services (VIC-SES) and Queensland Fire and Emergency Services (QLD-FES) under the microscope.
Examples of emergency services’ social media posts are shown below.
NSW-SES collecting data from the public through their posts.FacebookVIC-SES sharing weather warnings to inform the public.FacebookQLD-FES posting fire condition information to increase public awareness.FacebookQLD-FES showing the direction of a cyclone and warning the community.Facebook
Second, Facebook pages of emergency services attract more community attention than Twitter pages. Services need to make their Twitter pages more attractive as, unlike Facebook, Twitter allows streamlined data download for social media analytics. A widely used Twitter page of emergency service means more data for analysis and potentially more accurate policies and actions.
Third, Australia lacks a legal framework for the use of social media in emergency service operations. Developing these frameworks will help organisations maximise its use, especially in the case of financial matters such as donations.
Fourth, the credibility of public-generated information can sometimes be questionable. Authorities need to be able to respond rapidly to such information to avoid the spread of misinformation or “fake news” on social media.
Services could do more with social media
Our research highlighted that emergency services could use social media more effectively. We do not see these services analysing social media data to inform their activities before, during and after disasters.
In another study on the use of social media analytics for disaster management, we developed a novel approach to show how emergency services can identify disaster-affected areas using real-time social media data. For that study, we collected Twitter data with location information on the 2010-11 Queensland floods. We were able to identify disaster severity by analysing the emotional or sentiment values of tweets.
This work generated the disaster severity map show below. The map is over 90% accurate to actual figures in the report of the Queensland Floods Commission of Inquiry.
Disaster severity map created through Twitter analytics.Authors
Concerns about using social media to manage disaster
The second concern is information accuracy or “fake news” on social media. Evidently, sharing false information and rumours compromises the information social media provides. Social media images and videos tagged with location information can provide more reliable, eye-witness information.
Another concern is difficulty in receiving social media messages from severely affected areas. For instance, the disaster might have brought down internet or 4G/5G coverage, or people might have been evacuated from areas at risk. This might lead to limited social media posts from the actual disaster zone, with increasing numbers of posts from the places people are relocated.
In such a scenario, alternative social media analytics are on offer. We can use content analysis and sentiment analysis to determine the disaster location and impact.
How to make the most of social media
Social media and its applications are generating new and innovative ways to manage disasters and reduce their impacts. These include:
increasing community trust in emergency services by social media profiling
crowd-sourcing the collection and sharing of disaster information
Today, as we confront the COVID-19 pandemic, social media analytics are helping to ease its impacts. Artificial intelligence (AI) technologies are greatly reducing processing time for social media analytics. We believe the next-generation AI will enable us to undertake real-time social media analytics more accurately.
Two events this week have illustrated two fundamental tensions in Australia’s relationship with China.
The first event was China’s ambassador to Australia suggesting a Chinese boycott of Australian exports, due to Australia pursuing an independent inquiry into the early response to the COVID-19 outbreak.
In an interview on April 27, ambassador Cheng Jingye said Chinese tourists and students might have second thoughts about a country “not so friendly, even hostile”.
“And also,” Cheng added, “maybe the ordinary people will think why they should drink Australian wine or eat Australian beef.”
The second event was the “blindsiding” of federal health minister Greg Hunt at press conference with mining magnate Andrew Forrest on April 29, when Forrest invited China’s consul-general for Victoria and Tasmania to speak.
Health minister Greg Hunt, centre, departs the press conference in Melbourne on April 29, 2020. Behind him is China’s consul-general for Victoria and Tasmania, Long Zhou, and mining magnate Andrew Forrest.James Ross/AAP
The diplomatic kerfuffle wasn’t the most significant aspect. It was the point of the press conference: Forrest’s procurement through Chinese business contacts of 10 million coronavirus tests – increasing Australia’s testing capacity 20-fold.
These two events point to two fundamental realities about the economic relationship between China and Australia.
First, the two nations are deeply important to each other.
Second, this coronavirus pandemic has exposed the need to increase local manufacturing and reduce dependence on imports of critical supplies.
Australia’s recovery planning must include policies to underwrite local manufacturing capability. It means our economic relationship with China will change.
But despite the veiled threats from the Chinese government, and the desire in some parts of the Australian community for a split, a great economic decoupling is not an option.
Mutual dependence
Australia depends on exports to grow employment, tax revenue and welfare expenses.
About a quarter of all corporate tax revenue comes from mining. Most that is from exports to China, Australia’s largest trading partner by far. Coal and iron ore exports sales have been holding up well. Fortescue, in fact, expects to export more iron ore (177 million tonnes) this financial year.
There are no substitute markets of a similar scale to take up Australian exports in mineral resources, nor in agricultural produce or international education.
But China has few viable alternatives to Australia as well.
Certainly not in the supply of iron ore, gas and coal.
Not for agricultural produce, where Australia has high a reputation in China.
Nor for education. There are few English-speaking countries to begin with, and the biggest market for Chinese students, the United States, is looking decidedly more hostile and unsafe.
So our dependence is mutual. Decoupling won’t happen.
Onshoring on the agenda
But nor it is an option to return to the pre-COVID-19 status quo.
The model of Australia “being willing to export commodities and import finished goods is old and broken”, declared a member of the federal government’s new National COVID-19 Coordination Commission this week.
The commission was established last month to advise the government on “actions to anticipate and mitigate the economic and social effects of the global coronavirus pandemic”.
Liveris is a Darwin-born chemical engineer who rose to become chief executive of The Dow Chemical Company (now DowDupont, the world’s biggest chemical maker. Top of the agenda he signalled this week is “onshoring”. In other words, restoring local manufacturing capability.
Andrew Liveris, centre, with China’s vice-minister of industry and Information technology, Su Bo and the head of Japanese conglomerate Hitachi, Hiroaki Nakanishi in Beijing, March 2015.Wu Hong/EPA
“Australia drank the free-trade juice and decided that offshoring was OK. Well, that era is gone,” he said. “We’ve got to now realise we’ve got to really look at onshoring key capabilities.”
A new form of globalisation
There is a clear national interest in developing our own manufacturing in critical export industries such as health, cybertechnology, renewable energy and agribusiness.
Doing so will include Australia in a global trend to reduce reliance on one continent or one country.
Some might call this deglobalisation. It is not.
Diversifying production and bringing it closer to markets and consumers is simply a new form of globalisation.
To achieve it, Australian businessess will need to invest heavily in new technology to take advantage of digital manufacturing, automation and artificial intelligence.
With the possible exception of some critically important services or products, only globally competitive manufacturing will be sustainable. It will need to be high-tech and innovative manufacturing. It will not mean the return of traditional manufacturing industries.
We’ll still need each other
Australia needs China to make this transition.
Advanced digital manufacturing requires substantial investment in technological capability and production facilities. China is already manufacturing and exporting advanced production equipment.
China will also be a crucial market for any exports, with many opportunities for Australian manufacturers that align with demand in the huge Chinese market. Chinese investment will help develop these export opportunities, as it has with exports like dairy.
So neither Australia nor China stand to gain from decoupling the two economies. Our economic co-operation will change with onshoring. But mutual dependence will not.
Following the death of her elderly father, a close friend of mine recently asked if I would read a poem by Goethe at his funeral.
I didn’t know the man well. In fact, I had met him only once, seated in my friend’s car on a Fitzroy street on a sunny day several years ago. What struck me about him at the time was the mischievous smile he wore and the youthful sparkle in his eyes. I felt honoured to be invited to share in the celebration of his life.
Although my friend is near a generation younger than me, we are very close. I have known her since she was a shy but determined young person. She has since become an advocate for the rights of Indigenous people in Australia and the South Pacific. She is thoughtful and kind and fierce whenever the situation requires a “warrior woman”.
The funeral service took place at a community hall in the Dandenong Ranges, east of Melbourne. Family and friends of the man who had passed spoke, sang and prayed (in their own way) about the remarkable life of a person who had survived the ravages of war-torn Europe, the loss of loved ones, separation from family and an eventual migration to Australia, where he fell in love, raised a family and continued his lifelong passion for the natural world.
Before I left home for the funeral service, my wife, Sara, asked me, “Will you be okay?” My younger brother had died suddenly only weeks earlier, and I remained grief-stricken by the experience of finding him in the small government flat where he’d lived for two decades. I answered Sara’s question with a dismissive, “I’ll be fine”.
Of stone
And I was fine. Following the death of a person you love dearly, a person you yearn to see just once more, a person you want to say just one more goodbye to, isolation can become a tempting companion. You feel that nobody understands the depth of your grief.
Appointments, work, conversations with friends – they all make little sense. Mundane tasks become even more meaningless. My retreat into self-imposed isolation had become debilitating. Attending a funeral in the mountains was, if nothing else, an escape from my solitary confinement.
Cover image: Anna Di Mezza, Memory’s Persistence 2016
A few hours later I found myself in a room crackling with the energy of those who had gathered, along with the man who had bought us together for the day, who was resting in a wicker coffin at the front of the room. As I read the poem for him and his family, I thought again about my own brother and felt comforted, for the first time in weeks, that I was not alone. I was sharing a valued life among the living.
Following the burial at a local cemetery, we were invited back to the community hall, where we enjoyed food and stories about the life of my friend’s father. I noticed a wooden table where a range of items had been placed: books, hand tools, photographs and other secondhand objects you might find at a garage sale. My friend took me over to the table and explained that each of the items had belonged to her father and held particular significance for him and his family. I was invited to choose an object and take it home with me as an act of commemoration. I hesitated. It didn’t seem right that I should take something personal belonging to a man I’d hardly known.
My friend gently nudged me. “Go on, pick something,” she said.
My eye was drawn to an egg-shaped, ivory-coloured stone, speckled with an earthy pigment. I picked up the stone. It sat full and heavy in the palm of my right hand. I turned it over. Its centre was smudged with a dark stain. It appeared that someone may have held the stone in their hand and rubbed it (and rubbed it) with the back of a thumb.
“Can I have this?” I asked my friend.
“Of course,” she answered. “It’s a good choice for you.”
The stone now sits on my writing desk. I often hold it in my hand when I’m thinking about the words I want to write (as I’m doing now). I have thought with the stone about life and death and my love for my friend, who misses her father so deeply. The stone has affected my thoughts on climate justice, which is a key area of my academic and community research.
What I have come to understand about the stone is that it is stronger than me – and you. It is also patient and thoughtful to an extent that human society appears to be incapable of. If we manage to destroy ourselves in the future, and destroy non-human species and vital ecological systems in the process, it will be because we don’t possess the humility and wisdom of the stone. Unfortunately, many in positions of power and influence appear most ill-equipped to recognise this. The stone has invited me to reflect on love, and on death, including my own. The stone also reminds me that seemingly inanimate and soulless objects have guided me throughout my life, particularly when I am reaching for understanding.
‘The stone has invited me to reflect on love, and on death, including my own.’Scott Webb/Unsplash, CC BY
Foraging
If I wasn’t born to forage, I was taught to from a very young age. Growing up in the inner Melbourne suburb of Fitzroy in the early 1960s, we were very poor. (As poor as a Monty Python shoebox.) We were always a gleaning family, out of necessity. The open fire in our two-room terrace was fed with scraps of wood we gathered from the streets, empty houses and vacant blocks.
Coming home from school of an afternoon, if my older sister and I spotted an eight-foot long plank of wood, we’d pick it up, cart it home and add it to the woodpile in the yard. My brother and I collected scrap metal – lead, copper and brass – and sold it to a dealer who had a yard behind a pub on Brunswick Street.
I later came to cherish the narrative power of found objects through my grandmother, Alma, who introduced me to op shop fever, an ailment I continue to live with 60 years later. From the age of around four or five, hand-in-hand with my Nan, I’d walk from Fitzroy to the Salvation Army’s “Anchorage” in Abbotsford, around a mile and half in the imperial measurement of the time. The Salvos’ secondhand business could not be described as a “shop” or “store”, but a series of rusting corrugated-iron sheds on the bank of the Birrarung.
Each shed was dedicated to particular items: ornaments, household furniture, books and comics, and children’s clothing. Nan and I would move from shed to shed, with the rule that I could buy one book, one comic and one item of clothing. She liked to spend her time in the ornaments shed, searching for a vase, or a gravy dish perhaps, that she could add to the mirror-backed, glass-fronted cabinet in the front room of her Fitzroy house. Once an item went into the cabinet, it stayed there, never used and rarely touched – any item put into the cabinet was for “show”.
I loved my books and comics, but most of all I sought out a t-shirt or jumper, especially a warm woollen jumper, largely for practical purposes. Winters in our house and on our street were cold. A jumper provided warmth. A jumper purchased secondhand was my jumper, not one that had been handed down to me by my older brother. And when I put a thick woollen jumper over my head as a small child, my body felt protected, emotionally and physically. Woollen jumpers became my security blanket, and that desire for fabric has never left me.
I have a cupboard full of woollen jumpers at home. Some have been collected from the op shops I continue to visit each week. Others, bought new, are quite expensive. Any time I become particularly anxious, or feel the desire for “comfort clothes”, I put on one of my jumpers. (Summer is not my favourite season.) Recently, while experiencing a near emotional collapse, a crafted woollen object rescued me.
I was in a Victorian country town on an autumn morning as a guest of the Clunes Booktown Festival, which I’d been invited to some months previously. My younger brother had died a few weeks before the festival. I had begun to write about him, as it was my only means of understanding, if at all, what I was experiencing. I have since written about his death several times, with each essay building on the previous one, including conscious repetition (which I am doing now). The essays focus on walking country, travelling and remembering, with my brother at my side. Perhaps I am not repeating myself, but rather engaging in the act of reiteration as a means of paying my respect to his life?
Immediately after my brother’s death I cancelled several commitments, took weeks away from work and spent as much time as I could with my grieving mother. I had simply forgotten to cancel Clunes and felt obliged to attend when I was reminded about the festival only days before it was to begin. I drove there with Sara.
Clunes is a gold rush town in north-west Victoria and proudly carries the title of Booktown. On arrival, we parked the car alongside a bluestone church above the town. It was a cool and clear morning. Walking down the hill towards the festival, I suffered what I could only explain as an anxiety attack. I needed to sit down. I enjoy writing-and-reading festivals and I love the warmth of audiences. But, sitting on a bench in the main street of Clunes, I suddenly realised that I would be incapable of performing at all. I wanted to go home and hide. Sara suggested that a coffee might pick me up, although she was also ready to leave and drive me home if that was what I decided.
We went for a walk and I bought a café latte, an object of right-wing disdain. I took a sip and felt a little better. We spotted a craft stall selling woollen products: scarves, gloves and beanies. My eye was drawn to a naturally dyed beanie, chocolate and (sort of) aqua coloured, with a chocolate pompom on top. I picked the beanie up and held it in my hands. The wool was soft, the texture rich. With the permission of the woman standing behind the stall, I put the beanie on. It wrapped itself gently around my head. Feeling immediately comforted and secure, I smiled at Sara and said, “Let’s go.” We walked back up the hill, into the Clunes Town Hall, where we were met by a room crowded with generous people.
Gathering through the years
As we grow older, some of us begin to dispose of our possessions. Others continue to hoard. Thinking back to the table of objects at the funeral I attended, I experienced it as a generous and communal gesture, yet another act of reciprocity and energy.
My stone continues to teach me about the contrasts between humility and arrogance, between the world we are wilfully attacking and our self-destructive stupidity. The stone has also sharply focused my attention on the deep value of my relationships with other people. My friend who lost her father has been in a state of grief since his passing. When I hold the stone, or glance at it sitting on my desk, I think of my friend and I am reminded that she is in my care, as I am in hers. The thought strengthens me and gently reminds me to remain aware of my obligation to her. For this, I can thank the stone and the man who first picked it up and held it in his hand.
As I write this I am 62 years of age. (That’s old for an Aboriginal man!) I have five children, two grandchildren and a loving partner.
On July 4 1996, my grandmother, Alma, was in St Vincent’s Hospital in Fitzroy, dying of renal failure. Although I was a grown man, about to turn 40, I sat by the window of her room on the tenth floor, a child again, looking over the streets of our shared life. She passed away that night. My mother decided that our first task after her death was to empty out her Housing Commission flat and scrub it clean.
My grandmother’s flat was crowded with the objects she’d collected from op shops over 60 years. The family gathered at the door of my grandmother’s flat and my mother said, “Each of you pick something of love. The rest we pack up in boxes and drop at St Vincent de Paul’s in Collingwood”.
My initial thought was that it was reckless of my mother to sweep away Nan’s possessions so soon, and my older sister felt the same, whispering to me, “Shit. Nan’s not even cold yet”.
Our feelings shifted to acceptance, and subsequently deep satisfaction once each of us had chosen our love pieces. I picked a ceramic teapot mat, an ancient stone hot water bottle and a squat glass jar that my nan would fill with tomato sauce so that we could sit around her kitchen table and dip our hot chips into it.
A week later, I walked into the local op-shop and noticed a young woman pick up an orange flower vase that had belonged to my grandmother. She held it up admiringly. Light passed through the vase and the woman’s face glowed with happiness. She paid for the vase and took it home.
What’s left behind
When my brother died died last year, my two sisters performed the same ritual in his government flat. Whatever else might be said about a working-class Aboriginal-Irish family, we’re fucking spotlessly clean!
We took the goods we’d each decided to keep around the corner to my mother’s house. There were three guitars, two crucifixes and several books, including a copy of my short story collection Common People, which was sitting on the side table next to his bed on the morning I found him dead.
My sisters allowed me to take his acoustic guitar home as long as I promised that I would learn to play it. I walked home with the guitar under my arm, wondering what would happen to my own stuff when I died.
The books will continue to be treasured and read, I’m sure. I’m concerned for the bowls of collected pine cones scattered around the house.
My grandson, Archie, is 14 months old. Recently, I introduced him to the pine cones, naming them individually, hoping for attachment on his part. I took him on his first pine cone forage in Carlton Gardens. My motivation, of course, is that when I die and they come to sweep my life away, Archie will intervene, say, “Not so soon” and rescue my pine cones.
I don’t know what will happen to my woollen jumpers, scarves and beanies. If I was able to choreograph my own wake (as my mother has done in a lengthy list), or if this was a short story I was writing for you rather than nonfiction, I would die during a cold winter and my family would be gathered around a fire reminiscing about my life. My children, Erin, Siobhan, Drew, Grace and Nina, would each be wearing a “Tony Birch find” (as I refer to the jumpers); my grandkids, Isobel and Archie, would be each be wrapped in one of the many brightly coloured scarves I’ve collected; and Sara would be wearing the precious striped beanie that saved me on a beautiful morning in Clunes.
Australia is in an enviable position when compared with major world cities like New York, London and Madrid, each of which continues to deal with COVID-19 deaths in the thousands.
Although Australia has suffered 91 deaths, its daily rates of new cases are now in the low double figures or even single figures – evidence of very little community transmission in the country.
This means that unlike places that are still facing lockdown for weeks or months to come, Australia has some crucial imminent policy choices: how to balance the economic and social benefits of easing restrictions with the risks of a future spike in cases.
The Group of Eight, an affiliation of leading Australian research universities, this week published a major independent report describing a Roadmap to Recovery for the nation. It sets out some key policy choices, as well as a suite of recommendations to state and federal governments for the months ahead – specifically, beyond May 15, the extent of the federal government’s current restrictions.
The report invites the Australian government to choose between two contrasting but related strategies: “elimination” of COVID-19, and a “controlled adaptation strategy”.
Under the elimination scenario, Australia would continue its nationwide stay-home order (although restrictions currently vary between states) for two further weeks after daily cases reach zero. That means lockdown would last until the end of May or mid-June, given the current trends in cases. But beyond that many social distancing measures could be lifted relatively rapidly, due to minimal risk of community transmission. Travel restrictions would have to remain tight indefinitely, to prevent the possibility of reintroduction of the virus.
In the alternative, “controlled adaptation” strategy, the government would still use aggressive test-and-trace protocols to keep the number of new cases as low as possible. But lockdown restrictions would be lifted earlier – perhaps in the next couple of weeks – although the lifting would necessarily be gradual, with continued social distancing measures applied to shops, schools and workplaces.
Pros and cons
The advantages of elimination is that it prioritises Australians’ health while also affording a more rapid lifting of restrictions once it is deemed safe. For example, restaurants and cafes might perhaps return to serving sit-down customers once elimination has been achieved.
Controlled adaptation will involve more ongoing social distancing. Conceivably, even six months from now, shops and public transport might operate at restricted capacity so people aren’t crowded together. But the advantage of this approach may be in the long term: it prepares Australians for the fact that this virus will probably be circulating around the world for years, and we should adapt our behaviour accordingly.
Furthermore, with improved speed and availability of testing, an adaptation strategy would perhaps allow less stringent international travel restrictions later this year and into 2021. That would be a boon for Australia’s higher education industry, its immigration-dependent construction sector, and its (currently shrinking) overall population.
A ‘continuum’ of choice
Why does the report advocate two strategies, rather than backing just one? The report argues they are not distinct choices, but rather they lie “along a continuum” of strategic options.
So if the government opts to pursue elimination, it would still need to maintain testing and tracing capability in the longer term, as well as continuing to enforce some forms of social distancing even as other restrictions are lifted (for instance, it’s hard to imagine moshing at rock concerts being allowed anytime soon).
Conversely, pursuing a controlled adaptation strategy doesn’t mean Australia can’t also aim to bring cases to zero if possible, as many states are already recording zero cases for several days in a row.
The final exit from either strategy will involve a safe and effective vaccine. Neither allows for the growth of cases contemplated by other countries relying on immunity conferred by people infected with the virus.
Personally, I favour the end of the continuum that aims at controlled adaptation, rather than aiming for complete elimination of the virus in Australia. Elimination may prove elusive due to the long incubation period and high rate of asymptomatic cases of COVID-19.
But either way, it’s clearly important that cases are kept very low. While the disease disproportionately affects the old, people are still dying early and health economists have shown that an average of between 3 and 11 healthy life-years are still being lost per COVID-19 death.
The rapidly advancing scale and quality of testing and tracing capability should allow for the near-elimination of COVID-19 to continue with mild social distancing measures. Travel restrictions could be eased in the longer term as the pandemic (hopefully) wanes across the world.
Arguably most important of all is for the government to be agile in its approach to the crisis – to keep an eye on the situation both here and abroad, and react accordingly.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karlheinz Peter, Lab Head, Atherothrombosis and Vascular Biology and Deputy Director, Baker Heart and Diabetes Institute; Interventional Cardiologist, Alfred Hospital; Professor of Medicine and Immunology, Monash University, Baker Heart and Diabetes Institute
As well as causing severe respiratory problems, there is mounting evidence COVID-19 causes abnormalities in blood clotting. Patients with severe COVID-19 infection appear to be at greater risk of developing blood clots in the veins and arteries.
Blood clots can occur deep in the veins of the leg (deep vein thrombosis) and can move to the lungs, causing a pulmonary embolism, which restricts blood flow and oxygen, and can be fatal.
Blood clots in arteries can cause heart attacks when they block blood supply to the heart, or strokes when they block oxygen supply to the brain.
So what is going on in the bodies of people with coronavirus? And what are clinicians doing to treat or prevent this complication?
What do these clots do?
Recent data from the Netherlands and France suggest that of the patients with coronavirus who are admitted to intensive care units (ICU), 30-70% develop blood clots in the deep veins of the legs, or in the lungs.
Around one in four coronavirus patients admitted to ICU will develop a pulmonary embolism.
These rates are much higher than we would usually see in patients requiring admission to ICU for reasons other than COVID-19.
Greater risk of stroke
Patients who present to hospital with COVID-19 are also more likely to have a stroke when compared with the general population.
Typically, the chance of having a stroke is associated with increasing age, as well as other risk factors such as high blood pressure, elevated cholesterol levels, or smoking.
Usually it’s older people who have strokes.Shutterstock
However, higher rates of strokes in patients with COVID-19 is somewhat unusual because it also seems to be happening in people under 50 years of age, with no other risk factors for stroke.
Low levels of oxygen
COVID-19 also appears to be associated with blood clots in the tiny blood vessels that are important for the transfer of oxygen in organs. Autopsy reports have shown elements of SARS-CoV-2, the virus causing COVID-19, in cells lining these small blood vessels in the lungs, kidney, and gut.
This may result in tiny blood clots in these small blood vessels that disturb normal blood flow and the ability of the blood to deliver oxygen to these organs.
Importantly, these small blood clots could reduce normal lung function. If these small blood clots reach the lungs it may prevent oxygen getting into the blood as efficiently as normal. This may explain why patients with severe COVID-19 can have very low oxygen levels.
Treating and diagnosing clots is difficult
When patients are admitted to hospital, for coronavirus or any other condition that leaves them bed-bound, it is common practice to administer low-dose blood thinners to prevent the development of blood clots.
However, given that patients with COVID-19 seem to be at a higher risk of developing blood clots, it’s currently being debated whether higher doses of blood thinners are required to prevent these clotting complications.
Trials are underway to attempt to answer this important question.
Higher doses of blood thinners might one day play a role in treating COVID-19.Shutterstock
Diagnosing these blood clots in patients with COVID-19 can also be particularly challenging.
Firstly, the symptoms of a worsening lung infection associated with the virus can be indistinguishable from the symptoms of a pulmonary embolism.
Another challenge in COVID-19 is that the virus can impact laboratory tests which may also be used to diagnose venous blood clots.
A good example of this is a test called D-dimer, which is a measure of clotting in the body. Normally, this test would be higher in almost everyone with new venous blood clots. However, people with severe COVID-19 infection can also have an elevated D-dimer simply due to the severe infection.
In some patients, this means that the test is no longer helpful to diagnose blood clots.
Why does COVID-19 cause blood clotting?
One theory is that the increased rate of blood clots in COVID-19 is simply a reflection of being particularly unwell and immobile.
However, the current data suggest the risk of blood clots is significantly greater in patients with COVID-19 than what is usually see in patients admitted to hospital and ICUs.
We still don’t know why clotting occurs.Shutterstock
Another potential explanation is that the virus is directly impacting on the cells lining our blood vessels. When the body fights an infection, the immune system becomes activated to try and kill the invader, and research shows an activated immune system can cause blood clots.
In severe COVID-19, the immune system appears to go into overdrive. This could lead to the unchecked activation of cells that typically stop blood clotting.
Another possibility is that the virus triggers blood clotting to provide it with a survival advantage.
The SARS virus, another member of the coronavirus family, can be further “activated” by a blood clotting protein, enabling the virus to more efficiently invade cells.
However, whether this is the case with COVID-19 remains to be investigated.
Intriguingly, preliminary research suggests that a commonly used blood thinner, heparin, may have antiviral effects by binding to SARS-CoV-2 and inhibiting a key protein the virus uses to latch onto cells.
What we know for sure is that blood-clotting complications are rapidly emerging as a significant threat from COVID-19. In this area, we still have much to learn about the virus, how it affects blood clotting, and the best options for prevention and treatment of these blood clots.
It’s been the summer and autumn from hell for very many of the voters in the NSW federal seat of Eden-Monaro, a Labor electorate on under 1% that forms an envelope around the nation’s capital.
Fire ravaged their beautiful bush and coastal lands and claimed homes. Just as the rebuilding started, the coronavirus stopped the tourist industry climbing back to its feet.
There haven’t even been the usual dollars from the Canberrans who own holiday houses around the seaside areas. The strict travel ban has prevented them commuting for their weekends. Now the coming snow season looms as financially bleak.
Amid all the pain Eden-Monaro’s voters wouldn’t welcome a fractious byelection. But they’ll be understanding about what’s triggered it.
Their popular local member, Mike Kelly, has had his own months of hell, with multiple operations and medical procedures due to health issues arising from his military service in Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, East Timor and Iraq.
As an emotional Kelly – who has respect across the political divide – told a news conference, he’s just not able any more to service a seat requiring much driving. He apologised to constituents for causing a byelection at this time.
Neither Anthony Albanese nor Scott Morrison would particularly want a test of strength right now. Byelections in marginal seats are unpredictable; a win can be gold, a loss a minor or major setback. Predictably, both leaders are trying to manage expectations down.
Morrison has had a personal polling boost from his handling of the virus crisis, although the Coalition and Labor remain neck and neck. Apart from narrow politics, his good ratings are coinage when the government has to make hard decisions, or appeal for community patience. He doesn’t want to lose any shine at the moment.
What if Labor holds the seat? That would suggest people aren’t translating their praise for the PM’s crisis management to wider endorsement of the government.
On the other hand, what if the ALP loses, when history is on its side? As everyone keeps saying, a government taking an opposition seat at a byelection last happened a century ago.
A loss would lead to soul searching in the ALP, reinforce the doubts held by Albanese’s critics, and make some in the party wonder if it did the right thing post-election, when he was endorsed without a contest. Remember, however, Labor rules now protect the leader to an extent (but only an extent), which they did not before 2013.
If the Liberals or Nationals won the seat, it would take Morrison’s majority from three to five (that’s including the speaker, who has a casting vote).
What if the victor was not a Liberal but NSW deputy premier John Barilaro, leader of the state Nationals, who appears set to run? Barilaro’s a fire cracker, with strong views and a loud voice.
His victory would mean the Liberals had lost out to their junior partner in a seat that’s a traditional Labor-Liberal battleground.
More important, Barilaro’s arrival in Canberra would unsettle deputy prime minister Michael McCormack. Barilaro wouldn’t take the gamble of seeking to switch parliaments if he didn’t have a lot of ambition.
Eden-Monaro is an electorate with a bit of everything, stretching from the regional centre of Queanbeyan, a dormatory for Canberra, through farming lands and mountains to the coast. From 1972 to 2013, it was hailed as a “bellwether”, going with the government of the day. Kelly, who held it from 2007-13, broke that link when he won it back in 2016.
As ABC electoral analyst Antony Green points out, as a bellwether, “it is a strangely unrepresentative seat. Outside of the ACT, Eden-Monaro has the nation’s highest proportion of residents employed by government, reflecting the large public service population in Queanbeyan, as well as a large number of residents serving in the military.”
Personal standing is important in this seat. Kelly has had a strong personal vote. Barilaro, who hold the state seat of Monaro, covering Queanbeyan, had 52% primary vote at the last NSW election, which shows his individual pull given the nature of the town is hardly usual Nationals’ heartland. In contrast, the Nationals polled 7% in Eden-Monaro in 2019.
Another well-known local, Andrew Constance, has been talked of for the Liberals. Constance, the NSW transport minister, holds the state seat of Bega; he was especially to the fore during the bushfires, when he was critical of Morrison’s performance.
Constance wouldn’t run if Barilaro does, and probably wouldn’t do so regardless. Constance’s house, for which he fought in the bushfires, is in the federal seat of Gilmore, and he’d be reluctant to move.
Also mentioned is Liberal senator Jim Molan. He’s a local, an ex-military man, and a skilled reaper of votes. But if he did become the Liberal candidate, it’s hard to see him being more attractive to potential Coalition voters than Barilaro.
Morrison this week flagged the Liberals would contest the seat and he expected a three-cornored context. But Barilaro on Thursday night argued strongly there should be only one candidate from the Coalition to maximise the government’s chances. “This is not the time for us to have an internal squabble,” he told Sky.
Another local with a profile, Kristy McBain, is touted as the Labor candidate. As mayor of Bega, she would start with good support in that part of the seat.
Questioned about issues, Kelly put climate change centre stage for Labor. More intense weather patterns and fires have given the climate issue a very practical face in Eden-Monaro. Labor will push the argument that with the virus, the government acts on the science – it should do the same on climate. Barilaro, though not a climate denier, attacked those who elevated the climate debate during the bushfires. He has focused on fuel reduction, and is a supporter of nuclear energy.
High on voters’ agendas will be jobs, reconstruction after the fires, and services. It’s a seat where the locals look for tangible results from their MPs, federal and state.
The virus will give a twist to campaigning. Albanese said he expects Speaker Tony Smith to announce the date of the byelection in the parliamentary week of 12-14 May. He anticipated it would be held late June.
How much the leaders will be able to get about the electorate physically is a moot point.
Morrison had an unhappy experience there in January, when he tried to shake some hands in Cobargo. “Well, he won’t have the handshake problem at the moment,” Albanese quipped on Thursday.
An immigration consultant is warning an entrenched underclass of unlawful workers will emerge unless the government provides emergency benefits to unemployed immigrants.
But immigration adviser Alain Koetsier said that was not a realistic option for many nationalities, who would be driven into bad situations.
He called on the Minister for Social Development Carmel Sepuloni to implement a section of the Social Security Act, enacted for epidemic situations, to allow emergency welfare payments to immigrants.
– Partner –
“If they run out of money, then they effectively have very little recourse other than potentially turning to the unlawful job market, and working under the table,” he said.
“If they do that, not only do they expose themselves to slave-like work conditions, but they drive down wages for New Zealand workers, and New Zealand businesses can expect to be undercut by competitors who use cheap or free migrant labour, so it has very negative consequences for the entire New Zealand economy.
Facing extreme poverty
“Hardworking and taxpaying migrant workers will face the worst consequences – if they refuse to work unlawfully, they face extreme poverty, if they choose to breach their visa conditions out of desperation, they face deportation or exploitation.”
Many immigrants had no way of going home because borders were closed or no flights were available, he said.
“These workers may remain unlawfully employed for many years, fearful of approaching authorities lest they be punished. We could see a large underclass of illegal workers become entrenched in the New Zealand economy in the long term.
“The government will not receive any tax from the illegal labour but will need to spend more to fix the problems that result. The economic recovery from Covid-19 will be much harder in such a situation.”
Immigrants needed help after paying taxes and establishing a life in New Zealand, he said.
“There is a strong humanitarian component as well, that these migrants many of them have poured a lot of money, life savings into the New Zealand economy, and that they now need our help,” he added.
“I think that all these taxpaying migrants who have contributed so much to our country also deserve a helping hand at this time of crisis.”
INZ directs workers to embassies Immigration New Zealand (INZ) continues to advise expats, who are not currently employed, and are experiencing financial difficulty during the pandemic to talk to their embassy or consulate for assistance.
“The government has agreed to relax visa conditions for a short period to allow temporary migrant workers and international students to further assist with our essential services during the Covid-19 response,” an INZ spokesperson said.
“Work visa holders with employer-specific work visas already employed in essential services will be able to vary their hours and be redeployed to do other roles within their current workplace.
“They can also perform their current role in a different workplace in the same region to help essential businesses keep operating while New Zealand remains at alert level 3 and for six weeks after that.
They said the government was also looking at a range of other options for temporary work visa holders and would make decisions as soon as possible.
Three new cases of covid-19
New Zealand has reported just three new cases of Covid-19 over the past 24 hours, the 12th day in a row the increase has remained in single digits.
Director General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield said seven people were in hospital, but none are in intensive care.
Dr Bloomfield said there was now a total of 1129 confirmed cases, with 347 probable cases.
He said an earlier probable case had been reclassified as not a case.
“There was a significant increase in testing yesterday, with 5867 tests performed and our new total of tests in 134,570,” he said.
Today’s media conference. Video: RNZ News
He said 1241 people had now recovered from the coronavirus, an increase of 12 from yesterday. He said 84 percent of cases had now recovered.
The number of significant clusters remained at 16, and the death toll stood at 19.
Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said while people could now enjoy takeaways, it was vital distancing was occurring and people needed to stay at home if there was no proper reason to be outdoors.
She said there had been 185 breaches under alert level 3, including 81 in the past 24 hours and 48 new warnings.
Police have advised that after a bit of a spike in the first 24 hours of alert level 3, things have calmed down, she said.
“Please continue to act like you have the virus when you are out and about and if you see breaches, please report them.
“Now is not the time to loosen up our compliance.”
This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.
If you havesymptomsof the coronavirus, call the NZ Covid-19 Healthline on 0800 358 5453 (+64 9 358 5453 for international SIMs) or call your GP – don’t show up at a medical centre.
This week, the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases released findings of a clinical trial of the experimental antiviral drug remdesivir. This showed COVID-19 patients recovered more quickly and had an improved survival rate when taking the drug, compared with those given a placebo and standard care.
But these are just the preliminary results of one study. Other human trials have not shown similar results. Further trials are under way and will more definitively show whether remdesivir is a suitable and effective treatment for COVID-19.
Remdesivir is an experimental antiviral drug being developed by Gilead Sciences. Originally it was being developed as a treatment for Ebola, a viral infection that causes severe internal bleeding. But researchers are now interested in its potential to treat patients with COVID-19.
Remdesivir mimics a natural ingredient called adenosine of DNA and RNA, the latter being a molecule similar to DNA that is used to carry the genetic information of viruses. After the drug is activated in the body, it works by blocking a type of enzyme called a polymerase, which is needed to make DNA and RNA.
When you block the enzyme, the virus can’t make copies of itself, limiting the development of symptoms and spread of the disease.
It should be noted that no drug is perfectly safe, and remdesivir is no different. Studies undertaken so far suggest the drug may damage the liver and cause other short-term side effects such as nausea and vomiting.
These side effects need to be taken into consideration when treating COVID-19 patients who have other underlying conditions.
Remdesivir is being developed by US pharmaceutical company Gilead Sciences, and was originally created to treat Ebola.John G. Mabanglo/EPA
Clinical trials in US positive but only preliminary
This week the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) released the results of its trial using remdesivir for COVID-19 patients. They studied the effects of the drug on patients who were already infected with COVID-19 to see whether it helped them recover faster and improve their survival rate.
Adult patients hospitalised with COVID-19 were given daily injections of remdesivir. They were found to recover four days faster, an improvement of 31%, when compared with other patients who only received standard care and placebo.
The results also indicated that more patients survived the infection with remdesivir treatment, with the death rate dropping from 11.6% to 8%.
The results are significant enough that director of NIAID Anthony Fauci said it was an “ethical responsibility” for the remaining trial patients who were taking the placebo to be switched to the active drug.
But we need to treat the results of this trial with caution; for the moment they are only preliminary.
A data and safety panel has looked at the initial results, but they haven’t been peer-reviewed. During peer review, independent experts from the scientific community scrutinise the study design, methods, data produced, and the conclusions before the study is published in a medical journal.
Preliminary studies have shown positive results for remdesivir for treating COVID-19. But the findings are yet to be peer-reviewed.Ulrich Perrey/Pool/Reuters
How does it compare with other studies?
The results of other trials, such as one undertaken in China, have not shown the same promising results.
The Chinese study was published in the Lancet, considered one of the most influential medical journals in the world. This trial was a randomised, double-blind, placebo-controlled study which means that neither the researchers nor the patients knew if they’d been given the active drug or a placebo.
These types of studies can reduce some biases that can influence studies, but also help quantify the effectiveness of the drug.
But the study also had limitations that need to be recognised. The patients were not as seriously ill as those in the NIAID trial, and the study was terminated early because the outbreak in China was easing.
In the end, the study only collected data on 237 patients, compared with 1,063 patients in the NIAID trial. The authors acknowledge further study is needed in more seriously ill patients and with a larger sample size.
Doctors in the United Kingdom and other European countries have recently reported small but increasing numbers of critically ill children with features of both Kawasaki disease and toxic shock syndrome. These are uncommon conditions affecting the blood vessels.
England’s National Health Service (NHS) issued an alert to doctors as a result.
These children presented with fever, severe abdominal pain and/or a skin rash. Some also had inflammation of the coronary arteries which supply blood to the heart, and inflammation of the heart muscle itself.
Some, but not all, tested positive for SARS-CoV-2, the virus causing COVID-19.
But what is Kawasaki disease, and how might these cases be related to COVID-19?
Kawasaki disease
Kawasaki disease is an uncommon disease of childhood, typically occurring between six months and five years. It occurs less frequently in older children and rarely in adults.
Initially described in Japan in 1967, it is most common in North East Asia but is seen worldwide. In Australia, on average, one child is diagnosed with Kawasaki disease every day.
Kawasaki disease is a vasculitis or inflammation of blood vessels, resulting from excessive immune activation. We don’t know what causes it and there’s no diagnostic test. Diagnosis is based on the clinical features, which include:
prolonged fever
rash
red eyes
swollen or red hands and feet
sore, red or swollen lips or tongue
a swollen lymph node in the neck.
There’s about one diagnosis of Kawasaki disease in Australia every day.Shutterstock
The most serious complication of Kawasaki disease is damage to the coronary arteries, which in rare cases may be life-threatening. Timely treatment with a blood product containing purified immune proteins, called intravenous immunoglobulin (IVIG), reduces the risk of this complication from 25% to 5%.
Rarely, children with Kawasaki disease can present critically unwell with shock (low blood pressure) due to impaired heart muscle function – a serious condition called Kawasaki shock syndrome.
Kawasaki shock syndrome can resemble severe infection or toxic shock syndrome, a massive inflammatory response to toxins produced by certain bacteria. Toxic shock syndrome is also treated with IVIG, along with antibiotics.
While Kawasaki disease is generally an acute inflammatory disease and rarely recurs, patients who sustain more serious coronary artery damage may carry this with them through their lives. This may mean they have to take medications and are at higher risk of events like heart attacks.
So what does Kawasaki disease have to do with COVID-19?
Recently reported clusters of children with an illness resembling Kawasaki shock syndrome have emerged from the UK and other European countries.
Some of these children diagnosed with Kawasaki disease are testing positive for SARS-CoV-2, leading clinicians to consider a link between coronavirus and Kawasaki disease or Kawasaki shock syndrome.
Paediatricians have been looking for the cause of Kawasaki disease for more than 50 years. Many features of Kawasaki disease point to one or more infectious triggers; suggested causes have included common bacteria, viruses, fungi, and even carpet shampoo.
And this isn’t the first time Kawasaki disease has been linked to a coronavirus. In 2005, researchers from Yale University isolated a novel coronavirus (New Haven coronavirus, HCoV-NH) from eight out of 11 children with Kawasaki disease. But these findings couldn’t be replicated in other groups of children with Kawasaki disease.
However tempting it might be to conclude COVID-19 may trigger Kawasaki disease, we should be cautious. There are as yet few details on the cases and not all children had positive tests for SARS-CoV-2 – nor all the features of Kawasaki shock syndrome. Many children are also older than is typical of Kawasaki disease.
Further, both Kawasaki disease and COVID-19 cause illness via excessive inflammation – particularly of blood vessels. And both diseases can progress to a state of overwhelming whole-body inflammation sometimes called a cytokine storm. So it might be difficult to differentiate one disease from the other in their most severe forms.
Another possible explanation could be COVID-19 infection led to bacterial infection which then caused features similar to those of Kawasaki disease or toxic shock syndrome. (Bacterial infections may occur if a viral infection impairs the body’s defences against other infections.)
For the most part, children have escaped the more serious health consequences of coronavirus.Shutterstock
Should we be worried?
SARS-CoV-2 clearly hasn’t followed the textbook on how a respiratory virus “should” behave. Unlike other respiratory viruses (such as influenza) young children generally appear to have mild or no symptoms. Severe COVID-19 in children does happen, but is extremely rare.
Similarly, Kawasaki disease is uncommon – and toxic shock syndrome and Kawasaki shock syndrome even rarer still.
We may see cases of Kawasaki disease or Kawasaki shock syndrome linked to COVID-19 in Australia, but probably only a few.
Parents should be reassured COVID-19 is generally very mild in children. But it’s important if your child has features of serious illness you should come to hospital immediately – pandemic or no pandemic.
Clinicians should be vigilant for cases of this possible new association. As more information emerges, we’ll develop a clearer picture of whether and how SARS-CoV-2 might relate to Kawasaki disease. At present it remains an intriguing but unproven association.
On Mondays – or Tuesdays after public holidays – National Radio’s Kathryn Ryan runs a session called ‘Political Commentators’. On 28 April, from the right was regular commentator Matthew Hooton. From the left was Neal Jones who is listed as: “Chief of Staff to Labour Leader Jacinda Ardern, and prior to that was Chief of Staff to Andrew Little”.
It was good to hear Hooton now becoming something of an advocate for a Universal Basic Income (UBI), though (given past comments) I am not clear yet that he understands it fully.
It was concerning, however, to hear Jones – a man close to Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern – repeating falsehoods about Universal Basic Income. Jones said that a key problem with UBI is that it would be paid to New Zealand’s richest man, Graeme Hart. That comment reflects an attitude that is dismissive of universalism. Universalism is the basic principle that underpins democracy; and, more generally, underpins ‘horizontal equity’, the idea that we are all equal in our economic and other civil rights.
Perhaps even more importunately, Jones’ comment on Tuesday was false.
It was me who in 1991 first coined the term ‘Universal Basic Income’; my aim was to connect the established concept of ‘Basic Income’ (‘Citizens Income’ in the United Kingdom) with insights gleaned from New Zealand’s tradition of universal income support, as established in the 1938 Social Security reforms and as reaffirmed in the 1972 Royal Commission on Social Security.
The mechanism I envisaged in 1991 is: “a universal tax credit available to every adult – the universal basic income (UBI) – and a moderately high flat tax rate”.
(Refer to my ‘Briefing Paper’ From Universal Basic Income to Public Equity Dividends (2018) which in turn links to a report that links to, among other papers, my original 1991 University of Auckland Policy Discussion Paper. To the best of my knowledge, this was the first ever published use of the name ‘Universal Basic Income’. The name started to be used internationally after I presented a paper at the Basic Income European Network conference in Vienna in 1996.)
Since the 1990s, the concept of Universal Basic Income has become poorly defined, and tends to be seen, simplistically, as an unfunded handout, a kind of regularly paid ‘helicopter money’. In that sense, it is true that some proposals that use the name ‘Universal Basic Income’ would raise Graeme Hart’s income. But not all versions of UBI. In those versions that are truest to the underlying concept – Graeme Hart’s income would be unaffected.
So, once again, for the remainder of this essay, I am going to avoid the term ‘Universal Basic Income’. The term I will use here is ‘Universal Income Flat Tax’ (UIFT, if you will). This is a mechanism made up from a universal income and a single (flat) rate of income tax. Thus, the universal income is funded by the removal of the lower marginal tax rates. In the New Zealand case, that means the universal income replaces the 10.5%, 17.5% and 30% marginal tax concessions. With a single tax rate of 33% and a universal income of $175 per week, Graeme Hart would be completely unaffected, at least in the implementation phase. This represents a reconceptualisation of income tax rather than a redistribution of income.
The Mechanism at Work
Rather than labour the point about how we introduce the UIFT mechanism, it’s good to get the vision of the mechanism in action. It is a mechanism that addresses the issues of stability, precarity, equity, and sustainability. UIFT is not a sufficient panacea to cure all our economic ailments, just as the introduction of MMP did not remove the politics from politics. UIFT is, however, a mechanism that makes the necessary possible. It is an enabling mechanism for the evolution of liberal democracy. The Covid19 global emergency has shown more clearly than ever that our present ways of thinking about public finance are disabling, and as such threaten to bring about an end to liberal democracy in some parts of the world.
(Much of the disabling is due to the fact that many welfare benefits continue to be delivered to us in the form of tax exemptions, allowances, concessions and graduations. These are attractive to recipients because they are unconditional – they do not have to be applied for – and to policymakers because they barely contributes to public debates about social welfare. The big problem with this kind of benefit is that, when a person’s income declines, these tax-related benefits also decline. We tend to think of benefits as a cushion, or a safety net. These tax-related benefits represent the cushion being removed when we fall. The best benefits are cushions that are there for us when we fall, rather than cushions given to us when convalescing from an uncushioned fall.)
So, imagine that we already have in place a 33 percent income tax and a weekly basic universal income of $175. (For present beneficiaries, this $175 per week would represent the first $175 of their present benefit. This situation does not represent any substantial change from the income distribution we have become accustomed to. It is a conceptual change.)
How could we use this tax-benefit mechanism to address the four issues: stability; precarity; equity; sustainability?
Stability.
Stabilisation is the familiar issue of how societies use fiscal and monetary policies to manage normal economic downturns and upturns in the economy. Governments expect to pay more welfare benefits in an economic contraction (eg a recession), fewer benefits in an expansion. And governments expect to collect fewer taxes in a contraction, more taxes in an expansion. Thus, we expect the government to run budget deficits during contractions and budget surpluses during expansions.
When we have welfare benefits that are easy to access, this process is known as automatic stabilisation. While such automatic benefits are good for the recipients, they are especially good for the stability of the economy as a whole. (Countries that already had a system of benefits in place before the Great Depression of the 1930s – notably Sweden and the United Kingdom – emerged from that emergency comparatively quickly, in 1932. Other countries – for example France and the United States – were still in economic depression at the onset of World War 2.)
The more bureaucratic the process of accessing benefits – and the more conditional those benefits are – the less efficient is the stabilisation process. (Reliance on benefits delivered as tax concessions is especially destabilising, because these benefits are lost when they are most needed. A particularly egregious example of a destabilising benefit in New Zealand at present is the In-Work Tax Credit, which, as its name suggests, is lost when recipients lose their employment. Another such benefit is the KiwiSaver annual tax credit of $521, which is progressively lost as a person’s gross weekly income falls below $1,043.)
Under the UIFT mechanism, the full universal income is retained when a person loses their job, or suffers a reduction in wages. And it’s instant, a genuine cushion; not a subsequent palliative. Further, this cushion benefit cushions people with partners still in work; many people (especially married women) do not qualify at all for present targeted bureaucratic Work and Income benefits.
When there is an economic expansion, under this UIFT regime, government income tax revenue increases by 33 cents in the dollar for every extra dollar of gross income; thus, during a normal economic upturn, the government moves into surplus more quickly and more automatically.
Precarity.
Precarity is the situation where many people are employed on short-term contracts; some may be expected to be ‘on call’ without being compensated for that restricted time. It also refers to many the self-employed people – free-lancers and small business operatives – whose labour incomes fluctuate with little predictability.
For these people, a basic universal income works as a personal economic stabiliser – a cushion allowing some income tide-over during down times – with a higher marginal tax rate which offsets this cushion in the good times. With the UIFT mechanism in place, these people can remain self-reliant, and will have minimal need to engage the welfare bureaucracy which needs to prioritise those people with structural income incapacity.
Further, the unconditional benefit component of the UIFT creates some incentive for self-employed workers to retain work-life balance, by not overworking at certain times, and by not penalising them when they need some downtime, such as family time.
Equity.
Equity is a central component of democracy. And equity represents the equal ownership of productive resources. Private equity represents the equal ownership rights of the principals of private businesses. Public equity represents the equal ownership rights of all economic citizens over those many productive resources which are not privately owned. Equity-holders expect to receive an economic return on their equity. There is no law of economics that restricts this capitalist expectation to private shareholders.
The consequence of this liberal democratic reasoning is that the universal income component of UIFT can be properly understood as an economic dividend; interest on the public equity represented by the public commons. And it also means that a universal income that is basic (ie low) need not remain low under all possible future circumstances.
Just as political citizenship reflects the universal suffrage, one person one vote, so, in a mature democracy, economic citizenship requires a universal publicly-sourced private income. One person, one equity dividend. A reflection on equity principles suggests that the universal income part of the UIFT mechanism should be understood as a public equity dividend.
A universal publicly-sourced private income is capital income, not labour income. It is a social dividend, not a wage. It is a yield on public capital. It is social capitalism at work, not socialism.
The word ‘equitable’ must be associated with an equalising mechanism. Here we may consider both financial inequality and time inequality.
A liberal democratic dividend means that one substantial part of the economic pie is distributed equally, and that the remainder of the economic pie is distributed unequally in line with market forces. It means that people experiencing substantial declines in their market incomes retain a personal stake in their liberal democracy, through their rights to an income from the public share. And it means that people experiencing increases in their market incomes do not simultaneously draw increases from the public share. Financial inequality is mitigated.
Time inequality is addressed, because the inclusion of an unconditional universal income gives encouragement to the overworked to work less, and for the underworked to work more. Without such an equalising mechanism, workers, who also lose public benefits when they lose private incomes, are disincentivised from reducing their work overloads. Likewise, people with little or no work know that, with UIFT, they will retain their publicly-sourced private income when they take on increased market workloads. The overworked work less and the underworked work more. For the unemployed and the underemployed, a basic universal income is work enabling; it facilitates rather than restricts labour supply.
Sustainability.
This issue relates to both the issue of robots and the issue of climate change. It relates more generally to the possibilities of being able to enjoy high living standards in a more relaxed form, and having a supply-elastic economy. At present we try to have a full-capacity (ie, ‘maxed out’) growing economy where we have little choice but to overproduce and overconsume. At present, our overconsumption is someone else’s livelihood.
The robot concern is that our economies will become too productive. The only thing scary about that scenario is that, at present, we have no social mechanism to distribute the proceeds of that productivity. In the absence of such a mechanism, the endgame is extreme inequality, which means (among other things) extreme poverty. An advanced society with extreme poverty has high unemployment of bothpeople and robots.
How does a mature UIFT mechanism address this issue? It addresses the issue by both raising the amount of universal income and by raising the income tax rate. If done in a neutral manner, then the overall extent of economic inequality (measured by the Gini Coefficient) would be unchanged.
In order to avoid increased inequality, both the universal benefit amount and the tax rate would need to increase. This would be a simple reflection of increasing capital income relative to labour income; more gross income accruing to ownership relative to income accruing to effort.
(At this point we might note, Graeme Hart, as a likely robot investor, would be even richer than he is now, before tax. While the UIFT mechanism would give him an increased public equity dividend, he would also pay more income tax. The net effect of these three influences on Hart’s income should be that his ‘disposable income’ would increase at about the national average.)
As this process of rising incomes and rising income taxes unfolds, it means that the public share of the economic pie increases relative to the market share. This increases the willingness of the overworked to work less. And it increases the understanding that paid work is a cost rather than a benefit. Rising public equity dividends relative to total income gives the necessary signal to the entire workforce to work less for money, and to embark on more projects that may not deliver financial returns. More voluntary unemployment, less involuntary unemployment. More ‘slack’, in the sense that slack represents market supply elasticity. An economy with more slack has the capacity to increase production when it needs to. In normal times, liberal capitalist economies should not be ‘maxed-out’; only in certain types of emergency.
We can now imagine a democratic capitalist world order, in which people choose to both earn less and spend less, while being assured that basic economic needs are covered, as well as many higher-order needs. Ironically, in our Covid19 lockdowns many of us gained a sense of that, though missing the coffee and ambience of the local café. But not missing the wider rat-race.
It is this slower living – which we have seen briefly – that has the potential to bring about environmental sustainability. We have heard more birdsong. We have smelled the flowers. We have heard that the people in China have lately seen the stars in the firmament.
We can have a high productivity economy without maxing-out our countries’ GDPs. We just need a mechanism to make the necessary possible.
What is the First Step?
In New Zealand, the first step is to reconceptualise our tax-benefit system, and in the process to apply a little relief to those who work hard without receiving high wages. This step would have easily been funded through tax revenue in 2019, pre-Covid19. Today this first step should be funded – and immediately, eg through the 14 May 2020 Budget – by Reserve Bank credit, just as the emergency wage subsidies have been funded.
See my Five Examples for any further clarification about how the transition to UIFT would affect different people.
In many other countries, the process will be more difficult. They have more complexities to unravel (compared to New Zealand) in their present income-tax scales. Australia could make the transition quite easily, with a 37% tax rate and a basic universal income of $240 per week.
We need political commentators with open minds.
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References:
Universal Basic Income (or Basic Universal Income) and Covid19. Scoop or Evening Report, 7 April 2020.
Constructing a Social Wage and a Social Dividend from New Zealand’s tax-benefit system, paper presented to the Basic Income European Network (BIEN) international conference; Vienna, Austria, 12-14 September 1996.
(Note that in this paper, I used the terms ‘full universal basic income’ and ‘adequate universal basic income’. My use here of words such as ‘full’ and ‘adequate’ are suggestive of the aspiration that a basic income could be more than a basic dividend; rather a substitute for a wage, and therefore a possible disincentive to engage with the labour market. However my emphasis in this paper – and subsequent papers – was the ‘social dividend’, a basic universal income that might eventually evolve into a non-basic payment.)
The battle against the mental health consequences of the coronavirus pandemic is just beginning. Governments and researchers are mapping how best to prevent the predicted rise in mental health issues we face in coming months and beyond.
This involves not only preventing a wave of mental disorders from starting but also preventing increased difficulties in people already living with poor mental health.
Is more outreach the answer, where mental health teams proactively go into the community to visit people in their homes?
Do we best focus on social policies and economic support to ease the financial and mental health pressure of job losses, isolation and increased stress?
What other evidence-based ways of flattening the mental health curve are there? And once these services start, how do we make sure people actually use them?
Here’s what we face
People are already reporting psychological distress during the pandemic. And we’re just starting to collect Australian data. One preliminary study shows about 30% of survey participants have moderate to high levels of anxiety and depression. MoreAustralian surveys areunderway.
Without this urgently needed data, we cannot model the likely increase in mental health burden that lies ahead, and the impact various measures could have.
Flattening the mental health curve
The “two-pronged” approach Australia is using to deal with the virus – preventing transmission and ramping up our health-care system to cope – also provides an excellent blueprint for managing the pandemic’s mental health impacts.
We need to focus on preventing new cases of mental disorders and we need to increase the capacity of our mental health-care system to manage any increase in people needing help.
Here’s what we need to do to flatten the ‘other’ curve of mental health problems, to minimise distress and make sure our health system can cope.Author provided
The federal government has taken steps to increase the capacity of our mental health-care system.
These have included introducing Medicare items for telehealth mental health consultations, boosting existing phone and online support services for the public and frontline health workers, and extending access to some psychosocial support services for mental health clients in the community.
While these measures are vital, on their own they will not flatten the mental health curve. These services can help people recover once they have developed a mental disorder, but they do not prevent these conditions in the first place.
Some current policies are likely to help and need to continue
Federal government action to support people through the economic shocks of COVID-19 – including JobSeeker and JobKeeper payments, measures to reduce financial stress on mortgage holders and renters – will be crucial in flattening the mental health curve.
These policies must be kept in place for as long as possible if they are to prevent mental ill-health in the coming months and years. That’s because the links between unemployment or financial stress and mental health conditions are significant.
The government also needs to address some of the underlying issues that are key social determinants of mental health – to ensure equitable access to education, employment, and income and housing security – in the longer term (and beyond the current crisis).
This is vital if we are to address the higher rates of mental ill-health in less advantaged people.
So the federal government should consider a second mental health funding package to scale them up.
Here’s what the evidence says helps prevent mental ill-health in two major groups.
Children, young people, their parents and carers
The mental well-being of children, young people, their parents and carers should be a priority. Some parents are struggling with the loss of work. Others are working from home and home-schooling their children. All are less able to access their usual social supports.
Certain parenting programs can reduce the chance of conduct disorder, depression and anxiety among children. Many of these are designed for online delivery.
For instance, one evidence-based program helps parents learn useful strategies that are particularly important now they are spending more time with their teens under trying circumstances.
One evidence-based program helps parents and teens.Shutterstock
Programs that provide practical and emotional support can help reduce the stress many parents are feeling. There is evidence programs involving nurses visiting parents with young children at home can lessen the risk of child maltreatment and therefore subsequent mental health issues.
We also have evidence-based programs to help children and young people acquire the social and emotional skills that contribute to resilience.
Most of these resilience programs are designed for schools but are often poorly implemented due to the lack of time, resourcing and professional development to support schools and educators to deliver them.
So we need additional resources for schools and professional development for educators to better implement them.
Adults and older Australians
Adults also need strategies to promote their mental well-being, including self-care, and knowing when and how to ask for help.
As we are seeing, demand for mental health services in Australia has decreased and not increased, as expected, during the pandemic. This may reflect health concerns or difficulties people have accessing the right services. So we need to design service models that are safe and fit-for-purpose in the current climate.
Preventing work-related mental-health conditions is also important. This needs employers and employees to collaborate to reduce the chance of these conditions developing.
So evidence-based prevention programs are more relevant than ever as employers and employees confront new stressors, including changes in work practices caused by COVID-19.
People on the frontline of pandemic response efforts, such as health-care workers, should be a key target for prevention programs given the high levels of stress many have experienced.
The federal government has increased funding for the community visitors scheme, when volunteers visit older people to provide friendship and companionship, which is an excellent start.
Befriending initiatives could also work for other socially isolated people.
Where to next?
COVID-19 has disrupted our lives and our livelihoods, and the wide-ranging personal, social and economic impacts of this pandemic will continue to be felt for many months and years.
We already have a number of evidence-based approaches to prevent common mental health conditions and that can be scaled up immediately. We also need to support research to find new and more effective approaches.
But parallel efforts to encourage people to seek help if they are experiencing a mental health condition, and ensuring they get the right help, are also crucial.
This pandemic highlights the importance of innovation and trying to provide services in new and more accessible ways – whether through better use of digital mental health programs, telehealth consultations or outreach services – to ensure people can still access mental health supports and services how and when they need them during these difficult times.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
In this pandemic it’s tempting to look for someone, or something, to blame. Bats are a common scapegoat and the community is misled to believe getting rid of them could be a quick fix. But are bats really the problem?
Australian bats have been in the news recently for two main reasons: the misplaced fear they might carry COVID-19, and overblown reports they carry a koala-killing virus.
This recent bad press has seen increased incidences of disturbing cruelty against Australia’s bats, as well as calls to cull or “move on” bats that live close to people. Because fewer bats would mean less disease, right? Wrong. Here’s why.
Debunking bad press
COVID-19 is caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus. This virus is one of thousands of coronaviruses found in mammals all over the world, most with no impact on people.
A closely related virus has previously been identified in a species of horseshoe bat in China, so it’s probable the ancestor of the SARS-CoV-2 virus originated in bats.
While several coronaviruses have been detected in various Australian bat species, none are closely related to those viruses associated with zoonotic (animal-borne) diseases like COVID-19, SARS and MERS. And none have been recorded to infect people.
More contact between humans and wildlife, through activities such as unregulated wildlife trade can lead to potentially harmful novel viruses spilling over from their natural hosts into new species.Hume Field, Author provided
Australian bats also recently appeared in the news because of the discovery of a retrovirus in black flying-foxes related to koala immune deficiency syndrome. Some news outlets have falsely suggested bats pose a risk to koala populations.
But the original scientific paper clearly stated the proposed transmission from bats to koalas happened long ago, on evolutionary time scales. What we see in these species today are two separate viruses – there’s no evidence the virus detected in today’s bats can infect koalas, let alone cause disease.
All of our bat species are native and unique. Most are small, nocturnal, and call outside of the human hearing range, so the average Australian would be lucky to see more than a couple of species in their lifetime.
This is important to remember when it comes to thinking about how often they actually interact with people.
A selection of Australia’s bat diversity (Top row from left: grey-headed flying-fox; orange leaf-nosed bat; common blossom bat; southern myotis; Bottom row: golden-tipped bat; eastern horseshoe bat; common sheath-tailed bat; ghost bat)Justin Welbergen (grey-headed flying-fox, eastern horseshoe bat); Nicola Hanrahan (ghost bat); Bruce Thomson (golden-tipped bat); Steve Parish & Les Hall for remainder of species
Most Australians tend to think of “bats” as the two species of flying-foxes (or “fruit bats”) we commonly see in our cities: grey-headed flying-foxes (in the south) and black flying-foxes (in the north).
Flying-foxes show up in urban areas in search of food. Many residents equate seeing more flying-foxes to the species increasing in numbers, and are frustrated that the bats are classified as threatened.
In fact, grey-headed flying-foxes have experienced substantial population declines in recent years. While there are currently hundreds of thousands, historical data indicate that there were once millions.
Part of a flying-fox colony, asleep during the day before they fly out for breakfast at dusk.Justin Welbergen, Author provided
Nonetheless, bats are not always easy to live close to. Their fly-outs make for spectacular shows, but colonies can also create a lot of noise, smell and mess.
Managing bats in urban environments is no straightforward matter. Flying-foxes have complex movement dynamics, which makes “dispersing” them from urban areas extremely difficult.
Those who advocate for dispersals to be carried out often cite the Sydney and Melbourne Botanic Gardens as examples of successes. But these took place over months and years, large areas, and cost more than A$2 million each. Relatively cheaper dispersals have also been attempted, but ultimately failed.
There are the obvious animal ethics issues, but from a practical perspective, proposing we could cull (by shooting) flying-foxes in densely-populated urban areas to effectively reduce populations is also completely unrealistic.
What’s more, attempts at both dispersals and culling are known to have the undesirable effect of splintering colonies, and driving stressed bats into surrounding areas (parks, residential backyards, school grounds). Essentially, increasing people’s exposure to bats.
Physiological stress could also promote viral shedding. Flying-fox populations are already struggling to recover from severe food shortages, extreme heat events and bushfires. So advocating such actions is misguided, with the potential to amplify, rather than alleviate disease risk.
A Mexican free-tailed bat with insect prey, and a Christmas Island flying-fox covered in pollen.Flickr: US Department of Agriculture (left); Carol de Jong (right)
The fundamental issue is not the viruses in bats. SARS-CoV-2 is now a human virus, and we are responsible, knowingly or not, for its global spread.
The “epidemiological bridges” that we’ve inadvertently created – which increase our contact with wildlife through encroachment into natural areas, habitat destruction, and unregulated wildlife trade – are what’s really to blame.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hamish McCallum, Professor, Griffith School of Environment and Acting Dean of Research, Griffith Sciences, Griffith University
Lord Robert “Bob” May, Baron May of Oxford, who has died aged 84, was one of the greatest Australian scientists of the past century.
He was awarded virtually every honour the British establishment could offer: a professorship at Oxford, the presidency of the Royal Society of London, a knighthood, a seat in the House of Lords, a role as chief scientific advisor to the UK government, and membership of the Order of Merit, a personal gift of the Queen restricted to only 24 living members.
Nevertheless, he remained a quintessential Australian, with a strong Australian accent and larrikin streak – he claimed to be the first person in the 350-year history of the Royal Society to get a swearword into its minutes.
May was born in Sydney in 1936 and originally trained as a physicist, becoming professor of theoretical physics at the University of Sydney in 1969. But in 1973 he shifted both continents and disciplines, becoming a professor of zoology at Princeton University, before moving to Oxford in 1988.
He brought the mathematical insights of a physicist to the then largely descriptive field of ecology, transforming it into a theoretical science with a firm mathematical basis. Nevertheless, he recognised the complexity of ecology in comparison with physics. I recall him saying “ecology is not rocket science – it’s much harder than that”.
His legacy is particularly important in the current crisis. The basic reproductive number of a disease, R0, is a statistical concept that permeates much of the discussion on how to manage the coronavirus pandemic. If we can reduce it to below one and maintain it there, we can eliminate the disease.
With his long-term collaborator, Professor Roy Anderson from Imperial College, May brought this concept to the management of infectious diseases more than 40 years ago. This distillation of a complex ecological process into a simple mathematical concept was typical of his scientific insight.
May made many other major contributions to ecology. One of his earliest insights, which remains crucially important today, is that complex ecosystems are not necessarily more resilient than simple ones.
Ecologists had assumed that diverse and complex ecosystems such as coral reefs and tropical rainforests were better able to resist disturbance. But May’s mathematical models showed this was not the case. As we enter an era of unprecedented human impact on the natural world, we would do well to remember this key insight.
May was also one of the leaders in developing chaos theory, showing that simple ecological systems can show extraordinarily complex and unpredictable behaviour.
More recently, he brought his ecologist’s perspective to bear on another type of complex, dynamic system, by analysing the behaviour of financial markets.
Robert May (front row, second from right; the author is second from right in the back row) loved walking in nature as well as studying it.Hamish McCallum, Author provided
Although he was in no way a field ecologist, he had a longstanding enthusiasm for nature. Until the final few years of his life, he organised annual walking trips to the European Alps with his ecological colleagues. Fit and wiry, not to mention intensely competitive, he was a hard man to beat to the top of a mountain.
Compared with his huge success in the UK, May remains comparatively unknown in his native Australia. However, he did receive our highest honour, a Companion of the Order of Australia, in 1998.
As the world grapples with the coronavirus pandemic, using the modelling methods he had a hand in developing, we should remember and appreciate his world-class contributions to science.
Since its release on Sunday, experts and members of the public alike have raised privacy concerns with the federal government’s COVIDSafe mobile app.
The contact tracing app aims to stop COVID-19’s spread by “tracing” interactions between users via Bluetooth, and alerting those who may have been in proximity with a confirmed case.
According to a recent poll commissioned by The Guardian, 57% of respondents said they were “concerned about the security of personal information collected” through COVIDSafe.
In its coronavirus response, the government has a golden opportunity to build public trust. There are other ways to build a digital contact tracing system, some of which would arguably raise fewer doubts about data security than the app.
All eyes on encryption
Incorporating advanced cryptography into COVIDSafe could have given Australian citizens a mathematical guarantee of their privacy, rather than a legal one.
This would let the government alert those who have been near a diagnosed person, without revealing other identifiers that could be used to trace back to them.
It’s currently unclear what encryption standards COVIDSafe is using, as the app’s source code has not been publicly released, and the government has been widely criticised for this. Once the code is available, researchers will be able to review and assess how safe users’ data is.
COVIDSafe is based on Singapore’s TraceTogether mobile app. Cybersecurity experts Chris Culnane, Eleanor McMurtry, Robert Merkel and Vanessa Teague have raised concerns over the app’s encryption standards.
If COVIDSafe has similar encryption standards – which we can’t know without the source code – it would be wrong to say the app’s data are encrypted. According to the experts, COVIDSafe shares a phone’s exact model number in plaintext with other users, whose phones store this detail alongside the original user’s corresponding unique ID.
The TraceTogether contact tracing app is part of Singapore’s effort to mitigate the spread of COVID-19. But according to the ABC, less than 20% of the population has downloaded it.Shutterstock
Tough tech techniques for privacy
US-based advocacy group The Open Technology Institute has argued in favour of a “differential privacy” method for encrypting contact tracing data. This involves injecting statistical “noise” into datasets, giving individuals plausible deniability if their data are leaked for purposes other than contact tracing.
Zero-knowledge proof is another option. In this computation technique, one party (the prover) proves to another party (the verifier) they know the value of a specific piece of information, without conveying any other information. Thus, it would “prove” necessary information such as who a user has been in proximity with, without revealing details such as their name, phone number, postcode, age, or other apps running on their phone.
Not on the cloud, but still an effective device
Some approaches to contact tracing involve specialised hardware. Simmel is a wearable pen-like contact tracing device. It’s being designed by a Singapore-based team, supported by the European Commission’s Next Generation Internet program. All data are stored in the device itself, so the user has full control of their trace history until they share it.
This provides citizens a tracing beacon they can give to health officials if diagnosed, but is otherwise not linked to them through phone data or personal identifiers.
Missed opportunity
The response to COVIDSafe has been varied. While the number of downloads has been promising since its release, iPhone users have faced a range of functionality issues. Federal police are also investigating a series of text message scams allegedly aiming to dupe users.
The federal government has not chosen a decentralised, open-source, privacy-first approach. A better response to contact tracing would have been to establish clearer user information requirements and interoperability specifications (standards allowing different technologies and data to interact).
Also, inviting the private sector to help develop solutions (backed by peer review) could have encouraged innovation and provided economic opportunities.
These legal regimes reveal a gap between the public’s and the government’s conceptions of “privacy”.
You may think privacy means the government won’t share your private information. But judging by its general approach, the government thinks privacy means it will only share your information if it has authorised itself to do so.
Fundamentally, once you’ve told the government something, it has broad latitude to share that information using legislative exemptions and permissions built up over decades. This is why, when it comes to data security, mathematical guarantees trump legal “guarantees”.
For example, data collected by COVIDSafe may be accessible to various government departments through the recent anti-encryption legislation, the Assistance and Access Act. And you could be prosecuted for not properly self-isolating, based on your COVIDSafe data.
A right to feel secure
Moving forward, we may see more iterations of contact tracing technology in Australia and around the world.
As our government considers what to do next, it must balance privacy considerations with public health. We shouldn’t be forced to choose one over another.
If you want to solve a problem quickly it helps to get many minds working together to find a solution, and that’s what happens in a hackathon.
It usually involves teams of people working over a short period of time to brainstorm an idea. But that’s not possible with the current advice to avoid gatherings thanks to the coronavirus pandemic.
That hasn’t stopped people embracing hackathons, this time to help solve some of the problems the pandemic itself has created. Instead of face-to-face meet-ups, though, people are doing them online in virtual hackathons.
In these times of uncertainty, people are trying to embrace creativity, innovation and collaboration to develop and implement solutions to the challenges of COVID-19.
How does a hackathon work?
A typical hackathon usually starts with describing a problem, sketching a possible solution to that problem, designing that solution and then launching a prototype.
All this usually takes place over 24 to 48 hours.
At the end you will be exhausted. But you will have worked with a very diverse team to conceive, build and refine a working solution that hopefully can address a significant problem in society.
Some people assume you need to be a software engineer to participate in the hackathon. This couldn’t be further from the truth. Techstars is an organisation that helps start-up companies and it has organised a coronavirus virtual hackathon calling on people including:
Developers, designers, marketers, nurses, doctors, students, scientists, teachers — anyone with an idea to tackle the challenges created by the global pandemic [is] welcome.
This is possible because virtual hackathons are creating an open online environment where people from around the world can apply their particular skill sets in a diverse team to solve a global problem in a short time.
A global effort
Garage48 is an organisation that helps set up hackathons. It says it has already helped more than 55 hackathons around the world that are trying to solve the global crisis of COVID-19.
Some of the most notable include:
Global Hack:this global hackathon had more than 12,000 participants from 100 countries. They worked on 500 life-changing projects including mental health, environment, governance and remote education solutions during COVID-19.
The winning team developed a solar-powered solution for accessible, affordable and barrier-free access to hand disinfection.
And the winner is: SunCrafter – solar-powered light disinfection.
MIT COVID-19 Challenge:this global hackathon had more than 1,500 participants from 90 countries. They worked on 238 solutions for issues such as education online, food availability and emergency responses during COVID-19.
One of the winning teams’ solution was to build a tele-health platform to allow the monitoring of vital signs such as heart rate and blood oxygen of patients at home to help ease pressure on hospital admissions.
Teams Australia
While some of these global hackathons are open to Australians, it doesn’t mean Australians can only participate in overseas hackathons. We have them here as well.
ACS Flatten the Curve Hack:the Australian Computer Society had more than 2,000 participants brainstorming over 48 hours to solve remote education, health system, future of work and mental health challenges during COVID-19.
One of the finalists was a team that built a computer game as a way to help children better understand COVID-19.
A finalist.
One of the reasons for the increase in virtual hackathons is that it is easy for people to participate online thanks to the technology underpinning them.
They also use Microsoft’s One Drive and Google Drive to share documents and files between team members.
Then using video-conferencing technology such as Zoom and Skype the teams can present the finalist to everyone around the world.
Your help is needed
Taking part in hackathons has a number of benefits, from financial awards to mentorship to turn a team’s prototype into a possible profitable firm.
Beyond these rewards, the COVID-19 hackathons empower everyday people with the opportunity to implement in a short time a solution to a problem that is impacting everyone’s family members and friends.
Signing up to virtual hackathons is as easy as signing up to Netflix. All you need to do is find the hackathon that is addressing a problem you are interested in and sign up.
You do not even need to prepare team members beforehand, as you will find team members during the hackathon who will become new friends by the end of the competition.
Australia has been lucky. We’ve had time to consider our response to COVID-19, based on what was happening in other countries, before it hit us.
We implemented restrictions that are likely to have saved many from dying of COVID-19. Fewer than 100 have died so far, a fraction of the number initially projected.
At this pivotal moment, we need to think carefully about how best to protect ourselves going forward.
We need to consider whether the costs of continued restrictions to prevent transmission of COVID-19 – costs that can be quantified in terms of human lives harmed and human lives lost – are worth the benefits.
It is unpopular to question the value of protecting Australians against COVID-19 when the world is in the middle of the pandemic.
Yet continuing the restrictions we have put in place will increase deaths from other causes, and decrease the quality of many lives.
Moving forward, we will need to make decisions that maximise the health and well-being of all Australians, including the most vulnerable. We will need to consider not only the deaths and suffering the restrictions prevent (the benefits), but also the deaths and suffering they bring about (the costs).
Benefit: lives saved
By Tuesday April 28, COVID-19 had killed 84 Australian residents, only a fraction of the 134,000 initially expected.
This striking outcome reflects both government restrictions and rapid responses by individuals, with the actual contribution of each uncertain.
Australia’s geography, environment, culture and demographic makeup are different from other countries which have had many more deaths, and this too might have contributed.
But the restrictions will have saved many lives that otherwise would have been taken by COVID-19.
In Sweden, which had no forced lockdown and only voluntary social distancing, around 2500 deaths have been attributed to COVID-19.
Adjusted for Australia’s higher population, that per-capita death rate would have produced about 6,000 COVID-19 Australian deaths by now, instead of 84.
The restrictions might have also saved lives by reducing things such as traffic and workplace accidents. Around 100 Australians die each month in road accidents and 14 in accidents at work.
Cost: lives lost to domestic violence
Concerns are emerging internationally about increased deaths due to COVID-19 restrictions. Despite reporting lags and uncertainty about the specific causes, the signs are worrying.
Australia’s record in domestic violence was shameful before the pandemic.
On average, one woman every week is killed by her current or ex-partner in Australia. One in every four Australian women has experienced emotional abuse from a current or former partner.
In the UK, deaths from domestic violence have more than doubled during COVID-19 restrictions. Calls to helplines for women have surged seven-fold.
In Australia, Google searches related to domestic violence almost doubled, with increasing calls from potential perpetrators of domestic violence.
Government restrictions have left many potential victims vulnerable inside their homes. Whilst the Australian government has pledged A$150 million to support those experiencing domestic violence during COVID-19, like Jobkeeper, the extra services may not be enough to fully fix the problems exacerbated by the shutdown.
Domestic violence not only leads to deaths, but also to increased suffering of victims, which can be quantified in units such as wellbeing-adjusted life years (known as WELLBYs).
These human costs are highly likely to be paid by young women and by mothers, creating inter-generational trauma, particularly within vulnerable populations.
By contrast, the median age of Australians who have died due to COVID-19 is 79.
Many had pre-existing heart and lung conditions and might not have benefited from costly and invasive interventions such as mechanical ventilation.
Cost: lives lost to suicide
Each year over 65,000 Australians attempt suicide. 3000 die by suicide. Suicide is the leading cause of death for Australians between the ages 15 and 44.
A recent study described coronavirus interventions as the “perfect storm” for increased suicide risk.
Although the COVID-19 crisis is still evolving, deaths by suicide climbed in the United States during the 1918–19 influenza pandemic, and among older people in Hong Kong during the 2003 SARS epidemic.
Another study concludes that suicide rates in Europe and the United States climb by about 1% for every one percentage point increase in unemployment. During the 2008 financial crisis Europe and the US recorded an extra 10,000 extra deaths by suicide. The authors expect twice as many extra deaths due to suicide over the next 24 months.
To the extent that this kind of increased human suffering is a result of COVID-19 restrictions, it should be counted in any assessment of whether to ease them.
Cost: lives lost to health care crowd-out
Arguably the biggest short-run health cost of our COVID-19 arrangements has flowed from the government’s preparation for a much greater burden on the health system than eventuated.
Private hospitals were brought under state control and non-urgent surgeries postponed. In the past week some have been restarted.
And there is growing evidence that people are avoiding seeking other forms of medical help because they are afraid of contracting COVID-19 or don’t want to burden health care providers.
In Britain, the number of people presenting at Accident and Emergency has fallen by one quarter. There is concern in the Britain and in Australia about excess deaths as a consequence.
In the UK there were 7,996 more registered deaths in the week ending April 10 than the five-year average for that period. COVID-19 accounted for 6213 of them, leaving an extra 1810 unexplained.
Are we prepared to do the maths?
There are undoubted health benefits from COVID-19 restrictions, including deaths averted and quality-adjusted life years saved. But there are also costs, which can be measured using the same metrics.
They include the consequences of lost education quality for the coronavirus cohort, and the long-run impact of a prolonged economic downturn.
Making decisions based on lives saved and lost is challenging, but not new.
Our government makes such decisions every day when it considers such things as how much to spend on cancer research or whether to fund a new drug through the pharmaceutical benefits scheme.
These decisions are typically made using quality-adjusted life years or numbers of deaths averted, allowing governments to directly compare lives with lives, and deaths with deaths.
Now that the first wave of the pandemic has peaked, it is time for governments to consider carefully their next moves.
Sharing the full equation they are using – including the real costs as well as the benefits of interventions – would enable the public to evaluate whether those decisions are being made with Australia’s best interests in mind.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Earlier this month, US President Donald Trump issued an executive order reaffirming that companies joining US mining activities on the moon would have property rights over lunar resources.
The order also made clear the US wasn’t bound by international treaties on the moon. Instead, the US would set up a bilateral or multilateral legal framework with other like-minded states to govern lunar mining activities.
This bold move by the Trump administration poses some challenging questions for Australia, given our past commitment to international space treaties and our current support the US Artemis lunar program.
Australia is a longstanding member of all five space treaties. Also, the terms “international” and “responsible” are two of the principles guiding the Australian Space Agency in designing and implementing its policies and programs.
As such, Australia will need to decide how it plans to respond to Trump’s move and how this will shape its future space policies. Will it continue to hold an “international” view toward the exploitation of resources from outer space?
Or can Australian companies “responsibly” take part in mining of the moon without contravening the country’s treaty obligations?
Space resources as a ‘common heritage of mankind’
The Trump administration’s proposal is potentially at odds with a key principle in the 1979 Moon Treaty known as the “common heritage of mankind” (CHM).
The CHM principle is an important part of other areas of international law, such as the UN Law of the Sea Convention, which sets restrictions on the mining of deep seabed areas that lie outside national marine boundaries. Specifically, it allows commercial mining, but only if the benefits are shared among different countries by the International Seabed Authority.
Under the Moon Treaty, the CHM principle similarly does not give exclusive property rights to any state or individual companies. Instead, it provides for the “equitable” international sharing of space resources.
The treaty also requires its state parties to negotiate international rules governing the exploitation and use of these resources.
As party to the Moon Treaty, Australia is obliged to follow these provisions. However, the US has never joined the treaty. It has criticised the CHM principle several times, and essentially does not support the idea of “equitable” sharing of space resources.
This is why the Trump administration is pursuing a separate framework to govern the exploitation and use of resources on the moon.
A difficult balancing act for Australia
There are now some concerns Australia could shift from its commitment to the CHM principle and side with the US view that states and companies should be permitted to freely exploit space resources.
Perhaps due to Australia’s obligations under the Moon Treaty, Prime Minister Scott Morrison did not say anything about the possibility of Australian involvement in mining on the moon when promising to support NASA’s Artemis program last September.
Instead, Morrison vaguely pledged $150 million investment into Australian businesses and new technologies to help the country become more competitive in the space industry and better support future US space missions to Mars and the moon.
NASA administrator Jim Bridenstine told the Australian Financial Review last year that Australian mining companies could have a very specific role to play in space.
…the lunar missions will rely on turning hundreds of millions of tons of mined water ice recently discovered on the moon into liquid forms of hydrogen and oxygen to power spacecraft. That autonomous capability of extracting resources is something that Australia has in its toolkit.
Although there have been no clear messages from the Australian mining industry about whether they have interest in mining on the moon, companies such as Rio Tinto have already been developing the relevant technologies.
When finalising a specific plan to implement its $150 million investment in space research, the Australian government needs to think carefully about how to comply with its treaty obligations, including CHM, while still supporting its approach to NASA’s lunar program.
Australia needs to decide what it values more – an outer space shared by all, or the profits from possible mining deals that come from a more exclusive approach to space.
More than 3 million Australians have downloaded the Australian government’s COVIDSafe contact-tracing app in the three days since its release.
That’s impressive.
But not as impressive as the 2 million downloads in the first 24 hours. The slowing rate suggests it will take longer to get to 4 million, and remember the federal government wants 10 million people, 40% of the population, to download and use the app.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison tweets about downloads of COVIDSafe passing 2 million.Scott Morrison/Twitter
Even with politicians appealing to our better instincts and dangling the carrot of getting back to normal once we reach the golden goal, the evidence from overseas suggests we won’t get there without extra carrots.
Singapore, for example, released its TraceTogether app more than a month ago and still hasn’t cracked 20%. Israel’s Shield app has done no better.
Here is where behavioural economists can help.
Giving people a nudge
Classical economic theory assumes individuals make rational decisions. Behavioural economics is interested is understanding the reality of human decisions – partly rational, partly emotional, and profoundly influenced by the fact we are highly social creatures.
Behavioural economists do experiments similar to those in psychology departments, observing participants in controlled experiments to understand the factors that drive their decisions.
Based on these insights, they have been able to propose “nudges” – subtle changes to communications, policies, schemes and systems that more effectively encourage people to behave in ways better for them and society. These avoid the negative consequences of more coercive approaches.
A simple form of behavioural nudge: physical distancing reminders in supermarkets.Hannah McKay/Reuters
An example is the “opt-out” nudge that has dramatically increased organ donation. Conventional economic theory would say people either want to be a donor or do not. But behavioural research found only 42% of people would “opt in” to be an organ donor while 82% would choose to stay a donor in an “opt-out” scheme. This simple change to donor schemes has saved many lives.
So what can behavioural economics tell us about encouraging take-up of the contact-tracing app?
Getting around to it
The first issue is apathy or inertia.
We can see evidence of this in Australia’s download numbers so far. In a poll of 1,011 Australians last week, 45% of respondents said they intended to download the app, while 28% said they would not and 27% said they were unsure.
Assuming those who have downloaded the app so far are from first group, the figures suggest a third of the population is willing to download the app but just hasn’t gotten around to it. This is the first group to “nudge”.
Here the simplest form of nudge – sheer repetition – can be quite effective. Marketing guru Jeffrey Lant coined the “rule of seven’” – that a customer will only buy when they have seen a message seven times. For other types of behaviour it doesn’t necessarily even require that.
Certainly the messaging can’t all come from the federal government. It has a trust problem when it comes to matters of digital privacy. Its messaging must be focused on addressing those trust concerns, by strengthening privacy guarantees through legislation and making the app’s code public.
Health Minister Greg Hunt launches the COVIDSafe contact tracing app on April 26 2020.Mick Tsikas/AAP
For more general messaging to encourage downloads, behavioural economics offers what is perhaps its most fundamental insight.
Here’s how David Halpern, head of the British government’s Behavioural Insights Team, puts it in his book Inside the Nudge Unit:
The behaviour of other people has a powerful influence on us. It is almost impossible not to follow the gaze of a crowd. We laugh twice as often at a comedy show when we watch it with someone else.
Now that might seem obvious, but behavourial economists have studied the phenomenon in detail. They’ve measured to what extent we care about behaving like other people – 60-70% of the population care a lot, according to one study – and the factors that affect our behaviour.
Behavioural studies have found, for instance, that people were eight times more likely to drop a flyer left under their car windscreen if they saw many other flyers on the ground.
So the second lesson is the importance of communicating a social norm. Such nudges are likely to be valuable for motivating both procrastinators and the undecided.
Well, if you say so
Who those nudges come from is also important.
While we care about being part of the crowd, we also are highly influenced by those we trust.
Why, what and who we trust has been the subject of much behavioural research, because it’s particularly relevant to consumer choices.
In this case, faced with an avalanche of information (and misinformation), we might look for guidance from those we know closely. Or respected members of the community. Or people in particular professions, with doctors, nurses and scientists being the most trusted in Australia.
An example of this influence is shown by a tweet from Nobel laureate and immunologist Peter Doherty. His support for the COVIDSafe app was enough to change the mind of at least one person.
There will need to be influencers appealing to all demographics – actors, musicians, television personalities, athletes.
So the third lesson is the importance of trust.
More levers in the toolbox
Used smartly, these three insights from behavioural economics on nudges that spur action, communicate social norms and reinforce trust could be highly effective, and cost-effective, in moving the nation closer to the government’s goal.
As behavioural economists, though, we suspect getting the whole way will require digging deeper into the nudge toolbox.
The levers likely to be needed are the ones economists are most comfortable with: financial incentives or disincentives.
Economists Richard Holden and Joshua Gans, for example, have proposed a $10 monthly rebate on phone bills for those who download the app. Behavioural economics can provide important insights into designing effective financial carrots.
Xanana Gusmão, president of the second largest Timorese party, has criticised the decision to extend Timor-Leste’s state of emergency, considering that it is not justified at the present time and can bring increased risks to the economy of families and the country.
Thus, and according to a circular to which Lusa had access, members of the six parties that are part of the alliance of parliamentary majority should vote against this extension, he said.
“The alliance of parliamentary majority has to be consistent with its political position and so I ask the members of the coalition not to give permission to the President of the Republic to declare the extension of the state of emergency,” said Xanana Gusmão, president of the CNRT.
Instead, he explained, MPs should advocate that ports, airports and borders continue to be closed in to prevent the virus from entering and that control be strengthened for those who enter illegally, welcoming the work of the defence and security forces and local authorities in this area.
“Reopen business and work, but don’t let people gather indiscriminately. All citizens have an obligation to continue to follow rules on social distancing, hand washing. There can be no parties and activities that bring many people together,” he said in a statement.
– Partner –
The four-page statement, to which Lusa had access, is dated April 23, was signed by Xanana Gusmão and is addressed to the leaders and deputies of the six parties of the new parliamentary majority alliance led by her party, the National Congress of Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT).
CNRT officials confirmed to Lusa the veracity of the document, explaining that it was an “internal” text and that it was not publicly distributed.
Consequences ‘not understood’ In the text Xanana Gusmão criticises the justification given by the President of the Republic, Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo, for the extension of the state of emergency, focusing “very much” on the situation of the pandemic in the rest of the world, especially in Asia.
Lu-Olo, wrote the president of the CNRT, “has shown that he does not understand all aspects of the pandemic as a disease, especially of the consequences of economies in nations with covid-19.”
“Will our people survive because they will not have the covid-19, but hungry and without work?”, he asked.
Thus, wrote Xanana Gusmão, the most developed countries were concerned with both the disease and the economic effects and “how, despite the death of thousands of people, one can reduce the ‘lock down’ or the restrictions of the state of emergency so that the work can continue.”
Xanana Gusmão explained that he met with the members of the CNRT government and KHUNTO, two of the parties of the new alliance, but who are still in the current executive – which it helped form – to talk about this issue.
At that meeting, he explained, there was talk about “not approving the extension of the state of emergency” but supporting measures to help control the disease, such as banning meetings and closing borders.
“We don’t need a state of emergency. It may just be an emergency situation,” he writes, noting that Timorese abroad who cannot return due to the measures in force should be helped.
Xanana Gusmão also said that the government must continue to prepare, in terms of health and treatment conditions and that it should strengthen the country’s ability to carry out tests on the population.
Timor-Leste currently has 24 active cases of covid-19 and no deaths.
A species of mammal that lived in what is now Madagascar when dinosaurs roamed the island has finally been described today in Nature.
The work is based on a complete skeleton of the animal found more than two decades ago.
The cat-sized animal, known as Adalatherium hui or “crazy beast”, has features not found in today’s mammals, so it could be one of evolution’s abandoned experiments in developing new life.
The origin of mammals
Almost all the mammals today fall into two groups: the placentals (which includes dogs, mice, whales, cows and us) and marsupials (kangaroos, the koala and the Tasmanian devil). While very distinctive today, both these groups were mostly small and mouse-like in the time of the dinosaurs.
During this time, several other types of mammals roamed the Earth. Some were the ancestors of modern mammals, but many others are long extinct. We see glimpses into these little known and extinct mammal groups but they are a mystery to us.
Since the 1980s strange fossil teeth have been found in places such as South America, India and Madagascar. These modern landmasses were once joined as part of the southern supercontinent known as Gondwana. The strange fossil mammals found there are named the Gondwanatheria.
When all that is known of an animal is its teeth, it is a challenge to distinguish what exactly it is and how it relates to the fossil remains of better understood groups of early mammals.
We needed a skeleton
The breakthrough came when a team of palaeontologists (led by Dave Krause) discovered the first intact skeleton during excavations in Madagascar in 1999.
A plaster jacket containing the skeleton of Adalatherium hui is carried from the excavation site. (David Krause, front left).Photo courtesy of National Geographic Society/Maria Stenzel.
This remarkable find, dated to near the end of the Cretaceous period (66 million years ago), showed gondwanatherians were different from all other mammals known.
There were so many mysteries surrounding how this animal looked that it remained a challenge to relate this species back to other mammals. As a result, the process of scientific description was long and complicated.
Introducing the ‘crazy beast’
We gave the full skeleton the name Adalatherium hui. It’s a combination of a Malagasy word “Adàla” meaning “crazy” and Greek word “therium” for “beast”, in reference to the many strange features found in this unusual mammal.
The skeleton was encased in a block of sandstone, which was delicately sculpted away to reveal the bones in almost life position.
Skeleton of Adalatherium hui in sandstone.Marylou Stewart, Author provided
Because it was so fragile, we relied on X-ray microCT scanning through the rock to digitally map the bones and teeth. Some of the fossil parts were shattered, the back teeth and the braincase in particular.
Over hundreds of hours, the minute fragments of teeth were painstakingly put back together in a 3D jigsaw puzzle in the computer.
Adalatherium tooth being reconstructed.
Each component could then be 3D-printed at real size, or enlarged to see the features better.
Alistair Evans with 3D-printed Adalatherium teeth at four times real size.Gudrun Evans, Author provided
A most bizarre mammal
There is much about this animal that was so unusual. Features of the skull (the largest number of small holes for nerves and blood vessels in any mammal) and ear bones (small ridges inside the cochlea) have never been found in other mammals.
Adalatherium skeleton and 3D reconstruction.
Among the most bizarre features in Adalatherium are its teeth. Not only did this species have mouse-like ever-growing front teeth, but the rear teeth are completely unlike those of any other mammal that has ever been described.
The ridges and bumps on teeth are generally very consistent within each group of mammals, so they can act like a fingerprint to tell us who they are. Adalatherium has a new fingerprint, with a diamond-shaped ridge running around the outside of each tooth that interlocks with its opposing tooth in the other jaw.
Mounted cast skeleton of Adalatherium hui.Courtesy of Triebold Paleontology.
From examining its unusually bowed leg bones, strong back muscles and big claws on the back feet, we suggest Adalatherium was a robust animal, perhaps capable of digging for food or shelter. Its unusual teeth may indicate a plant diet.
The dramatic differences between Adalatherium and all other mammals known, past and present, shows there is more than one way to be a mammal.
The Gondwanatherians therefore represent an experiment in evolution, one of a number of early mammal groups where different body shapes and ways of life were still being tinkered with, before most died out, leaving the familiar mammals of today.
Island life for dinosaur-age mammals
One reason this group became so different likely relates back to where it was living: on an island.
Adalatherium lived in what is now Madagascar, which at that time had already been set adrift, separated from what became mainland Africa and the other major landmasses for tens of millions of years.
Strange things can happen on islands. Very large animals evolve to become smaller, perhaps because there is not enough food on the island to feed a population of giants.
Conversely, very small animals sometimes evolve to become larger, especially if there are no large predators on the island with them. Such was the case with the gorilla-sized lemurs that lived on Madagascar only a few thousand years ago, before humans arrived.
This is known as the island effect and may explain why Adalatherium is one of the largest mammals of its era. It was around the size of a domestic cat at about 3.1kg, possibly due to its freedom from competitors on its island home.
In recent weeks, Singapore went from global success story in its response to the coronavirus outbreak to having the largest number of cases in Southeast Asia.
There are some 15,000 confirmed cases in Singapore as of this week – more than Japan, South Korea and Indonesia.
Most startlingly, though, is the number of migrant worker infections in the country, which dwarfs that of the general population. For example, of the 528 new cases detected on Tuesday, 511 were foreign workers living in dormitories, while another seven were workers living outside the dormitories.
Singapore’s approach to disease mitigation, generally speaking, mirrors the country’s approach to just about everything – control, surveillance and containment.
But the increasing COVID-19 infection rates among migrant workers suggest there is another side to the tight regulation that governs nearly every aspect of life in Singapore – the institutionalised neglect of the country’s 300,000-plus migrant workers.
And it is this neglect that, my research suggests, lies at the heart of explanations for Singapore’s COVID-19 crisis.
The majority of Singapore’s COVID-19 infections are among foreign workers in dormitories.Wallace Woon/EPA
Cramped rooms with one toilet for 80 men
In 2014-15, I carried out a large study of transient migrant workmen from India and Bangladesh in Singapore, interviewing close to 200 men over 18 months. Most worked in the construction and shipping industries, and some in the landscaping and cleaning sectors.
As well as uncovering stories of routine labour exploitation and debt bondage among the workers, I also found most workers’ living conditions were shockingly substandard.
Employers are supposed to provide meals for migrant workers, for example, but workers complained the food was often no more than soggy rice and gravy. Often, it was spoiled and inedible.
Migrant workers lining up to collect their food at a dormitory in Singapore.How Hwee Young/EPA
My research also found substandard accommodation greatly compounded the difficulties these workers faced.
These dormitories only became common a couple of years ago when migrant-rights organisations began focusing on housing conditions of workers. The government’s response was to build large dormitories in remote, outlying areas.
This enabled the government to claim it had addressed criticisms of poor worker housing. At the same time, it ensured these workers were further separated spatially and socially from the rest of Singapore’s population.
This separation has been an ongoing concern of the government since the so-called “Little India riots” of 2013, which broke out after a migrant worker was knocked down and killed by a bus. More than 50 police officers and eight civilians were hurt, and dozens of Indian workers were either charged with offences or sent home.
But not all, or even the majority, of workers live in dormitories. Many live on the upper floors of small construction subcontracting firms, or in shipping containers and other temporary housing on work sites.
The conditions are abhorrent: cramped rooms housing up to 30 men apiece, no air-conditioning or appropriate ventilation, bed bugs and cockroaches, and often just one filthy toilet shared by more than 80 people.
In both dormitories and these accommodations, two men often rotate on one bed. When the day-shift worker returns to the room to sleep, he takes the place of the night-shift worker using the same bed.
In these conditions, dengue and other waterborne diseases thrive. A few weeks before I arrived in Singapore in 2012, there was a massive outbreak of dengue among migrant workers in the industrial northwest. Many men were infected, and most swiftly deported.
In 2015, I visited a factory where five Bangladeshi men were pursuing a case for unpaid salary against their employer. They told me previous workers had contracted dengue and were deported while they were still sick. As a result, they were pushed by their boss to work longer hours, despite not being paid. The deportation of injured and sick workers is a common occurrence in Singapore.
These living and working conditions explain why we are seeing such high rates of COVID-19 infections now. The government’s main response has been the construction of several large dormitories for workers, but beyond that, it has yet to take comprehensive steps to improve conditions.
The government does have a salary and injury claims system for migrant workers, but NGOs in the country claim it – like policies to improve workers’ living conditions – is woefully inadequate.
Workers have largely been restricted to their dormitories since the pandemic worsened.Wallace Woon/EPA
Workers now very afraid of COVID-19
Last week, one of the participants in my research, a 32-year-old Bangladeshi man named Monir, sent me an email saying:
We are in lockdown for two months. Can’t go out. Singapore very danger now. But we are lucky we not stay worker’s dormitory. We sleep Geylang [a district of Singapore] company store.
During the current crisis, the workers in the dormitories are currently only allowed outside their rooms at certain times to reduce contact with others. Some have been relocated to offshore, floating accommodations where they are similarly confined.
Debbie Fordyce, a longtime migrant worker rights advocate, told me,
When returning Singapore students were give a two-week holiday in five-star hotels rather than be a potential source of infection to their family, these men are being bunched together with a far higher vulnerability than if they were in a space alone or with fewer people.
The government should have been better prepared for a possible outbreak among these workers. Instead, it turned a blind eye to their needs.
When the government issued face masks to all Singaporeans at the fist sign of COVID-19 in early February, migrant workers were excluded. (The philanthropic arm of a state investor later distributed more than 1 million masks to migrant workers and domestic helpers.)
Last week, the government imposed a stay-at-home order for 180,000 migrant workers in the construction industry until May 4, confining them to their dormitories. Advocacy groups have warned about quarantining large groups of people together like this, comparing it to cruise ships.
While recent media coverage on the COVID-19 crisis in Singapore has exposed the substandard conditions of migrant workers, my study shows there is a longer history of institutionalised neglect of these men.
This is not an exceptional time for these workers – their rights have long been ignored because they are transient and, for the most part, deemed disposable.
To understand the spread of COVID-19, the pandemic is more usefully viewed as a series of distinct local epidemics. The way the virus has spread in different countries, and even in particular states or regions within them, has been quite varied.
A New Zealand study has mapped the coronavirus epidemic curve for 25 countries and modelled how the spread of the virus has changed in response to the various lockdown measures.
The research, which is yet to be peer-reviewed, classifies each country’s public health response using New Zealand’s four-level alert system. Levels 1 and 2 represent relatively relaxed controls, whereas levels 3 and 4 are stricter.
By mapping the change in the effective reproduction number (Reff, an indicator of the actual spread of the virus in the community) against response measures, the research shows countries that implemented level 3 and 4 restrictions sooner had greater success in pushing Reff to below 1.
R0 can be viewed as an intrinsic property of the virus, whereas the Reff takes into account the effect of implemented control measures.The Conversation, CC BY-ND
An Reff of less than 1 means each infected person spreads the virus to less than one other person, on average. By keeping Reff below 1, the number of new infections will fall and the virus will ultimately disappear from the community.
Conversely, the larger the Reff value, the more freely the virus is spreading in the community and thus the faster the number of new cases will rise. This means a higher number of cases at the peak of the epidemic, a greater risk of the health system becoming overwhelmed, and ultimately more deaths.
Here are some of study’s findings from states and nations around the world:
New South Wales, Australia
The effect of Australia’s strict border control measures, implemented relatively early in the pandemic, can clearly be seen in the graph below. Federal and state governments introduced strict social distancing rules; schools, pubs, churches, community centres, entertainment venues and even some beaches were closed.
This prompted the Reff value to drop below 1, where it has stayed for some time. Australia is rightly regarded as a success story in controlling the spread of COVID-19, and all states and territories are now mapping their paths towards relaxing restrictions in the coming weeks.
Italy was relatively slow to respond to the epidemic, and experienced a high Reff for many weeks. This led to an explosion of cases which overwhelmed the health system, particularly in the country’s north. This was followed by some of the strictest public health control measures in Europe, which has finally seen the Reff fall to below 1.
Unfortunately, the time lag has cost many lives. Italy’s death toll of over 27,000 serves as a warning of what can happen if the virus is allowed to spread unchecked, even if strict measures are brought in later.
The UK’s initial response to COVID-19 was characterised by a series of missteps. The government prevaricated while it considered pursuing a controversial “herd immunity” strategy, before finally ordering an Italy-style lockdown to regain control over the virus’s transmission.
As in Italy, the result was an initial surge in case numbers, a belatedly successful effort to bring Reff below 1, and a huge death toll of over 20,000 to date.
New York City, with its field hospital in Central Park resembling a scene from a disaster movie, is another testament to the power of uncontrolled virus spread to overwhelm the health system.
Its Reff peaked at a staggeringly high value of 8, before the city slammed on the brakes and went into complete lockdown. It took a protracted battle to finally bring the Reff below 1. Perhaps more than any other city, New York will feel the economic shock of this epidemic for many years to come.
Sweden has taken a markedly relaxed approach to its public health response. Barring a few minor restrictions, the country remains more or less open as usual, and the focus has been on individuals to take personal responsibility for controlling the virus through social distancing.
This is understandably contentious, and the number of cases and deaths in Sweden are far higher than its neighbouring countries. But Reff indicates that the curve is flattening.
Singapore is a lesson on why you can’t ever relax when it comes to coronavirus. It was hailed as an early success story in bringing the virus to heel, through extensive testing, effective contact tracing and strict quarantining, with no need for a full lockdown.
But the virus has bounced back. Infection clusters originating among migrant workers has prompted tighter restrictions. The Reff currently sits at around 2, and Singapore still has a lot of work to do to bring it down.
Individually, these graphs each tell their own story. Together, they have one clear message: places that moved quickly to implement strict interventions brought the coronavirus under control much more effectively, with less death and disease.
And our final example, Singapore, adds an important coda: the situation can change rapidly, and there is no room for complacency.
Air quality on Australia’s roads matters. On any given day (when we’re not in lockdown) people meet, commute, exercise, shop and walk with children near busy streets. But to date, air quality monitoring at roadsides has been inadequate.
I and my colleagues wanted to change that. Using materials purchased from electronics and hardware stores for around A$150, we built our own air quality monitors.
Our newly published research reveals how our devices detected particulate pollution at busy intersections at levels ten times worse than background levels measured at official air monitoring stations.
Our open-source design means citizen scientists can make their own devices to measure air quality, and make the data publicly available.
This would provide more valuable data about city traffic pollution, giving people the information they need to protect their health.
Air pollution can have serious health consequences.Tim Wimborne/Reuters
Particulate matter: a tiny killer
Everyone is exposed to airborne particulate matter emitted by industry, transport and natural sources such as bushfires and dust storms.
Particulate matter from traffic is a mixture of toxic compounds, both solid and liquid. It’s a well-known health hazard, particularly for children, the elderly, pedestrians, cyclists and people working on or near roads.
Particulate matter smaller than 2.5 micrometres in diameter, referred to as PM2.5, is particularly harmful. To put this in context, a human hair is about 100 micrometres in width.
Official air quality monitoring usually takes place open spaces or parks, to provide an averaged, background reading of pollution across a wide area. The monitoring stations are not typically placed at pollution sources, such as power stations or roads.
However there is growing evidence that people travelling outdoors near busy city roads are exposed to high levels of traffic emissions.
An air quality monitor built by the researchers and painted purple, attached to a light pole in Liverpool, Sydney.Author supplied
Air quality monitors can be bought off the shelf at low cost, but their readings are not always reliable.
So I and other researchers at the University of Wollongong’s SMART Infrastructure Facility made our own monitors. They essentially consist of a sensor, weatherproof housing, a controller and a fan. Anyone with basic electronics knowledge and assembly skills can make and install one. The monitor connects to the internet (we used The Things Network) and the software required to run it and collect the data is available for free here.
The weatherproof housing cost about A$16 to make. It consists of PVC plumbing parts, a few screws and small pieces of fibreglass insect screen, which can be bought at any hardware store.
Sensors can be bought from electronics retailers for little as A$30, but many are not tested, calibrated or overseen by experts and can be inaccurate. We tested three, and chose the Novasense SDS011, which we bought for A$32.
A controller is needed to run the monitor and send data to the internet. We bought ours from an online retailer for under A$60. A fan, needed to circulate air through the housing, was bought from Jaycar for A$14.
Accounting for wiring and a few other parts, our monitors cost under A$150 each to make – ten times cheaper than mid-grade commercial detectors – and produce reasonably accurate results.
What we found
Following community meetings, we deployed our sensors at nine key locations and intersections around Liverpool in Western Sydney, a region which has traditionally suffered from poor air quality.
Our monitors have been in place since March 2019, placed close to pedestrian height on structures such as light poles, shade awnings or walls.
They have detected roadside measurements of PM2.5 at values of up to 280 micrograms per cubic metre in morning peak traffic. This is more than ten times the readings at the nearest official monitoring station. The severity of the pollution and how long it lasts depends on how bad the traffic is.
These findings are comparable to other studies of busy roads.
Pollution from vehicle emissions can have serious health consequences.Dean Lewins/AAP
Breathing easier
Our experience of roadside air quality can be improved in a number of ways.
Obviously, exposure to air pollution is worst at peak traffic times, so plan your travel to avoid these times, if possible.
Pollution levels drop quickly with distance from busy roads and can be at near background levels just one block away. So try to detour along quieter back streets or through parks.
Barriers, such as dense roadside vegetation, can shield pedestrians from pollution. Children in prams are more exposed to traffic pollution than adults, as they are closer to the level of vehicle exhaust pipes. Pram covers can reduce infants’ exposure by up to 39%.
Of course, the best way to reduce air pollution from traffic is to have fewer vehicles on our roads, and cleaner fuel and engines.
In the meantime, we hope our low-cost technology will prompt citizen scientists to develop their own sensors, producing the data we need to breathe easy in city streets.
Before we lived with the reality of a global disease outbreak, Pandemic was just the title of a popular series of board games. In the time leading up to the lockdown, game stores noted interest in the Pandemic games had increased.
Why have players turned towards a game about the very thing they are seeking to avoid in real life? Pandemic is providing more than entertainment – helping players think through problems creatively, focus, adapt and reflect on serious issues.
Since ancient times
Ancient Greek historian Herodotus wrote the earliest games were created to help people cope with long term woes.
In the reign of Atys the son of Manes their king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and one devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then were discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the knucklebones and the ball … These games they invented as a resource against the famine … on one of the days they would play games all the time in order that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased from their games and had food: and thus they went on for 18 years.
We invoke this history when we take the benefits of board games seriously and understand the skills they can cultivate.
These benefits can include coping and well-being skills developed from games’ social problem solving experiences. The Victorian government is even interested in looking at how “gamification” can provide specific health gains, for example, using consoles to motivate physical rehabilitation exercises or using games to test kids’ hearing.
Much of the research has focussed on video games such as Minecraft, but the recent rise in popularity of board games means these too deserve closer attention.
Pandemic was created by Matt Leacock, a former Chicago graphic designer who developed the idea after the SARS epidemic of 2003. The first Pandemic game was published in 2008 and was at the crest of the wave of new board games for adults. It is a game for 2–4 players and can be completed within an hour.
The game creator has said part of the game’s appeal is the way it “offers escalating moments of hope and fear that really draw you and your team in”.
There are no dice involved although there is a randomised deck of cards that models the spread of the viruses across a global map. Significantly it is a cooperative game where the players must work together against the game, to collectively make hard decisions about strategy. Each turn requires an allocation of limited resources – to stop outbreaks, create research centres, research a cure or focus on global mobility.
Though there are no official rules for doing so, some discussion boards outline ways to play Pandemic solo – making it ideal for isolation.
Back in the official version, players take on the roles of different specialists, including the scientist, the medic, the dispatcher and others. Each of these roles provides a specific power that allows them to break the rules of the game in an interesting way, giving each member of the team a distinctive niche, encouraging plenty of replay in order to find out how they all work.
While not the first cooperative game, it led the demand for new non-adversarial games. The popularity also came from the contemporary theme that appeals to a broader audience outside of fandom communities; there are no wizards or spaceships on the box art. Pandemic has been used in training settings and can be a useful way to introduce epidemiology in the classroom and challenge conventional ideas about globalised systems.
Expansion sets (additional cards and components bought separately) add more complexity, new roles and tougher viruses. There are standalone variants that use the game’s escalation models to challenge barbarian hordes attacking ancient Rome, battle rising floodwaters of industrial age Holland and even counter the sinister rise of Cthulhu cultists.
The most significant variant is the Pandemic Legacy games, which takes place in two “seasons” like television drama. Each Legacy season is made up of a series of games where events and consequences carry over to the next. Legacy games involve permanent changes to the board, introduction of new game elements and even asking the players to tear up certain cards.
Why now?
So why, when confronted with the reality of a pandemic would we be reassured by a game that eerily foreshadowed COVID-19? It’s not like the game trivialises the problem. Pandemic presents problems as complex, requiring changing strategies but ultimately presents a solution via cooperation and clever planning.
The popularity of games such as Pandemic have led to the creation of new games with serious themes and spaces for creative problem solving. The King’s Dilemma explores complex ramifications of political dealmongering. Holding On: the Troubled Life of Billy Kerr looks at palliative care.
Whether we play them as families and roommates, via video conferencing, or tabletop simulators, board games can help us distract ourselves from the isolation of lockdowns and social distancing, but they also have potential to make us think about the challenges our world is facing.
The World Health Organisation (WHO) says New Zealand has been world-leading in its response to the covid-19 coronavirus pandemic.
But at the same time, a top official for the organisation is warning against complacency.
Western Pacific incident manager Abdi Mahamud said the WHO had been particularly impressed with how the government had communicated, and how people had observed social restrictions.
“Our view of New Zealand’s response has been one of the strongest in the world, and there’s a lot that global communities can learn from the response,” he said.
“There are aspects of New Zealand’s response that can be easily replicated in all countries, regardless of geography and resources.”
– Partner –
But in response to the Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern’s comment that New Zealand has eliminated the virus, Dr Mahamud warned the country must not become complacent.
“Elimination? Every country has a different connotation with [the word], but what we understand is that the prime minister means a reduction in the undetected chain of transmission in the community,” he said.
‘We have to be cautious’ “But we have to be very cautious moving forward so we don’t fall into a sense of ‘we did it’.”
Dr Mahamud said until a safe and effective vaccine was developed, some social distancing requirements must continue.
“We believe in the New Zealand government’s strategy, that is based on science and evidence.”
He said that on May 7, Minister for Health David Clark would appear in the WHO’s weekly videoconference to discuss the challenges New Zealand had faced.
He also urged New Zealand to support Pacific nations, should there be significant outbreaks in those countries.
“We would like to request New Zealand support to other developing countries, particularly the Pacific Islands,” he said.
“There are Pacific nations with limited resources and fragile health systems, so the deployment of senior [health] officers and financial support [would be helpful].”
742 complaints over businesses RNZ News reports there were 742 complaints of businesses not complying with the rules on the first day of alert level 3, most over the lack of social distancing.
In this afternoon’s Covid-19 media conference, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern said the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment and the Ministry for Primary Industries will be following up on the complaints.
In addition, police recorded 104 breaches in the first 18 hours of alert level 3 – of those 21 were prosecutions and 71 were warnings, Ardern said.
She said the rules are in place for a reason and that it only takes one person to potentially affect many.
“We will not hesitate to take firmer measures if required.”
Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield said the two new cases were made up of one confirmed and one probable case.
The total number of confirmed cases is now 1126, with 348 probable cases, for a combined total of 1474. Dr Bloomfield said an earlier probable case had now been reclassified as confirmed.
There have been no further deaths.
Six people are in hospital, but none of them are in intensive care.
This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.
If you havesymptomsof the coronavirus, call the NZ Covid-19 Healthline on 0800 358 5453 (+64 9 358 5453 for international SIMs) or call your GP – don’t show up at a medical centre.
As lockdowns are relaxed around the world and people return to their workplaces, the next challenge will be adapting open office spaces to the new normal of strict personal hygiene and physical distancing.
While the merits and disadvantages of open plan and flexible workspaces have long been debated, the risk they posed of allowing dangerous, highly contagious viruses to spread was rarely (if ever) considered.
But co-working spaces are characterised by shared areas and amenities with surfaces that need constant cleaning. Droplets from a single sneeze can travel over 7 metres, and surfaces within pods or booths, designed for privacy, could remain hazardous for days.
Even in countries such as Australia and New Zealand where efforts to “flatten the curve” have been successful and which have relatively easily controlled borders, it’s fair to ask whether communal workspaces might be a thing of the past.
Perhaps – if vigilant measures are in place – some countries can continue to embrace collaborative, flexible, activity-based workplace designs and the cost savings they represent. But this is unlikely to be the case in general in the coming years. Even if some organisations can operate with minimal risk there will be an expectation they provide virus-free workplaces should there be future outbreaks.
Working from home
Worldwide, there will undoubtedly be fewer people in the office – now workers have tried working from home, they may find they like it. And organisations may have little choice but to limit the numbers of workers on-site. Staggered shifts, enforced flexitime, and 24/7 operations may become the norm, along with working remotely.
Video meetings, even within the same workplace, could become the new normal.from www.shutterstock.com
But it has also been shown to improve cooperation and communication. Whether these innovative spaces are within a large organisation or are communal workspaces where start-ups, freelancers, and contractors can sit together (such as GridAKL in Auckland or The Commons in Sydney), their popularity is undeniable. The sense of community and the ability to share knowledge and ideas are key attractions of co-working.
Riding the shared/flexi-space wave have been companies such as WeWork – popularising communal tables within co-working hubs and providing “pods” for private conversations. But there is now little doubt WeWork will be an early casualty of COVID-19. Already in financial trouble before the pandemic, WeWork will cut more than 1,000 jobs this month.
But what about the thousands of organisations that retooled their densely populated work environments to encourage flexibility, activity-based work, and movement within and between spaces?
James Muir, CEO of sustainability start-up Crunch and Flourish has no doubt using co-working offices in central Auckland has been a positive: “We benefited from the great community at GridAKL,” he says. “And before long we were collaborating with other start-ups on marketing and design as well as getting great advice from more experienced entrepreneurs.”
Shared workspace company WeWork is expected to be another casualty of COVID-19.from www.shutterstock.com
Missing social cues online
Those fortuitous conversations and information exchanges will inevitably become rarer as we avoid the risk of interpersonal contact – and they are almost impossible to mimic online. Personal interaction (even within the office) will be replaced with the already familiar virtual video meeting – or even, as TIME magazine reports, holograms and avatars.
However, communication is more challenging when conducted remotely. We are more persuasive in person, particularly if we know the person. Being on a video call is more draining than a face-to-face chat because workers must concentrate harder to process non-verbal cues such as tone of voice and body language. Anxiety about technology is another barrier, and some find lack of eye contact in virtual meetings (mimicked by staring at the “dot” of your own camera) disquieting.
New norms of hand sanitising, cleaning equipment and wearing masks will emerge. Handshaking or friendly pecks on the cheek may soon be things of the past, as will family photos and mementos on desks, if they prove too difficult to sanitise.
Aside from behaviours, policies, and attitudes, the physical office will need to change. Already, a company in the Netherlands has coined the term the “6 feet office”, aiming to redesign workspaces to help workers maintain social distancing at work.
We may even see the return of the high-walled cubicle, and the introduction of wide corridors and one-way foot traffic, already found in some hospitals. Activity-based work and hot-desks (which oblige people to move throughout the day) could be replaced by assigned desk arrangements where workers sit back to back.
New builds might incorporate touch-free technology such as voice-activated lifts, doors and cabinets, touchless sinks and soap dispensers, improved air venting and UV lights to disinfect surfaces overnight.
In the meantime, will James Muir resume running Crunch and Flourish from his co-working office after the pandemic? “Yes,” he says, “once the risk of any new cases is under control.”
Many Australians, especially those experiencing financial hardship due to COVID-19, are asking whether they can afford to keep their private health insurance.
Others don’t know if they should drop or downgrade their cover, especially if they cannot or don’t want to access services they’ve paid for.
Now consumer group Choice is recommendingpeople think about dropping extras cover, dropping or downgrading hospital cover and asking their insurance company for hardship considerations, which include waiving premiums or suspending their policy.
What options do you have? And what are the implications of dropping or downgrading your cover?
Our research shows people take out private health insurance because of shorter waiting times for elective surgery, choice of doctor or hospital, access to a private hospital room, and extras like dental and physiotherapy services.
Although some elective surgeries are due to resume this week, it’s unclear how long it will take hospitals to clear the backlog, which surgeries will be performed and where. This raises questions about whether consumers will be able to access the benefits they value in having private health insurance.
While a key reason for taking out private health insurance is to avoid waiting times, people may now have to wait while hospitals and health care providers resume a staged approach to resuming elective surgery and general treatments impacted by the pandemic.
People may also be worried about whether they will receive the care they need if they have COVID-19. However, they should be assured that emergency treatment will be provided through the public system. Many private health insurance companies will also now cover COVID-19 related treatments.
How are private insurers responding?
Modelling by the Australia Institute shows private health insurers could make considerable savings due to a reduction in claims paid to, or on behalf of, consumers during the pandemic.
This is because services, such as elective surgery, and general treatments, such as dental services, are not available or are limited. And it recommends some of these savings should be passed on to policy holders.
Private health insurance companies have assured consumers that any increase in premiums will be delayed by at least six months.
They have also said that some funds resulting from the cancellation of elective surgery or allied health services will be returned to customers. It isn’t clear, though, how this will be done and over what period.
What options do I have?
It’s not surprising if you’re confused about whether to keep, drop or downgrade your private health insurance.
Our research consistently shows consumers find changing private health cover confusing. Increasing costs of premiums, value for money and difficulties understanding policies are common concerns. People aren’t certain what they need cover for, what is a reasonable price to pay, and how much difference there is between the public and private systems.
If you are thinking about downgrading your hospital cover or stopping extras cover, think about what services you may need in the future.
Remember that if you downgrade your hospital cover to a lower level of cover some services may be excluded (for instance, pregnancy). If you decide to increase your level of hospital cover in the future you may also need to re-serve waiting periods for those services excluded at the lower level of cover.
Lower levels of cover may exclude some services, such as pregnancy care, which may be relevant in the future.Shutterstock
If you drop your hospital cover and take it up again in the future, you may pay more due to the Lifetime health cover loading (if you do not take private health insurance up again within 1,094 days of dropping your cover).
Choice is also recommending people drop their extras cover. But your decision about this will depend on the types of services you typically use.
If you decide to drop your extras cover, you may also be required to re-serve waiting periods if you take up extras again in the future.
This means you may need to wait two months for general dental services or physiotherapy, but 12 months for major dental procedures. However these waiting periods vary according to procedure and insurer. So to find out what waiting periods apply, ask your health fund.
If you are experiencing financial hardship you may be able to ask your fund to temporarily waive your premiums or suspend your policy. However, you won’t be covered while your health insurance is suspended.
What happens after the coronavirus?
The pandemic highlights issues with Australia’s health-care system, and how private health insurance operates and is funded.
There has been much critique of government policy encouraging Australians to take out private health insurance, and in particular the subsidising of premiums through the private health insurance rebate.
At a time when more consumers are experiencing financial hardship they will question the value of their private health insurance even more than before.
There may be other ways of providing health-care, including fixing waiting lists, that meet the needs of all Australians, while retaining the best aspects of both public and private care.
As decisions about whether to change your private health insurance depend on your personal circumstances, please discuss your options and their implications with your health fund or read the fine print on policy documents.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Roger Wilkins, Professorial Fellow and Deputy Director (Research), HILDA Survey, Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, University of Melbourne
JobKeeper is by “no means perfect”. Treasury Secretary Stephen Kennedy used those exact words when he appeared before a Senate committee on COVID-19 on Tuesday, going on to observe that getting it right would “require continuous work”.
We have dug into the JobKeeper numbers to work out how it could be improved.
Room for improvement. Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy.Mick Tsikas/AAP
The Morrison government announced JobKeeper on March 30. For a cost of A$130 billion, employers of eligible workers in eligible businesses will receive a flat $1,500 per fortnight wage subsidy for up to six months, irrespective of the worker’s previous wage.
The most striking insight from those figures is the number of workers that are expected to receive the payment – more than 6.6 million, six out of every ten private sector workers.
It doesn’t quite jell with another number – the number of workers treasury expects JobKeeper to keep in work.
We can get an idea of this from Treasurer Frydenberg’s statement on April 14 that “treasury estimates the unemployment rate would be 5 percentage points higher without JobKeeper.”
The labour force is 13.7 million. Allowing for the fact that some of the workers who lose jobs will withdraw from the labour market and not be counted as unemployed, the implication is that JobKeeper will save, at most, one million jobs.
Payments to 6.6 million, to save 1 million
Put crudely, JobKeeper will go to 6.6 million Australians in order to save the jobs of around one million
Of course, it is also designed to benefit workers who lose hours but are still employed. Taking this into account explains only some of the difference.
Reserve Bank Governor Philip Lowe expects total hours worked to fall by around 20% over the first half of the year, 2.6 million full time jobs’ worth. That is a long way short of 6.6 million.
It isn’t surprising that coverage of JobKeeper is broader than predicted job loss. That was inherent in the design. What is surprising is the size of gap between the predicted number of payments and the predicted number of jobs at risk. This has three important implications.
1. Mutual obligation
If JobKeeper does end up being paid in the name of 6.6 million Australians rather than the one million or so that would need it to stay in work, it will be a substantial subsidy to business. Many businesses will have received $1500 per fortnight for workers they would have kept on anyway.
This can be justified as a means of putting those businesses on a stronger footing to stay afloat during the shutdown and expand when it is over, maintaining high employment into the future. But such support comes with an obligation. Businesses that receive this sort of wage subsidy are implicitly entering into a contract with the community to maintain employment when JobSeeker ends. This commitment should be made explicit.
2. Investigation
The incredibly rapid onset of COVID-19 means the eligibility criteria for JobKeeper are based on changes in monthly revenue. Any other approach would have delayed payments. But using revenue as a trigger provides an incentive for businesses to manipulate month-to-month revenue.
That makes it imperative that JobKeeper scheme is accompanied by substantial monitoring. One way to do it is by cross-referencing claims for JobKeeper with other data on the impact of COVID-19.
As an example, the chart below compares the actual size of falls in employment by industry between mid March and early April with shares of inquiries to the Tax office about JobKeeper by industry. Some industries appear to be outliers – with relatively high shares of inquiries but relatively small job losses.
Job lost versus inquiries about JobKeeper by industry
It would allow JobKeeper to be extended to some of the workers who at present miss out, among them casual employees in their job for less than 12 months and the temporary visa holders who are currently excluded.
Such a change would be consistent with the stated goal of trying to keep workers connected to their workforce. It will be needed when the crisis is over, and it would be the right thing to do for equity, ensuring there is a safety net for all of us.
The treasury secretary is correct. JobKeeper should be anything but set and forget.
More than two in a thousand New Yorkers dead. Chart by Keith Rankin.
Analysis by Keith Rankin.
At the end of last month I published a chart showing the main features of Covid19 deaths in the United States. Today I publish an update, which has most of the same American places.
At the end of last month, New Orleans (125 deaths per million people) had the worst outbreak, followed by New York City (90 deaths per million). Since then, while New Orleans’ deaths have increased six-fold, NY City deaths increased 23-fold, to 2,105 per million. It is not clear why New Orleans was worst then; that may have been partly random, like the recent outbreak in Ecuador that I noted yesterday.) New Orleans is now stabilising.
Last month’s chart showed the places – in the west – which caught Covid19 very early, such as Seattle (America’s original hotbed of infection), Silicon Valley and Las Vegas; these places most likely first got Covid19 from China directly, or indirectly via Macau or Hong Kong.
Last month’s chart also showed the huge European-sourced Covid cluster of New York City, with hints of the Philadelphia to Boston population corridor (Fairfield, Norfolk, and New Jersey). It also showed one major rustbelt outbreak (Detroit), with hints of others (Chicago and Milwaukee). And Washington DC, as the political capital, also showed an incidence well-above the national average.
Also, some parts of Georgia were hotspots, including Atlanta. Interestingly, Georgia had United States’ own version of Europe’s San Marino – Docherty County – representing a cluster of cases and deaths in the city of Albany, Georgia. (Docherty County has lost 118 people so far, in an urban area the size of Palmerston North.)
In April, New York and its corridor satellites (Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Philadelphia) became riddled with the new coronavirus that causes Covid19. (Note that New York City uses two columns of the chart, so its reading is 2,100; not 1,050.)
Indianapolis has emerged, with Chicago and Washington DC, as a significant Covid19 hotspot. While some rustbelt cities (eg Detroit and Milwaukee) continue to show up, they still have Covid19 instances well below New York City.
As predicted the initial western clusters of Covid19 have comparatively diminished, though they have still shown substantial absolute growth of the disease. Sars-Cov2 is a resilient virus.
These cities, however, remain sideshows to the New York event. New York’s death rate is more than three times higher than that of Belgium, Europe’s worst hit country, and about ten times worse than Wuhan. It’s not as bad as New Zealand in the Black Flu of 1918; then, at least seven in a thousand New Zealanders died. (Compare with New York’s two in a thousand in 2020, so far.)
I did an estimate for Milan City, in Italy, and I got between four and five deaths per thousand Milanese. So New York, while an appallingly tragic victim of this pandemic, is still not the worst affected major city in the world.
Labor’s Katy Gallagher is chair of the Senate committee that will assess the government’s handling of the coronavirus crisis, both its economic and health challenges. It is set for the deep dive, having a final reporting date of mid-2022.
With parliament currently sitting only in fits and starts, Gallagher considers the committee a “key accountability vehicle”.
“We don’t want political grandstanding, we don’t want long winded political arguments, there are other forums for those,” she says.
“We do expect public servants and ministers to attend with information and provide information. I don’t want it to be turned into one of those committees that we see so often where we ask questions and the officials at the table work out how not to answer them”
The committee’s role will be “to explore why decisions were taken and provide that conduit back to the public.”
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Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cris Brack, Associate Professor, Fenner School of Environment and Society, Australian National University
Are you feeling anxious or irritated during the coronavirus lockdown? Do you constantly want to get up and move? Maybe you need a moment to engage with nature.
Getting into the great outdoors is difficult at right now. But our research soon to be published in Australian Forestry shows you can improve your mood by experiencing nature indoors. This could mean placing few pot plants in the corner of your home office, or even just looking at photos of plants.
But inside, in your hastily constructed home office or home school room, you may be unable to take full advantage of urban nature.
Natural products such as wooden furniture can also improve working conditions.Noemi Macavei Katocz/Unsplash, CC BY
Embracing the notion of “biophilia” – the innate human affinity with nature – while locked down inside may improve your productivity and even your health.
The biophilia hypothesis argues modern day humans evolved from hundreds of generations of ancestors whose survival required them to study, understand and rely on nature. So a disconnection from nature today can cause significant issues for humans, such as a decline in psychological health.
In practice at home, connecting with nature might mean having large windows overlooking the garden. You can also improve working conditions by having natural materials in your office or school room, such as wooden furniture, natural stones and pot plants.
Indoor plants
Our research has demonstrated that even a small number of plants hanging in pockets on along a busy corridor provide enough nature to influence our physiological and psychological perceptions.
These plants even caused behavioural differences, where people would change their route through a building to come into contact with the indoor plants.
We surveyed 104 people, and 40% of the respondents reported their mood and emotions improved in the presence of indoor plants.
They felt “relaxed and grounded” and “more interested”. The presence of indoor greenery provides a place to “relax from routine” and it made the space “significantly more pleasant to work in”.
Our study showed the benefits of indoor greenery.Author provided
As one person reported:
When I first saw the plants up on the wall brought a smile to my face.
Whenever I walk down the stairs or walk past I mostly always feel compelled to look at the plants on the wall. Not with any anxiety or negative thoughts, rather, at how pleasant and what a great idea it is.
Looking at wildlife photography
Our research also explored whether viewing images, posters or paintings of nature would make a difference.
We photographed the plants from viewpoints similar to those the corridor users experienced. Survey responses from those who only viewed these digital images were almost the same as those who experienced them in real life.
While we can’t say for sure, we can hypothesise that given the importance of vision in modern humans, an image that “looks” like nature might be enough to trigger a biophilic response.
However, physically being in the presence of plants did have some stronger behavioural effects. For example corridor users wanted to linger longer looking at the plants than those who viewed the photographs, and were more likely to want to visit the plants again. Maybe the other senses – touch, smell, even sound – created a stronger biophilic response than just sight alone.
So the good news is if you can’t get to a nursery – or if you have a serious inability to keep plants alive – you can still benefit from looking at photographs of them.
Looking at photos of nature can improve your mood.Bee Balogun/Unsplash, CC BY
If you haven’t been taking your own photos, search the plethora of images from wildlife photographers such as Doug Gimesy, Frans Lanting and Tanya Stollznow.
Or check out live camera feeds of a wide range of environments, and travel to far-flung places without leaving the safety of home.
While we haven’t tested the mood-boosting effects of live videos, we hypothesise their physiological and psychological effects will be no different than digital photographs.
Here are seven places to help you get started.
The Bush Blitz citizen science app launched a new online tool today. The species recovery program encourages children to explore their backyard to identify different species.
“From the bottom of the sea direct to your screen”: watch this underwater live stream of Victoria’s rocky reef off Port Phillip Bay