Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sophie Lewis, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Social Research in Health, UNSW

You arrive at your local public hospital for treatment. The hospital staff ask for your name, date of birth and address. They ask if you have Medicare and private health insurance. Then they ask if you would like to be admitted as a public or private patient. You’re unsure. You’re left wondering whether this decision will affect the care you receive.

Almost all patients will be asked, either verbally or via a standard admission form, whether they have private health insurance and wish to use it.

In our research projects we’ve spoken to Australians with private health insurance who have received treatment in public hospitals. Many people say they find it difficult to decide whether to be a private or public patient. They are unsure of the benefits and costs, and where to find this information.

Read more: Are private patients in public hospitals a problem?

Public hospitals have recently been criticised for allegedly pressuring vulnerable patients to use their private health insurance.

It’s important to note that opting to go private in a public hospital is solely your decision, and will not affect the quality of care you receive. Public and private patients have the same access to public hospital services.

Under the National Health Reform Agreement, all Medicare cardholders have the right to be treated in public hospitals for free as public patients. The cost of accommodation, meals, health care and other treatment-related fees is covered by Medicare.

Why do public hospitals ask the question?

Public hospitals are treating a growing number of patients every year, with increasingly complex needs and health conditions. In this environment, hospitals are expected to do more with less.

People who use their private health insurance benefit the public hospital because some of the funding needed for care comes from private health insurers, rather than hospitals relying solely on the allocation provided by the government via Medicare.

Hospitals say funding received from privately insured patients goes towards infrastructure, research, specialised equipment and other service improvements.

Public and private patients have the same access to public hospital services. From shutterstock.com

Australians with private health insurance are using their cover when admitted to public hospitals more than they used to. In 2004, an estimated 6.8 per 1,000 admissions to public hospitals were private patients; by 2014, this increased to 22.7 per 1,000.

Meanwhile, insurance companies argue increased use of private health insurance for public hospital care is contributing to rising premiums.

Read more: Do you really need private health insurance? Here’s what you need to know before deciding

Why do people choose to be private patients?

Australians might choose to be a private patient in a public hospital for many reasons.

The excess or co-payments applied by private health insurance providers for treatment in private hospitals may be discounted or exempted by public hospitals. So there may be no out-of-pocket expenses for private patients, depending on the type and length of admission.

As a private patient you may be able to choose your doctor, if they have a “right of private practice” at the hospital where you are admitted.

Patients also indicate that they choose to be admitted as private patients because this is a way of giving back to the public hospital. In our research, patients recounted being asked “would you like to help the hospital out?”; the suggestion being they would be doing so by using their private health insurance.

The idea of helping the hospital is also promoted on hospital websites when information is provided. Some patients said they did not want to take public resources away from those who rely on the public system for care.

Read more: Which are better, public or private hospitals?

Some patients in our research saw supporting the hospital as advantageous to them personally as a future patient: “a benefit to the hospital […] is beneficial to me in the long run,” one respondent said.

People also choose to be a private patient because they believe they will get privileges for doing so. Many hospitals offer expressions of gratitude to private patients such as access to television, coffee vouchers or free parking.

Some offer single rooms to private patients, but priority is given to patients who are very ill or infectious.

Some patients in our research said they were surprised they did not receive quicker or better quality care as private patients: “Being a private patient in a public setting made no difference. The level of care was the same,” one said.

Final things to consider

Publicly accessible information about being a private patient in a public hospital, including information about payments and any potential out-of-pocket costs, varies greatly between hospitals and states, and can be hard to find.

While many public hospitals guarantee there are no costs associated with being a private patient, this is not the case for every public hospital. We advise the following:

1. if you are eligible for Medicare benefits, you are not obligated to use your private health insurance in order to receive the same quality of care provided to all patients – it is your choice

2. check with your private health insurance fund about whether you will be charged for any services received

3. check the hospital website for information about using private health insurance

4. if you are unsure about the costs and benefits of using your private health insurance, say so. Many public hospitals have staff called patient liaison officers who are there to answer your questions.

– ref. If you’ve got private health insurance, the choice to use it in a public hospital is your own – http://theconversation.com/if-youve-got-private-health-insurance-the-choice-to-use-it-in-a-public-hospital-is-your-own-113367

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Betsy Jackes, Adjunct professor, James Cook University

Welcome to Beating Around the Bush, a series that profiles native plants: part gardening column, part dispatches from country, entirely Australian. Read more about the series here or get in touch to pitch a plant at batb@theconversation.edu.au.

I first became interested in guinea flowers when I heard of a plant growing in Queensland’s White Mountains nicknamed “excruciating” by all who handled it, because of the pungent needle-like leaves which attached themselves to fingers and clothes.

This species is a guinea flower, now scientifically named Hibbertia ferox, meaning “fierce”. Guinea flowers grow across Australia, from the rainforest to semi-arid areas.

Read more: Sandpaper figs make food, fire, medicine and a cosy home for wasps

Guinea flowers belong to the genus Hibbertia, which dates back to Gondwana. Members of the genus are easy to recognise, but individual species are hard to tell apart. Their brilliant yellow (or sometimes orange) flowers have petals with a notch at the apex, and they were thought to resemble the appearance of the 18th-century coin known as a golden guinea. As usual there are a couple of exceptions – at least two species have petals that lack a notch.

All too often these small shrubs and woody climbers grow in areas likely to be razed for urban sprawl or mining.

The Conversation

What we know about Hibbertia

English merchant and amateur botanist Henry Charles Andrews named the genus Hibbertia after his friend George Hibbert (1757-1837). Andrews was an artist and engraver as well as a botanist, and the first species he named was based on a plant collected around Port Jackson.

Around 200 species are recognised but there are many unnamed varieties, particularly in tropical areas. Probably the most widespread species and one of the few cultivated is the climbing guinea flower (Hibbertia scandens). It can be grown readily from cuttings but germinates slowly from seeds.

Most species have hairs covering the leaves, which can be critical for identifying a species. Under a good hand lens or a simple microscope their variety and beauty is obvious. In some species the hairs are straight. In others they are branched with arms resembling the spokes on a star, the so-called “stellate hairs”.

Some species have scales – flat, plate-like structures – on their leaves and flowers. Sometimes there are large and small scales on the one surface.

The leaves are also diverse in shape and form: some leaves are shaped like spear and thick, as in Hibbertia banksii of the eastern Cape York area, others are needle-like with margins rolled towards the lower midrib, with a sharp, blood-drawing tip, as in Hibbertia ferox.

A 1795 guinea coin from the reign of George III. Wikipedia

The flowers are usually solitary and roughly 2cm in diameter, but in some of the northern species they grow in spikes roughly 4-5cm across.

Five sepals surround the five petals, which are broadest towards the top. The flowers usually close at night and reopen the next day.

A distinctive feature is the arrangement of the stamens (the male parts). These may be all on one side of the carpels (the structures containing the unfertilised seeds at the centre of the flower) or may form a form a ball in the centre. The number varies between species from fewer than 10 to more than 100.

Hibbertia ferox was nicknamed ‘excruciating’ because of its needle-like leaves. Shutterstock

Floral frolics

For a plant to be involved in sex of a floral kind it needs to offer rewards for services rendered. Sometimes guinea flowers grow sterile stems, which add to the floral display and provide a food source, particularly for beetles. They are messy eaters, chewing on various plant tissues as they wander around the flower’s surface, but they do help to transfer pollen to the stigmas, or female parts (and no doubt are involved in sex with their own kind).

Guinea flowers don’t produce nectar to tempt pollinators, but people have reported them producing weak fragrance. There’s some dispute over how pleasant the smell is, with some describing it as sweet and others insisting it smells like cow dung. There have been only a couple of reports of what this smell resembles, so we need you to go and stick your nose in a freshly open flower. (Make sure to check – is the fragrance there all day or only in the morning?)

However, there is plenty of pollen. If you look closely at the anthers, those yellow sacs on the top of a thin stalk, you will see either an opening or pore at the top, or a slit down the side through which pollen can escape. Whether the marauding bug causes the pollen to spray out through the top or it accidentally falls on the bug through the slit, the bug gets dusted in pollen and then this can get brushed off on the female parts or stigma. Bees and flies are the most common bugs seen around guinea flowers.

The fruit is composed of 2-5 loosely adhering capsule-like follicles, surrounded by the five sepals, which remain and do not fall off.

Hibbertia scandens, a climbing guinea flower, is commonly known as snake vine. Shutterstock

The fruit contains one or two seeds that are covered by a reddish coating or aril. This nutritious tissue is a valuable food source for dispersers such as ants and birds; birds have been recording spreading the seeds of Hibbertia scandens. However, in the drier areas where these plants are commonly found, ants appear to be the common dispersers.

So next time you are in the bush don’t just ignore that small shrubby plant with yellow flowers and notched petals. Stop and admire their beauty.

Read more: Sustainable shopping: your guilt-free guide to flowers this Valentine’s Day

Note if there are any bugs visiting and what they might be doing. Why not record their presence on iNaturalist – an app that lets us record and share your nature encounters – particularly if you are off the beaten track?

Sign up to Beating Around the Bush, a series that profiles native plants: part gardening column, part dispatches from country, entirely Australian.. Read previous instalments here.

– ref. Guinea flowers are fierce and golden – http://theconversation.com/guinea-flowers-are-fierce-and-golden-109189

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

University of Canberra Deputy Vice-Chancellor Leigh Sullivan speaks with Michelle Grattan about the week in politics. They discuss Barnaby Joyce signalling interest in the Nationals leadership, the schism between Queensland Nationals MPs and moderate Liberal MPs on coal-fired power stations, the Reserve Bank deputy governor’s climate change address and Labor’s push to make the minimum wage a “living wage”.

– ref. VIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the Coalition and coal – http://theconversation.com/video-michelle-grattan-on-the-coalition-and-coal-113653

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alastair Blanshard, Paul Eliadis Chair of Classics and Ancient History Deputy Head of School, The University of Queensland

Review: Hydra, Queensland Theatre and State Theatre Company of South Australia

Running through Hydra, the new play by Australian playwright Sue Smith, is the myth of Icarus, the boy who flew so high that his wings melted and he crashed to his death in the sea near the Greek island of Samos.

It is an easy myth to misunderstand. Moralists think it is a story that reinforces the importance of listening to your parents and sticking to the safe middle path – not flying “too close to the sun”. In contrast, artists have always recognised that the appeal of the myth lies in its promise of the freedom to soar with the birds.

The conclusion may be disastrous, but the joy is in that fabulous voyage that precedes it. Any price is worth paying to touch the sky. We don’t need to lament Icarus. The tragic figure is his father Daedalus, too scared to follow his son in his magnificent, glorious, fatal flight.

Hydra tells the story of the Australian husband-and-wife writers George Johnston (Bryan Probets) and Charmian Clift (Anna McGahan), two Icarus-like characters, and the ten years they spent in Greece, primarily on the island of Hydra. Beginning in the mid-1950s, it was a wild time of booze, song, and love-making. Hydra became a hangout for artists, writers, and musicians. A refuge for misfits hiding from the world.

Anna McGahan as Charmian Clift and Bryan Probets as George Johnston in Hydra. Jeff Busby

Sidney Nolan and his wife stayed over a summer. Leonard Cohen sang and played guitar. The actor Peter Finch came to recharge his batteries. Representing this pack of dissolute expatriates in the play is the comical figure Jean-Claude (Ray Chong Nee), a louche painter with a winning smile and professionally French in his equal commitments to infidelity and existentialist philosophy.

Read more: Friday essay: a fresh perspective on Leonard Cohen and the island that inspired him

Ray Chong Nee plays Jean-Claude, a disreputable yet charming painter. Jeff Busby

Out of this raucous environment would come one of the great works of Australian literature, My Brother Jack, written by Johnston, but importantly nursed into existence by Clift in the final years of their life on the island.

The story of their tumultuous relationship is told in the play from the perspective of their son, the poet and novelist Martin Johnston, played with a vulnerable, naïve charm by Nathan O’Keefe.

It takes a degree of monstrous narcissism to think that you could write the “great Australian novel” and the play doesn’t spare its audience any of this unpleasant side of the creative process. In an excruciatingly awkward scene, we watch Johnston and Clift at work, bashing out words with duelling his-and-hers typewriters positioned at either end of a table.

Petulant, hungry for attention and eager for praise, Johnston is childish in his behaviour. Keen to display his virtuosity and indifferent to Clift’s feelings, he rewrites her work to give it more “energy” and can’t understand why she doesn’t respond to his interventions with gratitude and enthusiasm.

The play strongly suggests that My Brother Jack was written at the expense of Clift’s own literary endeavours. In a heart-rendering moment, Clift puts the cover on her typewriter, never again to be removed, so that she can devote herself to editing Johnston’s manuscript.

We possess Clift’s accounts of her time in Greece in the form of the autobiographies Mermaid Singing and Peel Me a Lotus, but she clearly had a lot more to say had her energy not been so used up in nursing her husband. Anna McGahan’s portrayal brings out both the brittle fragility of Clift and her underlying strength. She sacrifices a lot, but never loses the driving will to write herself into lasting memory, to make herself be seen.

Hydra explores the sacrifices Charmian Clift (Anna McGahan) made while living on the island. Jeff Busby

Acting as a foil to Johnston and Clift are the couple Vic (Hugh Parker) and Ursula (Tiffany Lyndall-Knight), thinly disguised versions of Sidney Nolan and his wife Cynthia Reed. Ursula is a wonderful bit of writing. Deliciously dislikable, she cuts through her scenes like a scythe. At one point, she compares herself to Daedalus and Vic to Icarus.

However, compared to the fiery theatrics of the Johnston-Clifts, both of them look plodding. Vic’s worldly ambitions ultimately hold him back. You can’t reach the heavens and also make it home in time to be guest of honour at posh dinner parties.

There is a great irony that one of the masterpieces of Australian literature should have been written in Hydra. Greece is not a place conducive to new, thoroughly original, distinctive stories. It always threatens to swamp you with its own stories, crushing you with the weight of its mythology. Nolan tried to paint Gallipoli, but could never escape the pull of Troy.

The exact process of how My Brother Jack came into being remains a mystery. The triggers that caused Johnston to turn inwards, away from his island idyll, back to his own life and far-away homeland continue to be elusive.

No one knows where great art comes from. Hydra instead explores the costs associated with the creation of art and the demands placed on anyone who would seek to fly free. It is tragic, comic, heroic, and in that sense thoroughly Greek.

Hydra is playing at Queensland Theatre until April 6.

– ref. Sue Smith’s Hydra: how love, pain and sacrifice produced an Australian classic – http://theconversation.com/sue-smiths-hydra-how-love-pain-and-sacrifice-produced-an-australian-classic-113640

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Malcolm Burt, Amusement academic and disruptive media researcher, Queensland University of Technology

Picture the scene – we’re in ancient times and a group of cave people are gathered around a fire telling stories about their day (there’s evidence of storytelling by way of cave art over 30,000 years ago).

They have no Wi-Fi. There are no fancy gaming consoles or immersive media (or even popcorn for that matter) and yet they are almost certainly crafting tales and enthralling each other.

Thankfully we’re all vastly more evolved now because we have creature comforts and flashy technology – like PlayStations and virtual reality (VR) at our fingertips. Quaint notions of narrative and story shouldn’t matter anymore, right? Not so fast.

Read more: Virtual reality has added a new dimension to theme park rides — so what’s next for thrill-seekers?

My recent research suggests that even with advanced immersive technology, people still hunger to be told stories.

The author on a VR rollercoaster, ready to perhaps not be told a story. @PhotoByJarrod

Rollercoasters, VR and drop rides

I’m researching what consumers want from VR entertainment experiences. I’ve collected original data from multiple VR participants all around the world by way of interviewing them with series of fixed questions as they stepped off VR roller coasters, VR simulators, VR drop rides, VR water slides and VR walkthrough experiences.

These rides and experiences represent some of the most advanced examples of immersive entertainment on the planet. And yet once we analysed the data for trends and themes, what came through loud and clear from participants may have resonated just as well with our cave people: we want story.

Said one participant who had just stepped off a VR roller-coaster experience (that’s a real roller coaster, with a VR headset that shows graphics and animations of something completely different to the physical ride):

I just think it’s flying around and stuff, I don’t think there’s a story. If there is … I don’t know what it is.

Other responses ranged from simple confusion (“I just don’t know what was going on”) and “It felt a little bit like Super Mario: jump and run”, to one consumer who was clearly crying out for even a crumb of narrative:

I mean, you have dwarves and regular human people and then you have a dragon in a cave, but then you have a bat that’s flying around … like, what’s the backstory to the whole situation?

Another participant appears to give a nod to technology at the beginning of their response, with a familiar pivot at the end:

I think they went a lot in depth with a lot more of the graphics. I think they could have put more into the storyline itself.

While a chirpy minority appeared less concerned about the lack of obvious story, they (perhaps inadvertently) underscored the importance of story anyway by admitting it was so essential to their experience that they were forced to make up their own:

A lot of people say you need to have a backstory and all that, but I kind of enjoyed the idea that you don’t really know what’s going on, kind of having to make up your own little story for it.

High-tech = customers, right?

Virtual reality is still seen as flashy technology, so it’s no surprise vendors and theme parks promote their VR experiences technology-first and seem to ignore the lure of “narrative transportation” – a highly desirable state in entertainment experiences where consumers lose track of the real world by being lost in a story.

This enables immersion, which in VR enables escapism, which means we get that much-desired magical moment of forgetting the world and all its problems, just for a moment.

Research suggests that game developers (note that games are often put in the same basket as VR entertainment experiences) are benefiting specifically from pursuing rich storytelling.

The not-at-all-shabby US$131 million success of the recent PlayStation 4 game God of War in its first month of release was attributed to a focus on narrative.

To be fair …

Technology is obviously critical for a successful VR experience (high resolution, spatial audio, low latency – meaning when you look around the digital world responds exactly as you would expect without lagging – just for starters) but it seems participants handsomely reward technology when it is paired with storytelling.

Read more: Careful how you treat today’s AI: it might take revenge in the future

Also, most VR entertainment experiences are short, which does not necessarily allow for in-depth stories to be developed. Additionally, the often wild forces at work on the more aggressive physical rides utilising VR can mean subtle story detail may be difficult to introduce to a narrative, at least in the active ride portion (when you’re being flung around upside down at high speeds, you might not be searching for nuance).

But it seems the current offerings are over-reliant on technology alone as a way to attract participants to these experiences, when it may be that promoting more traditional narratives – a simple story – may be a more effective technique.

While the world has changed enormously since the ancient times, we haven’t, and there’s something sweet, and very human, about that.

– ref. Neanderthals didn’t need Nintendos: why we always choose story over technology – http://theconversation.com/neanderthals-didnt-need-nintendos-why-we-always-choose-story-over-technology-112874

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt Navarro, Post-doctoral Fellow, University of Western Australia

More than 70% of recreational fishers support no-take marine sanctuaries according to our research, published recently in Marine Policy.

This study contradicts the popular perception that fishers are against establishing no-take marine reserves to protect marine life. In fact, the vast majority of fishers we surveyed agreed that no-take sanctuaries improve marine environmental values, and do not impair their fishing.

Read more: More than 1,200 scientists urge rethink on Australia’s marine park plans

No-take marine sanctuaries, which ban taking or disturbing any marine life, are widely recognised as vital for conservation. However, recent media coverage and policy decisions in Australia suggest recreational fishers are opposed to no-take sanctuary zones created within marine parks.

This perceived opposition has been reinforced by recreational fishing interest groups who aim to represent fishers’ opinions in policy decisions. However, it was unclear whether the opinions expressed by these groups matches those of fishers on-the-ground in established marine parks.

To answer this, we visited ten state-managed marine parks across Western Australia, South Australia, Queensland and New South Wales. We spoke to 778 fishers at boat ramps that were launching or retrieving their boats to investigate their attitudes towards no-take sanctuary zones.

Our findings debunk the myth that recreational fishers oppose marine sanctuaries. We found 72% of active recreational fishers in established marine parks (more than 10 years old) support their no-take marine sanctuaries. Only 9% were opposed, and the remainder were neutral.

We also found that support rapidly increases (and opposition rapidly decreases) after no-take marine sanctuaries are established, suggesting that once fishers have a chance to experience sanctuaries, they come to support them.

Recreational fishers support for marine sanctuaries increases with marine park age.

Fishers in established marine parks were also overwhelmingly positive towards marine sanctuaries. Most thought no-take marine sanctuaries benefited the marine environment (78%) and have no negative impacts on their fishing (73%).

We argue that recreational fishers, much like other Australians, support no-take marine sanctuaries because of the perceived environmental benefits they provide. This is perhaps not surprising, considering that appreciating nature is one of the primary reasons many people go fishing in the first place.

Exploring marine life within an established marine park. Tim Langlois

In the past opposition from recreational fishing groups has been cited in the decision to scrap proposed no-take sanctuaries around Sydney, to open up established no-take sanctuaries to fishing and to reduce sanctuaries within the Australia Marine Parks (formerly the Commonwealth Marine Reserve network).

Our findings suggest that these policy decisions do not reflect the beliefs of the wider recreational fishing community, but instead represent the loud voices of a minority.

We suggest that recreational fishing groups and policy makers should survey grass roots recreational fishing communities (and other people who use marine parks) to gauge the true level of support for no-take marine sanctuaries, before any decisions are made.

Read more: The backflip over Sydney’s marine park is a defiance of science

Despite what headlines may say, no-take marine sanctuaries are unlikely to face long lasting opposition from recreational fishers. Instead, our research suggests no-take marine sanctuaries provide a win-win: protecting marine life whilst fostering long term support within the recreational fishing community.

– ref. Most recreational fishers in Australia support marine sanctuaries – http://theconversation.com/most-recreational-fishers-in-australia-support-marine-sanctuaries-112960

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Patsie Frawley, Associate Professor, Deakin University

The draft terms of reference for the royal commission into the abuse and neglect of people with disabilities, released for comment this week, outline the commission’s plan to investigate all forms of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation of people with disabilities.

For too long, these acts of violence and abuse, particularly where they occur in support services, have been referred to merely as “incidents” to be covered up and kept out of the public gaze.

It’s important the royal commission uncovers the extent of this violence, and highlights the individual harm it has caused. It must also work to address the systemic issues that fail to adequately respond to – and sometimes cover up – these violations.

Read more: People with disability are more likely to be victims of crime – here’s why

Most importantly, the outcome of the commission needs to ensure people with disabilities have access to the same education, support and justice services available to others in the community that work to prevent violence and abuse and enable appropriate legal and support responses.

This is underpinned by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, to which Australia is a signatory. This requires that people with disabilities be afforded the same rights as others to be safe from violence and abuse. It stipulates that people with disabilities are seen as equal before the law, and that health, justice and support services are accessible for all.

What are we likely to hear?

Far from being vulnerable victims without a voice, people with disabilities have long been showing their strength and capabilities by sharing their stories and contributing to research policy and practice.

Some stories of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation of people with disabilities have made their way into the public domain through the media.

One story you may have heard recently on the ABC true crime podcast Trace is that of Adam James. Adam has a disability and in 2013 reported that as a child he was abused by a local priest, who has since been linked to the murder of his mother.

Read more: Abuse and neglect of people with disabilities demands zero-tolerance response

Others will have heard the story of Anj Barker, who suffered a traumatic brain injury at the hands of her violent boyfriend. Anj has been a tireless advocate against domestic violence.

Many more stories have not yet been heard, apart from within research and through advocacy by organisations like Women with Disabilities Australia.

Our peer education program Sexual Lives and Respectful Relationships uses the stories of people with an intellectual disability shared in research to explore sexuality rights. Through this research and the program, we hear about the challenges people with intellectual disabilities experience when seeking to have safe, self-determined and fulfilling intimate and social relationships.

The narrators of the stories – peer educators who run the program and program participants – tell stories of taxi drivers, neighbours and fathers sexually abusing them. They tell of intimate partners, family members, and support staff exploiting them financially and emotionally.

They talk about community services taking their babies away from them in the delivery suite, and about being bullied and abused by people in their community, carers and staff who are employed to support them.

Perhaps the royal commission will beam these stories into our loungerooms and remind us of the pervasiveness of abuse against people with disabilities in this country.

People with intellectual disabilities report being financially, sexually and emotionally abused by those who are supposed to be supporting them. Creativa Images/Shutterstock

Access to counselling and legal redress

To ensure people with disabilities have an opportunity to tell their stories, be heard and believed, they need appropriate counselling, family violence support, sexual assault services, and legal assistance. Some important work has been done so far to deliver these services.

In Victoria, the South Eastern Centre Against Sexual Assault’s Making rights reality program provides easy English information and access to legal advocacy for people with cognitive impairments. Staff are trained and have access to specialist resources for additional support. Clients are then linked into legal services to progress victim of crime applications.

The organisation 1800RESPECT has developed a new app for women with a disability. The “Sunny” safety and support app gives women information about violence and abuse, and opens up referral pathways to them to get immediate help.

Australia’s National Research Organisation on Women’s Safety (ANROWS) has funded research that is informing work by domestic and family violence services to be fully accessible for women with disabilities. This work is also developing opportunities for women with disabilities to inform and shape services.

Access to justice remains a challenge for all victims of violence and abuse. Services such as the Witness and Victims Service of the Victorian Office of Public Prosecutions works to support all victims and witnesses to ensure they know their rights and are supported through the court system. Many of their clients are people with disabilities.

Legal advocacy and representation by community legal services is also bridging the gap for many victims with disabilities, by supporting them to access victims of crime compensation.

But more needs to be done to address the barriers in the court system that make it difficult for people with disabilities to access justice. People with disabilities are sometimes seen as lacking credibility as witnesses, for instance, which is not supported by the evidence.

Finally, people with disabilities need to be listened to and believed by those closest to them so they can be referred to services like these.

The draft terms of reference for the royal commission are open for comment from March 13 to 29. Anyone can comment on them – and if you’ve got something to say, you should. After all, people with disabilities are our neighbours, our fellow public transport travellers, our fellow shoppers, voters and our friends and colleagues.

Read more: Why schools desperately need a royal commission into the abuse of disabled people

– ref. Finally, people with disabilities will have a chance to tell their stories – and be believed – http://theconversation.com/finally-people-with-disabilities-will-have-a-chance-to-tell-their-stories-and-be-believed-113475

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ryan Storr, Lecturer in Sport Development, Western Sydney University

Tennis champion Martina Navratilova recently called the participation of transgender women in elite female sporting competitions “insane” and “cheating”.

And she’s not alone. Several other prominent women athletes have also used social media, mainly Twitter, to voice their concern about the eligibility of transgender women in sport, including former British swimmer Sharron Davies, double Olympic champion Dame Kelly Holmes, and former long-distance runner Paula Radcliffe.

There is an inherent contempt that lies within these statements, and it impacts more than just trans athletes. It can impact the integrity of public discourse by reducing the debate to be about whether trans women are “real women”, and we need to move past this crude and destructive rhetoric.

Here, I use the term trans as an umbrella term to include all identities within the trans community, such as transgender and transitioned athletes.

What is the debate really about?

So why have we revisited this discussion in recent weeks? We are witnessing a broader movement against the trans community.

Australian gay rights activists Dennis Altman and Jonathan Symons call it the “queer wars” in their book of the same title. They explain how resistance to LGBTI issues across the globe is being used by governments and religious leaders to uphold traditional values, and increased polarisation towards LGBTI rights.

In recent years, we saw bathrooms used as a platform for division in the US. In 2016, North Carolina became the first US state to introduce a law prohibiting transgender people from using the restroom corresponding to their gender.

Read more: The transgender bathroom controversy: Four essential reads

Then, in Australia, the Australian Christian Lobby suggested a “yes” vote for marriage equality would lead to boys wearing dresses to the detriment of society.

And the UK saw backlash against a youth trans charity, called Mermaids, where half a million pounds of funding was disputed.

It seems sport is now being used as yet another tool to incite fear and hatred towards the trans community.

Some male commentators have raised concerns that the integrity of women’s sport is at risk. But where have these so-called male champions of change been in advancing women’s sport in recent years?

Another commonly-cited issue is that men might identify as women to reap rewards in competition. There have been no reported cases of men transitioning to women to earn money and dominate podiums. It is simply a myth.

Do trans polices in sport work?

The introduction of the International Olympic Committee’s policy on trans athletes in 2003 – amended in 2013 to remove surgical requirements and introduce a minimal level of testosterone – has led to no publicly out trans athletes competing at the Olympic games.

At the Commonwealth Games, trans weightlifter Laurel Hubbard qualified, but had to withdraw due to injury.

Weightlifter Laurel Hubbard during for the Women’s +90kg Weightlifting Final at the Commonwealth Games, 2018. Dean Lewins/AAP

Therefore, the perception that trans women are, and will, dominate women’s elite sport is not supported with any clear evidence.

UK research also found, after reviewing a series of trans policies in elite sport:

“the majority of these policies were unfairly discriminating against transgender people, especially transgender females”.

Read more: Israel Folau’s comments remind us homophobia and transphobia are ever present in Australian sport

If we are to start scrutinising the ethics and integrity around cheating and enforcing a level playing field, there are many other places we could start.

Match fixing, illegal gambling markets, substance abuse, and corruption have been found to exist within local grassroots matches in Victoria. Issues around ball tampering, match fixing at various levels of tennis, doping within various sporting codes, and salary cap breaches have also been reported at the elite level.

Particularly in women’s sport, there is a disproportionate allocation of funding and resources compared to men’s sport, a gross lack of media coverage, and women continue to fight for equal pay.

Advancing trans and gender diverse inclusion in sport

New guidelines and policies are being introduced from various sporting codes in the coming year in Australia.

The Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission led the way with updated guidelines last year, but the most prominent policy to be released soon will be the Australian Human Rights Commission and Sport Australia’s guidelines for Trans and Gender Diverse Athletes in Sport. This will likely be adopted by most sporting codes in Australia.

But as the debate continues, it is important we hear from trans athletes. No trans person has the same transition experience and there is great diversity among the trans community. We also need to understand the wider impact of negative commentary against this community.

Read more: Being transgender is not a mental illness, and the WHO should acknowledge this

What we have seen so far from the Olympic movement is promising in promoting trans inclusion in sport. The International Olympic Committee released mini documentaries about trans athletes in sport, and Tokyo 2020 is set to have gender neutral bathrooms.

We must remember that sport is a human right, and should be accessible to everybody, regardless of gender identity.

– ref. Elite sport is becoming a platform to target the trans community – http://theconversation.com/elite-sport-is-becoming-a-platform-to-target-the-trans-community-113347

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jamie Freestone, PhD student in literature and science communication, The University of Queensland

Most of us want our lives to have meaning. But what do we mean by meaning? What is meaning?

These sound like spiritual or philosophical questions, but surprisingly science may be able to provide some answers.

It might not seem like the kind of thing that can be tackled using the detached and impersonal methods of science. But by framing the right questions, researchers in language, cognitive science, primatology and artificial intelligence can make some progress.

Read more: Careful how you treat today’s AI: it might take revenge in the future

Questions include:

• how do words or symbols convey meaning?
• how does our brain sort out meaningful information from meaningless information?

These are certainly difficult questions, but they’re not unscientific.

Mind your language

Take human language. What distinguishes it from communication used by other animals such as the sign language we can teach to chimpanzees, bird calls and the pollen dances performed by bees?

One factor is the systems used by other animals are basically linear: the meaning of each symbol is modified only by the one immediately before it or after it.

For example, here’s a phrase in chimpanzee sign language:

give banana eat.

That’s as complicated as phrases get for chimps. The third word is distinct from the first, only joined by the second.

But in a standard sentence from any human language, the words at the end of a sentence can modify the meaning of those back at the start.

Try this:

The banana in the fruit bowl tastes good.

The fruit bowl doesn’t taste good even though those words are adjacent.

We effortlessly sort out the meaning in sentences based on hierarchies, so that phrases can be nested in other phrases and it doesn’t cause any problems (most of the time).

Did you ever have to diagram a sentence while learning grammar in school? A sentence of human language has to be diagrammed in a tree-like structure. This structure reflects the hierarchies embedded in the language.

Simplified tree diagram of an English sentence. Jamie Freestone

Cognitive scientist W. Tecumseh Fitch, an expert in the evolution of human language, says what separates humans from other species is our ability to interpret things in a tree-like structure.

Our brains are built to group things and to arrange them into hierarchies, and not just in grammar. This opens up a whole universe of meanings that we are able to extract from language and other sources of information.

But complex structure isn’t all there is to meaning. If you’ve seen any computer programming you know that computers can also handle this kind of complex grammar. That doesn’t mean computers find it meaningful.

Research into human brains is trying to find out how we find information significant. We attach emotional and semantic weight to the utterances we speak and hear. The neuroscience of working memory may hold some clues.

A memory of that

We need working memory to pay attention to those long sentences that have the complex grammar described above.

Working memory also helps us knit together the experience of waking life, moment to moment. We experience a vivid and comprehensible stream of consciousness, rather than staccato flashes of action.

One of the leading researchers in this area is the French neuroscientist Stanislas Dehaene. In his 2014 book Consciousness and the Brain: Deciphering How the Brain Codes Our Thoughts, he advocates what’s known as the global workspace theory

When something really grabs our attention, it’s elevated from being dealt with by unconscious, localised brain processes to the global workspace. This is a metaphorical “space” in the brain, where important signals are broadcast throughout the cortex.

Read more: Working memory: How you keep things ‘in mind’ over the short term

Roughly speaking, if a signal doesn’t get amplified to the global workspace then it stays local and our brains deal with it unconsciously. If information gets to the global workspace then we’re conscious of it.

Information from different sensory inputs — vision, hearing, touch — then gets put together to form an overall interpretation of what’s happening and how it’s meaningful to us.

Working together

Moving beyond an individual’s brain, a lot of work has been done in terms of social cognition. That is, how humans are particularly good at thinking together and cooperating.

Obviously that goes hand in hand with our more complex language. But there are other abilities that seem to have evolved alongside language that are also unique to humans and crucial for cooperation.

Michael Tomasello, director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany, has been studying chimps side by side with human infants for 25 years.

He emphasises the role of shared intentionality. From about age three, and unlike apes, human infants can easily, even wordlessly, cooperate on simple tasks.

To do so they have to monitor their own actions, the action of others, and both their actions in light of a shared goal or set of expectations.

This might not seem like a staggering result. But Tomasello argues this is essentially the origin of human morality. By adopting the perspective of shared intentionality, humans evolved norms or conventions that shape our shared behaviour.

This perspective allows us to evaluate actions and behaviour in broader terms than simply whether or not it provides some instant reward. Hence we can judge things as meaningful or not according to norms, values, morals.

But what does it all mean?

So complex grammar, working memory and cooperation are just three areas of research out of dozens that are relevant. But researchers from various disciplines are zeroing in on what meaning is at a very fundamental level.

It seems to be about the complexity of information, integrating information over longer periods of time and sharing information with others.

That might sound remote from questions like, “How do I make my life meaningful?” But the science does actually line up with the self-help books on this score.

Read more: Having a sense of meaning in life is good for you – so how do you get one?

The gurus say that if you can find some alignment in your past, present and future selves (integrating information over time) you’ll feel your life has meaning.

They also tell you it’s very important to be socially connected rather than isolated. Translation: share information and cooperate with others.

It’s not that science can tell us what the meaning of life is. But it can tell us how our brains find things meaningful and why we evolved to do so.

– ref. What do we mean by meaning? Science can help with that – http://theconversation.com/what-do-we-mean-by-meaning-science-can-help-with-that-113269

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tony Walker, Adjunct Professor, School of Communications, La Trobe University

When former Trade Minister Andrew Robb took to the ABC’s AM program to sound off about a “toxic” relationship between Australia and China, he exposed a rippling debate about how to manage an increasingly comlex foreign and security policy challenge.

Long gone are the days of the John Howard formula that Australia did not have to choose between its history, meaning America, and its geography, meaning China. Choices are no longer binary.

While the Robb word “toxic” may be an exaggeration, stresses in Australia-China relations are such it is clear we have entered a new and more challenging phase.

For a start, China is undergoing what is, arguably, the most testing moment of an economic transformation that began in 1978 at the third plenary of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. This is when Deng Xiaoping re-emerged to initiate one of the more remarkable economic shifts of the modern era.

Apart from a hiatus caused by the Tienanmen uprising in 1989, and an economic soft-landing in the mid-1990s, China has bounded ahead economically, and has seemed unstoppable – until now.

China’s economy and political system has encountered the sort of difficulties that were inevitable. Put simply, an investment driven – as opposed to consumer-led – model is running its course, piling up massive government and bank debt in the process.

China risks becoming caught in a “middle income trap” in which a developing country, having enacted the easier reforms, gets stuck in second gear in its effort to push ahead with its economic transformation.

You can only build so many road, bridges, fast trains, airports, ports and housing developments. Many of the latter have become “ghost cities”.

At this month’s National People’s Congress, the annual session of China’s “parliament”, Premier Li Keqiang gave what was, by Chinese standards for these sort of cheerleading events, an unusually downbeat assessment of challenges ahead.

China, Li said, faces difficulties “of a kind rarely seen in many years”.

What is undeniable is that China’s economy is faltering, its ability to create millions of new jobs annually to employ a restless population is being stretched, and its management of a continuing economic transformation has come under unusual stress. US-China trade tensions are not helping.

In counterpoint to the need for a more dynamic economic environment, its leadership, under President Xi Jinping, is asserting even tighter political controls when it should be giving freer rein to its entrepreneurial class.

This is the central contradiction of a model that has delivered what is the most extraordinary event in world economic history since the industrial revolution. But that model clearly has its limitations compared with those, say, of neighbouring Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

From an Australian perspective, a slowing and, perhaps more to the point, anxious China is not good news. While economists might argue that a slowdown and thus the need for Beijing to stimulate its economy by ramping up infrastructure projects will benefit iron ore and coal exporters, economic pressures more generally should be concerning.

A Chinese regime that feels itself under stress from within and without may prove to be more cantankerous, and unpredictable. Australian policymakers should be mindful of the consequences of China getting through this difficult stage without mishap.

Of course, forests have been felled publishing predictions China would be unable to maintain its remarkable transformation since early glimmers of an opening to the outside world appeared in 1978, two years after Mao Zedong’s death.

This brings us back to Andrew Robb’s observation about a “toxic” relationship between Beijing and Canberra. Referring to the shelving of a plan to develop a health precinct in China to match that of the Texas Medical Centre – the world’s largest medical facility – Robb said central government officials had kyboshed the arrangement due to ongoing tensions with Australia.

Australian medical professionals would have helped establish the facility. Robb said Landbridge (the company for which Robb was consulting) was

told in no uncertain terms by the seniors officials that unfortunately the relationship between Australia and China had become so toxic that this would be put in the bin.

Leaving aside Robb’s own chagrin at losing a lucrative consultancy, what is the fair judgement about the state of Australia-China relations?

And, what of Robb’s criticism of sections of the Australian security establishment, notably the Australian Strategic Policy Institute? He accused ASPI, a hothouse of China negativity, of being “a mouthpiece of the US security agencies and its defence industry”.

Given ASPI’s hawkish views on China more generally, Robb has a point.

His assessment is correct that China-Australia relations were off-track when the decision was made to scupper the Landbridge-proposed medical facility. But it is also the true that by the end of last year the relationship had been “reset”.

Read more: Australia and China push the ‘reset’ button on an important relationship

Foreign Minister Marise Payne went to China in November for what was described as a cordial exchange. This followed a two-year freeze in relations during which no senior Australian official was welcomed in Beijing.

China had made no secret of its displeasure over speeches delivered over time by both then Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop in which they had criticised Beijing’s expansionist activities in the South China Sea, and, in Bishop’s case, China’s political model.

Turnbull compounded the situation when he misappropriated an expression attributed to Mao in proclaiming the People’s Republic on October 1, 1949. Australia had “stood up”, Turnbull said, when unveiling laws designed to curb foreign interference in Australian domestic affairs.

Read more: Australia needs to reset the relationship with China and stay cool

Next day, Turnbull made things worse by repeating Mao’s words in Mandarin in his description of legislation that was clearly aimed at Chinese influence.

Since then, whatever toxicity existed between Canberra and Beijing seems to have dissipated somewhat. However, real risks remain in management of what is Australia’s most challenging relationship.

It is no good pretending otherwise. China is not a benign power. It will seek to get away with what it can. It resists abiding by a roadmap for a rules-based international order, as we understand it. It will use cyber technology ruthlessly to advance its interests by dubious means, on occasions. It will “disappear” foreign nationals of those countries which incur its displeasure. It will invest in agents of influence in the Australian system. This includes universities.

All this requires a level of vigilance on the part of the security agencies, and, possibly, a new White Paper aimed specifically at just how Australia might manage a complex relationship that is likely to become, more, not less, complicated.

Bear in mind one in three export dollarsdepends on a functioning relationship with China.

This is an unsatisfactory situation, but it is the reality.

On the other hand, no purpose is served by yielding to a Canberra security establishment whose machinations risk chilling a relationship that needs to be warmed up, not cooled down.

Former ambassador to China, Stephen Fitzgerald, proffered some good advice this week when he said in a newspaper interview that Australia needed to deepen its engagement with China rather than draw back, since, unlike the US, we are “living in a Chinese world”.

That, whether we like it or not, is the case.

– ref. Chinese-Australia relations may not be ‘toxic’, but they do need to keep warming up – http://theconversation.com/chinese-australia-relations-may-not-be-toxic-but-they-do-need-to-keep-warming-up-113545

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelsey Hegarty, Professor of Family Violence Prevention, Royal Women’s Hospital and the Department of General Practice, University of Melbourne

Domestic violence creates an unhealthy and toxic family environment that devastates the lives of all members of the family.

Domestic violence not only causes physical injury, it can also contribute to a range of mental health issues, including anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder.

For children, the trauma of witnessing or experiencing violence can accumulate over time. This can contribute to severe social, behavioural, emotional and cognitive problems, which persist into adulthood.

Read more: How domestic violence affects women’s mental health

Prime Minister Scott Morrison recently announced A$328 million to combat domestic violence. The investment is focused on housing solutions and front-line services for women and children.

While this investment is very welcome, we also need to stop violence occurring. This means also focusing on perpetrators, who are most commonly men.

We need to engage and motivate men to reduce unhealthy behaviours, seek help early, and stop using violence in their intimate relationships.

What do behaviour change programs do?

Men who use domestic violence are likely also to experience alcohol and other drug issues, depression, suicidal thoughts, stress, anxiety and low self-esteem.

In Australia, the preferred referral pathway for men who use domestic violence in their intimate relationships is men’s behaviour change programs. Most men are referred to these programs from courts or lawyers.

Men’s behaviour change programs are usually educational and therapeutic, including weekly group therapy. The topics covered include masculinity, intimate partnerships, conflict resolution, anger management, fatherhood, alcohol and drug use, trauma, stress, sexual health, oppression and spirituality.

Men’s behaviour change programs often include weekly group therapy sessions. Photographee.eu/Shutterstock

One model, the Duluth behaviour change model, focuses on exposing beliefs that reinforce abuse. It encourages accountability and taking responsibility for behaviours.

Another model, based on cognitive behavioural therapy, challenges dysfunctional beliefs and helps men develop effective strategies to regulate their emotions. It also focuses on enhancing communication skills.

But the use of these programs in Australia is plagued by a major issue: men are often mandated into a program only once their behaviour becomes so severe that they’ve been charged with an offence.

Instead, we need to engage men earlier by increasing their awareness and motivation to seek help for their violent behaviour.

Read more: To stop domestic violence, we need to change perpetrators’ behaviour

A key challenge for men’s behaviour change programs is participants’ lack of readiness to change. This is because most men who use domestic violence are ordered into treatment by courts, or forced to seek treatment by their partners or child services.

But men who volunteer to participate in behaviour change programs are more likely to alter their behaviours in the longer term than those who have little choice but to take part.

First, men need to identify their actions

Many men who use abuse don’t realise their controlling and intimidating behaviour constitutes domestic violence.

Helping men identify their abusive actions as domestic violence is an important first step towards changing behaviours. Some men are so conditioned to violence that they can struggle to recognise the harm of what they’re doing and its negative impact on their families. This conditioning often occurs as a result of their own upbringings, and either witnessing or experiencing domestic violence.

Friends, family, general practitioners – even barbers – could potentially be trained to identify domestic violence and hand out referral options.

New technologies and social media can play an important role. As part of our research, we have engaged men to develop their digital stories to motivate others about seeking help early. Here is one example:

We have also worked with men who use violence and with the organisation No to Violence, the peak body for services, to develop an early intervention for men to reach out for help to change their use of violence.

The resulting Better Man website helps men identify their behaviour as domestic violence and develop and motivate a greater readiness to change and seek help early.

Better Man has three modules: Better Values, Better Relationship, Better Communication. It engages men in the community and provides them with awareness and motivation to seek help for their violent behaviour – before the justice system intervenes.

The No To Violence website asks men, ‘Is your behaviour causing problems for your relationships or family?’ and uses these questions as prompts. No to Violence

All men are prompted to contact the Men’s Referral Service and other services, if they are using abusive, violent or controlling behaviours in their relationships.

As an initial pilot trial over four weeks, we recruited over 120 culturally diverse male volunteers aged 18-50 who live in Tasmania, New South Wales or Victoria to try out Better Man. It will be available more widely later this year and will be studied closely to assess its effectiveness.

Going forward, we need a greater focus and investment in reaching all members of the family, pivoting to the perpetrators and intervening early for a sustainable pathway to create safer families.

Read more: After a deadly month for domestic violence, the message doesn’t appear to be getting through

– ref. How can we make families safer? Get men to change their violent behaviour – http://theconversation.com/how-can-we-make-families-safer-get-men-to-change-their-violent-behaviour-113451

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Blanche Verlie, Associate Lecturer, RMIT University

Today, at least 50 rallies planned across Australia are expected to draw thousands of students who are walking out of school to protest climate change inaction.

These Australian students join children from over 82 countries who are striking to highlight systemic failure to address climate change.

Read more: Climate change: young people striking from school see it for the life-threatening issue it is

But the strikes represent more than frustration and resistance. They are evidence of an even bigger process of transformation. My research investigates how young people’s sense of self, identity, and existence is being fundamentally altered by climate change.

Young people all over the world have taken to the streets to call on world leaders to lower greenhouse emissions. Omer Messinger/AAP

Canaries in the coalmine

Striking children are experiencing “existential whiplash”, caught between two forces. One is a dominant culture driven by fossil fuel consumption that emphasises individual success, encapsulated by Resources Minister Matt Canavan’s remarks that striking students will never get a “real job”:

The best thing you’ll learn about going to a protest is how to join the dole queue. Because that’s what your future life will look like […] not actually taking charge for your life and getting a real job.

On the other hand is the mounting evidence that climate change will make parts of the planet inhospitable to human (and other) life, and fundamentally change our way of life in the future.

Children are up to date with the facts: The Earth is currently experiencing its 6th mass extinction; Australia has just had its hottest summer on record; and experts warn we have just 11 years left to ensure we avoid the misery of exceeding 1.5 degrees of planetary warming.

Read more: New UN report outlines ‘urgent, transformational’ change needed to hold global warming to 1.5°C

Meanwhile many Australian adults have been living what sociologist Kari Norgaard terms a “double reality”: explicitly acknowledging that climate change is real, while continuing to live as though it is not. But as climatic changes intensify and interrupt our business-as-usual lifestyles, many more Australians are likely to experience the climate trauma that school strikers are grappling with.

Greta Thunberg’s speech to UN Climate Change COP24 conference.

Climate challenged culture

Confronting the realities of climate change can lead to overwhelming anxiety and grief, and of course, for those of us in high carbon societies, guilt. This can be extremely uncomfortable. These feelings arise partly because climate change challenges our dominant cultural narratives, assumptions and values, and thus, our sense of self and identity. Climate change challenges the beliefs that:

• humans are, or can be, separate from the non-human world
• individual humans have significant control over the world and their lives
• if you work hard, you will have a bright future
• your elected representatives care about you
• adults generally have children’s best interests at heart and can or will act in accordance with that
• if you want to be a “good person” you as an individual can simply choose to act ethically.

Faced with these challenges, it can seem easier in the short term to turn away than to try to respond. But the short term is not an option for young people.

Young people around the world are demanding action. Gustave Deghilage/Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA

A sign of the times

Striking students are calling out that simply standing by means being complicit in climate change. The school strikers, and those who support them, are deeply anguished about what a business-as-usual future might hold for them and others.

Striking students’ signs proclaim “no graduation on a dead planet” and “we won’t die of old age, we will die from climate change”. This is not hyperbole but a genuine engagement with what climate change means for their lives, as well as their deaths.

Young people are worried about their lives on a dying planet. GEORGIOS KEFALAS/AAP

Notably, they are openly discussing and promoting engagement with climate distress as a means of inspiring action. As Greta Thunberg — who started the school strikes for climate — said in January:

I don’t want you to be hopeful. I want you to panic. I want you to feel the fear I feel every day. And then I want you to act.

They know certain possibilities have already been stolen from them by the older generations. Rather than trying to hold onto dominant cultural narratives about their future, striking students are letting them go and crafting alternatives. They are enduring the pain of the climate crisis, while labouring to generate desirable and possible, though always uncertain, futures.

By connecting with other concerned young people across the world, this movement is creating a more collective and ecologically attuned identity.

Thousands of students marched in Germany in early March. EPA/FOCKE STRANGMANN

They are both more ambitious and humble than our dominant (non)responses to climate change. This is palpable in signs like “Mother Nature does not need us; We need Mother Nature” and “Seas are rising, so are we”.

What will eventually happen – in terms of both cultural and climatic change – is of course, unknowable. But it is promising that children are already forging new identities and cultures that may have a chance of survival on our finite blue planet.

Read more: Career guidance for kids is our best hope for climate change

As adults, we would do well to recognise the necessity of facing up to the most grotesque elements of climate change. Perhaps then we too may step up to the challenge of cultural transformation.

– ref. The terror of climate change is transforming young people’s identity – http://theconversation.com/the-terror-of-climate-change-is-transforming-young-peoples-identity-113355

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Holden, Professor of Economics, UNSW

What a backdown.

On Tuesday, with all the grace he could muster, Treasurer Josh Frydenberg declared that he wouldn’t be implementing as many of the banking royal commission recommendations as he had said he would.

As he put it:

Following consultation with the mortgage broking industry and smaller lenders, the Coalition Government has decided to not prohibit trail commissions on new loans, but rather review their operation in three years’ time.

Trail commissions are the small annual payments lenders make to mortgage brokers to reward them for loans they have arranged, typically between 0.165% and 0.275% of the amount outstanding per year.

They are paid in addition to the upfront commission, which is typically between 0.65% and 0.7% of the amount lent.

On a loan of A$500,000 they could amount to A$1000 per year, a payment which, in the words of Royal Commissioner Kenneth Hayne is “money for nothing”.

Hayne recommended that the borrower, not the lender, pay the mortgage broker a fee. Trail commissions would be axed straight away, and after a period of two or three years upfront commissions would go too.

In responding to the report on Day 1, Frydenberg more or less endorsed Hayne’s recommendation.

From July 1, 2020, the government would outlaw trail commissions on new loans.

It would ask the Council of Financial Regulators and the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission to review the impact of the changes and implications of moving to complete borrower-pays remuneration in three years time.

The backdown means trail commissions are also safe for three years, which, given the likelihood of another lobbying campaign from brokers in three years time, means they are probably safe forever.

There’s a case against commissions

Anyone who has seen the movie “The Big Short” has seen a dramatic and only somewhat fictional representation of what can go wrong in the mortgage broking industry.

In that rendition, a bunch of highly incentivised, all care and no responsibility brokers help borrowers get loans they have no reasonable ability to repay. The brokers make out like bandits and the world economy is brought to the brink of total collapse.

We can all agree that was a bad outcome. According to Hayne, the problem with commissions is that they make brokers act in their own interests, rather than those of their customers.

But commissions are common…

It’s a legitimate concern, but let’s not forget that a range of actors in the economy act in their own interests all the time. Consumers buying everything from orange juice to health insurance to television sets act in their own interests. And firms selling them do too. Many pay their sales staff commissions.

Deferred commissions are common too. For executives, they ensure that they have something at risk after their term of services. For mortgage brokers, they create an incentive to recommend loans their customers won’t later switch out of.

Hayne thought that wouldn’t be needed. He recommended (and the government agreed) that the law be amended to require mortgage brokers to act in the best interests of borrowers.

It’s a nice idea, but tricky to police. It might be better to properly align the incentives to ensure the interests of the broker and borrower coincide, which is the position the government has belatedly adopted.

If it keeps commissions, as it now seems determined to do, it might need to apply some latitude to the term “best interests”. It is hard to require brokers to act in the literal best interests of their clients when the best loans for many of them will be the cheapest – mortgages from lenders that don’t pay commissions.

…and so is politics

The politics are complicated. Mortgage brokers account for more than half of all new mortgages written.

Notwithstanding the desire to look tough and adopt all of the Hayne recommendations, both sides of politics are aware that brokers are typically small(ish) business people of the kind they usually court aggressively, and that many would not survive having to charge upfront fees.

If the old adage is right, that the most dangerous place is between a politician and a camera, then another fairly hazardous spot is between a voter and property.

Mortgage brokers play an important role. At their best they help borrowers get better terms and inject some competition into an otherwise very concentrated banking market.

But if their incentives are not well-aligned then things can go awry, Big Short style.

We’ll have to wait

The best solution might be to make sure brokers get paid for getting their clients a good mortgage, rather than just a big mortgage.

This could involve “bands” of commissions based on mortgage size, rather than a bigger commission for every extra dollar borrowed.

And it could involve “skin in the game” where the size of the repayment is related to the commission.

Doing nothing would be a bad idea. So too might be doing something radical as Hayne has proposed.

But nothing might be exactly what we’ll get. The Coalition appears to have put off designing a proper commission structure for the next three years in order to buy some peace.

– ref. Vital signs. It’s one thing to back down on Hayne’s recommendation about mortgage brokers, it’s another to offer nothing in its place – http://theconversation.com/vital-signs-its-one-thing-to-back-down-on-haynes-recommendation-about-mortgage-brokers-its-another-to-offer-nothing-in-its-place-113544

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laurence Troy, Research Fellow, City Futures Research Centre, UNSW

Not long ago Australia’s housing boom was in full swing. Investors were betting on rising property values, which rose by 13% in Sydney and 15% in Melbourne in the year to mid-2017. Now the withdrawal of overseas buyers and prudential restrictions on loose lending to local investors have revealed how hollow the boom was.

Throughout the boom, politicians and property pundits consistently claimed the supply being delivered would improve affordability. As we are now seeing, when the price a property can fetch drops, so too does the desire to build it. It was rampant price growth that underpinned developers’ pleas to add supply, not a desire to make housing more affordable.

Read more: Affordable housing policy failure still being fuelled by flawed analysis

We are now seeing rapid declines in approvals and building starts as speculative investor demand, and the money it brought to the market, has fallen away.

Ironically, falling prices will not improve affordability for people locked out of the market. Banks are tightening lending practices and stagnant wage growth limits the buying capacity of those trapped in the low-income economy. True, falling prices are welcome for some first home buyers who now find a purchase possible. But the rapid inflation of house prices long ago far outstripped the capacity of most lower-income households to buy a home.

Our analysis for the NSW Community Housing Industry Association (CHIA NSW) and Homelessness NSW, building on recent AHURI research, shows that the market cannot meet around 12% of all households’ needs. Only one-third of those are housed outside the market in public or community housing. The rest are in overcrowded homes, rental stress or even homeless.

Read more: Why falling house prices do less to improve affordability than you might think

In the face of a housing market downturn, those same property pundits are now sternly warning against action that would further dampen speculative investment in housing. However, this is precisely the moment to tackle the problems that have been building over many years and to set the dynamics of the housing system on a more affordable track.

Winding back speculative activity by cutting negative gearing and capital gains tax discounts, cracking down on inappropriate lending practices, and increasing regulation on unacceptable building practices should all be followed through in earnest across all levels of government.

Read more: Vital Signs: why now is the right time to clamp down on negative gearing

Delivering the housing we need

The bigger question that remains then is: what is the future of the housing supply system across Australia?

History has shown us private sector investment alone cannot provide the needed housing, especially for the most vulnerable. Neither can it produce consistent supply through its boom-and-bust cycles. So now is also the moment for a renewed conversation about how to deliver the housing that’s most needed, and who ought to do it, especially for those facing chronic rental stress.

Markets have never delivered housing affordable to those on low incomes without subsidy from governments. In fact, a mountain of subsidies and tax breaks have been thrown at the private market to support such an aim. These range from Commonwealth Rent Assistance to support private rental and grants to first time buyers, to negative gearing and capital gains tax relief for investors and home owners, but have had no discernible effect on affordability.

Faith in the markets has prevailed for the past 30 years. As a result, alternatives have been ruled out of play.

Investing directly in social housing is more cost-effective for government than private sector finance or subsidies. Joel Carrett/AAP

To cover the backlog of unmet need and future need, our new research commissioned by CHIA NSW and Homelessness NSW predicts that, over the next 20 years, two in ten new homes would need to be for social housing and a further one in ten for affordable housing. Just shifting this third of construction to not-for-profit housing providers, either the community sector or government, would reduce delivery costs – by losing the 20% developer markup at a stroke.

More broadly, the funds needed to support a sustainable affordable housing program could easily be offset by the savings from scrapping current inefficient and inflationary tax subsidises to private investors.

Read more: Australia needs to triple its social housing by 2036. This is the best way to do it

The challenge of such a task cannot be underestimated. Yet this presents a considerable opportunity to resolve a range of interrelated problems with how housing is provided in Australia. Here are four of the biggest.

1. Stabilise the construction labour market

Social and affordable housing development would underwrite the construction industry with a steady stream of funding for building homes over the long term. Building industries mobilise considerable workforces. Stable streams of work would smooth out the dramatic drop in employment that comes with housing downturns.

Recent reports have noted the accelerated decline in the construction industry. The Reserve Bank is warning that shocks to wages and employment present a threat to the economy.

2. Support planning for a predictable supply

The planning system would benefit from having a large portion of projected housing needs met and supplied more predictably. The uncertainty of boom-bust housing cycles makes it near impossible to plan sensibly for population growth and implement strategic planning objectives across our cities and regions.

Planning for major infrastructure, such as hospitals, schools and transport, relies on new housing arriving in a timely manner. Blanket inclusionary zoning policies and discounted public land sales to support land supply for affordable homes need to be prerequisites.

Read more: England expects 40% of new housing developments will be affordable, why can’t Australia?

3. The benefit of investing in affordable housing

If government spending on housing can be invested in the assets themselves (for example, through an equity share in the development), the expenditure will be retained both for an enduring social purpose and as a positive contribution to the accumulated asset base of government.

A properly designed, large-scale, not-for-profit program could mean investing in new housing becomes a positive for state and national balance sheets. This requires a shift in behaviour and mindsets of some Treasury officials who often see social housing as a liability.

4. Drive broad productivity dividends

Other recent research for CHIA NSW shows investment in suitably located social and affordable housing has much wider economic benefits. These include travel time savings for lower-income workers currently pushed into the outer suburbs, as well as human capital uplift resulting from long-term positive impacts on household incomes.

Read more: Key workers like nurses and teachers are being squeezed out of Sydney. This is what we can do about it

Similarly, government budgets benefit from reducing demand on social services.

In short, the evidence-based economic case for government investment in social and affordable housing is strong. Given the impending fallout of a property bust following the largest property boom in Australian history, now is the time to act and reshape the nation’s housing system for the long term.

But do we have governments capable of conceiving of the necessary policy shifts or with the courage to enact them? Time, and the next election, will tell.

– ref. Build social and affordable housing to get us off the boom-and-bust roller coaster – http://theconversation.com/build-social-and-affordable-housing-to-get-us-off-the-boom-and-bust-roller-coaster-113113

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Duncan Maclennan, Professorial Research Fellow in Urban Economics, UNSW; Professor of Strategic Urban Management and Finance, University of St Andrews; Professor in Public Policy, University of Glasgow

Federal and state elections in coming weeks provide a timely moment for Australians to reflect on the increasingly obvious failure of governments to manage the triple crises of inflated property prices, lack of affordable housing for people on low to moderate incomes, and property market volatility. The likely prominence of housing in the federal poll at least, if not in New South Wales, perhaps signals welcome political recognition that decades of complacency and inaction are to blame for housing system under-performance. And it’s costing the country dearly.

There’s a growing sense that core aspects of the governmental mindset that have underpinned housing policy since the 1980s are long overdue for a rethink. And not just in Australia. Our recent knowledge transfer project, involving academics, policymakers and professionals in Australia, Britain and Canada (the “ABC countries”), tapped into these debates.

Read more: Home ownership foundations are being shaken, and the impacts will be felt far and wide

A misplaced faith in markets

Our Shaping Futures report identifies important common housing features across the ABC countries. These include their overarching “liberal market” approach (for example, relatively light regulation of private rental housing) and the challenges of managing population-driven growth in cities.

In all three countries, a similar set of foundational beliefs has dominated housing policy for decades. One is an increasingly misplaced faith that housing markets are well-functioning systems. Another is that issues of poor housing and high housing costs are seen purely in terms of redistributive welfare. The impacts on growth and productivity are largely ignored.

Governments of the ABC countries have increasingly delegated responsibilities for coping with national and global pressures on housing. At the same time, they have provided little more autonomy and limited resources for cities and regions to respond to these pressures.

All three nations have seen falling home ownership rates for young adults and long-term declines in home ownership affordability – among the most severe in the OECD. Household debt rates are close to the highest in the OECD.

Inflated demand is increasing stress in private rental markets. It’s coming from growing numbers of frustrated middle-income aspirant homebuyers and from low-income tenants denied access to social housing by a proportionately smaller supply.

In Sydney in 2017, moderate-earning and low-earning tenants paid, on average, more than A$6,000 a year in rent over and above 30% of their incomes. And that still didn’t spare them the growing costs and lost productivity of commutes commonly exceeding 90 minutes.

Research in Sydney, Vancouver and London demonstrates that to quantify the real burdens of city housing shortages we need integrated analysis of housing and transport outcomes.

Housing failures have broader consequences

Housing outcomes, including quality, price and location, have significant impacts on the “big goals” of governments.

Regressive subsidies (such as tax concessions for property owners) have worsened rather than offset the effects of rising rents and house prices on income inequality and wealth distribution. In all three countries inequality indices have increased over the last two decades. And in the UK, at least, social mobility is lower than in other developed countries. Housing systems have been at the heart of these changes.

Read more: How the housing boom has driven rising inequality

We should aim to boost economic productivity by enhancing human capital – that is, maximising people’s opportunities and capabilities. Instead, there is an emerging sense that growth dividends have been sunk into raising housing and land prices, through investor speculation. This rentier-driven, rather than entrepreneur-led, economic growth has reduced the housing market’s resilience to cyclical instability.

Piecemeal policies aren’t enough

At least until very recently, longstanding systemic housing problems have generally failed to evoke major policy responses. When interventions have been considered necessary, these have tended to be restricted to homelessness and to helping marginal homebuyers. This has often been done in ways that have proved counterproductive by pumping up demand.

With the possible exception of the UK devolved nations, government housing policymaking capacity has been largely emasculated across all three ABC countries over the past 10-20 years. Housing ministries and agencies have been abolished or “integrated” into human services departments.

Likewise, Shaping Futures stakeholders were unimpressed with recycled policy proposals. One example is suggestions that income allowances for individuals should replace direct supports for housing supply. Another is that planning is the prime cause of supply-side “stickiness” that holds up the delivery of new housing.

Read more: Affordable housing policy failure still being fuelled by flawed analysis

One response would be to join some of our academic colleagues in attributing such shortcomings to a misguided faith in managed markets. We might even echo calls to restore pre-1980s housing policy instruments such as big public housing, deep rent controls, tied subsidies and the like.

However, the reality is that markets are likely to remain a preferred basis for our housing systems. The above diagnoses and prescriptions also overlook the possibility that some post-1980s innovations have produced significant policy progress. The emergence – particularly in the UK – of regulated not-for-profit organisational models is an important case in point.

Nevertheless, minor tinkering will resolve none of the major housing system problems that have become all too apparent in the ABC countries since the turn of the century, and especially since the GFC.

Key features of a solution

As well as a commitment to housing as a higher priority for government spending, a new understanding of how housing systems operate and what housing outcomes achieve is urgently needed. In particular:

• The housing sector needs to make stronger economic cases for support, while treasury and finance ministries must improve their comprehension of housing markets. Advocates need to voice the productivity case for housing; policymakers need to take it seriously.

• As failed economic thinking for housing policies has generated unstable and expensive housing outcomes, the conventional wisdom finds easy scapegoats in the regulatory planning system. Yes, unduly tight regulation will hinder supply, but no more so than failure to invest adequately in infrastructure and, indeed, shortages of construction labour and materials. Again, the challenge for treasuries is to resist the simplistic “economics 101” analysis that fails to recognise the special qualities of housing and land markets.

Read more: Facts sink glib housing supply mantra – the focus must be on affordable rental

• Far from further downgrading its influence, planning needs to be cast in a more central role to extract infrastructure-and-planning-induced gains. Critical here is the recognition that “inclusionary zoning” essentially taxes “scarcity rents”. And – unlike tax-funded housing expenditure – it creates no drag on growth and productivity.

• Governments in Australia and Canada need to fully recognise the potential of non-profits to deliver not just low-income housing but mixes of renting, owning and shared ownership. This creates opportunities for younger households as well as better neighbourhoods.

• Governments must reshape young adult routes into home ownership. At the same time, they must avoid over-reliance on crudely designed central bank policies on deposit limits and lending ratios uniformly applied across diverse local housing markets.

Reforms to ensure better housing outcomes in the ABC countries are possible. Significant modernisation of private rental regulation in Scotland, Victoria and British Columbia provides recent cases in point.

Read more: An open letter on rental housing reform

Most such steps will depend, however, on governments providing additional or redirected resources. Even more, they require housing systems to be administered at regional and local level with evidence-based understanding and commitment.

Many of the housing problems that distress urban communities across the ABC countries stem from “a veil of ignorance”. There’s an official disregard for evidence and mistaken adherence to simplistic narratives that play down significant market failures.

Households, communities and cities deserve better futures. Shaping them is feasible.

A convincing pitch to do so could well prove critical in swinging young voters’ allegiance and, as a result, the results of Australia’s imminent elections.

Read more: Ten lessons from cities that have risen to the affordable housing challenge

– ref. Housing policy reset is overdue, and not only in Australia – http://theconversation.com/housing-policy-reset-is-overdue-and-not-only-in-australia-112835

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alex Cothren, PhD Candidate, Flinders University

About a year ago, a Daily Telegraph journalist rang one of us (let’s call him Robert for convenience). She was writing a story about how political correctness was killing comedy and wanted an academic to support the argument. Now “Robert” feels that he is paid, in part, out of government coffers to express views in his area of expertise when asked, so he held forth at length about how this was a silly way to look at the issue.

He went unquoted in the printed story (which announced that political correctness is killing comedy), so he probably got his point across. For political correctness very clearly isn’t killing comedy in Australia.

If quantity is your guide, there’s more of it than ever there was in any imagined glory days of the past – satirical newspapers, comedy TV channels, radio hosts (arguably including Alan Jones), comedy festivals, over a quarter of the acts in this year’s Adelaide Fringe, pub gigs; then there’s the vast sea of allegedly hilarious YouTube videos and the rest of online humour. If it’s quality you are after, what could be more PC and more brilliant than Hannah Gadsby’s Nanette?

So nothing to see here. Move along.

And yet, much of the current comic flood often feels rather bland. It’s not that there’s a germ of truth in the anti-PC rant, but maybe it is like a piece of grit around which a pearl of better understanding might form. A lot of current comedy seems preachy when it seeks to make a satirical point – sincere, addressed to the converted in their just anger, but hardly disconcerting.

Stand-up and the modes derived from it seem particularly righteous, seldom risky. Charlie Pickering may be a witty and intelligent young man, but he’s too reassuring a presence compared to surveyors of the edge of chaos like Norman Gunston, the Doug Anthony Allstars, or the Chaser gang in their pre-avuncular phase.

Garry McDonald in The Norman Gunston Show (1975). Seven Network/ABC

If this is so, what might be causing it?

The viral curse

The one real recent change in the covenant between comedians and their audience is the advent of social media, especially the ambition of going viral. We think that may be one reason why so much current comedy and satire tends to be safe, and obviously preaching to the converted.

The current king of viral satire is the American John Oliver; his Last Week Tonight is ostensibly an HBO TV show, but it has a vibrant second life chopped up in shareable YouTube chunks. Oliver rants about topical issues using a plethora of news clips and pop culture jokes, in a style popularised by The Daily Show.

It is impossible to deny both the humour and investigative depth of Oliver’s segments, which have even achieved real social and legislative results. Indeed, his political force has led some to question whether he is a journalist first and a satirist second. Like an op-ed piece in a traditional hard news publication, Oliver’s opinion on a topic is always clear and obvious from the get-go. Sadly, due to our increasingly polarized politics and the echo chamber effect of social media, this also means Oliver’s satire is easy to ignore for those who don’t agree with his arguments.

Australian television satire largely follows in the footsteps of Oliver and Last Week Tonight. Shows like Charlie Pickering’s The Weekly, Shaun Micallef’s Mad as Hell, and Tom Ballard’s, now defunct, Tonightly all feature a (white, male) host “going-off” on the news of the day, usually via clips documenting the latest crime against logic committed by Andrew Bolt or the nitwits on Sunrise.

Tonightly versus Sunrise on ‘a second stolen generation’.

Although they lack the writerly polish of Last Week Tonight, these Australian shows have similarly agreeable progressive politics and a vague goal of informing whilst entertaining. They also each have Facebook and YouTube pages full of digestible videos waiting to be shared, though it’s unlikely anything here will move anyone’s partisan needle.

Maybe this is an unreasonable expectation, as satire seldom changes minds no matter how conclusive those who already agree with it find the critique. But the tendency to confirmation bias seems particularly strong in this moment and mode. As Ben Neutze has written in his critique of The Weekly:

The editorials presented by their hosts are meant to set an agenda and become viral content — the kind that people who share the same opinion can point to on social media and say: ‘That’s what I mean! That’s my argument!’

Is this the best Australian satire can hope for in the online age, to be the funnier rendition of an opinion someone already holds? Not necessarily. There is still some inventive and even unsettling satire being produced and shared online in this country.

Edgier fare

One example of edgier online material is The Honest Government Ads. Produced by Juice Media, a small Melbourne-based film company, these short, satirical videos co-opt the upbeat tone, corporate muzak, and smiling spokespersons of actual Australian government campaign videos, all whilst taking aim at the body politic’s complacency on a wide range of social issues.

Parody and irony are classic tools of satire and their powers are amplified here by the way Honest Government Ads are disseminated through social media sites like Facebook. A lack of context means your unsuspecting, conservative uncle is free to stumble upon a posted video and start nodding in agreement to the idea of making it “mandatory to only have fun on January 26”.

Whether or not anyone could really miss the irony in a video that joyfully refers to Australia Day as “Amnesia Day” is debatable. Still, there is plenty of research to suggest even blunt irony will not always get between the audience and its preconceptions. A great study from 2009 that surveyed liberal and conservative students who watched the satirical TV show The Colbert Report, found that:

there was no significant difference between the groups in thinking Colbert was funny, but conservatives were more likely to report that Colbert only pretends to be joking and genuinely meant what he said while liberals were more likely to report that Colbert used satire and was not serious when offering political statements.

Perhaps that is why Colbert took to fronting a “straight” tonight show?

Anyway, the federal government was certainly worried enough about the possibility of people misunderstanding the Honest Government ads to send Juice Media a “cease and desist” letter regarding its use of the Commonwealth Coat of Arms. Apparently the average Aussie can’t be trusted to know that the real coat of arms doesn’t feature an alien skull, or that “Australien” is not the usual spelling.

Honest Government Ads video, complete with mispelt, faux coat of arms.

The Honest Government Ads new coat of arms now has a proud motto “not the real logo” front and centre in a meta-video that digs into the “shit-c..nts” at Juice Media who have “tricked millions of hard working Australians into believing their government is honest”.

This video is featured on Juice Media’s Facebook page, where it has a garnered just over 400,000 views. This is nowhere near Last Week Tonight’s regular seven-figure viewer numbers, but still a significant achievement for a small-scale operation with no platform other than the “click and share” of social media.

It’s the sort of work that makes one cheerfully speculative about satire’s possibilities in an age when Facebook is the main news source for millennials and the main “fake news” source for everyone else. Even if there are legitimate worries about the hazy border between satire and fake news, the prospect of independent artists like Juice Media continuing to lob clever, irony-grenades into our daily scroll is still enticing.

Nonetheless, this type of satirical comedy is still predominantly preaching to the converted (and the odd humourless bureaucrat or ministerial aid); it’s just clever enough to do so in a way that tricks its enemies into participating in the sermon. If anything, the ironic humour of the Honest Government Ads probably serves to strengthen the online echo chamber, creating a divide between those who “get it” and those who don’t. And since no-one really feels sorry for the government as a bureaucratic rule enforcer, there’s a clever point being made here, but nothing really dangerous.

The truly challenging

Truly challenging satire discomforts even those who “get” it. For example, Get Krack!n’s deadpan takedown of Sunrise et al. frequently straddles the border of bad taste in a way that makes its viewers complicit just for laughing.

Or consider any one of a number of sketches from ABC’s Black Comedy, whose three seasons have been giving humorous voice to a genuinely under-represented and often oppressed group.

Our “favourite” – really the one that made us feel most vertiginously and unanswerably undermined as white Australians – is a skit where a sick Indigenous girl is granted a wish by the “Ultimate Dream Foundation” and simply asks for her people’s land back.

Using sick kids to make a point is seriously un-PC, and it’s especially risky in the wake of the Chaser’s Make-A-Wish controversy, where they were driven to apologise. But the payoff for Black Comedy is equal parts hilarious and disconcerting.

The dark irony of the charity workers’ bewildered response – “well we either give the Aboriginal people their land back … or we cure cancer” – is far more powerful than Tom Ballard calling a politician a dirty word, and trumps even the “gotcha” trickery of the Honest Governments Ads.

There is no exit for even the most progressive and well-meaning non-Indigenous viewer here; no pat on the back for “getting it”. Whilst an Indigenous person already knows the scale of deprivation, the colonial viewer can either confront their guilt or bury it even deeper.

Sadly for such brilliant, searing satire, the video’s roughly 5,000 views on YouTube suggest it hasn’t gone anywhere near viral — more evidence that the internet can be stupid. Perhaps the skit’s failure to neatly encapsulate a partisan talking point or offer any sort of redemptive action hampers its shareability. You can cut your progressive identity to shreds on the ironies in this skit, and maybe it’s not cool to extend that risk to your social media friends.

After all, despite our grumbling about filter bubbles and personalised algorithms, research suggests that our own choices about what to share are as responsible for social media echo chambers as anything else.

We build the house of comedy we live in, and at the moment it is designed for tickling our confirmation bias and not much else. So the next time something uncomfortable manages to sneak past security, something that traps the laughter in your throat, for the love of comedy: share it.

– ref. Friday essay: why is Australian satire so rarely risky? – http://theconversation.com/friday-essay-why-is-australian-satire-so-rarely-risky-112689

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Sydney shock jock Ray Hadley was apoplectic. Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton, one of Hadley’s favourites, who has a regular spot on his program, had just committed blasphemy.

Dutton said he didn’t believe in the government building a new coal-fired power station. Hadley couldn’t credit what he was hearing. “You’re toeing the [Morrison] company line”, he said accusingly.

It’s another story with Dutton’s cabinet colleague and fellow Queenslander, Resources Minister Matt Canavan, who is part of the Queensland Nationals’ push for support for a new power station in that state.

“Studies have come back always saying that a HELE [high-efficiency, low-emissions] or a new coal-fired power station would make a lot of sense in North Queensland,” Canavan said this week.

The two ministers’ divergent views are not surprising on the basis of where they come from. In Brisbane people tend to share similar opinions on climate change and coal to those in the southern capitals – it’s the regions where support for coal is stronger.

What’s surprising is how the rifts at the government’s highest levels are being exposed. In these desperate days, it is every minister, every government backbencher, and each part, or sub-part, of the Coalition for themselves.

Never mind cabinet solidarity, or Coalition unity.

The most spectacular outbreak came this week from Barnaby Joyce, declaring himself the “elected deputy prime minister” and pressing the government for a strongly pro-coal stand.

It was a slap at besieged Nationals leader Michael McCormack, after rumourmongering that McCormack might be replaced even before the election. Predictably, the NSW Nationals, fighting a difficult state election, were furious.

The Joyce outbreak was further evidence that the federal Nationals are a mess, over leadership and electorally. They have a party room of 22 – there are fears they could lose up to four House of Representatives seats as well as going down two in the Senate.

Read more: View from The Hill: Coal turns lumpy for Scott Morrison and the Nationals

(However it’s not all gloom in the Nationals – at the election they will gain three high-profile women, two in the Senate – Susan McDonald from Queensland and Sam McMahon from the Northern Territory – and Anne Webster in the Victorian seat of Mallee. Whatever happens to the party’s numbers overall, the women will go from two to four or five, depending on the fate of Michelle Landry, who holds the marginal seat of Capricornia. The Nationals’ NSW Senate candidate is also a woman but is unlikely to be elected.)

By mid week Joyce was back in his box, stressing that McCormack would take the party to the election. But he was still in the coal advocacy vanguard.

The coal debate and the assertiveness of the Queensland Nationals smoked out a clutch of Liberal moderates, who question spending government money on coal projects (although there is some confusion between building power stations and underwriting ventures).

Read more: Queensland Nationals Barry O’Sullivan challenges Morrison over coal

The government’s policy is for underwriting “firm power” projects, on a technology-neutral basis, if they stack up commercially.

The marauding Nationals were derisive of moderate Liberals trying to protect their seats. “Trendy inner-city Liberals who want to oppose coal and the jobs it creates should consider joining the Greens,” Queensland National George Christensen said tartly on Facebook.

It was a rare appearance by the moderates, who have made a poor showing over the last few years, True, some were crucial in achieving the same-sex marriage reform. But in general they’ve failed to push back against the right’s tightening ideological grip on the Liberal party, and the government has suffered as a result.

The week highlighted, yet again, that instead of a credible energy policy, the government has only confusion and black holes.

With his recent announcements, Morrison has been trying to show he’s heard the electorate on climate change. But actually, these were mostly extensions of what had been done or proposed.

The Abbott government’s emissions reduction fund (renamed) is getting an injection, given it would soon be close to exhausted. And the Snowy pumped hydro scheme, announced by Malcolm Turnbull, has received the go-ahead. Didn’t we expect that? There was also modest support for a new inter-connector to transmit Tasmanian hydro power to Victoria.

The government can’t get its “big stick” legislation – aimed at recalcitrant power companies – through parliament. It will take it to the election. But who knows what its future would be in the unlikely event of a re-elected Coalition government? It would face Senate hurdles and anyway “free market” Liberals don’t like it.

And then we come to the underwriting initiative. The government has 66 submissions seeking support, 10 of which have “identified coal as a source of generation”.

Sources say it is hoped to announce backing for some projects before the election. But this will be fraught, internally and externally, for the government.

One source hinted one project might involve coal. Even if this is true, it won’t satisfy the Coalition’s coal spruikers, deeply unhappy that Morrison has flagged there won’t be support for a Queensland coal-fired power station. (The Queenslanders liken Morrison’s cooling on coal to Kevin Rudd’s 2010 back off from his emissions trading scheme.)

On the other hand, underwriting of any coal project would alarm Liberals in the so-called “leafy-suburbs” electorates.

Given the proximity to the election, the government could do little more than give promises to particular projects. There is also the risk of blow back from those whose bids are unsuccessful.

There would be no obligation on a Labor government to honour any commitments, because formal agreements would not have been finalised.

Meanwhile the government is trying to promote a scare against Labor’s climate policy, still to be fully outlined, which includes reducing emissions by an ambitious 45% by 2030 (compared with the government’s pledge of 26-28%).

But unlike, for example, the scare over the ALP’s franking credits policy (dubbed by the government a “retirement tax”), this scare is much harder to run, except in specific regional areas.

The zeitgeist is in Labor’s favour on the climate issue, not least after sweltering summer days and bushfires.

The public have a great deal of faith in renewables – in focus groups people don’t just like them, they romanticise them.

It seems the government can’t take a trick on climate and energy policy – even the school children are reminding it of that.

– ref. Grattan on Friday: The Coalition is trapped in its coal minefield – http://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-the-coalition-is-trapped-in-its-coal-minefield-113577

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chrystal Zhang, Senior Lecturer in Aviation, Swinburne University of Technology

With investigations under way into two crashes of Boeing’s 737 MAX 8 aircraft, the US manufacturer has caved to pressure and grounded the entire global fleet totalling 371 planes. That includes both model 8 and 9 versions of the aircraft.

The company issued a statement saying this occurred:

… out of an abundance of caution and in order to reassure the flying public of the aircraft’s safety.

Read more: Flights suspended and vital questions remain after second Boeing 737 MAX 8 crash within five months

But the impact on passengers and air travel could last for months as airlines try to reschedule flights and seek other aircraft to meet demands. While things are still evolving, what should you anticipate as a traveller?

Everybody down

US President Donald Trump’s order on Wednesday prompted the Federal Aviation Authority to ground all 737 MAX aircraft flying in and out of the US.

While it is legitimate for a government to issue regulatory orders to intervene in an airline’s operation due to safety or security concerns, it is unprecedented that such a large number of countries are taking action.

At least 45 International Civil Aviation Organisation member states had already either ordered their airlines to ground 737 MAX aircraft, or suspended entry of such planes into enter their airspaces.

Countries affected include China, Indonesia, Germany, UK, France, the Netherlands, Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and now the US.

While investigations into the two crashes could last for months or even years before any conclusion is drawn, the length of suspension is also unknown at this stage.

Yet holiday seasons such as Easter and school vacations are approaching, and many of us will no doubt be looking to fly away for a break.

Expect disruption

Airlines face disruption almost every day: airline operation is a complex system. Disruption can be caused by unforeseeable weather conditions, unexpected technical or mechanical issues of an aircraft, or associated safety hazards or security concerns.

Airlines therefore have strategies in place to manage or at least mitigate the effect of the disruption and reduce any potential delays. This could include but is not limited to:

• changing or swapping an aircraft type

• combining two or three flights into one operation

• arranging alternative flights for travellers

• moving travellers to other airlines if their tickets have been issued.

With only 371 Boeing 737 MAX family jets in operation, this is a small percentage of the total of more than 6,000 of the previous model and gives airlines the ability to use other jets in their fleet as a replacement.

A snapshot of Boeing 737 models in flight at 7:52am UTC Thursday (6:52pm AEDT) shows 1,500 aircraft. Not a 737 MAX in sight. Courtesy of Flightradar24.com

But the current suspension will present significant challenges for some airlines.

Subject to their fleet size, the scope of their network, and other resources and capacity available, big airlines with multiple types of aircraft in their fleet are more capable of managing such disruption.

For example, Air China, China Eastern, China Southern, American Airlines and Southwest will have more resources to arrange for travellers to fly to their destinations.

In contrast, low-cost or regional carriers will be limited in their capacity to manage the disruption.

For instance, SilkAir and Fiji Airways have six and two Boeing 737 MAX aircraft in their respective fleets. Grounding the model means that both carriers will lose 16% of their total capacity.

Fares could go up

While airlines are making every effort to minimise the disruption, all these arrangements come at a cost.

Airlines might have difficulties in sourcing capacity to replace the aircraft, resulting in inevitable delays or cancellations. And delays and cancellations also result in additional cost to airlines operation.

Travellers could soon see an increase in airfares. The rising fuel cost and shortage of pilots have already put global airlines under pressure to manage operational costs.

Impact on Boeing

Boeing and Airbus are a duopoly, said to dominate 99% of the global large aircraft orders, which make up more than 90% of the total aircraft market.

Over the past few decades, Boeing has weathered problems before and maintained an exceptional reputation for its reliable and efficient aircraft design, manufacturing and service.

In 2018 , Boeing received US$60 billion for 806 aircraft deliveries, comparing to Airbus’s US$54 billion for 800 aircraft deliveries.

Of all the aircraft sales, the Boeing 737 MAX series – designed to replace the current 737 family – was becoming one of the most popular airliners, despite being only introduced to the market in May 2017.

But the two recent crashes have raised concerns about reliability of the 737 MAX 8 autopilot system, the Manoeuvring Characteristics Augmentation System.

Some pilots have complained about a lack of training for the MAX 8. Others have complained of problems.

The aircraft represents a significant change from its predecessor models, including new engines, new avionics and different aerodynamic characteristics.

Potential risks

The risk for Boeing now is the potential consequences flowing from any investigation into the aircraft crashes. These could include:

• complete or partial cancellation of orders placed by global airlines yet to be delivered

• litigation by the affected airlines and the victims of the ill-fated aircraft, seeking damages caused by any product defect (if proof of any defect could be established)

• new opportunities for its rivals to promote their aircraft; this could allow, for example, China’s state-owned aircraft manufacturer, COMAC, to make new waves in the industry.

Regardless, Boeing could face enormous financial losses and devastating economic consequences.

Boeing’s shares dropped after the Ethiopian Airlines crash on Sunday, but have started to recover.

While Boeing surely carries enough insurance coverage for losses, it is inevitable the damage to its brand is more far-reaching in the medium to long term. This will affect the confidence of aircraft operators and the general public.

Even if any technical defects discovered are quick to fix, a damaged brand tends to require more time and much more significant efforts to recover.

Is it safe?

Of course there is a question everyone wants answered: is it safe to fly?

The answer is definitely. Statistically speaking, flying on a commercial passenger airliner is the safest mode of transportation.

A recent study of US census data puts the odds of dying as a plane passenger at 1 in 188,364. That compares with odds of 1 in 4,047 for a cyclist, 1 in 1,117 for drowning and 1 in 103 for a car crash.

Globally, 2017 was the safest year in aviation history with no passenger jet crashes recorded.

The most advanced technology used in aircraft design and manufacturing, and in air traffic control management, and the comprehensive, efficient pilot training and management are aimed at a safe flight.

So the decision of Boeing to suspend flights of its 737 MAX aircraft is welcomed, for now. But, pending the findings of the investigations, the questions as to how long the suspension will be in effect and how Boeing will address the issue remain unanswered.

– ref. All Boeing 737 MAX flights grounded – and travellers could feel it in the hip pocket – http://theconversation.com/all-boeing-737-max-flights-grounded-and-travellers-could-feel-it-in-the-hip-pocket-113456

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Supriya Singh, Professor, Sociology of Communications, Graduate School of Business & Law, RMIT University

Rina’s marriage problems began two days before her wedding, when her fiance’s parents demanded gold and a car. Her parents agreed to part of the demands to ensure the planned marriage went ahead.

But the 27-year-old Indian woman’s marriage to a man in Melbourne would last just eight months, as abusive behaviour by her husband and new in-laws escalated.

Dowries – where the bride’s parents are forced to give valuable gifts to the husband’s parents – have been officially banned for decades in India. But dowry traditions continue to live on throughout South Asia and in the Middle East.

Read more: When gold prices go up, so does the cost of a dowry – and baby girl survival rates in India fall

As Rina’s story shows, it has also been imported into expatriate communities in Australia.

To what extent remains unknown. The Senate inquiry into Dowry and Dowry Abuse was asked to report on the prevalence of dowry in Australia. But its final report, published last month, says there is insufficient data to do so, with the available evidence on dowry abuse “largely anecdotal”.

The inquiry decided not to recommend a specific law against dowry. It has instead recommended that “economic abuse” be included as a form of family violence in the Family Law Act, and that dowry abuse be included in a “non-exhaustive list” of examples of economic abuse.

This seems to me the right approach, based on the stories Rina and others told me as part of my research into financial and domestic abuse. Of 17 stories from Indian migrants, only Rina’s involved dowry abuse.

Rather than focusing on specific cultural practices, with the danger of demonising specific minority communities, we need to concentrate on economic abuse in whatever form it takes.

Rina’s story

I heard Rina’s story as part of the comparative research I did with Marg Liddell and Jasvinder Sidhu on money, gender and family violence. We listened to 17 Indian migrants, 13 Anglo-Celtic women and 17 community leaders, service providers and leaders of faith communities. We found our interviewees through professional, personal and community networks.

Their stories demonstrated that economic abuse was not limited by culture. Dowry abuse was just one example of many different forms of economic abuse.

Read more: When care becomes control – financial abuse cuts across cultures

What is economic abuse? It is any type of economic control or exploitation. It might involve preventing a partner from getting work, so as to control how much money they have. It might include determining what they can spend money on. It might involve insisting on access to bank accounts or controlling other assets.

In Rina’s case, most of her jewellery was kept in a bank locker under her father-in-law’s name in India (her in-laws nonetheless remained dissatisfied with the dowry they had received). With no job or money or bank account of her own, she was completely dependent on handouts from her husband. In her first six months in Australia, she said, he gave her just $100 in spending money.

He was jealous and controlling in other ways, too. Though her only social activity was attending the Sikh temple each week, this didn’t stop him accusing her of having a relationship with every man she spoke with, she told me.

He demanded to know if she had given the man her mobile phone number, and would “snatch my phone, saying that he pays the bill so I have no right to talk to anybody”.

Three months into the marriage his jealousy escalated into physical abuse. Rina’s father sent her a ticket, and she returned to India. After two months she came back to Melbourne to give him another chance. But almost immediately, her husband’s behaviour left her fearing for her life. “I felt if I stayed there another night,” she said, “I would be found dead the next day.”

Broader economic abuse

Rina, clearly, was subjected to abuse that went way beyond dowry abuse.

We heard other stories of economic abuse involving no dowry.

In Asha’s case, her husband wanted to control the money she earned, dictating how she spent it and preventing her from sending any to help her family in India.

She had originally come to Australia to study. Her husband was a fellow Indian student. Before and after they got married, she was the principal income earner.

Once they were married, she said, he wanted to control all the money. “You should be giving all your money to me,” she says he told her. “You are now a member of my family.” While he failed to pay an equal share of their bills, she recalls him criticising her for overspending on a $2 bag of papadums.

About six months into their marriage, he kicked her in the stomach. “I could take the emotional abuse,” she said. “I could take the verbal abuse, but I could not comprehend a man beating me.”

Such controlling behaviour is by no means a feature of one culture.

One of our Anglo-Celtic stories involved Carol. A teacher in her late 60s, she put her savings of $60,000 and her salary into a joint account with her second husband. Though she was the main and only reliable earner, he questioned every item of expenditure, every gift she wanted to give.

“He took it all,” Carol said. As their relationship deteriorated she increasingly feared physical violence. She recalled one occasion where she hid in a walk-in wardrobe for three hours: “I’d nearly gone crazy.”

Such stories show it would make little sense for social policy or law makers to focus on one narrow, culturally specific manifestation of economic abuse.

Coercive control

Coercive control underlies economic abuse as with other dimensions of family violence.

It works through “malevolent” conduct over time to instil fear and isolate the women. Its tactics lead to women feeling they are poor mothers, wives, home makers and sexual partners. It has a devastating effect on women from all backgrounds and walks of life across Australia.

Changing the Family Law Act to recognise economic abuse as a form of domestic violence (and dowry abuse as a form of economic abuse) is a good start.

But we would do well to go further, and have a conversation about criminalising the coercive and controlling behaviour behind economic abuse.

Read more: Australia should be cautious about introducing laws on coercive control to stem domestic violence

This has been done in England and Wales (2015), Scotland (2018) and Ireland (2018). These new laws have drawn attention to the need to think of family violence as more than separate incidents of physical assault.

The emphasis on coercive control requires a different type of policing. It looks at a pattern of behaviour that is corrosive, involving emotional, economic, sexual and physical abuse. It’s this pattern of controlling and coercive behaviour that is criminalised.

Nothing ever happened to the abusers of Rina, Asha and Carol. Criminalising coercive control would have ensured they were properly held to account.

– ref. Dowry abuse does exist, but let’s focus on the wider issues of economic abuse and coercive control – http://theconversation.com/dowry-abuse-does-exist-but-lets-focus-on-the-wider-issues-of-economic-abuse-and-coercive-control-112288

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karena Menzie-Ballantyne, Lecturer in Education, CQUniversity Australia

On March 15 2019 thousands of students across Australia will skip school and join the global strike for climate action. This is the second time students have taken to the streets to demand more government action on climate change. Last time they did so, in November 2018, the federal resources minister, Matt Canavan, told them:

The best thing you’ll learn about going to a protest is how to join the dole queue. Because that’s what your future life will look like, up in a line asking for a handout, not actually taking charge for your life and getting a real job.

Politicians are up in arms about tomorrow’s protest too. New South Wales is just over a week away from a state election where climate change is a key issue. NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian has slammed as “appalling” comments made by Opposition Leader Michael Daley in support of the strike.

Such attitudes do worse than just dismissing the students’ voices and their message of urgency. They fly in the face of international research and the aims of Australia’s own curriculum.

By seeking to understand a global issue such as climate change, taking action and clearly articulating their perspective, the students are demonstrating the skills, values and attitudes the curriculum states should constitute the aim of education. These are also the attributes employers look for.

Confident individuals, informed citizens

The Australian curriculum is based on the Melbourne Declaration on Goals for Young Australians, signed in 2008 by all state and territory ministers. Its second goal is to graduate students who are “successful learners, confident and creative individuals, and active and informed citizens”.

To help achieve this, the Australian curriculum includes a civics and citizenship strand in its humanities and social science subject. This encourages an inquiry-based approach, presenting students with multiple perspectives and empowering them to reach their own conclusions.

Read more: The Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians: what it is and why it needs updating

The curriculum also has three cross-curriculum priorities, which address contemporary issues such as sustainability, and seven general capabilities. The Australian curriculum shape paper describes the general capabilities as “21st-century skills”, designed to foster critical and creative thinking, ethical understanding and personal and social capability.

A 2014 review of the Australian curriculum concluded with overwhelming support to not only keep but further develop general capabilities that reflect 21st-century skills.

Canavan’s dole-queue comments also contradict research that identifies these general capabilities, sometimes described as “soft skills”, as the desired graduate attributes sought by employers in Australia and across the world. These skills are also acknowledged as equipping students for contemporary, transitory career patterns that require high levels of communication, mobility and critical and ethical thinking.

Addressing global sustainability goals

When the students marched in 2018, Prime Minister Scott Morrison said they should be doing “more learning in schools and less activism”. But international research clearly shows that, by preparing for and participating in this strike, students are learning the skills of active citizenship, which they will carry into their adult life.

They are learning how to be the type of citizen we need to achieve the global sustainability goals. They are learning how to work together to effect change.

Read more: Young voters may hold the key to the NSW state election: here’s why

Australian students joining the movement, started by 16-year-old Swedish student Greta Thunberg, also reflects research showing young people have no faith in politicians and the political system. This is why they are taking direct, grassroots approaches to political, social and environmental issues.

The students’ website, rallying the support of their peers, explains their reasoning for walking out of their classrooms:

In Australia, education is viewed as immensely important, and a key way to make a difference in the world. But simply going to school isn’t doing anything about climate change. And it doesn’t seem that our politicians are doing anything.

By making this choice, students are demonstrating their worldview and understanding of contemporary global issues, their ability to think critically and examine problems, to manage complexity, to communicate and work effectively with others, as well as values and attitudes that focus on the common good beyond their own self-interest. And they are taking action.

In other words, they are displaying all the elements of global competence, as identified by UNESCO and the OECD. In doing so they are fulfilling the Melbourne Declaration’s goal and acting as “active and informed citizens” of both their local and global communities.

– ref. Students striking for climate action are showing the exact skills employers look for – http://theconversation.com/students-striking-for-climate-action-are-showing-the-exact-skills-employers-look-for-113546

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Waters, Professor, Lecturer, Department of Moral Theology and Canon Law, University of Divinity

Cardinal George Pell was this week sentenced by a Victorian court to six years’ jail for sexually abusing two choirboys, with a non-parole period of three years and eight months.

Although Pell was found guilty of the charges against him in December, he has remained a Cardinal in the Catholic Church. The Church previously said it would await the outcome of an appeal before taking action, but it has since confirmed that an investigation of Pell’s case will be conducted by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.

An American former cardinal was recently expelled from the priesthood by the Church following a canonical trial into claims of child sexual abuse. Here’s what it could look like if Pell was subject to a similar process.

Read more: After Pell, the Catholic Church must undergo genuine reform

Canonical trials are governed by the rules of the Church

Most cases concerning the wrongdoing of Catholics are tried in secular courts. The decisions and punishments handed down by the courts are normally accepted by the Church as sufficient.

But the Church will conduct its own examination of cases where the church’s canon law requires punishment outside the competence of the courts of the land. That includes the excommunication of a member of the church, or the dismissal of a priest or bishop from the clerical state – often referred to as defrocking.

Tribunals to adjudicate matters that concern the Church’s own internal governance are principally governed by the rules and regulations of the Church, which are known as canon law (from the Greek etymology κανών or kanon, meaning a “rule”). These regulations are set out in the Church’s Code of Canon Law, which came into effect in 1983.

Since such trials are conducted because of the requirements of canon law, they are known as “canonical trials”.

Read more: How an appeal could uphold or overturn George Pell’s conviction

Sexual abuse cases are handled by the Holy See

Catholic Church tribunals are normally held in the diocese of the parties to the case. The bishop of the diocese can judge cases for his diocese. But since bishops often have little or no in-depth knowledge of canon law, most cases in Catholic Church tribunals are handled by judges (clerics or laypersons) appointed by the bishop. The presiding judge is a priest known as the judicial vicar.

Some matters cannot be introduced at a diocesan tribunal, but are reserved for the various tribunals at the Holy See. This includes cases involving dioceses and bishops, and certain serious matters regarded as crimes in the Catholic Church. Examples of this would be matters of sacrilege (offences against the sacraments), and sexual offences by a cleric against a minor under the age of 18.

Protesters react outside County Court in Melbourne after the sentencing of George Pell was handed down. Daniel Pockett/AAP

A college of judges try difficult cases

Usually a single judge presides over contentious and penal cases. But a college of three or five judges will normally try more complicated or difficult cases – especially if the prescribed penalty is an excommunication from the Church, the dismissal of a cleric, or if the case concerns the annulment of a marriage or an ordination.

Other officers of the tribunal include the promoter of justice, who is the prosecutor in penal cases. The tribunal also has notaries who swear in witnesses, and commit their testimony to writing.

Like any legal system, parties in a case have the right to appoint an advocate who can argue for them at the tribunal. If a person cannot afford an advocate, the tribunal can assign one to them free of charge.

Read more: Triggering past trauma: how to take care of yourself if you’re affected by the Pell news

Defendants are presumed innocent

Catholic Church tribunals do not use the adversarial system used by the courts of the common law tradition. Rather, Catholic Church tribunals use the inquisitorial system law found in most European legal systems. That means the judges lead the investigation.

The standard of proof used by the Catholic Church tribunals is “moral certainty”. Certainty results from examination in good conscience of the available evidence. This isn’t the same as “absolute certainty”, but it’s more than mere probability. It is normally stricter than guilt “beyond reasonable doubt”, which is usually held to be the absence of doubt based on reason and common sense.

As a general rule, the defendant has the presumption of innocence, which means the defendant will win by default unless a majority of the judges is convinced with moral certainty of the petitioner’s case.

– ref. The Catholic Church is investigating George Pell’s case. What does that mean? – http://theconversation.com/the-catholic-church-is-investigating-george-pells-case-what-does-that-mean-113187

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Axel Bruns, Professor, Creative Industries, Queensland University of Technology

The National Library of Australia has just launched its Australian Web Archive – a massive, freely accessible collection of content that provides a historical record of the development of world wide web content in Australia over more than two decades.

The new archive is a momentous achievement. Containing annual captures of all accessible pages on .au domains and dating back to 1996, it dwarfs even the the Library’s own PANDORA Web archive – a curated collection of Australian web content deemed to be of national significance by the librarians.

That the Library has managed to construct this national web archive, and to conduct annual captures of the .au domain since 2005, is all the more remarkable given the chronic underfunding of its activities by successive federal governments. But with the increased use of social media and apps, the next step is to archive platforms such as Facebook and Twitter – unfortunately, this will be an even bigger challenge.

Why archive the web?

More and more material of cultural, social, political, and ultimately historical significance originates online. This has created significant problems for national libraries and archives used to dealing with books, newspapers, letters, and other hard copy materials. Because of constant changes in formats and systems, digital materials are perhaps even more difficult to preserve and keep accessible than print or photos.

Imagine the digital heritage we would lose if such content was not being archived, though. The web is a communally authored space that contains everything from official government announcements through mainstream news reporting to personal homepages. It provides a record of cultural activity and public debate that is far more comprehensive than the written materials that survive from earlier periods in human history.

Read more: Protecting our digital heritage in the age of cyber threats

Already, much of the early web has been lost, however. This is also because of the constant turnover in popular platforms. Early community sites such as GeoCities and MySpace have all but disappeared, and so has the content hosted on them – even in spite of user efforts to preserve at least some of the material from deletion.

The Australian Web Archive is a critical initiative to save what can still be saved, with a strong focus on Australian content. For future historians, it is a treasure trove: how did the general public respond to events of national significance, from John Howard’s election loss through Cyclone Yasi to cricket’s ball-tampering scandal? How did our views, attitudes, and beliefs change in more subtle and gradual ways over time, in relation to everything from anthropogenic climate change to My Kitchen Rules?

How to search the new Australian Web Archive.

The real problems are only just beginning

In spite of its achievements, the Library can’t rest on its laurels. Because of the malleability of digital data, online content is also more changeable than print. Websites can change every day, every hour, every minute, and keeping track of such fast-paced content is only getting more difficult.

A crucial problem here is the increasing “platformisation” of the Internet. We no longer simply use “the web”: we’re on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, WhatsApp, and any number of other platforms, and we’re more likely to access them through mobile apps than desktop browsers.

Such platforms and their content are themselves of immense historical significance: hyperactive Twitter is a first draft of the present where we are constantly commenting on breaking news stories; all-conquering Facebook and its profiles, pages, and groups are a near-comprehensive representation of our collective interests and obsessions; audiovisual Instagram provides a constant stream of photos and videos of contemporary life.

Read more: A First Draft of the Present: Why We Must Preserve Social Media Content

A comprehensive archive of their contents would provide the material for a generation of historians and media, communication, and cultural studies researchers – but the technical, ethical, and political obstacles are immense, and growing.

Archiving the platformised internet

First, the platforms themselves usually don’t provide comprehensive access to their content. But even where they have, archiving institutions have struggled to cope with the overwhelming volume and unfamiliar forms of this firehose of information – as the US Library of Congress found to its detriment when it accepted the “gift” of full and continuing access to Twitter.

Second, users of these platforms have not usually provided explicit permission for their content to be archived and made available by national institutions, except in click-through agreements that none of them have actually read. National libraries have substantial experience in handling sensitive content, and are perhaps better placed than most other institutions to develop ethically sound access mechanisms, but few have chosen to tackle this thorny issue so far.

Finally, the growing backlash against social media platforms’ commodification of user data in the wake of the Cambridge Analytica scandal has led many platform providers to take an increasingly defensive stance, and reduce data access even for legitimate purposes, including research.

Read more: Academics call on Facebook to make data more widely available for research

Facebook’s just-announced “pivot” towards an emphasis on private over public communication must be seen in this context. It is less a genuine attempt to protect users from unwanted intrusions than an intervention designed to reduce pressure from regulators and policy-makers. Facebook’s core business model remains commercialising its users’ data, after all.

In combination, such developments present critical new challenges for the National Library of Australia and other institutions charged with documenting our continuing national narrative.

The Australian Web Archive is a remarkable achievement, and a powerful indicator of the world-leading expertise the Library has managed to assemble in-house. What is needed now is the political will and budget support to enable the Library to maintain this initiative, and to extend it to the new spaces where that narrative now continues to be told.

– ref. The Australian Web Archive is a momentous achievement – but things will get harder from here – http://theconversation.com/the-australian-web-archive-is-a-momentous-achievement-but-things-will-get-harder-from-here-113542

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By William Isdale, Postgraduate Research Student, T.C. Beirne School of Law, The University of Queensland

The High Court has decided, for the first time, the approach that should be taken to resolving native title compensation claims. In a previous article, we said it would be “the most significant case concerning Indigenous land rights since the Mabo and Wik decisions”.

Read more: How will Indigenous people be compensated for lost native title rights? The High Court will soon decide

The High Court’s decision yesterday certainly stands up to that description, and provides a degree of certainty for native title holders and governments. However, it also leaves a number of important issues unresolved. There will no doubt be further significant decisions in the future.

The significance of the decision

The decision is significant for Indigenous people because it confirms the substantial awards that may be made for past losses of native title. In this case, the High Court awarded the Ngaliwurru and Nungali peoples just over A$2.5 million for the loss of 1.27 square kilometres of non-exclusive native title, in and around the remote Northern Territory township of Timber Creek. The loss of that title occurred incrementally, by various acts of the NT government in the 1980s and ’90s.

The decision is significant for state and territory governments because the financial liabilities they owe to many Indigenous peoples have been clarified. Governments have known about the potential for compensation claims since the Native Title Act was passed in 1993. But because the Act expresses the right to compensation in vague terms (being an entitlement “on just terms to compensate the native title holders”), the amounts were unquantifiable. For example, the Commonwealth government’s 2007-08 budget papers noted:

The Australian Government’s liability cannot be quantified due to uncertainty about the number and effect of compensable acts, both in the past and in the future, and the value of native title affected by those acts.

The Native Title Act’s recognition of rights to compensation extends back only to losses of title that have occurred since October 31 1975 (when the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 commenced). However, as explained below, it is possible that claims for compensation for some losses of title prior to that date could succeed.

What the High Court said

Unlike conventional interests in land – like freehold title – it is not possible to sell or lease native title rights. That made it especially difficult to determine what the economic value of those rights would be.

Secondly, there was the question of how a native title party’s cultural or religious ties to country would be compensated for. The High Court’s decision has provided the first inkling of clarity on these questions.

The High Court said the economic component of native title rights was to be valued by assessing those rights in comparison to a freehold title. A freehold title sets the upper limit for economic value because it provides the most extensive set of property rights known to the law. The court confirmed that the task is essentially intuitive.

The first decision of the Federal Court, in 2016, had said that the rights in this case were worth 80% of the freehold value of the land. The Full Court of the Federal Court reduced that amount to 65%. The High Court whittled it down further in this decision, to 50%.

As to the cultural or religious loss caused by the loss of native title rights, the High Court said:

… what, in the end, is required is a monetary figure arrived at as the result of a social judgment, made by the trial judge and monitored by appellate courts, of what, in the Australian community, at this time, is an appropriate award for what has been done; what is appropriate, fair or just.

The court considered that the amount awarded by the courts below – A$1.3 million – was an appropriate award for this aspect of the loss.

Why we can expect more judgments on this topic

The court’s judgment still leaves a lot intuitive work to be done by those trying to determine native title compensation awards. In our view, that is not to the benefit of either native title parties or governments.

What is needed is further guidance about the criteria or principles that will guide the exercise of what is, essentially, an evaluative, or intuitive, decision. Further clarity about these principles will make it easier for compensation claims to be resolved by agreement, rather than by expensive (and time-consuming) litigation. Because the common law is worked out incrementally by the courts, it is likely that future decisions will go some way towards providing further guidance.

Read more: FactCheck: can native title ‘only exist if Australia was settled, not invaded’?

The High Court’s decision also leaves unanswered a number of significant questions. The most significant of these concerns the requirement in the Australian Constitution, section 51, that certain acquisitions of property be on “just terms”.

High Court judges have, over the years, expressed different views as to whether native title would enjoy the protection of this provision. If it does, then it is possible that certain restrictions on compensation provided for under the Native Title Act are unconstitutional.

Further, it may be possible for compensation claims to be successfully made outside of the Native Title Act and for losses that occurred before October 31 1975. If that were the case, for example, actions by the Commonwealth in the Northern Territory (which achieved self-government only in 1978) that extinguished or affected native title, all the way back to Federation in 1901, could be compensable.

What the decision means

For governments around the country that are beginning to quantify their native title liabilities, the amounts could be eye-wateringly large. It is unlikely that many governments have prepared financially for the wave of potential compensation claims.

The greater certainty about the amounts that may be available is likely to accelerate the making of such claims. As the Federal Court noted in its 2016-17 annual report:

A significant number of compensation claims are anticipated when the legal processes in Griffiths [the formal name of this High Court decision] conclude.

Overall, the decision will mark a shift in Australia’s native title journey from determining claims about the existence of native title (phase one) into determining compensation for past losses of native title (phase two).

The first phase has been with us since Mabo in 1992, and new claims for the recognition of native title continue to be made. The second phase is only just beginning. We will see claims before the courts for many years to come.

Given that compensation claims will be payable in most cases by governments, it is likely the decision will trigger political debate about the economic, budgetary and social implications. This debate will deserve close scrutiny.

– ref. Landmark High Court decision guides how compensation for native title losses will be determined – http://theconversation.com/landmark-high-court-decision-guides-how-compensation-for-native-title-losses-will-be-determined-113346

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Davies, Team Leader, CSIRO

While the much-derided “latte set” are stereotyped as the biggest worriers about climate change, it’s the chardonnay crowd who are acutely feeling its effects.

Australia’s wine industry is both world-renowned and economically significant, with around A$5.6 billion in sales in 2016–17, and winemaking and associated tourism responsible for more than 170,000 full and part-time jobs. Statistics also show that wine consumption is now accepted as being just as dinky-di as beer drinking for the average Australian.

Read more: A taste for terroir: the evolution of the Australian wine label

However, record-breaking daily maximum temperatures, warmer than average overnight temperatures, and increasingly erratic weather patterns are playing havoc with the way wine grapes grow and ripen. This has knock-on effects for Australian grape growers, wine producers and consumers.

Climate in the vineyard hits the cellar and the store shelf

Most of Australia’s wine regions have experienced rising average daily temperatures. One effect is changes to ripening times, which has compressed the harvesting season and given wine-makers a crucial logistical headache.

Traditionally, white grape varieties would generally reach optimum ripeness before red ones. While all grapes tend to ripen faster as temperatures rise, this effect is more pronounced for later-ripening varieties (for example Shiraz and Cabernet Sauvignon) than earlier ripening varieties (for example Chardonnay and Riesling).

Australian winegrape varieties are becoming ready for harvest simultaneously. Shutterstock

The old process of staggered harvesting times for red and white grape varieties was efficient, allowing the winery’s capacity to be used in sequence for different varieties. Now that different varieties are ripening at the same time, vineyards and wineries will have to make tough choices about which grapes to prioritise, and which ones to leave until later, resulting in inferior wine. Alternatively, they could take the expensive decision to increase production capacity by investing in more infrastructure such as fermenters and stainless steel tanks.

Read more: Message in a bottle: the wine industry gives farmers a taste of what to expect from climate change

Perhaps you’re thinking that you, the savvy wine drinker, are unaffected by the difficulties faced by winemakers in the vineyards and wineries far away. Unfortunately this isn’t so. Harvesting grapes when they are not at optimal ripeness to solve the logistical problems of processing can lead to lower-value wine.

The fact is that this new reality is costing everyone – grape-growers, winemakers and consumers alike.

And just in case you think that the simple answer is changing Australia’s cultured palates back to beer, think again. Hop production is being hit just as hard by climate change.

Help is at hand

Fortunately, these are problems we hope to tackle. CSIRO recently announced a five-year research partnership with Wine Australia, and one of the projects aims to adjust wine grape ripening to suit a changing climate.

We hope to do it by studying plant growth regulators (PGRs) – molecules that are used by the plant to control and coordinate development. We are using a class of PGRs called auxins, first studied in grass seedlings by Charles Darwin in the 1880s, that have important roles in vine growth, and the timing of grape growth and ripening.

Plant growth regulators can help control ripening times. Shutterstock

By spraying these compounds onto vines and grapes shortly before ripening, auxins can potentially be used to influence the timing of this process and therefore harvest date. They are already used in other horticultural crops, such as to control fruit drop in apples and pears.

Applying very small amounts of auxin can delay grape ripening, and therefore harvest timing, by up to four weeks (Davies et al., 2015, J Ag Food Chem 63: 2137-2144). This treatment works for red and white varieties in hot or cool climates, and is safe, cheap and easy to apply.

The flavour and aroma of wines made from ripening-delayed grapes is largely indistinguishable from wines made from untreated fruit harvested at the same sugar level, up to a month earlier. An exciting exception is that, in Shiraz, auxin-induced ripening delay can be used to increase the concentration of rotundone, the compound responsible for this variety’s popular peppery notes.

Read more: State of the Climate 2018: Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO

Work is currently under way to fine-tune spray formulations and application times. The aim is to release a commercially available product within the next five years.

This kind of solution will be vital for the sustainable, economical production of high-quality wines from existing grape varieties in established wine growing regions. We hope it will ensure you can enjoy your favourite drop for many years to come.

– ref. A warning for wine-lovers: climate change is messing with your favourite tipple’s timing – http://theconversation.com/a-warning-for-wine-lovers-climate-change-is-messing-with-your-favourite-tipples-timing-112865

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Farmer, Senior Research Officer, Florey Institute of Neuroscience and Mental Health

Curious Kids is a series for children. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to curiouskids@theconversation.edu.au You might also like the podcast Imagine This, a co-production between ABC KIDS listen and The Conversation, based on Curious Kids.

What is a headache? Is it our brain hurting? – Question from the students of Ms Young’s Grade 5/6 class, Baden Powell College, Victoria.

Scientists and doctors define “a headache” as a situation in which your “head” “aches”.

Sorry for getting technical right off the bat, but that’s the simple answer.

If we look a little deeper, things get very interesting: an ache is a kind of pain, but what is pain? And more importantly, why is it happening to your head?

Read more: Curious Kids: who was the first ancient mummy?

A closer look at pain

Pain is the brain’s way of telling you that things are bad for you. For example, a hot stove or a slammed door can damage your skin and muscle. If you, say, burn your finger or slam a door on it, information about the damage is sent to your brain.

When it arrives there you will, unfortunately, experience it as pain.

As most of us know, pain feels terrible, but it is actually very useful. It is the brain’s way of convincing you not to do things that can hurt you.

“Come on, mate,” you whisper, rubbing your temples, “get to the headaches already.”

Where does it hurt? Shutterstock

Brain pain?

The brain itself (that is, the thinking bits of it) can’t sense damage the way your fingers can. To my knowledge, nobody has accidentally burned their brain on a hot stove, so we can’t ask them what it feels like (as always, do not try this at home, or anywhere else for that matter).

However, we do know that we can poke or even cut a brain and it won’t feel painful to the person. We know this because people can have brain surgery while they are totally awake.

In fact, this is the safest way to do it. That said, I’m sure we can agree that having someone perform surgery on your brain (hopefully, a surgeon) while they also chat to you about the weather is probably a very weird experience.

“Come on, David!” you whisper, grimacing against the light as your patience frays and your headache intensifies. “If the brain can’t sense injury, then why does my head hurt?”

People can have brain surgery while they are totally awake. Shutterstock

The brain itself can’t sense injury, but do you know what can? The muscles and membranes that surround the brain, and the veins and arteries that run through the brain.

These near-brain but not-brain things can experience things like irritation, inflammation or dehydration. If they do, your brain will interpret this information as pain that is happening inside your head, and so you experience a headache.

This irritation, inflammation or dehydration could occur because you are getting sick, or have banged your head, or spent a hot day in the sun without drinking enough water.

If you do have a headache, it is a good idea to tell your parents or teacher and then have a lie down in a quiet, dark, cool room. If the pain doesn’t go away after a lie down, you might ask your parents for a trip to the doctor.

If you have a headache, try lying down in a darkened room. Your headache might go away on its own. Shutterstock

Sometimes, for some reason that I don’t understand, people around me seem to get a headache when I talk to them about science things (like headaches) for too long.

In this case, getting rid of a headache is a two-step process in which you first wait for me to go away, and then lie down and wait for the pain to go away as normal.

The first bit of good news is that, if I am not the cause of your headache, you just need to do the lying down part.

The second bit of good news is that this is the last sentence of this article about headaches and the headache-inducing nature of pain.

David Farmer is the brains (pun absolutely intended) behind the Melbourne Comedy Festival show “Why You’re Not Dead Yet” which is all about brain function.

Read more: Curious Kids: why are people colour blind?

Hello, curious kids! Have you got a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to curiouskids@theconversation.edu.au

CC BY-ND

Please tell us your name, age and which city you live in. We won’t be able to answer every question but we will do our best.

– ref. Curious Kids: what is a headache? Is it our brain hurting? – http://theconversation.com/curious-kids-what-is-a-headache-is-it-our-brain-hurting-112951

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Wolf, Postdoctoral Fellow, Academic Unit for Psychiatry of Old Age, University of Melbourne

As we age, we often have problems with our ability to smell (called olfactory dysfunction). Older people might not be able to identify an odour or differentiate one odour from another. In some cases they might not be able to detect an odour at all.

Odour identification difficulties are common in people with neurodegenerative diseases, including Alzheimer’s disease.

In the absence of a known medical cause, an impaired sense of smell can be a predictor of cognitive decline. Older people who have difficulty identifying common odours have been estimated to be twice as likely to develop dementia in five years as those with no significant smell loss.

Olfactory dysfunction is often present before other cognitive symptoms appear, although this loss can go undetected.

Read more: Curious Kids: How do we smell?

Beyond being a potential early indicator of Alzheimer’s disease, olfactory problems can pose safety risks, such as not being able to smell gas, smoke, or rotten food.

Smell ability is also strongly linked to our ability to taste, so impairments can lead to decreased appetite and therefore nutritional deficiencies. In turn, olfactory deficits can decrease quality of life and increase the risk of depression.

But there is emerging evidence that olfactory or “smell training” can improve ability to smell. These findings may offer some hope for older adults experiencing olfactory difficulties and an associated decline in quality of life.

How is our sense of smell linked to our brains?

The process of smelling activates the complex olfactory network in the brain. When we smell a rose, for example, receptors in the nose detect the many molecules that make up the rose’s odour.

This information is then sent to the many areas of the brain (including the olfactory bulb and olfactory cortex, the hippocampus, the thalamus and the orbitofrontal cortex) that help us process the information about that odour.

To name the rose, we access our stored knowledge of its pattern of odour molecules, based on past experience. So identifying the smell as belonging to a rose is considered a cognitive task.

What is smell training?

Smell training has been studied in various animals, from flies to primates. Animals exposed to multiple odours develop an increased number of, and connections between, brain cells. This process has been shown to enhance learning and memory of odours.

In humans, olfactory training has typically involved smelling a range of robust odours representing major odour categories – flowery (such as rose), fruity (lemon), aromatic (eucalyptus) or resinous (cloves). Participants may be asked to focus their attention on particular odours, try to detect certain odours, or note odour intensities.

An inhibited sense of smell means we may not taste our food as well. From shutterstock.com

Generally, training is repeated daily for several months. Periods over three months are suggested for older adults.

This training has been shown to improve people’s ability to identify and tell the difference between smells. To a lesser extent, it can help with odour detection in people with various forms of smell loss, including those with a brain-derived impairment such as a head injury or Parkinson’s disease.

Read more: What’s happening in our bodies as we age?

Importantly, one recent study of olfactory training in older adults found it not only improved performance on identifying smells, but was also associated with improvement in other cognitive abilities.

For example, those who undertook smell training had improved verbal fluency (improved ability to name words associated with a category), compared to control participants who completed Sudoku exercises.

How does smell training work?

Neuroplasticity, our brains’ ability to change continuously in response to experience, may be key to how smell training works.

Neuroplasticity involves the generation of new connections and/or the strengthening of existing connections between neurons (brain cells), which in turn may lead to changes in thinking skills or behaviour. We can see evidence of neuroplasticity when we practise a skill such as playing an instrument or learning a new language.

The olfactory network is considered particularly neuroplastic. Neuroplasticity may therefore underlie the positive results from smell training, both in terms of improving olfactory ability and boosting capacity for other cognitive tasks.

Read more: Explainer: nature, nurture and neuroplasticity

Could smell training be the new brain training?

Brain training aiming to maintain or enhance cognitive function has been extensively studied in older people with dementia or at risk of it.

Established cognitive training approaches generally train participants to use learning strategies with visual or auditory stimuli. To date, formal cognitive training has not been attempted using smells.

However, using the considerable neuroplasticity of the olfactory network and evidence-based cognitive training techniques, both olfactory and cognitive deficits may be targeted, particularly in older adults at risk of dementia. It seems possible we could train our brains through our noses.

– ref. An impaired sense of smell can signal cognitive decline, but ‘smell training’ could help – http://theconversation.com/an-impaired-sense-of-smell-can-signal-cognitive-decline-but-smell-training-could-help-107606

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philippa Collin, Associate Professor, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

Young Australians are more connected, educated and informed than previous generations. They are also more likely to have higher debt and less economic independence into their 30s. Many feel excluded from traditional politics and policy making and are turning to local action and global issues to express their political views.

Young people are also swing voters who have had a significant, but unrecognised, effect on the outcomes of elections since the mid 1990s. In NSW, there are 1.34 million voters aged 18-35 – 25% of all electors. This is a record high number following a 2017 surge in national enrolment when 65,000 new young voters registered in the lead up to the same-sex marriage poll. There are now 140,000 more 18–24-year-old voters than 1.5 years ago.

Read more: Many young people aren’t enrolled to vote – but are we asking them the wrong question?

In general, young voters are socially progressive and action-oriented. They are not rusted on to party politics and they want to see leadership on issues. In close elections, like this year’s NSW state poll, winning the youth vote will be key to winning government – especially in marginal seats.

For example, in the 2015 election, Coogee was won by less than 2,500 votes – equivalent to half of the 20-24 year olds in that electorate. So the issues that matter to young people should matter to NSW electoral candidates.

What matters to young people in NSW?

Safety at entertainment events and school strikes on climate change have already tested the Coalition government’s responses to young people and their concerns. Yet, the diverse experiences and needs of young people still aren’t reflected by political parties. Key issues that matter to young people in the NSW election include:

Heath and mental health

In NSW, mental health is the top priority issue for those aged 15-19. The most frightening aspect of mental health for young people is the growing rate of youth suicide, and 45% of all young people who died by suicide in 2016 were from NSW.

Around two thirds of young Australians who need help don’t get it. In consultations with more than 4,000 children and young people, the NSW Advocate for Children and Young People identified access to health and mental health services and support as a major concern – young people want the government to ensure that there is appropriate help, when they need it – including after hours.

They also want governments to address the “causes of the causes” of poor health and mental health – such as poverty, inequality and violence.

Unemployment

Finding work is becoming more difficult for young Australians. With one in three young people unemployed or underemployed, young people are not benefiting from economic or job growth in the state. The youth unemployment rate is more than twice Australia’s overall unemployment rate and in NSW, 84,900 young people are not in paid work. Despite 60% of young Australians achieving post school qualifications, half of Australia’s 25-year-olds are unable to secure full-time employment.

Read more: High youth unemployment can’t be blamed on wages

Housing affordability

As more young people are pushed into perpetual and unaffordable renting because they cannot afford to buy a home, and with the increasing number of youth homelessness, housing affordability is a clear election priority. The relative cost of purchasing a house in 2016 was four times what it was in 1975, with more than 50% of young people under 24 experiencing housing stress.

For young people in Western Sydney, the situation is especially acute. Rents can be 35 – 60% of average weekly wages for people over the age of 15. Of immediate concern is the massive increase in youth homelessness over the last decade by 92%. There were 9,048 homeless young people in NSW in 2016: more than in any other state.

Climate change

Climate change remains a key concern for young people: it is one of the top three issues identified by young people for the 2016 election. In 2017, a United Nations Youth Representative Report listed it as the number one concern.

Since then, young people have been calling for politicians to take meaningful action on climate change, spurring a world-wide movement ‘school strike 4 climate’ for which many will demonstrate at an estimated 50 sites around Australia on March 15. Young people have the most at stake when it comes to climate change and they are holding the government to account. Climate change will be a deciding issue until there is clear action made by state and federal governments.

Education

The rising cost of VET, TAFE and university fees, compounded by insecure work and the high cost of living, are making educational access increasingly unequal for young people across NSW.

Young people want education to be free or more affordable, to ensure that everyone has access to a well-funded and relevant education system, according to a survey of 3,400 young people done by Youth Action in 2018.

Young people, especially those from rural and remote areas, those with a disability, and those from low SES backgrounds continue to face disproportionate challenges in our state education system.

Beyond the election

Young people won’t be won over by small, short term measures. Candidates and parties must be genuine, honest, consistent and lead on the key issues that matter to young people. To gain and retain their votes, politicians need to deliver and meaningfully engage with young people in the long term. Much like a Minister for Aging (which NSW has), a Minister for Youth would ensure this consistently across government.

Read more: How to engage youth in making policies that work for us all

In all their diversity, young people care about issues and they want to be involved. Adding their voices and votes to solving big policy problems in NSW will have a beneficial flow on effect for the rest of society. In extensive consultations by the NSW Advocate for Children and Young People and for Youth Action’s 2019 Election Platform young people have clearly articulated what needs to happen to create a better society for their peers and deliver benefits to the wider community.

Candidates in the upcoming election would be wise to heed and act on the priorities of young people who will be voting in March – and for many decades to come. If you don’t secure their vote, someone else will.

This article was co-authored with Katie Acheson (CEO, Youth Action)

– ref. Young voters may hold the key to the NSW state election: here’s why – http://theconversation.com/young-voters-may-hold-the-key-to-the-nsw-state-election-heres-why-113190

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dimitri Perrin, Senior Lecturer, Queensland University of Technology

Remember the global outrage four months ago at world-first claims a researcher had used the gene editing tool CRISPR to edit the genomes of twin girls?

The molecular scissors known as CRISPR (CRISPR/cas9 in full) allow scientists to modify DNA with high precision and greater ease than previous technologies.

Now researchers from the USA, Europe, China and New Zealand have published a prominent call for a moratorium, or temporary freeze, on the clinical use of germline gene editing technology in humans. (Germline editing means the genes that are edited are included in eggs and sperm, the “germ” cells, and can be passed on to following generations).

Read more: What is CRISPR gene editing, and how does it work?

The authors on the Nature report include some leaders in the development of CRISPR technologies, as well as bioethicists.

They propose a framework in which nations commit to not approve any clinical use of heritable gene editing unless some conditions are met on technical, societal, medical and ethical grounds.

In that process, they also argue that there should be an initial period during which no clinical use of germline editing is allowed at all. Research would still be allowed, provided embryos are used only in the very early stages in laboratory studies, and not transferred to a woman’s uterus to develop further. They suggest this period could last five years.

After this initial period, any participating country could allow a particular application of germline editing by following three steps:

1. public notice of intent
2. transparent evaluation and justification of the application (considering not only the scientific and medical aspects, but also the related societal and ethical issues)
3. achievement of a broad consensus in the nation that this is an acceptable application.

Read more: Researcher claims CRISPR-edited twins are born. How will science respond?

It’s about more than just science

It is important that the evaluation considers not only the science of germline genetic modifications, but also the broader societal context. The authors mention the risk of discrimination, peer and marketing pressure, and unequal access to the technology if gene editing became available as a tool, for example in IVF clinics.

This moratorium would be limited to human germline editing only. This means modifying human sperm, eggs or embryos to make children whose DNA has been altered. Such changes pass through the generations, which is why germline editing is a particular area of concern.

The moratorium would not apply to changes in human cells not capable of reproduction (called somatic gene editing). Current efforts to treat blindness, sickle cell disease or cancer using CRISPR would not be affected by the moratorium.

Implications in Australia

In Australia, germline genetic modification is not allowed, and is illegal.

According to the Prohibition of Human Cloning for Reproduction Act (2002) researchers can face up to 15 years in jail for modifying “the genome of a human cell in such a way that the alteration is heritable by descendants of the human whose cell was altered”. Therefore the implications for Australia will be limited, and applying the initial five-year freeze on any clinical use of germline editing would be seamless.

If Australia wishes to allow any clinical application of germline editing at some point in the future, this act would need to be revised.

The framework proposed in the moratorium call provides a basis for how such a revision could then be discussed: public notice, transparent and comprehensive consideration of the application, and national discussion.

Voluntary and pragmatic

The proposed moratorium is voluntary. This is a pragmatic approach. It would be very difficult to get international agreement on a ban.

As the authors note, discussions on a legally binding convention to outlaw human cloning are not making much progress.

In the absence of a binding agreement, a voluntary pledge can start to move the main stakeholders towards a workable solution. Other issues such as climate change have shown the limitations of international agreements, but even getting a limited number of countries on board would be a positive first step.

Read more: ‘Designer’ babies won’t be common anytime soon – despite recent CRISPR twins

Change requires commitment

The authors also call on those who work in fields where CRISPR is used, including the leaders of research institutes as well as individual researchers, to publicly pledge to the principles of the framework they have outlined.

It will be interesting to see how some other stakeholders respond. For instance, will funding agencies and scientific publishers come on board? One objection to moratoriums is that they do not prevent “rogue” entities or individuals from operating outside their framework.

If it was clear that no study would be funded or published unless it adhered to the principles of advance notice, full transparency and national approval, it would remove some of the incentives that sometimes turn scientific research into a race.

Ultimately, in each country, society as a whole will have to decide whether germline editing is acceptable, and under which circumstances. A meaningful consensus will only be achieved if an informed discussion takes place.

To date, issues around gene editing have been mostly discussed among experts. More than ever, engagement and education that includes diverse members of our society around advanced biotechnologies is crucial.

– ref. Experts call for halt to CRISPR editing that allows gene changes to pass on to children – http://theconversation.com/experts-call-for-halt-to-crispr-editing-that-allows-gene-changes-to-pass-on-to-children-113463

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Wolf, Postdoctoral Fellow, Academic Unit for Psychiatry of Old Age, University of Melbourne

As we age, we often have problems with our ability to smell (called olfactory dysfunction). Older people might not be able to identify an odour or differentiate one odour from another. In some cases they might not be able to detect an odour at all.

Odour identification difficulties are common in people with neurodegenerative diseases, including Alzheimer’s disease.

In the absence of a known medical cause, an impaired sense of smell can be a predictor of cognitive decline. Older people who have difficulty identifying common odours have been estimated to be twice as likely to develop dementia in five years as those with no significant smell loss.

Olfactory dysfunction is often present before other cognitive symptoms appear, although this loss can go undetected.

Read more: Curious Kids: How do we smell?

Beyond being a potential early indicator of Alzheimer’s disease, olfactory problems can pose safety risks, such as not being able to smell gas, smoke, or rotten food.

Smell ability is also strongly linked to our ability to taste, so impairments can lead to decreased appetite and therefore nutritional deficiencies. In turn, olfactory deficits can decrease quality of life and increase the risk of depression.

But there is emerging evidence that olfactory or “smell training” can improve ability to smell. These findings may offer some hope for older adults experiencing olfactory difficulties and an associated decline in quality of life.

How is our sense of smell linked to our brains?

The process of smelling activates the complex olfactory network in the brain. When we smell a rose, for example, receptors in the nose detect the many molecules that make up the rose’s odour.

This information is then sent to the many areas of the brain (including the olfactory bulb and olfactory cortex, the hippocampus, the thalamus and the orbitofrontal cortex) that help us process the information about that odour.

To name the rose, we access our stored knowledge of its pattern of odour molecules, based on past experience. So identifying the smell as belonging to a rose is considered a cognitive task.

What is smell training?

Smell training has been studied in various animals, from flies to primates. Animals exposed to multiple odours develop an increased number of, and connections between, brain cells. This process has been shown to enhance learning and memory of odours.

In humans, olfactory training has typically involved smelling a range of robust odours representing major odour categories – flowery (such as rose), fruity (lemon), aromatic (eucalyptus) or resinous (cloves). Participants may be asked to focus their attention on particular odours, try to detect certain odours, or note odour intensities.

An inhibited sense of smell means we may not taste our food as well. From shutterstock.com

Generally, training is repeated daily for several months. Periods over three months are suggested for older adults.

This training has been shown to improve people’s ability to identify and tell the difference between smells. To a lesser extent, it can help with odour detection in people with various forms of smell loss, including those with a brain-derived impairment such as a head injury or Parkinson’s disease.

Read more: What’s happening in our bodies as we age?

Importantly, one recent study of olfactory training in older adults found it not only improved performance on identifying smells, but was also associated with improvement in other cognitive abilities.

For example, those who undertook smell training had improved verbal fluency (improved ability to name words associated with a category), compared to control participants who completed Sudoku exercises.

How does smell training work?

Neuroplasticity, our brains’ ability to change continuously in response to experience, may be key to how smell training works.

Neuroplasticity involves the generation of new connections and/or the strengthening of existing connections between neurons (brain cells), which in turn may lead to changes in thinking skills or behaviour. We can see evidence of neuroplasticity when we practise a skill such as playing an instrument or learning a new language.

The olfactory network is considered particularly neuroplastic. Neuroplasticity may therefore underlie the positive results from smell training, both in terms of improving olfactory ability and boosting capacity for other cognitive tasks.

Read more: Explainer: nature, nurture and neuroplasticity

Could smell training be the new brain training?

Brain training aiming to maintain or enhance cognitive function has been extensively studied in older people with dementia or at risk of it.

Established cognitive training approaches generally train participants to use learning strategies with visual or auditory stimuli. To date, formal cognitive training has not been attempted using smells.

However, using the considerable neuroplasticity of the olfactory network and evidence-based cognitive training techniques, both olfactory and cognitive deficits may be targeted, particularly in older adults at risk of dementia. It seems possible we could train our brains through our noses.

– ref. An impaired sense of smell often signals cognitive decline, but ‘smell training’ could help – http://theconversation.com/an-impaired-sense-of-smell-often-signals-cognitive-decline-but-smell-training-could-help-107606

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dominic McAfee, Postdoctoral researcher, marine ecology, University of Adelaide

Humans love optimism. It’s a no-brainer – optimism makes us feel good and wanting more. This attraction has deep neurological roots that affect both our brain functions and how we process new information.

For this reason, optimism is powerful. Optimistic individuals or groups frequently perform better in sports, are better negotiators in business, and recover faster from illness. Feeling optimistic may well be a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Read more: Explainer: ‘solarpunk’, or how to be an optimistic radical

But for scientists trying to communicate dark and difficult messages about conservation, extinction risks or climate change, pessimism can also be a useful tool (and a logical outcome). Shock headlines grab attention – and may more accurately reflect reality. But too much leads to fatigue and disengagement.

Published today in BioScience, our research outlines steps to usefully combine optimism with pessimism when talking about environmental conservation. We took a deep dive into the literature from psychology, business, politics and communications disciplines, to understand how positive and negative thinking influence human performance.

Know your target audience

To make your environmental message stick, first you need to know who your target audience is. What are their daily fears and future worries? Do they care about nature for nature’s sake, or only when it impacts themselves? How do they perceive scientists? Knowing their fundamental values helps tailor your message.

Let’s say we want to restore an endangered forest, whose existence has been largely forgotten. The benefits of restoring a forgotten habitat are many: the mental health benefits of walking among wise, old trees, the busy routine of forest creatures that churn the soil, increasing forest productivity and cleaning the rivers that flow beyond, and the abundant fruit that falls from the canopy. Not to mention the beauty and wonder of nature, which inspires and enlightens.

Clearly, the benefits of conserving the forest can be framed in many ways for many audiences, whether their primary concerns are environmental, social, economic or personal. Knowing the values and fears of your target audience helps identify what information will resonate.

Build awareness of the threat

Shock grabs attention, so clearly explaining a dire environmental issue is a good strategy for generating initial awareness. An impeding or recent loss (for example, the River Franklin in Tasmania, or fish within the Murray Darling Basin) has a greater attention-grabbing property than positive news, particularly when framed to address the audience’s key concerns. This is where pessimism is necessary – and in fact may simply be realism.

Read more: Children are natural optimists – which comes with psychological pros and cons

In our endangered forest, the valuable wood has been logged to near extinction. Without the tree’s shade the soil has turned toxic and hard under the baking sun, rendering the land unsafe for human use. The inaccessibility of the last remnant patches means few people can experience their wonders and they will soon be lost from common memory.

Forest accessibility is important for hikers. Shutterstock

This is where the first step, understanding your audiences’ values, helps. For keen hikers the accessibility of forests may be most important. For those focused on the cost of living, you might highlight that without the forest filtering and cleaning drinking water they will need to pay for water treatment plants.

If the trees become extinct so will a sustainable logging industry, which reduces employment. (It also speaks to intergenerational equity, where earlier generations benefited at the expense of later generations.)

Build optimism with success stories

While negative news grabs attention, in the absence of hope it can quickly lead to despair and disengagement. By introducing optimism in the face of environmental crises, people can remain both aware and hopeful for a positive outcome.

Indeed, expectation of a positive outcome is a key motivator for people to commit to a cause. But where can optimism be found when all is seemingly lost?

Read more: How we discovered that it is possible to feel optimism for others

Optimism can be built on back of environmental success stories. In our example, the endangered trees produce more seeds than needed to replace old trees. Using these seeds, a local community has reforested toxic land where an old forest once stood, producing early signs of a healthy restored ecosystem. Such a success story provides optimism for other communities to envisage success in their own backyard.

Provide a path forward

Neither hope nor fear alone will change people’s behaviour. To allow change, people must believe their actions can make a difference. Therefore, our next step is to infuse optimism with efficacy, by offering the audience a pathway to engage with the issue.

The initial success of the restored forest breathed optimism into other revival efforts. But without public pressure, local governments can see investment in restoration as unnecessary (especially when the town’s water treatment facilities need updating anyway).

However when councils are convinced and communities engaged we can sow the seeds of recovery and create the community stewardship needed for long-term care.

Create community spirit

Our final step is to build a sense of community. Believing in the collective ability of a unified group gives us motivation and commitment. Belonging to a group can empower the individual, helping them confront an issue they would not tackle alone.

Positive community spirit is hard to overlook. Mike Lemmon/flickr, CC BY-NC-SA

Encouraging the target audience to form community groups can see a trickle of public pressure increase to a flood. Local administrators may overlook the demands of one or two forest-loving individuals, but it’s hard to ignore a group of voters seeking action.

Read more: Explainer: ‘solarpunk’, or how to be an optimistic radical

The power of positive thinking has long been recognised. But environmental optimism is no panacea. It needs to be balanced with the reality of environmental pessimism. Both have their motivating virtues and finding a balance between them attracts attention and inspires action over the long-term.

Our forest example was derived from our experience with restoring Australia’s lost oyster reefs. South Australia’s 20 hectare oyster reef restoration was enabled by the local enthusiasm of a rural community, which was empowered by the expertise of an NGO and solution-seekers within several government departments; all underpinned by the credibility of university research.

– ref. How (and why) to stay optimistic when it feels like the environment is falling apart – http://theconversation.com/how-and-why-to-stay-optimistic-when-it-feels-like-the-environment-is-falling-apart-113461

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marion Terrill, Transport and Cities Program Director, Grattan Institute

Sydney is awash with construction activity – new motorways, light rail and the Metro project are all part of an infrastructure deluge. And as New South Wales voters head to the polls, the two major parties keep raining promises on electorates of ever-larger, ever-faster transport projects.

But with early voting now open, it’s time to take stock. And Grattan Institute has tallied the numbers to help make sense of it all.

First, the total cost: Labor is promising about A$50 billion of transport projects, and the Coalition about A$70 billion. And the five largest projects on each side together account for more than three-quarters of the total cost. This matters – the bigger the project, the more likely it’ll go over budget, and in a big way.

Read more: WestConnex audit offers another $17b lesson in how not to fund infrastructure

So far, 14 projects have been announced with price tags in the billions of dollars. Each A$1 billion equates to around A$125 from every person in NSW.

How different are the party platforms?

A striking difference between this election and the Victorian election last November is how much the major parties actually agree on. Both support three of the four largest projects. Voters take note: no matter who wins, you can expect to pay for most of the transport infrastructure promises now on offer.

The major difference is in the parties’ positions on roads – especially toll roads. The Coalition is backing the A$14 billion Western Harbour Tunnel & Beaches Link and the A$2.6 billion F6; Labor is promising to scrap them.

Before he resigned as state Labor leader last November, Luke Foley declared that Labor would “unashamedly prioritise public transport over toll roads”. His successor, Michael Daley, appears to have held the course.

The bulk of public transport spending by both sides will be on rail, nearly all of it in Sydney. An exception is the Liberals’ plan for regional fast rail. Sound familiar? Just a few months ago, the then leader of the Victorian Liberals, Matthew Guy, tried to woo voters with a similar promise.

Unlike their southern counterparts, the Berejiklian government is not taking an actual plan to the election, just a commitment to plan. It’s a move they might’ve learned from Victorian Labor Premier Daniel Andrews and his promised A$50 billion rail loop. The NSW Liberals have not provided any cost estimates for fast rail, so Grattan Institute has excluded it from these charts; safe to say, including it would make the Coalition’s total spending promises even more enormous.

Read more: How much will voters pay for an early Christmas? Eight charts that explain Victoria’s transport election

The coming transport infrastructure wave is heavily focused on Sydney. Both parties are set to pour cash into western Sydney, a clear battleground. It’s not surprising that regional NSW gets less of the transport love – voters outside the capital might be more concerned with hospitals and schools than with transport, particularly if they face little congestion.

How well justified are these projects?

Election campaigns can feel like birthday parties, with politicians bestowing gifts upon voters. But these gifts are largely paid for by the taxpayer, or by motorists in the case of tollways. Big infrastructure doesn’t come with a gift receipt; voters need to know in advance whether these projects’ benefits outweigh the costs.

Infrastructure NSW and Infrastructure Australia are two independent bodies that can identify worthy projects and assess business cases. Only two major projects have a tick of approval from either of those bodies – Sydney Metro (City and Southwest sections), and Stage 1 of the F6.

The Coalition supports both of these, whereas Labor supports only the City section of Sydney Metro. It is unclear why Labor would walk away from projects with established net benefits to the community.

Voters should be concerned that the other promised infrastructure is either not recommended or lacks business cases.

It can be difficult for an opposition to complete a business case, given it doesn’t have access to department resources. The government has no such excuse. Making promises without first scrutinising them forces voters to make risky decisions. Grattan Institute research shows that cost overruns were 23% higher for projects announced close to an election.

Read more: Spectacular cost blowouts show need to keep governments honest on transport

Reforms promise a better way

Governments should do their due diligence before election time. Fortunately, there are signs of improvement on this score.

Labor is promising to introduce public planning inquiries on projects worth more than A$1 billion. This should help ensure business cases are completed, independently assessed and accessible to the public before projects are approved. When infrastructure is so costly and, at times, controversial, it’s very worthwhile to strive for community support and bipartisanship.

And Labor promises a new level of transparency in how government operates, by bringing in the independent pricing regulator, IPART, and the Auditor-General to shine a light on toll road contracts.

Labor also promises to strengthen the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) so that it runs all year round, not just before elections. Much like the Victorian PBO, this would enable minor parties to have their policies costed as well.

With 30% of voters planning to cast their ballots early this election, the PBO should also be required to publish budget impact statements two weeks before the election, not five days. This would help early voters to make informed decisions, as well as raising public suspicion about any policy announced in the fortnight before election day, too late for costing.

Recent experience suggests that promising splashy projects with big price tags can be very effective at election time. With more accountability and better processes, voters mightn’t be so easily swept off their feet.

Read more: We hardly ever trust big transport announcements – here’s how politicians get it right

– ref. How the NSW election promises on transport add up – http://theconversation.com/how-the-nsw-election-promises-on-transport-add-up-112531