Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caron Beaton-Wells, Professor, Melbourne Law School, University of Melbourne
The Royal Commission into Misconduct in the Banking, Superannuation and Financial Services Industry released its interim report last month.
This month Rod Sims was re-appointed as chairman of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC).
The reappointment, the second by a Coalition government after the then Labor treasurer, Wayne Swan, appointed Sims in 2011, will give him an unprecedented third term.
The two events might seem unrelated, but it pays to take a closer look.
Compare the pair
Royal Commissioner Kenneth Hayne’s preliminary diagnosis was that fault lay, at least in part, with the financial system regulators; in particular the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC).
His chapter on “the regulators” is peppered with comparisons between ASIC and the ACCC. These do not favour ASIC.
ASIC plays too nice
The report charges ASIC with bending over backwards to negotiate agreed outcomes with offenders. Instead of litigating in pursuit of sanctions, too often ASIC has resorted to enforceable undertakings, the terms of which were heavily manipulated by the offending entity, or infringement notices that involved no admission of guilt. The report states:
… ASIC’s starting point appears to have been: How can this be resolved by agreement?
The starting point should be: Why would it not be in the public interest to bring proceedings to penalise the breach?
The agreements focused on remediation measures, which, as Hayne also notes, took far too long to reach. While it is important to compensate victims, it is not a substitute for penalties that punish wrongdoers and deter others.
As Hayne put it:
The regulator must do whatever can be done to ensure that breach of the law is not profitable.
Limited resources are no excuse. Allocation of ASIC’s limited resources is a process of prioritisation. Bringing cases against wrongdoers appears to have been low on its list of priorities.
The ACCC plays tough
The ACCC has the same tools at its disposal as ASIC and makes good use of negotiated agreements. But it is also prepared to escalate its approach from negotiation to litigation.
By contrast, under ASIC oversight, financial institutions have been allowed to think, in Hayne’s words, that they could “decide when and how the law will be obeyed or the consequences of breach remedied”.
Comparisons between the volume of proceedings brought by each regulator are difficult given the differences in their responsibilities and the provisions governing them.
However, it is hard to imagine a charge of litigating too little being made against the ACCC.
Enforcement has been at the centre of the ACCC’s mission under Sims, and under Allan Fels before him.
The ACCC takes on the big end of town
Hayne bemoans the fact that 70% of ASIC’s enforcement actions have been against small business. A healthy proportion of the ACCC’s have been against large businesses including the big supermarkets, the airlines, telecommunication companies and banks.
Over the past decade the ACCC has racked up A$366 million in fines for breaches of just one of the many prohibitions that it is responsible for enforcing: the prohibition against cartel conduct.
Aided in part by an upward adjustment in the statutory maximum size of the penalty it is able to obtain, its average over the past ten years has been double that of the preceding ten years.
In May this year, the ACCC persuaded the Federal Court to impose Australia’s highest civil penalty for anti-competitive conduct to date – A$46 million. This topped the A$36 million against cardboard giant Visy that had stood as the record for more than 10 years.
The fresh record was an important step in the Sims-led campaign to lift the benchmark for corporate fines.
Not content with higher civil penalties, Sims also oversaw the first criminal prosecutions for cartel behaviour. The first produced a penalty of A$25 million against a Japanese shipping company, discounted by half for cooperation. Further prosecutions against a regional healthcare company and three major banks swiftly followed.
The value of such litigation goes beyond public denunciation, beyond punishment and beyond deterrence. It strengthens respect for and support for the law.
In an age in which distrust in institutions is verging on acute, it has been one of the ACCC’s most important contributions.
ASIC avoids risks
The report further charges ASIC with failing to take necessary risks in its litigation strategy, by shying away from “strategically important” cases.
When it does go to court, ASIC’s success rate has averaged above 90%.
That “seeming accomplishment”, according to Hayne, “has concerning implications”. It suggests the agency largely picks low-hanging fruit.
The ACCC’s success rate in first instance litigation stands at almost 100%. This is frankly too high. It may sound strange to say so, but benchmarking against our international counterparts we are sitting at a much higher level of success. Of course I’m happy with the implication that ACCC staff handle cases well, but the flip side is that we have been too risk-averse. We need to take on more cases where we see the wrong but court success is less assured.
The ACCC tests boundaries
For Sims, legal losses are neither a waste of resources nor a stain on the agency’s reputation.
They are an important mechanism for providing the business community with greater certainty about its obligations and a constant reminder that the ACCC will proceed in a way that reflects the seriousness and culpability of the conduct, without fear or favour.
Showcasing its appetite for testing uncharted territory were the cases brought against Coles and Woolworths for unconscionable conduct against their suppliers, a win and a loss respectively.
Hayne went to lengths to compare the ACCC’s boldness to ASIC’s timidity in seeking compliance with these reforms.
The ACCC is prepared to be unpopular
The ACCC has been on the end of its fair share of criticism.
For some, it has been too soft on mergers – banking acquisitions included (although it should be noted these were waved through pre-Sims under then chairman Graeme Samuel).
For others, it has overstepped the mark in its use of the media.
For my own part, the ACCC’s approach to cooperating offenders could be sharpened. It could do more to secure compensation for cartel victims and review its merger decisions after the fact.
But law enforcement is not a popularity contest and, as the indomitable Fels was fond to remark, if there’s criticism, then we must be doing something right.
While ASIC tries to accommodate
Hayne pointedly observed that the major banks could not “find a word of criticism for ASIC”.
The royal commission is still to produce recommendations to deal with the suite of issues exposed to date.
Hayne says there is a case for a new statutory body to ensure regulators are subject to regular critical review and held to greater account for their performance – a sort of body to watch over the regulators that are supposed to be watching over us.
An alternative would be to ask them to “watch Sims”.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By William Peterson, Senior Lecturer in Drama, Flinders University
Review: Dancing Grandmothers, Adelaide
“Age and grow fat; dance and grow fat.” This phrase, which appears on a screen midway through Dancing Grandmothers, suggests that we can have our cake and eat it too, that whatever is inevitable, dancing will always bring us great joy. If we come out of the womb dancing, as I’ve always liked to imagine, then we must grow old dancing.
Korean choreographer Eun-Me Ahn’s Dancing Grandmothers, an Australian premiere which provided a thrilling opening to Adelaide’s 12th OzAsia Festival, shows us how. Ahn has travelled up and down her native land, videotaping older women dancing. In a video sequence embedded in the show we see grannies dancing everywhere, in the most improbable of spaces and while engaging in activities seemingly unsuitable for dance. They dance in parks, fish farms, forests, fields, food stalls, and in impossibly small shops.
But where the grannies truly amaze and delight us is when they appear onstage, following an opening sequence featuring Ahn herself and an energetic troupe of highly-accomplished younger dancers. While the younger dancers thrill us with their energetic twists, twirls, and leaps across the stage in an infinite variety of colourful clothing, it is the amateur troupe of 11 senior women, the eldest being 83, who are the stars of the show.
The amateur troupe of 11 senior women are the stars of the show.Eunji Park
When the grannies appear they are carefully and delicately danced onto the stage, each paired with a younger dancer. The women are then seated on the floor, facing upstage, clapping to a soul number as two shirtless young men fly across the stage in moves as gymnastic as they are dancerly.
The women are soon up on their feet, with three dancing energetically to a Korean pop song with a 1970s vibe. Their moves are somehow distinctively Korean, perhaps because traditional Korean folk dances involve extensive, graceful use of the arms, a focal point enhanced by costumes with long sleeves that are flicked up and extend the space and expressive range of the body.
But here the women dance in clothes worn by women over 60 on the Seoul subway or while going shopping. These grannies are not afraid of colour or busy floral patterns, polka dots, or bold stripes. And whether wearing blouses and dresses or jackets and pants, the stage is always awash with brightly coloured clothing that demands attention.
The grandmothers are complemented by younger dancers.Josang Young Mo Choe
Among the standout sequences were the following:
An elegant silver-haired woman in a bright, knit full-length kaftan-style dress, moving slowly with grace and poise to a ballad filled with longing, her expressive arm gestures swirling outward and over her head, dancing in a world of slowly falling snow.
Then dancing to a tango beat, another elegant woman, this one with the ubiquitous highly-permed hair-do of Korean women over 60, in a frilled white blouse and pink dress, is joined by a sexy, dapper young man in a top hat. The couple mirrors one another’s moves and in a moment of infinite connection, the young man picks up the grannie in his arms, dances, then sets her down. She seems embarrassed. Or seems to be so, which only adds to the charm of the moment.
Another solo, this time with another silver-haired woman, resplendent in a deep blue dress, moving with impeccable grace and fluidity while the screen behind her shows images of fish and sea creatures seemingly mirroring her movements in the water. Here the live and the virtual become one in an oddly karaoke-inflected musical and visual world. If karaoke could dance, at this moment it does so.
Young and old dance together.Josang Young Mo Choe
The final group dance has the grannies enter the stage holding beach-ball sized glitter balls. As smaller versions of these balls fall from above the stage, theirs are linked to hooks and raised aloft, creating a shared space between audience and stage that felt like the biggest disco on the planet since 1979. A bouncy pop song animates the group and disco inferno ensures. Suddenly, the music stops and the lights dim and we hear only the sound of bodies breathing while dancing as we all collectively sink into darkness.
It is a thrilling communal moment to be sure.
But not to end there, those of us sitting on or near the ends of aisles are compelled to join the full company of dancers onstage. I find myself dancing with one of the most graceful of the women and unconsciously I pick up her moves, feeling like we’re sharing some part of our bodies and our souls. Whether we actually dance onstage or not, surely an impossible moment of communion is the gift of the dancing grannies.
Dancing Grandmothers was staged as part of the OzAsia Festival, Adelaide.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of Melbourne
This week’s Newspoll, conducted October 25-28 from a sample of 1,650, gave Labor a 54-46 lead, a one-point gain for Labor since last fortnight. Primary votes were 39% Labor (up one), 36% Coalition (down one), 9% Greens (down two) and 6% One Nation (steady). Rounding probably assisted Labor in this poll.
41% were satisfied with Scott Morrison (down four), and 44% were dissatisfied (up six), for a net approval of -3, down ten points. Bill Shorten’s net approval was up three points to -13. While Shorten’s ratings are poor, this is his best net approval this term. Morrison led Shorten by 43-35 as better PM (45-34 last fortnight).
58% thought Morrison should hold the election when due next year, while 33% thought he should call an early election before the end of this year.
Since Morrison became PM, his net approvals have been +2, +5, +7 and now -3. Turnbull’s first four net approvals were +18, +25, +35 and +32. It took six months for Turnbull to receive his first negative Newspoll net approval, it has taken Morrison just two months.
According to analyst Kevin Bonham, even if Morrison never receives another positive Newspoll net approval, he will still have more positive net approvals than either Tony Abbott (two) or Paul Keating (zero) did as PM.
Morrison’s slump could be caused by the Liberals’ loss of Wentworth, but it could also be due to increasingly bad perceptions of the Coalition over issues such as climate change. The falls in the stock market and house prices are likely to impact consumer confidence, and governments usually perform worse when the economy is not perceived to be doing well.
Essential: 53-47 to Labor
Last week’s Essential poll, mostly taken before the Wentworth byelection, gave Labor a 53-47 lead, unchanged from three weeks ago. Primary votes were also unchanged, with the Coalition on 38%, Labor 37%, the Greens 10% and One Nation 7%. This poll was conducted October 18-21 from a sample of 1,027.
Essential uses the previous election method to assign preferences, assuming One Nation preferences split about 50-50. Since December 2017, Newspoll has assumed One Nation preferences split about 60-40 to the Coalition. If Essential and Newspoll used the same method, there would probably be a two-point gap between the two. Since Morrison became PM, Newspoll has given Labor better two party results than Essential despite the One Nation adjustment.
60% (up nine since April) cited cost-of-living as one of their top three issues, while 37% cited health (up one), 29% housing affordability (steady) and 27% creating jobs (down five). Income and business tax cuts were at the bottom with just 12% and 5% respectively who thought they were important issues.
59% thought the change of PM had made no difference and the Morrison government was still the same government, while 20% thought it was a new government. By 35-28, they preferred Morrison to Turnbull as PM (57-29 among Coalition voters).
63% (down one since September 2017) thought that climate change was caused by human activity, while 25% (up one) thought we were just witnessing a normal fluctuation in the earth’s climate. 56% (steady) thought Australia was not doing enough to address climate change, 23% (up three) thought we were doing enough, and 7% (down one) thought we were doing too much.
37% did not support a separate national day to recognise Indigenous Australians, 36% supported a separate day alongside Australia Day, and just 14% supported a separate day instead of Australia Day.
Massive difference between on-the-day and early voting in Wentworth
With probably fewer than 1,000 postal votes to come before Friday’s deadline for reception, independent Kerryn Phelps won the October 20 Wentworth byelection by a 51.2-48.8 margin over Liberal Dave Sharma, a vote margin of 1,783, and a swing of 18.9% against the Liberals. Primary votes were 43.1% Liberal (down 19.1%), 29.2% Phelps, 11.5% Labor (down 6.2%) and 8.6% Greens (down 6.3%).
Early on election night, Wentworth was called for Phelps owing to her strong performance on election-day booths. Pre-poll and postal votes counted by October 21 were much stronger than expected for Sharma, as this tweet from the ABC’s Antony Green shows.
Green also tweeted that there has been a big drop in Sharma’s percentage share of the postals as later batches are counted. Sharma was at 64.4% on postals counted by the morning of October 21, but dropped to just 44.3% in postals counted October 25. Later postals would have been sent closer to the election date.
Later postals tend to be less conservative-friendly than earlier ones, but not to this extent. It is clear from this data that Wentworth voters shifted decisively against the Liberals in the final days.
I think the most important reason for this shift was Coalition senators voting with Pauline Hanson on her “It’s OK to be white” motion. This motion would have absolutely no appeal to an electorate with a high level of educational attainment relative to the overall population.
Victorian Galaxy poll: 53-47 to Labor
The Victorian election will be held on November 24. A Galaxy poll for the Bus Association, conducted last week from an unknown sample, gave Labor a 53-47 lead, unchanged since September. Primary votes were 40% Labor (down two), 39% Coalition (down one) and 12% Greens (up two). This poll was probably close to 54-46 to Labor.
44% approved of Premier Daniel Andrews (up four), and 35% disapproved (down seven), for a net approval of +9, up eleven points. Opposition Leader Matthew Guy’s net approval was up one point to -18.
Since the change in PM, there have been two 53-47 to Labor results from Galaxy, and a 52-48 from ReachTEL. Labor is likely to win the Victorian election, though they could be forced into a minority government if the Greens take inner city seats.
US midterm elections, and far-right wins Brazil presidential election
US midterm elections will be held on November 6. I wrote for The Poll Bludger on Saturday that Democrats are likely to win the House, but Republicans are likely to retain the Senate. Trump’s ratings dropped from highs last seen in March 2017. The recent far-right terrorist events may shift public opinion.
The Brazilian presidential election runoff was held Sunday after no candidate won an outright majority in the first round on October 7. The far-right candidate, Jair Bolsonaro, defeated the left-wing Workers’ Party candidate, Fernando Haddad, by a 55.1-44.9 margin. Bolsonaro has made comments sympathetic to the 1964-85 Brazil military dictatorship. Corruption by the established parties and a recession are key reasons for this result.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Daley, Chief Executive Officer, Grattan Institute
This week we’re exploring the state of nine different policy areas across Australia’s states, as detailed in Grattan Institute’s State Orange Book 2018. Read the other articles in the series here.
A dangerous fantasy is taking hold in Australia: that government policy can divert population growth from our bulging capital cities to our needy regions. It’s a fantasy because a century of Australian history shows it won’t work. And it’s dangerous because it gives governments an excuse to avoid the hard decisions on planning and transport needed to make housing more affordable and cities more liveable.
Since Federation, state and federal governments have tried to lure people, trade and business away from the capital cities. These efforts have mostly been expensive policy failures.
Despite substantial government spending on regional development aimed at promoting decentralisation, Grattan Institute’s State Orange Book 2018 shows the trend to city-centred growth has accelerated in the past decade. Less than a third of us now live outside the capital cities.
With the exception of Western Australian and Queensland mining regions, capital city economies over ten years have grown faster than regional economies. That’s mainly because their populations have grown faster.
Incomes per capita, on the other hand, have generally grown at about the same pace. Employment participation for women is similar too, although 25-to-64-year-old men in regions are 7% less likely to work than men in cities.
The economic advantages of cities over regions appear to be increasing as people spend more of their incomes on services rather than goods. Services businesses often prefer to be close to other services businesses, typically in large cities.
Regional growth programs in Australia have a poor record of trying to push economic water uphill against these trends.
Take for example the New South Wales home buyers’ grant of $7,000 for people who move from cities to regions. Some 10,000 people were expected to take up the offer in the first year. In fact, only 4,800 grants were made over three years. Many of those probably went to people who would have moved anyway – perhaps to retire to “the bush”.
The key problem is that people will only move to regions if there are extra jobs. And policies to encourage more jobs in regional areas also have a poor track record. The money on offer from government is rarely enough to outweigh the economic advantages for a business of locating in a city instead.
Most of the time we don’t even know whether regional development programs work because they are so badly administered. Auditors-general in NSW, Victoria, Queensland and WA have all found substantial regional development money being spent with no business case, or poor documentation, or without reference to application guidelines, and with no evaluation of whether the programs achieved the promised outcomes.
The overwhelming impression is that governments don’t really want programs evaluated because they know all too well what the answers will be.
What if regional population policies did work?
In the unlikely event that government policy actually succeeded in encouraging many more people and employers to move to regional areas, it would probably slow growth in incomes. Cities are more productive, and this is reflected in higher wages.
Cities are important for innovation and economic growth. Cities offer more opportunities to share ideas, which both attracts skilled people and increases their skills once they arrive. Despite the rise of the internet and reduced telecommunication costs, innovation seems to rely on regular face-to-face contact between people in different firms, which therefore tend to aggregate in large cities.
So pushing extra people to regional areas runs the risk of reducing Australia’s productivity growth and per capita incomes.
So what about regional ‘dormitory’ suburbs?
Another strategy, much discussed in Victoria as it heads into a state election campaign, is to encourage the growth of regional towns as dormitory suburbs for people working in cities. Obviously this only works for regional towns that are relatively close to capital cities, with good transport links. Hence the big-spendingpromises to upgrade regional rail services.
But it is unclear why regional dormitories should be considered better than building suburbs on the city fringe. These fringe suburbs often provide access to more jobs in the other suburbs nearby.
In any case, the transport infrastructure needed to ferry people from homes in regional areas to jobs in the city is not cheap. Far better to relax planning laws to allow higher-density living where people want to live and can be close to a wide range of jobs – that is, in the established middle and inner suburbs of the capital cities.
The danger of distorted spending priorities
The fantasy that governments can divert population growth from cities to regions is also dangerous because it distorts spending priorities in regions. Government services probably improve regional lives more than government spending that is supposed to promote business growth. Government spending on regional arts and sports facilities probably has a much bigger impact per dollar than an extra kilometre of dual-lane highway.
Government spending per person on education and health is in fact already higher in regions than in cities, even if service levels are often lower because they cost more to deliver. But if governments are going to spend more on regional services, the money may need to be spent differently.
Grattan Institute analysis shows that poorer health and educational outcomes in some regional areas are primarily the result of socio-economic status and other risk factors – not remoteness. In health, for example, the substantial gap in mortality between regions and cities appears to result not from more distant hospitals but from people in regions tending to exercise less and have poorer diets.
Economic theory and policy experience, in Australia and other advanced economies, expose the “repopulate the regions” push as wishing thinking. As this series of articles based on Grattan Institute’s State Orange Book 2018 will show, there are better ways for governments to promote a growing Australia.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brad Carter, Professor (Physics), University of Southern Queensland
Curious Kids is a series for children, where we ask experts to answer questions from kids. All questions are welcome: find out how to enter at the bottom. You might also like the podcast Imagine This, a co-production between ABC KIDS listen and The Conversation, based on Curious Kids.
I am 4 and I live in Melbourne, Australia. Is there anything hotter than the sun? – Carys Mae, age 4, Melbourne.
Yes, Carys; there are lots of places in our Universe where it’s much hotter than the Sun.
Our Sun is a giant ball of gas that is 6000 degrees Celsius at the surface and millions of degrees in the centre. That is very hot! A kettle of boiling water is scalding hot and it’s “only” 100 degrees Celsius.
Our Sun gets so hot because the gas inside burns in a special way that turns some of the gas into lots of energy.
The Sun is a star – and the stars of the night sky are Suns a bit like our own. Some stars are much bigger than our Sun (and weigh a lot more too), and are even hotter inside. In some cases it’s hundreds of millions of degrees inside the star!
The only reason stars don’t explode straight away is that they are so heavy that the force of gravity keeps the star together. In the same way, our Sun’s own gravity holds it together in a nice steady way for a very long time – billions of years. Lucky for us.
For stars that are heavier than our Sun, the gas inside burns a lot quicker and can suddenly run out of energy. The inner part of the star falls towards the star’s centre because of gravity. The outer part of the star first falls inwards too, but bounces off into space. This spectacular event is called a supernova, and can produce temperatures of millions of degrees.
When a massive star supernovas, the really dense part leftover can either be what scientists call a neutron star or a dark black hole. These tiny, yet incredibly heavy objects can suck up gas and dust around them, creating a lot of heat – sometimes temperatures in the millions of degrees.
Two neutron stars can fuse together to become one, in an event called a kilonova, and that makes things very hot too – million of degrees.
It’s actually a very good thing that stars are hot places.
Stars shine because they are hot, and so they light up the night sky in a beautiful way. Lots of heat is also made by stars as they shine, and especially when a star dies in a supernova, or a kilonova occurs.
The amazing thing is that this heat also makes new atoms – tiny particles that have made their way long ago from stars to us. Atoms are like building blocks – everything in your life, even your own body, is made of atoms. Lots of different atoms made by far away stars have found their way here, to make up the Earth, Moon, the Sun and you.
So stars don’t just make heat, but have also made the atoms of our bodies and everything we see around us here on Earth.
As the astronomer Carl Sagan said, we are all “star stuff” – and this is because stars are very hot places!
Please tell us your name, age and which city you live in. You can send an audio recording of your question too, if you want. Send as many questions as you like! We won’t be able to answer every question but we will do our best.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Kent, Research Fellow, University of Sydney
Car sharing arrived on the Australian scene in the early 2000s. These are commercial services that give people access to vehicles they can rent by the hour.
Services in Australia currently include GoGet and Car Next Door. While GoGet has a fleet of vehicles available for rent, Car Next Door supports private vehicle owners renting out their cars to others in the community (kind of like Airbnb).
Car sharing is now an established transport option in most major Australian cities, but it’s faced its fair share of teething problems. Some of these are unique to Australia, with its powerful system of private car dependency. We’re now on track to overcome many of these issues, but more work is required to really make Australian car sharing a success.
Car sharing is key component of any transition away from a dependence on private cars. Most of us are now aware that using private cars is one of the most carbon intensive and least healthy ways to get around.
To challenge the place of the private car, we need to supply a network of options. The hope is that owning a car will one day become unnecessary in an integrated system of public and active transport options, where shared cars would play a role in more complex or load-carrying trips.
Car sharing is particularly important in a world on the cusp of the arrival of autonomous vehicles (AVs). AVs could herald either “carmageddons” of congestion, where private autonomous vehicles roam the city at the whim of their owners, or a more palatable system, where on-demand AV services seamlessly match trips to riders. Which version of the future we get depends on whether AVs are shared or privately owned.
Here are some key factors that will shape future success of car sharing in Australia.
1. Car sharing is an inner city thing
Heading the list of barriers to increased uptake of car sharing is that it’s currently a service that is generally contained within the inner urban core of our cities.
Commercial options – where companies maintain their own fleet of vehicles – rely on a critical mass of people, the allocation of prized on-street car parking, and a viable public transport system to satisfy the day-to-day mobility needs of their members. These things generally don’t exist outside of the inner city, so neither does commercial car sharing.
Peer-to-peer (P2P) options – where the carsharing company facilitates the sharing process between individuals – offer some hope of a breakthrough in this space. P2P car sharing is more likely to succeed in lower density areas because it does not need the critical mass of users, nor the gift of on-street car parking.
While the slow creep of P2P services into the suburbs is a process bound by the notorious sluggishness of cultural adjustment, we are witnessing some increased suburbanisation of car sharing as a result of P2P services.
2. Australians don’t share
The need for cultural adjustment raises a second key barrier to car sharing in Australia. Anyone living through the recent bike sharing fiasco in Sydney or Melbourne, where bikes were dumped in parks and rivers, will attest to the fact that (some) Australians are not great at respecting property that is shared. In fact, there are indices of national culture that could have easily predicted the vandalism associated with this catastrophe.
And when it comes to our cars, we are a nation particularly attached to the independence, autonomy and privacy of our own vehicle. Sharing – whether it be lending your own car to a stranger, or making use of a car regularly driven by others – challenges these notions.
But parts of our cities are slowly but surely adapting to living in closer proximity to one another – albeit by necessity, not by choice. And as a nation, we are becoming less attached to owning the spaces and objects we depend upon.
This shift away from personal space and private ownership can primarily be seen in changes to residential densities and tenure-types. But it’s also seen in the way we work, play and eat. Think of the rise of hot-desking, the shift from private backyards to public parks, and the move from the family table to the café.
At first, car sharing wasn’t easy. Car sharing parking spaces were few and far between, insurance arrangements were somewhat obtuse, and the platform for sharing enforced rigid time frames and payment structures.
The pioneers of car sharing in Australia – both the business entrepreneurs and the policy makers – have had to navigate some pretty tricky regulatory, legislative and technological territory.
Commercial operations have negotiated with local government for parking space, and P2P ventures have had to work through complex registration and insurance regulations that vary from state to state. Both approaches have had to design and implement technology that allows cars to be booked and accessed seamlessly.
Fortunately, for those doing the sharing, a lot of these barriers have now been broken down. Most metropolitan local councils now maintain a policy for the allocation of car sharing parking spaces. Insurance cover for P2P sharing is now a standard option.
There are changes on the horizon all designed to make the concept of sharing even easier. One of the most interesting is the imminent arrival of “share ready” cars on the Australian market.
Designed primarily for the P2P market, these are cars that come with an app, which connects owners’ vehicles to their phones, enabling them to list their car for rent on car sharing websites. The sharer will then be able to access and drive the vehicle using their smart phone, entirely negating the need for traditional keys.
Involvement of the auto-industry is always an interesting development in car sharing. It has been proven empirically that people who use car sharing services drive less and own less cars. This implies less business for car manufacturers. Does this mean the car industry is accepting fissures in the dominance of private cars and protecting whatever share of the transport market it can? Or is it another way of keeping cars king in our cities?
Only time will tell. For the time being, car sharing’s survival is one positive sign that a sustainable transport future is possible.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University
As Victorians head to the polls in less than four weeks, there is a wider question worth considering than whether or not the Andrews government is likely to be given another term. Do state governments actually matter?
Imre Salusinszky, a former adviser to then- New South Wales premier Mike Baird, recently tweeted: “State government in 2018 is about running four or five businesses. The whole Westminster thing is preposterous. An efficient model would be a six-person executive guided by a People’s Convention meeting biennially for a month. Doesn’t need party politics and chocolate soldiers”.
That seems unlikely, but the idea that state governments have become too municipal to be taken seriously is familiar. For decades, federal politicians with a high opinion of themselves have treated the state government as beneath their notice or contempt.
The exposure of the rorting and corruption of a number of state politicians – notoriously Eddie Obeid and Ian Macdonald during the most recent period of Labor government in New South Wales – has also fuelled a more general contempt for state politics. But the states at least have well-developed integrity systems that have landed a few crooks in prison. It would be mischievous as well as libellous to explore whether their some of their federal counterparts have been cleaner or luckier.
The habit of treating state government as a poor relation might not be recent. Most of the big names in colonial politics headed straight into the Commonwealth parliament in 1901. Later, it is doubtful whether a federal politician would have ridiculed a Jack Lang or Ted Theodore – New South Wales and Queensland Labor premiers respectively – as dealers in triviality. But they, too, eventually headed for national politics.
With their eyes on the growing power and prestige of federal government as it acquired ever stronger control of national finances, historians have underestimated the continuing significance of the states in major policy areas. Land has always been a big one, as it is today in relation to housing affordability and urban development.
In earlier periods, closer settlement, soldier settlement and land taxation were all state matters. There is also mining. When he was Western Australian minister for industrial development in the 1960s, Charles Court was practically running an arm of Australia’s international policy in his negotiations with the Japanese over new iron-ore projects.
Large fields of activity remained predominantly state matters after federation – education, health and hospitals, public transport and roads, local government, and law and order. The capacity of the Commonwealth to act in a range of fields was either untested, or tested and found wanting.
In the area of social security, it was far from clear before the second world war that the Commonwealth would become predominant. The Commonwealth also left some fields to the states even where its authority to act was unquestioned – such as in marriage and divorce law before 1959-61.
For much of the twentieth century, most major public utilities, such as railways, were controlled by the states. Many became massive government bureaucracies and monopolies. On a smaller scale, Queensland had state-owned butcher shops and pubs.
In social, industrial and conservation policy, the New South Wales Labor governments of the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s showed that caution was not inconsistent with policy innovation. Rather more adventurously, Don Dunstan’s South Australian Labor governments of the late 1960s and especially the 1970s, provided a blueprint for the social progressivism associated with the Whitlam revolution. Dick Hamer’s progressive Liberal government in Victoria complemented the Whitlam agenda.
South Australian premier Don Dunstan lead a socially progressive government associated with the Whitlam revolution.The Centre of Democracy, South Australia
The 1980s revealed some of the limits for state governments in economic policy. The Victorian Cain Labor Government’s economic interventionism won the active dislike of Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. It ran up against the barrier of national economic policy and, eventually, political turmoil and financial scandal. Other governments were dogged either by corruption, as in the case of Western Australia and Queensland, or financial mismanagement, as in South Australia.
These results pushed the following generation of Labor leaders and governments towards notable caution and probity. By the mid-2000s, the credit ratings agencies were taking on the role of de facto third chamber of the state legislatures.
Still, the Bracks Labor government in Victoria sought use its personnel and resources to influence the national policy debate. It contributed a National Innovation Agenda, which the Rudd Government took up as a starting point for its own efforts in that field.
The nature of the compact John Howard formulated to get his Goods and Services Tax up, which saw revenue going to the states according to an agreed formula, also provides premiers with a captive national audience whenever the issue of tax policy reform arises.
Where does this leave state government today? In the first place, it shares with federal government control over areas that are among the most controversial and difficult for government. Energy policy is near the top of the list. And no one would regard Victoria’s new euthanasia law as anything other than a matter of high seriousness.
State government’s capacity for innovation and experimentation in fields that matter, and are not dependent on federal control of the purse-strings, remains alive. The Council of Australia Governments, or COAG, offers a forum in which such influence can be exercised. State governments in Victoria and South Australia have been pursuing the idea of a Treaty with Indigenous people, at a time when the issues of constitutional recognition, an Indigenous voice to parliament, and a Treaty or Makarrata have stalled at the national level. At the territory level, it was the ACT government that passed Australia’s first bill of rights law in 2004.
State governments provide Australians with choice and a government that, for most people, will be less physically and spiritually distant from their daily lives than Canberra. There are also the benefits of variety. For some years during the time John Howard was dominating the federal scene, every state and territory government was controlled by Labor.
Today, there is a more even division between the parties. It remains true, however, that in a time of disillusionment and distrust of politicians, state government provides electoral choice, checks on federal government power, and a large array of the services that Australians think of as peculiarly the province of government.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Nicole Sharwood, Injury epidemiologist, University of Sydney
A Sydney playground was closed earlier this year after children and adults suffered a spate of injuries including broken bones, burns and bruises on a giant tube-slide. The Hilltop Playground had been open for less than one month. The injuries were described as “horrific” and the media questioned “how the 30m-long, 14m-tall slide passed safety rules”.
Meanwhile SA Health and KidsafeSA have initiated an awareness campaign calling for certain baby and toddler products, such as walkers and exercise jumpers (known as Jolly Jumpers), to be banned. They’ve claimed these are associated with issues such as developmental delay and stiff muscles in children.
Excessive time in walkers and jumpers teaches babies to stand up on their tip-toes, causing calf muscle tightening, affecting their ability to walk, and in some cases requiring treatment with casting or surgery.
Child injury prevention programs may seek to limit risky play. But is the consequence of this a negative impact on children’s physical activity, motor skill development and mental health and well-being?
New designs such as the Hilltop slide ought to have been tested and commissioned prior to opening.ParraParents
A review of studies into this question shows greater positive effects of risky outdoor play on health compared with the risks of inactivity in children. Though, as we write today in the Medical Journal of Australia, parents must be aware of the limitations in product safety standards and understand the delicate balance between healthy play, parental or carer surveillance and safety standards.
Injury surveillance data are limited in Australia, and likely underestimate the true picture. A recent report shows around 686,409 Australian children were hospitalised following an injury between 2002-2012. Roughly 1,000 children died soon after an injury, more due to transport accidents than other injury causes.
Some parent groups are calling for children’s products such as baby walkers to be banned.from shutterstock.com
Of the hospitalisations in this report, 8.3% of children were injured in playground and equipment falls. Children under five years suffered the most head injuries. No child deaths were attributed to playground equipment falls, and we’re not aware of any deaths in Australia from non-domestic playground equipment.
The development, application and utility of product standards is poorly understood by the broader community, medical practitioners and parents. When injuries occur while children are at play, the question often asked is “who is responsible?”. There is a misconception that product standards can prevent all injuries. But this is never their intended purpose.
All product standards set minimum design requirements to facilitate consumer safety, contemplating “reasonably foreseeable use” and patterns of “reasonably foreseeable misuse”. They cannot prevent all injuries. Rather, they concentrate on preventing or mitigating more serious injuries based on existing evidence of injury patterns.
New information can update our understanding of associated risks, just as our understanding evolved about the risk of cancer caused by cigarettes. New product designs, such as the Hilltop slide, can create new hazards that existing standards didn’t anticipate. Injury surveillance data do not exist yet for these either. So, new designs such as the Hilltop slide ought to have been tested and commissioned prior to opening.
How safety standards work
Australia’s safety standards for playground equipment and surfaces are voluntary, unless the owners or developers of the site require the contractor to abide by them. The standards aim to address both industry governance and injury prevention, but it is vital the community at large (parents and health professionals specifically) understand the limitations and scope of current Australian standards.
Standards Australia is a not-for-profit organisation that develops voluntary Australian standards through expert technical committees. Similar to other product standards in Australia (particularly children’s products), these cover design, installation, product conformity, test methods, labelling and consumer safety.
Only a minority of products in Australia actually have mandatory standards applied to them. Many available play products provide play spaces that offer children containment for safety, while parents attend to other tasks. However, they can have unanticipated risks.
Baby walkers are one product that do have a mandatory standard. This aims to prevent anticipated injury by requiring braking mechanisms to prevent falls down steps or stairs, or any over-balance.
But such design and performance constraints don’t cover recent evidence of developmental delay suffered from too much time in these devices as well as in exercise jumpers known as jolly jumpers.
It’s worth remembering that the evidence shows the benefits of physical activity outweigh the risks of injury. Keeping a child safe involves ensuring parental supervision and safety standards are at work at all times.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sue Cook, Ice Shelf Glaciologist, Antarctic Climate & Ecosystems CRC, University of Tasmania
NASA scientist Jeremy Harbeck was on a surveying flight over the Antarctic Peninsula earlier this month when he spotted an iceberg that looked like no other. It was almost perfectly rectangular, with square sides and a flat top that made it look more human-made than natural.
“I thought this rectangular iceberg was visually interesting and fairly photogenic so, on a lark, I just took a couple photos,” Harbeck said. These photos have since been shared around the globe.
Despite its eerily perfect shape, this iceberg is completely natural, and in fact not even that unusual. Ice has a crystal structure that means it prefers to break along straight lines. In the northern hemisphere, ice sheets sit on bedrock, and the friction between the ice and the ground means icebergs form in the irregular shapes that most of us picture when thinking of an iceberg.
In contrast, the edges of the Antarctic ice sheet are mainly made of floating ice shelves. These ice slabs are free to break along their natural crystal structure, resulting in icebergs that often have straight edges and smooth tops. We often see icebergs with geometric shapes, although such a perfect rectangle is admittedly unusual.
The walls of this new iceberg are sharp and almost perfectly vertical, suggesting they formed recently. As time goes on, waves will start to erode these edges, creating large arches and caving in its walls. The iceberg will also continue to break and crack, losing chunks of ice around the edge, and possibly even fragmenting into smaller pieces.
The iceberg will also start to travel away from where it formed. As Antarctic icebergs drift, ocean currents move them around the coast. The cold air and sea temperatures mean they melt slowly, and large icebergs can survive for many years. They can even move further north outside Antarctic coastal waters, and are tracked in satellite imagery by the US National Ice Center in case they enter shipping lanes.
The largest iceberg ever observed, named B-15, was released from Antarctica in 2000, and some fragments of it still exist today near the island of South Georgia. Other fragments of B-15 left the Southern Ocean, appearing only 60km off the coast of New Zealand in 2006.
The paths these icebergs take are important to scientists because, as they travel, they release freshwater and micronutrients into the ocean, changing its chemical properties and affecting both local ocean currents and biology.
The reason Iceberg B-15 has survived so long is because of its whopping size: 295km by 35km. Our unique rectangular iceberg is barely more than 1km long and won’t last anywhere near as long. It is likely to move further around the coast, and slowly disintegrate and melt before it leaves Antarctic waters. As it moves it will lose its photogenic shape, with its edges eroding away and losing their perfectly straight lines.
The rectangular iceberg may be small, but it is also part of a bigger story. In July 2017 the nearby Larsen C ice shelf lost an enormous iceberg, leaving it at the smallest extent ever observed. Around Antarctica, other regions have had increasing rates of iceberg production. With so many more icebergs on the move, the chances of seeing more rectangular icebergs in the future may well increase.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Kalms, Director of XYX Lab + Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture at Monash University, Monash University
Inequity in cities has a long history. The importance of social and community planning to meet the challenge of creating people-centred cities looms large. While planners, government and designers have long understood the problem, uncovering the many important marginalised stories is an enormous task.
Technology – so often bemoaned – has provided an unexpected and powerful primary tool for designers and makers of cities. Crowd-mapping asks the community to anonymously engage and map their experiences using their smartphones and via a web app. The focus of the new Gender Equality Map launched today in two pilot locations in Melbourne is on equality or inequality in their neighbourhood.
Participants can map their experience of equality or inequality in their neighbourhood using locator pins.Author provided
Crowd-mapping generates geolocative data. This is made up of points “dropped” to a precise geographical location. The data can then be analysed and synthesised for insights, tendencies and “hotspots”.
The diversity of its applications shows the adaptability of the method. The digital, community-based method of crowd-mapping has been used across the globe. Under-represented citizens have embraced the opportunity to tell their stories as a way to engage with and change their experience of cities.
CrowdSpot and Monash University have developed the Gender Equality Map with support from the Victorian government. It will enable local government to tackle the issues of socio-cultural exclusion that have proven so elusive. The map will help uncover real experiences of gender inequality in public places, from local sports facilities to public transport, community services and infrastructure, to simply walking down the street.
Melton and Darebin city councils will pilot the project. These councils are committed to engaging with the data in future decision-making with direct impacts on their communities and neighbourhoods.
The map is open to all genders with residence of Darebin and Melton encouraged to use the web app to tell their story. While we expect to see stories from women and men of a range of ages, the Gender Equality Map is also an opportunity to hear about the nuanced experiences of LGBTIQ+ people.
More than a new narrative of city life, the Gender Equality Map and crowd-mapping projects more broadly reflect a shift in how we understand cities, architecture and urban planning. To understand patterns of inclusion and exclusion, to consider individual perceptions of cities – ones that may not align with our own – is one of the greatest challenges place-makers face.
Trained as an architect and landscape architect and as the director of a university research lab, my research is committed to understanding the nexus of urban place and gender inequity. My recent research focuses on the possibilities and power of crowd-mapping as a method for shaping urban space. Recognising that cities need to be gender-sensitive, I seek to understand the stories of gender, equity and identity in cities – not fictional ones but real-life stories of individual people.
As a democratic process, crowd-mapping can lead to action that helps solve real-world issues. To design “inclusively” is more than a matter of providing community buildings, public transport and amenity. It’s about the determination to seek out the tricky stories of social justice – those of access, equity and diversity – and to actively shape our cities with these goals as our priority.
Considering how communities can advance agendas and unlock many of the complex and diverse needs of cities requires a tactical approach. Feminist architect and activist Lori Brown states:
Design is not a passive act. It is a critical engagement with community and you have to be cognisant of the power that you have and how you use it.
Crowd-mapping engages with community but also brings with it a particularly powerful form of activism – especially when it comes to gender inequity. Projects such as Everyday Sexism in the UK; Safetipin in New Delhi, Jakarta, Bogota and Nairobi; Harassmap in India; and Free to Be in Australia and internationally, have publicly charted the ways women, in particular, experience inequity in cities.
One obvious advantage is that web-based crowd-sourcing can challenge the historically disproportionate contribution of usually male voices in urban policy and design. One of the reasons crowd-mapping has been successful at engaging with women and girls is that it allows them to report when and where it suits them. What more will we learn about inclusion when we open up the tool to all genders?
The ubiquity of smartphone technology over the past decade has driven exponential growth in the volume of data about cities and their citizens. We have less data, however, about gender and inequity. More data and deeper insights will make these issues central to the design and strategy of local, urban decision-making.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Daley, Chief Executive Officer, Grattan Institute
This week we’re exploring the state of nine different policy areas across Australia’s states, as detailed in Grattan Institute’s State Orange Book 2018. Read the other articles in the series here.
Election season is looming.
Voters in Victoria go to the polls within weeks; in New South Wales within months.
State policy has rarely been more important. But what should the priorities be, not only for the governments in Australia’s two biggest states, but also for the other states whose elections are further away?
In this series for The Conversation, based on our State Orange Book 2018, the Grattan Institute outlines where state and territory governments should focus to improve Australia.
There are problems a plenty
The problems aren’t hard to find. Per capita income has been flat for five years as the mining boom subsided. Home ownership is falling fast among the young and the poor. Those on low incomes are spending more on housing, and homelessness is rising, particularly in NSW.
Our schools are not keeping up with the best in the world. In most states, people are waiting longer for medical treatments. Electricity prices have increased significantly over the past few years while the climate policy wars rage on.
A new State Scorecard compiled by Grattan Institute compares states and territories on the most important outcomes for each policy area. In many cases, some states are much better than others because their governments have implemented important reforms – often without much fanfare.
Victoria’s hospitals cost less per patient and contribute more to better health than elsewhere. Queensland’s school students learn more in Years 3 to 5, and they are performing much better than they used to. Many Western Australian school outcomes are also much better.
The Australian Capital Territory has started to replace inefficient stamp duties with a much more efficient broad-based property tax. NSW has used the good times to improve its budget position. NSW, Victoria, South Australia and the ACT have all increased the transparency of political decision-making and tightened controls over money in politics.
But each state can learn from the others
Every state and territory can learn from others and do better.
State governments – particularly NSW and Victoria – face population pressures. They need to resist political pressure to wind back planning reforms that have helped to increase housing supply, and instead go further to ensure enough housing is built, particularly in established suburbs, to accommodate rapidly growing populations.
NSW and Victoria should commission work to enable the introduction of time-of-day road and public transport pricing to manage congestion in Sydney and Melbourne.
All states should stop announcing transport projects before they have been analysed rigorously. They should also evaluate completed projects properly.
There’s much states can do
Although the Commonwealth controls many economic levers, there are many others that are primarily state government responsibilities.
Land-use planning policies don’t only affect housing affordability. They are also amongst the biggest policy levers for state governments to boost economic growth.
Geography matters a lot to economic growth. An advanced economy like Australia is dominated by services industries, which often benefit from co-location and tend to concentrate in major cities.
How much businesses can co-locate is affected by planning rules that guide the availability of land both for businesses and the homes of the people who work in them.
Fewer restrictions on land use and subdivision will increase economic growth by enabling more people to access more jobs, while allowing firms to optimise their location.
There are other economic levers. All states should follow the lead of the ACT and replace stamp duties with broad-based property taxes.
States should reform electricity markets to encourage reliability and reduce emissions – whether or not the Commonwealth cooperates.
And much states should not do
States should stop promising to restrict competition in order to increase the sale price of assets like ports.
And they should accept that no amount of regional spending is likely to do much to accelerate regional growth beyond what is going to happen anyway.
The State Orange Book 2018 shows that the states and territories could deliver services better.
Each can be guided by the best
Other states should follow Victoria’s lead and reduce the cost of each procedure in public hospitals, and the variations between them.
And they should develop more community-based prevention programs to reduce the disparity between regional and urban health outcomes.
States should lift progress for all school students by identifying and spreading good teaching practices at the same time as strengthening the evidence base on what works best in the classroom.
They should also invest more in early learning for the most disadvantaged students.
And make their decisions more open
Institutional reforms are needed.
States need more visibility of their long-term budget positions.
While institutional accountability is improving in many states, Western Australia, Tasmania and the Northern Territory need to limit election spending and make political donations and lobbying more transparent.
Because they matter
State government doesn’t always get as much attention as our federal politics. Often the important things sound a bit boring: the management of hospitals and schools; the rigorous assessment of proposed transport projects; and the minutiae of planning schemes.
But when these things are done well, they make a big difference to people’s lives.
So when people cast their votes in the Victorian and NSW elections, there is a lot at stake.
We hope this series will help voters to understand the key issues, and perhaps help leaders in every state understand the difference they can make.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tanika Koosmen, PhD Candidate, University of Newcastle
The werewolf is a staple of supernatural fiction, whether it be film, television, or literature. You might think this snarling creature is a creation of the Medieval and Early Modern periods, a result of the superstitions surrounding magic and witchcraft.
In reality, the werewolf is far older than that. The earliest surviving example of man-to-wolf transformation is found in The Epic of Gilgamesh from around 2,100 BC. However, the werewolf as we now know it first appeared in ancient Greece and Rome, in ethnographic, poetic and philosophical texts.
These stories of the transformed beast are usually mythological, although some have a basis in local histories, religions and cults. In 425 BC, Greek historian Herodotus described the Neuri, a nomadic tribe of magical men who changed into wolf shapes for several days of the year. The Neuri were from Scythia, land that is now part of Russia. Using wolf skins for warmth is not outside the realm of possibility for inhabitants of such a harsh climate: this is likely the reason Herodotus described their practice as “transformation”.
A werewolf in a German woodcut, circa 1512.Wikimedia
The werewolf myth became integrated with the local history of Arcadia, a region of Greece. Here, Zeus was worshipped as Lycaean Zeus (“Wolf Zeus”). In 380 BC, Greek philosopher Plato told a story in the Republic about the “protector-turned-tyrant” of the shrine of Lycaean Zeus. In this short passage, the character Socrates remarks: “The story goes that he who tastes of the one bit of human entrails minced up with those of other victims is inevitably transformed into a wolf.”
Literary evidence suggests cult members mixed human flesh into their ritual sacrifice to Zeus. Both Pliny the Elder and Pausanias discuss the participation of a young athlete, Damarchus, in the Arcadian sacrifice of an adolescent boy: when Damarchus was compelled to taste the entrails of the young boy, he was transformed into a wolf for nine years. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that human sacrifice may have been practised at this site.
The most interesting aspect of Plato’s passage concerns the “protector-turned-tyrant”, also known as the mythical king, Lycaon. Expanded further in Latin texts, most notably Hyginus’s Fabulae and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Lycaon’s story contains all the elements of a modern werewolf tale: immoral behaviour, murder and cannibalism.
An Athenian vase depicting a man in a wolf skin, circa 460 BC.Wikimedia
In Fabulae, the sons of Lycaon sacrificed their youngest brother to prove Zeus’s weakness. They served the corpse as a pseudo-feast and attempting to trick the god into eating it. A furious Zeus slayed the sons with a lightning bolt and transformed their father into a wolf. In Ovid’s version, Lycaon murdered and mutilated a protected hostage of Zeus, but suffered the same consequences.
Ovid’s passage is one of the only ancient sources that goes into detail on the act of transformation. His description of the metamorphosis uses haunting language that creates a correlation between Lycaon’s behaviour and the physical manipulation of his body:
…He tried to speak, but his voice broke into an echoing howl. His ravening soul infected his jaws; his murderous longings were turned on the cattle; he still was possessed by bloodlust. His garments were changed to a shaggy coat and his arms into legs. He was now transformed into a wolf.
Ovid’s Lycaon is the origin of the modern werewolf, as the physical manipulation of his body hinges on his prior immoral behaviour. It is this that has contributed to the establishment of the “monstrous werewolf” trope of modern fiction.
Lycaon’s character defects are physically grafted onto his body, manipulating his human form until he becomes that which his behaviour suggests. And, perhaps most importantly, Lycaon begins the idea that to transform into a werewolf you must first be a monster.
The idea that there was a link between biology (i.e. appearance) and “immoral” behaviour developed fully in the late 20th century. However, minority groups were more often the target than mythical kings. Law enforcement, scientists and the medical community joined forces to find “cures” for socially deviant behaviour such as criminality, violence and even homosexuality. Science and medicine were used as a vehicle through which bigotry and fear could be maintained, as shown by the treatment of HIV-affected men throughout the 1980s.
However, werewolf stories show the idea has ancient origins. For as long as authors have been changing bad men into wolves, we have been looking for the biological link between man and action.
PNG to host first Pacific APEC – but is it leaders’ hoo-ha before people?
/
RSS Feed
Share
Link
Embed
RNZ’s Insight visits Papua New Guinea, which is due to host an APEC Leaders Summit next month. Video: RNZ Pacific
Papua New Guinea is about to host some of the world’s most powerful leaders at the APEC summit. But as PNG’s moment in the spotlight approaches, RNZ Pacific journalist Johnny Blades asks in a special Insight report how the poorest of APEC’s members is looking after its citizens at a time of social turmoil in the country.
Driving through the countryside on our way to Port Moresby, the surrounding hills were so parched it seemed that only the hardiest of trees could ever grow here.
But as my Papua New Guinean friend Junior said from behind the wheel of the Land Cruiser, the city was growing so fast it would probably soon spread well beyond the trees anyway.
Half an hour out of PNG’s capital we stopped to get a drink at a roadside stall, where the desolation of not only the landscape but the local people came into sharp focus.
A middle aged man approached our Land Cruiser and asked whether we could give him, his wife, and their two small children a lift into PNG’s capital.
-Partners-
His brow was pursed in troubled lines, the gauntness of his wife was striking. They climbed in, out of the searing dry heat of the Central Province seaboard, and the man introduced himself as Ken Auda.
He explained that he and family were heading from their village to Port Moresby General Hospital.
Despite chronic drug shortages at the hospital, they were desperate to get hold of painkillers for his wife who had cervical cancer, a leading killer of PNG women.
Struggling for a cure “According to doctors’ examination, they found that ‘your wife will not live (for much longer)’,” Auda explained.
“It gives me financial problems, but I know that I’m struggling my best for my wife to be cured.”
His wife next to him stared out the Land Cruiser’s front window, neither engaging in the conversation nor meeting eye. Their two kids were pre-schoolers. It was hard to tell the age of Auda and his wife. They looked around 60 but they could have been 40 – Papua New Guineans do not generally enjoy longevity.
Cervical cancer is just one of numerous health crises in PNG. Amid chronic shortages of medicines and complacencies around vaccination programmes, meant diseases like polio, malaria and TB have re-emerged, HIV AIDS is resurgent.
Shortages of basic drugs and supplies, echo shortages of health workers, rather like the situation in schools, where there are often not enough teachers for overcrowded classrooms, where up to 70 students can be taught at once, or funding shortfalls force closure.
Grassroots communities around this country of eight million people are resilient, but there’s no escaping the lapsing state of basic services around the country.
Yet according to the current government, led by Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, a unique opportunity for prosperity looms on PNG’s near horizon.
Biggest event For the past four years, it has increasingly been preoccupied with preparing to host a meeting of leaders from major world powers, the biggest event to take place in this country.
APEC Haus … a grand new national identity building shaped as a traditional sea vessel. Image: Johnny Blades/RNZ Pacific
Now, just a couple weeks out from the APEC Leaders Summit, big road and venue constructions are nearing completion and APEC Haus, a grand new national identity building shaped as a traditional sea vessel, has been unveiled on Port Moresby’s waterfront.
“In school I found out that APEC stands for Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation,” Auda said, “but actually… what is APEC?”
APEC, according to PNG’s Deputy Prime Minister and Treasurer Charles Abel, was “part of selling the country”.
“We need investment, we need partnerships, we need capital to develop our country. So APEC is going to present a wonderful marketing opportunity,” he explained.
“Because there’s so many opportunities with the natural wealth that we have and the beautiful people that we have and the wonderful culture that we have. This Asia Pacific region is going to be the major growth driver in the coming years. PNG is well placed here.”
Here at the junction of Asia and the Pacific, 2018 is turning out to be a landmark year, but perhaps for reasons other than what the government projected
Tribal violence Tribal violence surged again in the Highlands, adding to the death toll from lingering fighting between supporters of rival candidates in last year’s elections. It’s worsened the suffering of a region reeling from February’s magnitude 7.5 earthquake disaster which caused almost 200 deaths and widespread devastation of homes and buildings.
As if that wasn’t enough, a state of emergency was declared in Southern Highlands after major political unrest erupted again in June. The sight of one of the national carrier’s planes destroyed at Mendi airport during the unrest was shocking for Papua New Guineans. Then last month they saw images of a second Air Niugini plane written off, sinking in the sea off an airstrip in Micronesia
Symbolism means a lot in APEC year, and the government’s many critics see signs the country is on the verge of social breakdown.
But the government has trucked on relentlessly with its infrastructure drive for APEC, depending heavily on assistance from the likes of China, with Australia, New Zealand and others chipping in significantly to help PNG pull off the summit.
While Port Moresby may have newly sealed roads in time for the summit, the highway leading into the capital was frequently pot-holed, and even a skilled driver like Junior was having troubled navigating them.
Gripping at the seat, Auda said, in Port Moresby this year, it has been impossible to escape the APEC hoo-ha. But prepared to give it a chance, he suggested APEC could be a potential band-aid for his country.
“APEC should be supplying us some kind of services like education, road infrastructure and health,” he explained.
Hanuabada village in stilts and Port Moresby’s city skyline … ordinary people are hoping for infrastructure benefits from APEC 2018. Image: Johnny Blades/RNZPacific
Election plan Auda revealed that he intended to stand for a seat in the next local level government election.
“If I win a seat, then I will start putting my submission to (the government), a strategy plan for pushing through government services.”
As Auda outlined his practical plans for the future, his wife, who would probably not live to see him don his campaign rosette, continued to stare out the window.
Only when her little kids started arguing over a fidget spinner did she snap out of it, tending to them affectionately, before taking up a thousand-yard stare again
Promises of “development” have long been a feature of the country’s politics, but rarely come to fruition. Some big resource projects have got off the ground, but the benefit flows have been uneven.
It’s hard for people to swallow the government’s claims that hosting APEC, all its hundreds of meetings this year and the big upcoming summit, will benefit PNG’s general population.
“People say that because of this APEC, all the funds are being misused on APEC,” said Ken, shaking his head
Maserati outcry This month there was a public outcry over the government’s purchase of 40 Maserati cars and other luxury vehicles to use for transporting leaders at the summit.
The cars were “being committed to be paid for by the private sector…at no overall cost to the State”, PNG’s APEC Minister Justin Tkatchenko said.
We came into the city by the seaside village of Hanuabada, with its houses on stilts above the inshore waters of the harbour.
Here we dropped off the family where they’d be able to catch a bus onwards.
“I have a hope which is Jesus Christ, that my wife will stay until whatever God wants,” said Auda before getting out of the vehicle.
His wife was still staring far away as we drove on. I followed her gaze, which led across the bay to the growing skyline of Port Moresby’s CBD.
The afternoon light bounced off the big buildings.
Just around the corner, on the reclaimed foreshore, APEC Haus stood glistening. Ready or not, PNG’s moment in the sun is coming.
The APEC summit begins on the November 17.
This article is republished under the Pacific Media Centre’s content partnership with Radio New Zealand.
Tongan Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva … plan to lodge additional legal action to force pay back of the Tomgasat money. Image: Kalino Lātū/Kaniva News
By Kalino Lātū, editor of Kaniva News
Tonga’s Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva says he believes an appeal by Tongasat against a Supreme Court ruling over the illegal payment of millions of dollars is an attempt to hinder attempts to sue those involved and to force Princess Pilolevu to pay back the money.
Parliament tabled a submission by the government early this month to sue ex Prime Ministers Lord Sevele and Lord Tu’ivakanō for their involvement in the illegal payment of TP$90 million (NZ$60 million).
Pōhiva has revealed there was also a plan to lodge additional legal action to force Princess Pilolevu and Tongasat to pay back the money.
However, he said he had discussed this with his counsel, Dr Rodney Harrison, and there was concern that the money could not be recovered and it would be very hard to investigate it.
Pōhiva told Kaniva News in an exclusive interview this week in Auckland that Tongasat’s appeal would not change Lord Chief Justice Paulsen’s decision.
-Partners-
“They are free to appeal and that was part of the judicial process, but I don’t think it would affect the Supreme Court’s decision,” the Prime Minister said.
Pohiva said he had read the decision repeatedly and marvelled at how Judge Paulsen looked at all evidence and arguments before he declared that the payments of the money made by the government of Tonga to Tongasat was unlawful within the meaning of the Public Finance Management Act.
Appeal filed Tongasat, which is also known as The Friendly Islands Satellite Communications Ltd. (Tongasat), filed a notice of appeal against the Supreme Court decision in August.
Its counsel, W.C. Edwards, then filed the appeal in the Court of Appeal of Tonga on October 16.
The appellants said they had fresh evidence from witnesses, including former Ministers of Finance Lord Matoto, Dr ‘Aisake Eke, Sunia Fili and former Chief Secretary to Cabinet ‘Aholotu Palu.
Lord Chief Justice Paulsen issued a declaration on the legal status of the main points of the claims made in the court case in September.
He said the first tranche payment of US$24.45 million in aid grant funds received by the kingdom from the People’s Republic of China on September 4, 2008, was a grant and therefore public money within the meaning of the Public Finance Management Act.
“Following its receipt by the Kingdom, US$20,985,667 of the first payment was paid to or for the benefit of Tongasat pursuant to a purported agreement between the then Prime Minister of Tonga, Dr Feleti Sevele and Tongasat,” the judge said.
“The payment of US$20,985,667 of the first payment to or for the benefit of Tongasat was expended in breach of section 9 of the PFMA and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
Finance act breach “To the extent that the first payment was expended to satisfy pre-existing liabilities of Tongasat that expenditure was in breach of section 30 of the PFMA and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
“The purported agreement between the then Prime Minister and Tongasat was in breach of the PFMA and in excess of Dr Sevele’s lawful powers and authority as Prime Minister and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
“Tongasat was not entitled to payment of the first payment or any part thereof under either the Agency Agreement or the Agency Termination Agreement.
“The second payment of US$25.450 million in aid grant funds received by the kingdom from the People’s Republic of China on June 9, 2011 was a ‘grant’ and accordingly public money within the meaning of the PFMA.
“Following its receipt by the Kingdom, the second payment was paid in its entirety to or for the benefit of Tongasat pursuant to a purported agreement between the then Prime Minister of Tonga, Dr Feleti Sevele and Tongasat.
“The payment of the second payment in its entirety to or for the benefit of Tongasat was expended in breach of section 9 of the PFMA and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
“To the extent that the first payment was expended to satisfy pre-existing liabilities of Tongasat that expenditure was in breach of section 30 of the PFMA and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
“The purported agreement between the then Prime Minister and Tongasat was both in breach of the PFMA and in excess of Dr Sevele’ s lawful powers and authority as Prime Minister and accordingly unlawful and invalid.
“Tongasat was not entitled to payment of the second tranche payment or any part thereof under either the Agency Agreement or the Agency Termination Agreement.”
The Pacific Media Centre has a content sharing arrangement with Kaniva News.
The Duke and Duchess of Sussex outside the University of the South Pacific’s Japan-Pacific ICT Centre on Laucala campus in Suva. Image: Wansolwara
By Mereoni Mili in Suva
Meeting the Duke and Duchess of Sussex in person was a humbling experience this week for specially selected students from the University of the South Pacific, including two first-year student journalists Apenisa Vatuniveivuke and Dhruvkaran Nand.
Vatuniveivuke, who is an undergraduate student majoring in journalism and law, said he was pleased to be one of 10 students from the Faculty of Arts, Law and Education chosen to speak with the royal couple about their involvement in empowerment projects, women’s development and climate change advocacy.
“I was in the second group on youth leadership to meet the Duchess of Sussex. We were introduced to the Duchess by her escort,” he says.
“But we had a chance to speak to her. I introduced myself, my area of study and the work I was engaged in with civil society organisations and political parties especially working to get young people’s voices in national discussions,.”
“And she said, ‘Oh, that’s so wonderful. I think more young people should get involved’.
“We had a small display about a marginal man – half-Pacific Islander and half-modernist. Our message through that was to show when we come to USP, we come to get educated but at the same time we try not to forget our culture.
-Partners-
“We were advocating on those types of platforms to ensure that when young people are educated they won’t forget where they’re from. The Duchess of Sussex’s reaction to our theme was wonderful.
‘Broke a bit of protocol’ “She was very receptive. We broke a bit of protocol by having a group photo taken. We were briefed not to do that but she actually agreed to have a group photo.”
Other student journalists were in the audience to witness the inaugural speeches while other journalism alumni were part of the accredited media team covering the royal tour in Fiji.
Solomon Islands student Cynthia Hou, 22, was another youth leader who was given an opportunity to meet the Duchess.
Solomon Islands student Cynthia Hou (middle) is flanked by friends at USP’s Laucala campus. Image: Mereoni Mili/Wansolwara
“It was an overwhelming experience because I’ve only seen her in magazines and on television. She encouraged me to continue the work I’m doing and to look into issues facing the Pacific.
“It was like a dream that went by so fast but the feeling is indescribable,” she said.
Another student, Sheenal Chand, 20, dubbed her encounter with the royals as an “amazing experience”.
Youth empowerment “It was one I never thought would be so good. I spoke to her about the youth empowerment work I’m involved in and how our voices as young people can make a difference especially when highlighting issues such as climate change,” Chand said.
Inside the Japan-Pacific ICT Centre, the couple witnessed a cultural performance on the effects of climate change in the Pacific by Oceania Dance group.
They were hosted by the Queen’s Young Leader Elisha Azeemah Bano and the Commonwealth Youth Award recipient Elvis Kumar, two outstanding USP students.
The event was live streamed to several USP campuses in the region.
Mereoni Mili is a final-year journalism student at the University of the South Pacific’s Laucala campus reporting for Wansolwara. She was one of 250 students chosen to be part of the audience inside the USP Japan ICT Lecture Theatre. Wansolwara and the Pacific Media Centre have a content sharing partnership.
USP Journalism student Apenisa Vatuniveivuke was one of 10 students from USP’s Faculty of Arts, Law and Education chosen to meet the royal couple at Laucala campus. Image: Wansolwara
SODELPA leader Sitiveni Rabuka in court today. He has been acquitted and will be free to contest the 2018 general election on November 14. Image: Litia Cava/Fiji Times
By Litia Cava in Suva
Former Prime Minister and Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) leader Sitiveni Rabuka is now sure to contest the 2018 general election next month.
The Suva Magistrates Court acquitted him today on a charge of failing to declare his assets, liabilities and income.
Magistrate Jioji Boseiwaqa ruled that the prosecution had failed to prove the elements of the alleged offence.
Rabuka, the original coup leader who staged two military coups in 1987, was charged by the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICA) in relation to his alleged failure to declare his assets, liabilities, and income contrary to the Political Party Act.
In the second matter, Rabuka was charged for allegedly interfering with a prosecution witness.
-Partners-
Defence lawyer Filimoni Vosarogo informed the court that he would be liaising with FICAC on whether they would proceed with the matter.
The case has been adjourned to November 23, 2018 – more than a week after the general election.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jon Piccini, UQ Research Fellow, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland
Senator Simon Birmingham’s personal intervention during his time as education minister in 2017 and 2018 to deny funding to 11 Australian Research Council (ARC) grants, all in the humanities and worth a combined total of A$4.2 million, has sparked outrage.
Revealed in Senate estimates on Thursday, the vetoed projects included $926,372 for a La Trobe University project titled “Writing the struggle for Sioux and US modernity”, $764,744 for a Macquarie University project on “the music of nature and the nature of music”, and $391,574 for an ANU project called “Price, metals and materials in the global exchange”.
Projects vetoed by Simon Birmingham.Ben Eltham/Twitter
On Friday, Birmingham defended his intervention, suggesting most Australian taxpayers would prefer their funding be directed to other research.
In a statement, Ian Jacobs, the vice chancellor and president at UNSW, from which three grants were vetoed, said “the unjustified and unexplained decision to solely deny funding for research that contributes to scholarship in arts and humanities is deeply troubling”.
The decisions are, in the words of Australian Academy of the Humanities president Joy Damousi, “political interference” that “undermines confidence and trust” in Australia’s world-leading peer review system. It has incalculable effect on the lives of academics, but such action is not unprecedented, and only further evidences the vital need for strong, independent humanities research.
How does the process normally work?
The Australian Research Council (ARC) administers the National Competitive Grants Program that, alongside the National Health and Medical Research Council, provides the lion’s share of external research funding to Australian academics.
These are apportioned through difference schemes. Of those, Birmingham rejected six Discovery Projects; three Early Career Researcher Awards; and two Future Fellowships.
These grants are incredibly competitive. In 2017, the ARC approved only 18% of discovery grant applications, and 17% of Discovery Early Career Researcher Awards. Only 20% of Future Fellowships were awarded in the 2018 round.
Such high standards are maintained by a rigorous system of peer review. Each application is assigned two general assessors – members of a group of experts for the field of research in which the project falls. After initial review, each is sent to as many as six reviewers, who provide anonymous comments and ratings.
By intervening at the end of the process – what should be a ministerial “tick” for the work of the ARC’s experts – the minister undermines this exacting process. What’s more, by rejecting only humanities projects, Birmingham has placed this discipline at a decided funding disadvantage.
Not unprecendented
Government interference in research is not unprecedented, however. Australian Catholic University historian Hannah Forsyth writes of how, in 1956, Australian historian Russell Ward was denied a lectureship in history at what became the University of New South Wales purportedly on the grounds of his having had communist associations.
Brendan Nelson, minister for education in the Howard government, made a similar intervention to Birmingham’s in 2005, rejecting at least three, but as many as 20, applications. All had already passed the strenuous ARC process.
Coming at the tail end of the “history wars” of the Howard era, the decision was greeted with joy by the likes of Andrew Bolt and horror by the academy.
Writing in The Monthly, Gideon Haigh called this “the new censorship”, not only because such interference directly denied research funding to worthy candidates, but because it brought about “self-censorship”.
As one of Haigh’s interviewees put it, “young academics will sheer away from gender, because of the perception that it’s [the ARC process] being monitored”. That Australia has “no other form of research advancement apart from government” made this particularly problematic.
Which humanities?
Birmingham’s singling out of humanities grants, and his explanatory tweet appealing to populist sentiments, exposes a particular vision of the humanities. This vision also became apparent in the criticisms of the ANU when it broke off negotiations with the Ramsay Centre about introducing a degree in “Western civilisation”.
Government figures and conservative journalists accused the ANU and universities generally of inadequately teaching “Western civilisation”, indeed of undermining it with politically correct emphases on class, gender and race.
Many Australians would disagree that this is the case. One of the attributes of “Western civilisation” vaunted by government figures is the secular Enlightenment, which encouraged debate and criticism of established ideas. Yet this government is inhibiting the continuing process of inquiry in all spheres of the humanities. Birmingham’s decision demonstrates that the government is unwilling to leave funding decisions to the free market of ideas institutionalised in peer review.
The Australian Labor Party has a “protocol” of issuing explanatory details when a minister intercedes on these types of matters, something it accuses the present government of ignoring. However, it may be time for such informal processes to be institutionalised in changes to legislation. It may be time to limit – and perhaps forbid – the minister’s rights to intercede for political purposes.
The degradation of reef-building corals is expected to worsen under current climate trajectories, but our work shows that most reef sponges are resilient enough to tolerate climate conditions projected for 2100.
In our latest research, we examine how future reefs that include more sponges might function compared to the current coral‐dominated ecosystems.
Many marine sponges can tolerate ocean warming and acidification better than reef-building corals.James Bell
Marine sponges are found across the world’s oceans. They are among the oldest known multicellular organisms and first appeared in the fossil record about 580 million years ago.
Over this long evolutionary history, sponges experienced a range of environmental conditions and have shown remarkable persistence to survive the end-Triassic mass extinction, some 200 million years ago. While sponges are found in shallow and deep-water environments from the tropics to the poles, they are particularly important on coral reefs. There, the filter feeders form a critical link between the seafloor and the overlying body of seawater.
Sponges pump large quantities of water and remove bacteria, plankton and dissolved food. They also maintain symbiotic partnerships with diverse communities of microorganisms that can provide them with nutrients and secondary metabolites that bolster their defence against predators and infection.
Sponge tolerance and super larvae
The latest report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests very different outcomes for coral reefs at a 1.5°C or 2.0°C increase in seawater temperature. Even if we manage to keep ocean warming to 1.5°C, corals will nevertheless be seriously impacted.
However, we have shown that many sponge species are more tolerant than corals of the impacts of climate change. We think sponges could be future “winners” on coral reefs.
Our work explored the tolerance of four Great Barrier Reef sponge species to ocean warming and ocean acidification levels predicted for 2100. All species were unaffected by moderate climate change scenarios where we increased the temperature by 1.5°C. However, the environmental conditions projected under the most extreme scenarios (4°C increase in temperature) had significant adverse effects in some species.
While higher temperatures can decrease the health and survival of some sponge species, ocean acidification generally appears to have negligible effects. Research conducted at natural carbon dioxide vents also confirms the overall pH tolerance of many sponge species.
Testing marine sponges in the laboratory.Holly Bennett, CC BY-ND
Our experimental work showed that responses to the combined effects of ocean warming and ocean acidification vary between different types of sponges. While acidification exacerbated the effect of warming in sponge species that feed on plankton, it mitigated the warming effect in species with photosynthetic symbionts.
These findings suggest that sponges have an inherent capacity to tolerate climate change, but that this tolerance is not maintained in adult populations.
Sponge resilience
In our most recent research, we explored the potential mechanisms that underpin sponge tolerance to warming and acidification. We measured the composition of lipids and fatty acids in sponge species with different environmental sensitivities. We found that sponges with greater proportions of storage lipids and certain long‐chain polyunsaturated fatty acids were more resistant to warming.
These specific lipids and fatty acids likely preserve cell membrane function and other cellular processes in the face of temperature stress. Further exploration of how sponges alter their membrane lipids in response to rising temperatures revealed a potential mechanism through which ocean acidification may increase resistance to thermal stress by increasing production of membrane‐stabilising sterols. Our research shows that lipids and fatty acids are an important component of how sponges respond and may support their survival in future oceans.
How a sponge reef could work
Reefs dominated by sponges will likely function very differently compared to existing coral-dominated systems. Reefs where sponges are already the most abundant taxa have been reported from Indonesia and the Central Pacific. Some researchers also consider many Caribbean reefs to be mostly dominated by sponges.
Recent research modelled how reef ecosystems with increased sponge abundance would function. It highlighted the need to better understand how changes in the dominant group of reef organisms could alter marine food webs. While it is unlikely that sponge-dominated reefs would provide the same resources to humans as coral reefs, they offer habitat and food for some reef species. They are also responsible for nutrient recycling and contribute to structural complexity that should have positive effects on reef biodiversity.
This research was conducted as part of a collaboration between the authors and Alberto Rovellini, Simon K. Davy, Michael W. Taylor, Elizabeth A. Fulton, Matthew R. Dunn, Holly M. Bennett, Nora M. Kandler and Heidi M. Luter.
Spinifex grass: it’s spiky, dominates a quarter of the continent, and has no recognised grazing value. To top it all off, people have reportedly experienced anaphylactic shock from being pricked by its sharp leaf tips.
Given this less-than-stellar rap sheet, you may wonder why this plant is the subject of my research attention.
Well, it turns out that these less desirable traits are also its virtue. A plethora of birds, mammals and reptiles rely on the unique plant for their survival – to such an extent that it’s considered a keystone of its environment.
For animals small enough to navigate its sharp spines, spinifex offers a fortress of safety. Everything from mallee emu wrens, to hopping mice, to the near-mythical night parrot hide out from predators in spinifex (and snack on tasty termites and ants within).
For me, as an immigrant from the grey and drizzly lands of the UK, the bone-dry arid outback of Australia – where even the grass can harm you – was the perfect antidote to the dull, predictable safety of home.
This weird-looking plant, which always seemed to be associated with huge numbers of equally exotic animals, was so intoxicatingly new to me that I fell in love instantly. This lead to my current research: trying to stop the decline of spinifex.
To back up a little, the common name “spinifex” is a bit misleading. There’s a genus called Spinifex (mostly made up of coastal grasses), but spinifex grass doesn’t belong to it. Spinifex grass is actually part of the genus Triodia.
There are two main kinds of spinifex: an older, harder form suited to arid environments which generally grows in the south of Australia; and a “soft” form, which tends to perform better in more tropical, northerly regions.
You might think, given the near-ubiquity of spinifex across the arid wildernesses of Australia, and its ability to withstand poor soils, infrequent rain, extreme temperatures and fire, that this hardy plant is free from the almost inevitable stories of doom and gloom associated with many native species.
However, all is not well for some spinifex communities. Spinifex in mallee woodland, such as can be found in south-central New South Wales, has suffered from heavy clearing (mostly for agriculture), with only about 3% remaining from pre-European settlement levels.
Counterintuitively, firefighting efforts in these areas may have also hurt spinifex. Bushfires clear the land and help new spinifex plants grow; in their absence, old and decaying plants dominate. This means the habitat degrades, which could spell disaster for the many animals that rely on abundant, healthy spinifex.
Spinifex is such an important species that its disappearance could even precipitate an extinction cascade. Indeed, studies suggest that some reptiles rely on spinifex habitat to survive in remnant bush in farming landscapes.
Despite these issues, there is plenty to be hopeful about. Spinifex has recently attracted more attention from industry as an abundant and under-used resource, building on what many Indigenous people have known for centuries. Spinifex has traditionally been used by some Indigenous people to craft waterproof thatching for shelters, or as a source of adhesive resin.
Recent technological advances may make the plant’s nanocellulose easier to extract. That means spinifex could be a component of everything from cardboard to carbon fibre, fire hose liner, cattle tags, and even condoms.
Researchers in the field – like me – are also starting to gain a better understanding of the factors that affect spinifex. We’re creating maps of grass distribution, and reintroducing fire to areas with significant amounts of spinifex.
Returning from time in the field with hands covered in more spinifex splinters than I can count has done nothing to dampen my ardour for this overlooked group of grasses. After all, what’s not to love about a unique plant found nowhere else in the world, that provides a refuge for some of Australia’s most iconic animals, and may also lead to safer sex in the future? No matter how many times it pricks me, I’m still coming back for more.
Kiwi Build … criticised as not an affordable housing solution for many New Zealanders as only caters for middle class people with higher household incomes. Image: Rahul Bhattarai/PMC
By Rahul Bhattarai
A housing trust chief executive has condemned the government for taking “short cuts” to tackle New Zealand’s housing crisis.
“We need to stop pulling rabbits out of hats and looking for quick fixes,” said Bernie Smith, CEO of Monte Cecilia Housing Trust.
Speaking at the annual Bruce Jesson Foundation lecture in Auckland on the topic “housing crisis – a smoking gun with no silver bullet”, he soundly criticised the government for not doing enough to provide affordable housing.
“A bit dramatic but I am known to be dramatic from time to time.”
He said that there were no short-cuts to building affordable housing.
-Partners-
Smith has 40 years of experience in various forms of leadership in state and local government and not-for-profit sector.
The lecture has been delivered in previous years by prominent figures such as investigative journalist Nicky Hager and a former prime minister, David Lange, in honour of the late journalist and political thinker Bruce Jesson.
Bernie Smith … “We need to stop the blame game, we need to stop thinking central or local government will resolve this issue.” Image: Rahul Bhattarai/PMC
Work together To resolve the housing crisis, Smith said the government and bureaucrats needed to work together and have a generational housing strategy that “builds strong housing communities for the present and the future generations”.
The coalition has been in government for 11 months and it has been “claiming all the issues that we are confronted with today are solely due to previous government”, he said.
“We need to stop the blame game, we need to stop thinking central or local government will resolve this issue, that housing first or some other programme is a quick fix,” he said.
Barry Wilson, president of Auckland Council for Civil Liberties, said that the political parties should be working together to “house the homeless in a comfortable secure condition”.
“There should be some unified political approach, it’s not productive every time they change the government,” Wilson said.
Long term strategy New Zealand needs a 25 to 30-year-long housing strategy “that every political party agrees and signs to”, Smith said
“Labour has a plan that National is trying to drag down. What they should do is be working together on a long-term plan, not one that depends on the three-year election cycle,” Wilson said.
New Zealand housing strategy should be created not by the politicians or bureaucrats, rather by the people from the community, who have lived with experience, like the homeless, the renters, community housing providers, and people form wide ethnic communities including Māori or Pasifika, Smith said.
“A strategy that looks at the whole of the continuum and recognises into generational living affordable rentals, affordable home ownership, does not forget a strategy that includes building strong healthy and safe communities with clear mile stones and targets,” he said.
Smith said the country needed to have a strategy that is housing community “value” focused rather than the housing “volume” focused.
Community value was focused when each and every individual is seen as equal no matter their housing option, either state housing, private renter, or an owner-occupier.
Overcrowded households In Auckland there are 92,000 households living in unaffordable rental situations spending more than the 30 percent of their net income on rent.
“Thirty six thousand households living in overcrowded conditions.”
In Auckland alone, there is 20,300 homeless people, where the Māori population is five times and Pasifika 10 times more disproportionately affected.
Kiwi Build was not an affordable housing solution to many New Zealanders as it was only affordable to middle class people with higher household incomes, Smith said.
Smith said it was noted at a recent Kiwi Build Affordability meeting with Auckland city mayor Phil Goff:
“Auckland Council’s chief economist stated in July that to buy a 3-bedroom Kiwi Build house at $650,000 they will need either an income of $106,000 with a $130k (20 percent) deposit or an income of $120,000 and a $65,000 (10 percent deposit) for the household to affordably purchase a Kiwi Build home (and that is with debt servicing ratio of 35 percent.
“This means that Kiwi Build houses are only affordable for the top 40 percent of Auckland’s households.”
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra
Michelle Grattan speaks about the week in politics with University of Canberra deputy VC Nick Klomp. They discuss the results of the Wentworth byelection, the resettlement of refugees off Nauru and Manus, the government’s continued strugles with energy policy and former prime ministers Julia Gillard and Kevin Rudd returning to parliament house.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rebecca Golley, Associate Professor (Research) Nutrition and Dietetics, Flinders University
More than one-third of Australians’ energy intake comes from junk foods. Known as discretionary foods, these include biscuits, chips, ice-cream and alcohol. For those aged 51-70, alcoholic drinks account for more than one-fifth of discretionary food intake.
These are some of the findings from the Nutrition across the life stages report released by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare today.
The report also shows physical activity levels are low in most age groups. Only 15% of 9-to-13-year-old girls achieve the 60-minute target. The prevalence of overweight and obesity remains high, reaching 81% for males aged 51–70.
The food intake patterns outlined in this report, together with low physical activity levels, highlight why as a country we are struggling to turn the tide on obesity rates.
The report shows little has changed in Australians’ overall food intake patterns between 1995 and 2011-12. There have been slight decreases in discretionary food intake, with some trends for increased intakes of grain foods and meat and alternatives.
The message to eat more vegetables is not hitting the mark. There has been no change in vegetable intake in children and adolescents and a decrease in vegetable intake in adults since past surveys. The new data show all Australians fall well short of the recommended five serves daily. We are are closer to meeting the recommended one to two serves of fruit each day.
Australians are consuming around four serves of grains, including breads and cereals, compared to the recommended three to seven serves.
One serve of vegetables is equivalent to ½ cup of cooked vegetables. For fruit, this is a medium apple; grains is around ½ cup of pasta. A glass of milk and 65-120g of cooked meat are the equivalent serves for dairy and its alternatives, and meat and its alternatives respectively.
The data show a trend of lower serves of the five food groups in outer metro, regional and remote areas of Australia. Access to quality, fresh foods such as vegetables at affordable prices is a key barrier in many remote communities and can be a challenge in outer suburban and country areas of Australia.
There was also a 7-10 percentage point difference in meeting physical activity targets between major cities and regional or remote areas of Australia. Overweight and obesity levels were 53% in major cities, 57% in inner regional areas and 61% in outer regional/remote areas.
The CSIRO Healthy Diet Score compares food intake to Australian Dietary Guidelines. You can use these to see how your diet stacks up and how to improve.
Discretionary food servings
Discretionary foods are defined in guidelines as foods and drinks that are
not needed to meet nutrient requirements and do not fit into the Five Food Groups … but when consumed sometimes or in small amounts, these foods and drinks contribute to the overall enjoyment of eating.
A serve of discretionary food is 600kJ, equivalent to six hot chips, two plain biscuits, or a small glass of wine. The guidelines advise no more than three serves of these daily – 0.5 serves for under 8-year-olds.
Since 1995, the contribution of added sugars and saturated fat to Australians’ energy intake has generally decreased. This may be a reflection of the small decrease in discretionary food intake seen for most age groups.
But across all life stages, discretionary food intakes remain well in excess of the 0-3 serves recommended. Children at 2-3 years are eating more than three servers per day, peaking at seven daily serves in 14-to-18-year-olds. The patterns remains high throughout adulthood, still more four serves per day in the 70+ group.
The excess intake of discretionary foods is the most concerning trend in this report. This is due to the doubleheader of their poor nutrient profile and being eaten in place of important, nutrient-rich groups such as vegetables, whole grains and dairy foods.
Our simulation modelling compared strategies to reduce discretionary food intake in the Australian population. We found cutting discretionary choice intake by half or replacing half of discretionary choices with the five food groups would have significant benefits for reducing intake of energy and so-called “risk” nutrients (sodium and added sugar), while maintaining or improving overall diet quality.
Main contributors to discretionary foods
Alcohol is often the forgotten discretionary choice. The NHMRC 2009 guidelines state:
For healthy men and women, drinking no more than two standard drinks on any day (and no more than four standard drinks on a single occasion) reduces the lifetime risk of harm from alcohol-related disease or injury.
For adults aged 51–70, alcoholic drinks account for more than one-fifth (22%) of discretionary food intake. Alcohol intake in adults aged 51-70+ has increased since 1995. This age group includes people at the peak of their careers, retirees and older people. Stress, increased leisure time, mental health challenges and factors such as loneliness and isolation would all play a part in this complex picture.
Young children have small appetites and every bite matters. The guidelines suggest 2-to-3-year-olds should have very limited exposure to discretionary foods. In, studies the greatest levels of excess weight are seen in preschool years.
Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Should taxpayers fund political parties?
[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignleft" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption]
One of the more substantial and contentious political issues to arise out of the Jami-Lee Ross mega-scandal concerns electoral finance rules, and the increasingly promoted idea that taxpayers should fund the parties, so that they are less reliant on private funding. The Government has now indicated that it is open to introducing extensive state funding of political parties, with a possible review of how such funding could be introduced – see: Justice Minister Andrew Little says there is ‘scope for debate’ around political funding rules.
Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern was reported as being open to following any public lead on state funding: “She said the Government was reviewing the 2017 general election, as it does with every election, and if there is public appetite for a change in political funding rules, she was open to listening to those concerns.” She is quoted saying that “There are overseas examples where [Governments] have chosen to opt-out of that [private system of funding], and to have a different system. I’m not sure whether there is the public license for that”.
However, the same article quotes New Zealand First leader Winston Peters’ opposition to such a change: “If you haven’t got market demand for a political party, why should the taxpayer be propping them up?”. See also, Collette Devlin’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern open to taxpayer funding for political parties.
Former Massey University Vice Chancellor, Bryan Gould, who was also previously a senior British Labour MP, is an enthusiast for state funding, arguing that it’s important for democracy to have parties well-funded, and it’s the lack of state funding which has produced some of the current problems – see: Jami-Lee Ross saga underlines need for public funding of parties.
He also argues that political parties – once considered separate from the state – are now quasi-state institutions and therefore needed to be properly resourced. He says taxpayers should be ready to make a “valuable financial contribution to that essential purpose” of ensuring parties are strong enough to carry out their democratic role.
The best case for state funding is put today in the Dominion Post by Victoria University of Wellington’s Michael Macaulay who highlights “concerns private donations simply lead to policy capture: that vested interests buy political influence to benefit their own agenda”, and hence donations could be replaced by the “radical” idea of state subsidies – see: Line between political access and political influence is porous.
Macaulay points out that this doesn’t have to cost a large amount, and would allow parties to focus on more important tasks: “Public funding need not be a huge burden: the total funds parties raise and declare amount to 0.0001 per cent of the government budget. It also builds on current arrangements that make public funding available for party electoral broadcasts, which at the moment stands at $4 million. Furthermore, public funding would enable party supporters to refocus their energies: not on fundraising but on developing public policy for the decades to come.”
Business journalist David Hargreaves also likes this idea, saying “I increasingly think ‘donations’ should be banned. I think it should be illegal for anybody to contribute money to a political party” – see: We should urgently consider changes to the way our political parties are funded.
For him, the cost to the taxpayer would be worth it: “All right, another tax, I hear you grumble. But could we just direct maybe some of the tax take towards a realistic pool of funds that are allocated to political parties to allow them to operate? Of course, we’ve already got public funding for election campaigns. This would extend that concept out to the day-to-day operations of political parties. Even-handed. It would be quite even-handed and mean that no political party would enjoy a ‘moneybags’ advantage over its competitor.”
In light of the current National Party scandal, various leftwing bloggers are also enthusiasts for such a reform – for example, Martyn Bradbury asks: Isn’t it time to seriously consider making Political Parties taxpayer funded?, and No Right Turn puts forward, A reason to support public funding of political parties.
No system of political party funding is perfect, and yesterday I wrote an article for Newsroom, which argued that in addition to state funding not being a panacea for the problems of political finance, it could actually make things worse – see: State funding of parties is bad for democracy.
In this, I point out that New Zealand actually already has a very generous system of state funding via Parliament, which is generally used for electioneering: “The latest annual report of the Parliamentary Service – just published – shows that the most recent “Party and Member Support” budgets for the parties totalled $122 million. Individual parliamentary budgets were as follows: National, $65.1m; Labour, $43.7m; New Zealand First, $6.2m; and the Greens, $5.8m. Amongst other things, these budgets pay for about 402 parliamentary staff working for the parties and their MPs.”
I argue that such state funding has actually led to more problems, especially in regard to the parties becoming less connected to society, and also providing incumbents with a significant monopoly over fledgling new parties trying to enter into Parliament.
Today the NZ Herald has published an editorial making similar points: “The disadvantage of public funding is that these benefits are not available to parties outside Parliament. It becomes harder for new parties to form and compete with those that have gained a foothold in the system. If the law was to forbid private donations, an exemption or a provision would have to be made for parties not in Parliament and where would that line be drawn?” – see: Complete public funding of parties would be a big step.
Furthermore, the Herald points out that “Exclusive public funding of parties could make the incumbents more comfortable and deprive our politics of some for the challenges, changes and dynamism a democracy needs. It requires careful thought.”
Finally, it’s worth reflecting upon the irony that the whole Jami-Lee Ross mega-scandal was triggered with questions about Simon Bridges’ alleged misuse of the state funding, with the leak of his travel expenditure details. As John Armstrong argued at the time, the parliamentary budgets of the parties are meant for “parliamentary business” but all the politicians have “licence to do just about anything”, and in the case of the National Party leader, he was essentially using the budgets to electioneer – see: Simon Bridges’ travel spending ‘was state funding of a political party in drag’.]]>
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Long, Strategic Professor in Palaeontology, Flinders University
You walk and talk and live on land, but your ancient relatives were fish.
It took about 480 million years for these fish to evolve and adapt to different environments and become the many different back-boned species (including ourselves) that are known as vertebrates.
The field of palaeontology looks at the when, where and why of animals changing over time and in response to their environment. Today a new paper by University of Pennsylvania’s Lauren Sallan (with other US and UK colleagues) answers the “where” question concerning our most distant fishy ancestors.
For the first time, the work shows that shallow coastal lagoons were vital in the early days of fish evolution. Today, similar seas (“shelf seas”) include places like Bass Strait, where water less than 200m deep forms around a continental shelf.
These places are still important today in sustaining biodiversity of life on Earth – so if we don’t look after our shallow oceans, the long term consequences for sea life could be dire.
Ancient fishes lived, evolved and died in relatively shallow seas near land, similar to today’s Bass Strait between Tasmania and Victoria.from www.shutterstock.com
Invasion of the ocean
To conduct their research, the scientists used a database of 2,827 fossil vertebrate species. These spanned the 120 million years from when fishes first appeared (around 480 million years ago) to when they conquered the land as four-limbed creatures known as tetrapods (around 360 million years ago). The database plotted species habitats against their time ranges, and identified important stages in new species forming (known as diversification).
The research highlights that nearshore coastal environments, including estuarine and lagoonal settings, were hotspots for major episodes of early vertebrate diversification – not the open oceans where we might think fishes would naturally undergo evolutionary events.
Fishes with robust body shapes (such as lobe-finned species like the lungfishes) later sought habitats closer to land to diversify, whereas slender small-scaled forms like the jawless thelodontids (such as the yellow fish in the image below) and certain sharks tended to move to deeper water environments.
Lead researcher Lauren Sallan told me:
This research sets up an “invasion of the ocean” on par with the invasion of land. Our early ancestors moved into freshwaters quickly, but shifts onto reefs, and from there to the open ocean and new continents, required a great deal of time and change.
An angelfish-like jawless thelodont schools among jellyfish in shallow waters 415 million years ago (artist’s impression).Nobumichi Tamura]
Fish with and without jaws
The first diversification of early jawless fishes (resembling the lampreys and hagfish of today) lead to many armoured fish groups appearing early in the Silurian Period (around 420 million years ago). Armoured fish had hard plates on their bodies, and most lived in shallow inland seas of the Northern hemisphere continents.
The oldest fossil record of jawless fishes comes from Australia, as seen by simple torpedo-shaped forms like Arandaspis that lived in the shallow Larapintine seaway across Australia some 470 million years ago.
The first great radiation of jawed fishes (known as “gnathostomes”) took place in China about 440 million years ago. By the start of the Devonian Period (419 million years ago), all the major groups of jawed fishes had appeared and dispersed to all parts of the globe.
Other fishes evolved in discrete regions, like the East Gondwana Province (Australia and Antarctica) and in the supercontinent of Euramerica (a landmass combining much of North America and Europe).
Animals known as “the Wuttagoonaspis fauna” included many bizarre forms of placoderm and other primitive fishes, and is Australia’s oldest local group of vertebrates. Remains of these distinctive fishes that lived around 395 million years ago are found at many sites within a two million square kilometre area of central Australia.
Devonian reef scene showing ancient bony fishes (foreground) and armoured placoderms behind. Reefs are not seen to play an important role in early fish diversification (artist’s impression).Brian Choo, Flinders University (with permission), Author provided
Historic reefs were different
Reefs are well known as hotspots of biodiversity – today, many thousands of species of fishes live around coral reefs. But we now know this wasn’t always the case.
Prehistoric reefs, known from about 500 million years ago, were built by different organisms throughout time. Devonian period reefs, home to many species of fishes, were predominantly constructed by algae and sponges, with lesser input from corals.
But the new research shows that Silurian and Devonian reefs were not unusually high in diversity, as previously supposed. This suggests that reefs played a much less important role in the early rise of jawed fishes than we thought.
A jawed placoderm from the Devonian period but resembling a modern stingray sits near the edge of the shelf in Germany (artist’s impression).Nobumichi Tamura
Look after our shallow waters
The take home message of the new paper is that the cradle of early vertebrate diversification took place mostly in shallow water habitats near or spilling over the edges of a continent.
The regular rise and fall of sea levels over time would have had a great effect on habitat size for these marine species, making them particularly vulnerable to extinction when communities lived in basins that developed low oxygen levels.
Such extinctions involved many factors, and wiped out some of the dominant groups of fishes at the end of the Devonian period, including the placoderms. This allowed the modern fish groups, comprising mostly bony fishes and sharks, to become established.
The research holds some implications for today, as explained by one of the paper’s authors, University of Birmingham’s Ivan Sansom:
This work highlights how important these increasingly vulnerable near-shore areas are for species evolution. Modern threats from a combination of climate change, elevated sea levels, over-fishing and pollution could have extremely damaging effects on future species diversification.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Wright, Associate Professor in History, La Trobe University
When Kerryn Phelps claimed her historic by-election win on the weekend, she called the triumph a “a victory for democracy”, signalling “a return of decency, integrity and humanity to the Australian government”.
As well as taking a progressive stand on social issues, Phelps vowed to represent all those who were disgusted by the internal brawling and destructive power plays of Australia’s elected officials. One commentator rejoiced that people who were “tired of the spineless and incompetent politicians who are intent on destroying the joint” were finally getting their moment in the sun. “Hear us roar,” the journalist cheered, channelling a mutinous Helen Reddy.
Was Phelps aware that her roll call of values and virtues — decency, integrity, humanity — harked back to a much earlier age of grassroots political activism led by women?
The idea that institutional outliers are the new brooms that can sweep clean the filthy floors of national legislatures has a far-reaching lineage. “Cleansing the Augean stables” has long been an allegory for ridding an administration of corruption. Most recently, we have seen what can happen when a perceived underdog promises to “drain the swamp” of American government, as Donald Trump did.
Trump was hailed as the hero of the marginalised and silenced — those buried by the sludge of Washington — for being a man of steel, able to leap petty bureaucrats (and nasty women) in a single bound.
But the “new brooms” metaphor for scrubbing the halls of power has more often been gendered female. This is particularly true in Australia, where white women had a singular advantage: they were the first in the world to win the right to stand for parliament, a paradigm-shifting reform that was ushered in by the passage of the Commonwealth Franchise Act in 1902. Pre-figuring Phelps, Australia’s trail-blazing political reformers at the turn of the 20th century were fully enfranchised women intent on using their new super power to puncture the fetid pustule of federal parliament.
One of the arguments against women’s eligibility to sit in parliament was that parliament, like the pub, was “no place for a lady”. “If such were true,” countered Nellie Martel, who stood for election to the Senate in 1903, “women should be sent there to purify it, and it certainly required cleansing.”
The notion that women would “purify politics” through their inherent female qualities of munificence, rectitude and sobriety — as well as maternal skills of negotiation, conciliation and care — was central to the suffragists’ moral claim to political equality.
Vida Goldstein, who also ran for the Senate in 1903, adopted a light-hearted way to describe the need for women’s direct parliamentary representation:
Man seems to be constitutionally unable to keep things tidy.
Vida Goldstein.NLA
As I write in my new book, during her 1903 campaign for the Senate Goldstein joked that it had always been woman’s lot to tidy up after men: “He leaves the bathroom in a state of flood, his dressing-room a howling wilderness of masculine paraphernalia, his office a chaos of ink and papers” — and this disorderly boor was equally “untidy in the nation”. No wonder the “national household” was in such “a terrible state of muddle”. Women’s vote and their presence in parliament would, according to Goldstein, lead to a more principled approach to “national housekeeping”.
Such gendered metaphors and stereotypes were not challenged by Edwardian-era women’s rights advocates. It was a later generation of feminists whose demand was to be liberated from the role of “angel of the hearth” or spiritual redeemer — God’s Police, the hand rocking the cradle and wielding the broom.
Suffrage campaigners of the early 20th century proudly accepted their “natural” function as civilisers of the civilisers. (It’s sobering to remember that the same act that gave Australia’s white women their leading global edge also disenfranchised all Indigenous Australians on the grounds that, as Senator Alexander Matheson argued in debating the Franchise Bill, “if every one of these savages and their gins [were put] upon the federal rolls” the nation would be “swamped by aboriginal votes”).
In settler-colonial White Australia, suffragists simply wanted the political power to make the white man’s burden woman’s burden too.
But the first-wave feminists would be rolling in their largely unmarked graves to know that women joining the ranks of parliamentarians barely changed their male colleagues’ outlook and demeanour at all. Some women (Margaret Thatcher, for example) revelled in the opportunity to play the hawk and had no qualms about ruffling geopolitical and domestic feathers in the most noxious fashion. Other women have found it more difficult to adopt moves from the playbook of toxic masculinity: belligerence, bellicosity and bullying.
Recently, we’ve seen female MPs in Australia call time’s up — or at least time-out — on such on-field antics, particularly when the aggression is directed at women themselves. In August this year, Liberal MP Julia Banks announced her decision to quit federal politics, citing the “cultural and gender bias, bullying and intimidation” of women in parliament.
It’s worrisome that the prevailing culture of sexism has changed so little in over a century of parliamentary politics being a gender-inclusive workplace. “We were subjected to ridicule, contempt, abuse and to anything but flattering cartoons,” lamented Nellie Martel after her 1903 Senate campaign. The limits of participatory democracy are sorely tested by such cultural intransigence.
Despite Kerryn Phelps and her support crew being dressed in suffragette purple — the symbolic colour of courage — she did not claim her victory as a win for women as such. Rather, as a seasoned and astute campaigner, Phelps flew the flag for the non-party vote. By running as an independent, she was able to channel the disaffection and discontent of a cosmopolitan community.
Suffragettes graffiti on a wall to make their feelings known, 1900-1910.NLA
This call to grassroots activism was also a hallmark of the Federation-era feminists. Vida Goldstein deplored what she called “the ticket system” of politics. In her view, the party machine led to “disastrous consequences”: feeble candidates, selfish and greedy egoists, mere “log-rollers” who had been trundled into parliament purely because they were on the party’s ticket. Oftentimes, such politicians were “men of doubtful character, men whose social life is a scandal” and who could be found “intoxicated” in parliament.
The teetotalling Goldstein ran for parliament as an independent five times – in vain. Contemporaries believed she would have easily won if she’d stood for the Labor Party. Women, it transpired, voted more along class than gender lines.
It may well be that neither female voters nor female politicians turned out to be the democratic disinfectants that the women who fought for the franchise expected. Perhaps, the degree of muck and debris to which they were exposed as fully enfranchised citizens was more insidiously entrenched than they could have imagined from outside the stable.
Or, maybe, women just aren’t that fond of cleaning. But one insight from the Federation era of hope and optimism still rings true. Goldstein was ever at pains to:
… give honour where honour is due: to the men of Australia, who have grown so far in democratic sentiment that they can tolerate the idea of living with political equals.
Living with and as political equals is surely the most potent solution for reform.
Clare Wright is the author of You Daughters of Freedom: The Australians who won the vote and inspired the world, by Text Publishing.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Garry Jennings, Chief Medical Advisor at National Heart Foundation of Australia; Senior Director, Baker Heart and Diabetes Institute
Heart attacks happen more frequently in winter, a major Swedish study has confirmed.
Published today in JAMA Cardiology the research found the incidence of heart attacks in a sample of more than one-quarter of a million people increased with lower air temperature, lower atmospheric air pressure, higher wind velocity and shorter sunshine duration.
They saw the most pronounced association with air temperature. An increase in 7.4℃ was associated with a 2.8% reduction of heart attack risk.
Doctors have long acknowledged heart attacks are more likely to occur in cold weather. Every medical student over the past five decades has seen medical artist Frank H Netter’s classical illustration of a middle-aged man clutching his chest as he steps out of a warm building into a cold winter’s night.
Not all heart attacks are typical but in the mind of Netter and his medical advisers of the time, there is nothing more typical than that.
Frank Netter’s famous painting of a man clutching his heart shows how typically medical literature associates heart attacks with cold weather.Elsevier
It is well documented that heart attack rates rise soon after a major natural disasters such as an earthquake, volcanic eruption or tsunami. These probably bring forward the timing a heart attack that was going to happen anyway as there are slightly fewer heart attacks a few weeks later.
But natural disasters are of course unpredictable, so we can’t prepare for them in the same way as some natural rhythms: night and day, summer or winter, wet or dry seasons. This is why research that confirms something we can plan for is a risk factor is important.
Predicting heart attacks
Reasons for why someone is prone to a heart attack are clear. These are obvious risk factors such as high blood pressure, abnormal cholesterol, smoking or diabetes as well as unseen underlying genetic and environmental factors. But the the reasons for the timing of heart attack are more difficult to understand.
Atherosclerosis, the underlying disease process leading to blockage of a coronary artery and heart attack, develops over many decades. There appears to be randomness to when thrombosis, the blood clot that forms in a vein or artery and causes the final and sudden event, occurs. It can occur during sleep, emotional stress and extreme physical activity – but more commonly, it occurs when not much is happening at all.
Then there are other people with advanced coronary artery disease who have never had a heart attack. If we knew more about the short-term triggers, we could help people with coronary disease avoid some of them. And if we knew some of the longer-term influences on rates, we could tailor scarce resources in the emergency and health systems to be ready for peak periods.
Why is winter riskier?
There is a clear association between cold and artery function (the vessels that deliver oxygenated blood from the heart to other parts of the body). This can be illustrated by a common physiology lab manoeuvre known as the cold pressor test. People are asked to put their forearm into iced water. Blood pressure rises immediately because arteries constrict, presumably to maintain core body temperature at normal levels.
Simple hydrodynamics tells us constriction is more profound and impacts more on the flow through a tube – in this case a coronary artery – at points of obstruction. In a few people with coronary disease the cold pressor test is enough to cause the artery to spasm and for flow to cease until the artery relaxes again.
But there are other factors that make heart attack more likely in winter than in summer. In many places, air pollution is more common, and evidence is accumulating that certain particles in the air are related to heart disease. Winter is also flu season, which makes people already at risk of heart disease more vulnerable.
Emotions run high when people are confined to small groups.from shutterstock.com
And our life is very different in winter than in summer. Studies performed by myself and my colleague Dr Gillian Deakin while she spent a year on a polar station in Antarctica demonstrated this. In winter it is always dark, and the weather prevents expeditioners doing much outside activity; they tend to put on weight and drink more alcohol.
Inevitably emotions are high when a disparate group is confined to a small area for a long time and away from their families and other everyday supports. Not surprisingly, their heart health was not the same as when they arrived. Blood pressure was higher and the metabolic pattern of their blood less healthy. This was remedied with a regular supervised exercise program.
In summer there was a general feeling of “joie de vivre” as expeditioners conducted most of their work activities for the year. These often involved long hikes, moving large items of equipment and other physically demanding tasks. More light and milder weather allowed more time for outside leisure activities too as they explored the extraordinary Antarctic landscape and fauna.
Their blood pressure and metabolic profile improved markedly. The same exercise program they had undertaken in winter did little to improve these further as they were already at peak or near peak fitness.
What about heat?
This is an extreme example of what happens to many of us in temperate climates across the seasons and most smaller studies have reported a similar pattern to Sweden. Sudden variations in temperature also seem to be associated with heart attacks.
In Sweden and Antarctica there are very cold winters and much warmer summers. What about in the tropics where extreme heat is a defining climatic feature. A study in Pakistan also found a winter peak in admissions to coronary care units in winter. However, there was another peak in mid-summer when temperatures were highest.
So, by all means keep warm and comfortable in winter but get out and do something too. Look after your risk factors and see your doctor regularly for a heart check.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rosemary Stanton, Nutritionist & Visiting Fellow, UNSW
A new study out this week has shoppers wondering whether it’s worth paying more for pesticide-free organic food.
The research, published in JAMA Internal Medicine, found those who chose more organically grown foods over 4.5 years had slightly lower rates of cancer, and in particular, lymphoma and postmenopausal breast cancer.
But while there is a correlation between eating organic foods and lower rates of cancer, it doesn’t necessarily mean one caused the other. People who choose organic foods are likely to be healthier, wealthier and better educated, all factors known to impact risk of cancer.
As the researchers note, this is the first study of its kind. The findings need to be confirmed in other studies before organic food can be proposed as a preventive strategy against cancer.
Past research has found, however, that higher intakes of fruit, vegetables and wholegrains – however they’re grown – and lower intakes of processed and red meats can decrease your risk of cancer.
So, if you don’t want to buy organic produce or can’t afford it, it’s fine to buy conventionally grown plant foods, especially if this means you eat more fruit and veg.
How was the research conducted?
This research was part of the French NutriNet-Santé study and included almost 70,000 volunteers who were free of cancer.
Two months into the study, the participants were asked to provide specific information about their consumption of 16 categories of organically labelled foods. This included fruits, vegetables, soy-based products, dairy products, meat and fish, and so on.
The study included nearly 70,000 volunteer participants.Alyson McPhee
The participants were then given an “organic food score”. If they chose organically produced foods in all 16 categories, they would get a maximum score of 32.
The health of each participant was assessed each year and monitored for a median period of 4.5 years. When any cases of cancer occurred, details were independently confirmed with the individual’s hospital or treating physician.
What did they find?
The participants’ organic food scores ranged from 0.7 to 19.4. These were used to divide the group into equal quartiles.
The overall cancer risk was 25% lower in those who had the highest organic food score.
Cancers showing the greatest correlation with decreased risk were breast cancer (especially in postmenopausal women) and lymphomas (especially non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma).
No correlation appeared with prostate or colorectal cancers, although the relatively short time frame would have made any change unlikely.
What do we need to take into account?
As previous studies with this group had shown, people who choose organically grown products tend to have higher income, higher levels of education and healthier diets. So the researchers adjusted for these factors.
They also made adjustments for other factors that could affect the outcome: age, sex, the month the participants were included in the program, marital status, physical activity, smoking status, alcohol intake, family history of cancer, body mass index, height, energy intake, and the intake of dietary fibre and also red and processed meat.
For women (who made up 78% of the study group), they also adjusted for the number of children they had, oral contraception use, postmenopausal status and use of hormonal treatment for menopause.
But although the researchers tried to adjust their results for these confounding factors, when so many are relevant in those who consumed more organically grown products, it’s hard to be definite about the validity of the findings.
Consumers of organic food tend to have healthier diets.Henrique Félix
Participants with a high organic food score also had generally healthier diets with higher intake of fruits and vegetables and lower consumption of red and processed meats. They also had lower levels of obesity.
So was it pesticides in conventional products that are related to some cancers, as the researchers hypothesised? Or is it that those who choose organic products over conventional foods have better diets and healthier lifestyles?
This research doesn’t, and can’t, tell us the answer.
This is the first study of its kind. The only study with some resemblance was a 2014 British study that asked women if they ate organic foods “never, sometimes, usually or always”.
The British researchers found 21% less non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma in women who “usually or always” ate organic food. It also noted organic food eaters had a very slight increase in breast cancer (but the participants also drank more alcohol and had fewer children – both factors that can increase the risk of breast cancer).
In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer classified some pesticides as “probably carcinogenic to humans”. This means there is limited evidence of a link between pesticide use and cancer in humans, but sufficient evidence of a link between pesticide use and cancer in experimental animal studies.
There’s also evidence that people who consume more organically grown products have lower levels of pesticide residue in their urine and some research showing that self-reported intake of organic produce can be used to predict urinary levels of metabolites of some pesticides. So it’s an area worthy of more research.
The French study may have told us more if it included more accurate measurements of the various organically grown foods that were consumed and also the levels of particular pesticide residues in the participants’ urine.
An ideal way to study this issue in future would be to monitor rates of cancer in a group of similar people. Half would be given set amounts of organically grown foods; the other half would have the same amount of the same foods grown using conventional agriculture.
Their urinary levels of pesticide residues and the incidence of cancer over some years could then be assessed more accurately.
But the time and costs to conduct such a study make it unlikely to happen. – Rosemary Stanton
Blind peer review
The article is presents a fair, balanced and accurate assessment of the research study. – Tim Crowe
Research Checks interrogate newly published studies and how they’re reported in the media. The analysis is undertaken by one or more academics not involved with the study, and reviewed by another, to make sure it’s accurate.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jaime Gongora, Associate Professor, Animal and Wildlife Genetics and Genomics, University of Sydney
When you hear “beauty pageants” you probably think of human women (and men) competing. However, a series of pageants on the Arabian Peninsula celebrate the beauty of the dromedary, or one-humped camel.
Interest in camel beauty competitions has grown since the boom of oil production during the 20th century, as camels became associated with status and wealth.
These pageants have become massive. In 2017, some 30,000 camels competed in the King Adul Aziz Camel Festival in Saudi Arabia, which has a prize pool of around AU$45 million. The winners in six categories each get roughly AU$7.5 million, along with the crown of “Miss Camel”.
Camels need ‘pendulous’ lips to be beauty queens.Mahmood Al amri and Jaime Gongora, Author provided
The lure of these glittering prizes has also led to cheating. Earlier this year 12 camels were disqualified from a camel beauty pageant in Saudi Arabia after receiving Botox injections to improve the look of their lips and noses.
So what constitutes a prize-winning camel?
Omani camel contests
Many breeds of camels compete in pageants across the Arabian Peninsula, so they are all assessed differently. I have worked with the Omani Camel Racing Federation to help develop a new scoring system, which aims to improve transparency and fairness.
A requirement of Omani beauty contests is that only pure-bred camels from Oman may participate. Camel owners must testify under oath to the authenticity of their animals’ pedigree, or they are banned from taking part.
Local committees of experts assess and rank the camels, which are categorised by age after a teeth examination. They look for:
Coat: a natural appearance with shiny hair of a clearly definable colour. The brighter the hair, the more beautiful the pageant entrant is considered to be. No hair-colouring, tattooing or other cosmetic modification is allowed.
Judges look for light, evenly coloured hair.Mahmood Al amri and Jaime Gongora, Author provided
Neck: must be long, wide, and elegant and lean, neither overly full nor skinny. The area between the neck and the hump should be long and strong.
Head: should be large and upright as well as proportioned to the rest of the body. Lips are pouty and pendulous, with the upper lip being cleft, chin is visible from the front and side, and eyes are wide with long, dark lashes. Ears are long, furrowed and pricked up, and also keep the sand out.
Hump: large and shapely, in the usual position close to the back – a good posture and a large hump may increase a camel’s chance of winning.
How competitions happen
Pageant contestants are housed away from the sun and fed milk, wheat, honey and dates before the competition. During the contest itself, a handful of judges appointed by Omani Camel Racing Federation inspect the camels, consult with each other, and rank the animals. The whole scoring process is qualitative, and at no point do the judges write a score or explain the reasoning behind their decisions.
Ears should be nicely pricked up.Jaime Gongora, Author provided
The increasing popularity of camel beauty contests has caused some dissatisfaction over the absence of a formal scoring system.
While studying the genetics of a range of animals as diverse as crocodiles, platypuses, oryxes, wild pigs and peccaries, I agreed to take on a project to define criteria for competitions, based on the traditional judging system.
We began with a simple question: “What features make a camel beautiful from an Omani perspective?” We then developed a numerical scoring card to help judges explain their decisions.
We identified 22 body measurements across the head, upper body, front and rear, as well as general appearance and colour. Each of these is scored to give a maximum total of 100 points. The judges we have consulted are happy with the outcome and are looking forward to validating the system in upcoming major contests across Oman.
We are also assessing overall genetic patterns of the pageant contestants and their association with beauty traits. We will be extending our genetic studies to camels used for racing, milk and meat in Oman.
The scoring and ranking of camels during beauty contests can be a challenging business. We hope giving judges a numerical system will lend support to their decisions and help keep the owners and the general public, and consequently the pageant contestants, happy.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tonia Gray, Associate Professor, Centre for Educational Research, Western Sydney University
Contrary to the belief we Aussies are a nature-loving outdoor nation, research suggests we’re spending less and less time outdoors. This worrying trend is also becoming increasingly apparent in our educational settings.
I have devoted the majority of my teaching and academic career to examining the relationship of people and nature. In the last few decades, society has become estranged from the natural world, primarily due to urban densification and our love affair with technological devices (usually located in indoor built environments).
The word “kindergarten” originated in the 1840s from the ideologies of German educator Friedrich Froebel and literally translates to “children garden”. Propelled by innate curiosity and wonder, a Froebelian approach to education is premised on the understanding students learn best when they undertake imaginative play and curious exploration.
Nature contact also plays a crucial role in brain development with one recent study finding cognitive development was promoted in association with outdoor green space, particularly with greenness at schools.
Contact with nature boosts brain development.from www.shutterstock.edu.au
Autonomy and freedom in the outdoors is both liberating and empowering for kids. Burning off excess energy outdoors makes children calmer and fosters pro-social behaviours.
Children need outdoor play, but we’re not giving them enough opportunity. Countries such as Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Norway spend up to half the school day outdoors (rain, hail or shine) exploring the real-world application of their classroom learning. Here’s what parents and teachers can do to get kids outside more.
Taking the classroom outside
Children learn better when they can experience learning, rather than hearing it read from a text book. A study in Chicago used brain scans to show students who took a hands-on approach to learning had experienced an activation in their sensory and motor-related parts of the brain. Later, their recall of concepts and information was shown to have greater clarity and accuracy.
Practical lessons outside will stick better in young brains than learning theory from a book. This may be why in 2017, the Australian Curriculum and Assessment Authority (ACARA) included outdoor learning in the national curriculum.
Options for teachers include taking the class outside to write poetry about nature, measuring the height of trees for maths classes, or de-stressing using mindfulness and breathing techniques while sitting quietly in the shade of a tree.
An upcoming initiative Outdoor Classroom Day is happening in schools across Australia on November 1. This is a day where teachers are encouraged to take their classes outside. Alternatively, parents can make a special effort to take their child to the local park, river or beach.
In many ways our hunger for technology has overridden our desire for direct human interaction. Screens compete directly with authentic channels of communication such as face-to-face interaction. To combat this, parents can assign one hour on and one hour off screens.
Parents are role models and so we also need to monitor our own time on screens and spend quality time with children detached from our digital devices.
The sad reality is technology can become a pseudo-parenting device, a form of pacifier to keep the kids busy. Instead, we can encourage our kids to engage in simple, unstructured play experiences.
These could include creating an outdoor scavenger hunt where they collect items from nature, building forts or dens incorporating inexpensive materials such as branches and old sheets or blankets, climbing trees, or laying on the grass and looking upwards into the sky to watch the cloud formations.
Other methods include making mud pies or sandcastles at the beach or in a sandbox; encouraging the collection of feathers, petals, leaves, stones, driftwood, twigs or sticks to make creative artworks on large sheets of paper; planting a garden with vegetable seedlings or flowers with your child (let them decide what will be planted); putting on a jacket and gumboots when it rains and jump in puddles together; or making an outdoor swing or billycart.
Nature offers a never-ending playground of possibilities with all the resources and facilities needed. If stuck, search on the web for wild play or nature play groups nearby as they are growing in popularity and number. But most importantly, reinforce the message that getting wet, having dirt stains on their clothes and getting their hair messy is good and adds to the fun.
This year the ABC has started production of Escape from the City, an Australian version of the long-running and popular British Escape to the Country series. And Channel Nine is reviving the series SeaChange, with its producer saying it’s more relevant now than when it first aired 20 years ago.
It seems many of us dream about making our escape from the rat race while watching these shows or leafing through a copy of Country Style magazine.
Most Australians live in cities, but there seems to be a collective desire to escape the concrete and glass for green fields and open spaces. Those who do this are popularly known in Australia as seachangers and treechangers.
So what is the media’s role in this?
My recent research has shown that the ideas of rural life presented in media can influence certain people in such a way that they might relocate to the country themselves. For these people, the places they end up moving to tend to embody in some way the values and ideals they find important. These values tend to be reflected in and shared in the media they consume.
Media – whether magazines, television shows, movies, or blogs – give consumers a space to imaginatively explore different ideas and roles. Leafing through the October 2018 issue of Country Style illustrates this. The “Living History” story sets the scene:
A sprawling heritage house in NSW’s upper Blue Mountains is the perfect stage for a family’s treasured collections.
Readers feel transported to this idyllic lifestyle, and the accompanying glossy pictures enable them to imagine their own lives in the country. They can picture themselves there, feel what it may feel like for the people in the story, experience the joys and sense their troubles.
Readers will maybe say things like how much they like this room, or how they hate the colour of the paint there. In doing this, they’re exploring these ideas in their own minds and relating to them.
This then allows people to expand their concepts of themselves. They can take these ideas and adopt the bits they want into their own lives. Influenced by the pictures in the story, they might choose to buy the table shown in the living room, or copy the style of sink in the kitchen. They might even decide to adopt a bigger version of this life story and move to the country themselves.
This is what these media do – they expand people’s imagination with new concepts that can be adopted or discarded as desired.
Tastes, values and ideals reflected and reinforced
The objects shown in the above example reflect taste. The style of house, the furniture, the clothes worn are all examples of taste, put together by stylists, home owners and photographers. They demonstrate the values and ideals that the owners want to share with others in material form.
In the magazine’s example, the armoire is painted a distressed white. The kitchen bench is an old converted table. These pieces of furniture have patina, which reflects longevity and connectedness.
The enclosed verandah floors are covered in jute rugs; these natural fibres connect people to the land and nature.
Owning objects like these gives people an opportunity to share their identity through material culture, which strengthens both their identity and their personal narrative.
The ideals and ideas passed on in this way are linked together in groupings called social imaginaries. These are sets of values and ideas common to a particular group of people.
In River Cottage and Gourmet Farmer, for instance, values include home-grown food and the beauty of the rural landscape. These shows promote an ideal of the country that is commonly shared by viewers who believe these things, or a version of them, themselves.
The original SeaChange series valued natural spaces such as the beach it was set on and the small town’s friendly community. These values are less evident in cities.
Media reinforce what the audience already has affinity for, and the audience influences what is produced because media creators want their work to succeed in the marketplace. This is an ongoing cycle that is self-perpetuating and evolving. It’s tweaked and adjusted continually, because media productions echo the culture they’re produced in.
We might think that we’re independent people who decide things for ourselves, but we also live in and are influenced by a culture that is reflected back at us through media and has impacts on our ideas about ourselves and our lives. We can’t underestimate the power of these reflections on our daily decision-making.
As it happens, research from the Productivity Commission has found that older Australians are generally prudent in retirement.
Less than 30% of superannuation assets are taken as lump sums, and the amounts taken are small; typically around A$20,000 per person.
These amounts are usually used to pay down debt or to buy goods and services that can be used throughout retirement, such as home improvements and consumer durables.
The Productivity Commission reports concern that some retirees run down their superannuation balances too slowly.
The former prime minister’s idea isn’t new. He has been talking about an extra superannuation contribution of 2-3% of salary for some years. He badged it “Super Mark II” at a forum organised by Australia’s richest man, Anthony Pratt, executive chairman of Visy Industries, last November.
Yet we would be asked to pay another levy
It would require all taxpayers to pay a levy, as for Medicare, which would be used to fund an insurance scheme that would pay age care and health bills for those who lived beyond 80.
Like any insurance scheme, it wouldn’t pay out to those who paid the levy but didn’t satisfy the payout requirement – in this case living beyond 80.
It would be a form of longevity insurance, just like the age pension, which is funded from general taxation.
Which not all of us would get back
On its face it would benefit women more than men, because on average they live longer.
But funding it would disproportionately hurt women. On average women’s wages are lower than men’s, meaning they would notice more an extra 2-3% of their employers’ salary bill being directed away from their pay packets. It would be on top of the 12% of salary Labor and the Coalition have pledged to eventually direct to super in a few years’ time, up from the present 9.5%.
The proposal also cuts across the current drive to get people to take their super payouts as deferred annuities that keep paying out for as long as they live.
These products have been available privately for some time, but their tax treatment and their treatment under the age pension means test punish people who take them up.
One of the recommendations of the 2014 Financial System Inquiry (Murray Inquiry), was that the industry further develop these products and the Treasury examine removing barriers to taking them up.
Even though they are not popular
The regulations that govern superannuation have already been amended to make it easier.
One of the problems is that, with current low returns on safe investments, such products require a large amount of capital to deliver a low income, whereas account-based pensions can do better, at least until they run out – and they are more flexible.
Adequate retirement incomes are fundamental to the dignity of Australians as they age and live longer.
Longevity is what the pension is for
For women, typically on lower working incomes than men, the continued safety net of the pension is vital to providing for them.
For the growing number of women who rent in retirement, adequate rent assistance is essential, and the current rate should be reviewed with a view to being lifted.
Doing things properly would help more people, more easily, than yet another add-on to an already complicated web of schemes.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Holden, Professor of Economics and PLuS Alliance Fellow, UNSW
According to ABS figures released last week, the unemployment rate in Australia has fallen to 5%. This isn’t as low as the 3.7% level in the United States, but by historical standards it is low for us.
We need to go back a decade, to just before the financial crisis of 2008, to see levels much lower than this, when the unemployment rate briefly touched 4%.
This raises the important question of what level of unemployment constitutes “full employment”?
Economists often used to say it was 5%. That’s because even if the jobs market was so tight that employers couldn’t get workers, there would always be some unemployment. Some completely unsuitable people wouldn’t get jobs and some people would be counted as unemployed even when they were moving from one job to another.
Attempts to stimulate the economy or cut interest rates to get the unemployment rate below 5% was therefore seen as pointless, because it would merely stoke inflation. Which is why the 5% rate has been referred to by the ungainly acronym of NAIRU – the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment.
How low can our unemployment rate fall before it genuinely reaches NAIRU and can fall no further, and what are the barriers to getting there?
The short answer is we have no idea, but we should find out by setting policy levers to push unemployment as low as we can.
Do we measure unemployment correctly?
First to the question of whether we measure the unemployment rate correctly. The Australian Bureau of Statistics defines unemployment this way:
Unemployed persons are defined as all persons aged 15 years and over who were not employed during the reference week, and (i) had actively looked for full-time or part-time work at any time in the four weeks up to the end of the reference week, and were available for work in the reference week, or (ii) were waiting to start a new job within four weeks from the end of the reference week, and could have started in the reference week if the job had been available then.“
Critics often point out that this does not capture “underemployment” – where people do work but not as much as they want to – very well at all.
They are almost surely correct, but there’s nothing new in that, meaning we can be confident comparing the unemployment statistics now to those five years or a decade ago.
Unemployment can’t be zero
The 2010 Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences was won by Peter Diamond, Dale Mortensen and Christopher Passarides for their analysis of how “search frictions” can affect markets. Chief among these frictions is looking for a job. Employers need to advertise. Employees need to find these ads. A good match must be made. These things take time.
Indeed, Peter Diamond’s seminal contribution was to show that even small frictions can have a very large effect on things like the level of unemployment. LinkedIn and online job ads are great, but they make neither search frictions nor unemployment go away.
How low can unemployment go?
The idea of NAIRU is still routinely spouted in generic commentary about why a drop in unemployment means we should immediately brace for an interest-rate rise.
But there are a couple of problems with it – which is why modern economics has largely eschewed it.
First, NAIRU may not even exist. It is premised on the notion of a “Phillips Curve” – a stable negative relationship between the the rate of unemployment and wage rise that hasn’t been found in the data for at least 25 years.
Second, even if the NAIRU does exists, we have known for more than 20 years that its level is super-hard to estimate. Is it 5%, or 4% or 3.5%? Hard to say.
Even an architect of the theory, Nobel-prize winning Ned Phelps, has argued that structural change might change it over time..
Testing the waters
All this means that for the Reserve Bank to raise interest rates because unemployment has fallen to 5% would be a missed opportunity at best, and dangerously silly at worst.
With inflation still subdued, room to move downward on interest rates, and wages growth stagnant, we should test what full employment really means in Australia in 2018.
Having fully 5% of Australians looking for work who can’t find it – plus potentially many more underemployed – is a huge waste of economic, and much more importantly, human resources.
We shouldn’t let out-of-date acronyms and failed theories suggest otherwise.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tanya Dalziell, Associate Professor, English and Literary Studies, University of Western Australia
This week sees the Australian release of Leonard Cohen’s posthumous volume The Flame: Poems and Selections from the Notebooks. Among the song lyrics and notebook extracts that comprise the book are selections of new poetry, much of it touching on ageing and mortality, but not without characteristic humour.
In one, the poet wryly recounts: “In the elevator / Of the Manchester Malmaison Hotel / I have to put on reading glasses / To find the button for my floor”.
This elevator experience is very different from that which Cohen had in the late 1960s at the Chelsea Hotel in New York, where he encountered Janis Joplin. As legend has it, by the time the hotel’s slow-moving lift reached the fourth floor, Cohen and Joplin were destined to spend the night together.
The Chelsea Hotel is one place with which Cohen is inextricably linked, thanks in large part to the song “Chelsea Hotel no. 2” wherein he gave his own version of the Joplin liaison. Another is the Greek island of Hydra, where Cohen spent much of his 20s before “running for the money and the flesh” offered by New York’s singer-songwriter scene. He would also pinpoint Hydra’s erotic potential in song, with Half the Perfect World describing “The polished hill / The milky town” where “love’s unwilled, unleashed / Unbound”.
Cohen was working on The Flame at the very end of his life, a circumstance reflected in its contents. But his formative years on Hydra were influential in shaping his sense of self and career. The story of Cohen on Hydra in the ’60s has become central to his personal myth because it is seen as a crucial time of existential and sexual freedom, intellectual liberation and creative solidarity.
One version has it that, after several months in London on a Canadian government grant, a conversation with a suntanned bank teller on a gloomy spring day propelled Cohen to buy a ticket to Athens, and then take a ferry to Hydra in search of sunshine, succour and sex. He was to find all three in abundance and to start his makeover as a bohemian, cosmopolitan author and singer-songwriter.
The research for our book Half the Perfect World: Writers, Dreamers and Drifters on Hydra, 1955-1964 has uncovered and drawn on many new first-hand accounts of Hydra’s artists and writers, as well as LIFE photographer James Burke’s photographs of this postwar expatriate community. We have been particularly indebted to a little-known New Zealand-born novelist, journalist, editor and publisher, Redmond Frankton “Bim” Wallis.
With his wife Robyn, Wallis turned up on Hydra in mid-April 1960, only days before Cohen arrived. The Wallises eventually left Hydra for good in August 1964. In September 1960, Cohen would buy an island house where he lived for much of the next decade and to which he returned occasionally throughout his life.
Fortunately for us, Wallis had a camera with him and kept a diary of his time on the island. He later worked intermittently at turning his diarised observations into fiction.
Even more fortunately, the National Library of New Zealand’s Turnbull Library later proactively solicited from Wallis numerous personal documents, including unpublished diaries, photos, correspondence and manuscripts. These included his only adult novel, Point of Origin (1961), written on Hydra, and unpublished titles such as The Submissive Body; Bees on a String; Juan Carlos and the Bad-assed Belgian; and The Unyielding Memory.
Thinly veiled autobiographical fiction
Whatever the shortcomings that saw The Unyielding Memory left unfinished, it immediately commanded our attention. The manuscript was Wallis’s attempt to represent his Hydra experience as thinly veiled autobiographical fiction, and it provides many insights into life on the island in the early 1960s. These include an intriguing first-hand account of Cohen on the brink of the international renown that would make him one of the most significant literary and musical figures of the coming decades.
Not only did Wallis and Cohen arrive on Hydra within days of each other, but they also had a similar introduction to the island when they immediately fell within the orbit of the Australian writers, George Johnston and Charmian Clift.
Hydra Port, 1960.Photograph by Redmond Wallis. Reproduced with the permission of Dorothy Wallis.
This couple had been on Hydra since 1955 and was the gravitational centre of the expatriate colony. With their shared devotion to writing piqued by the quarrelsome intensity of their relationship, Johnston and Clift — who appear in The Unyielding Memory as George and Catherine Grayson — adopted a nurturing attitude to the younger generation of would-be authors and artists who made their way to the island. They organised accommodation for the newly arrived Wallises and provided a bed in their own house for Cohen.
Wallis and Cohen would become close. They were of similar age, with Wallis born in September 1933 and Cohen in September 1934. They would have recognised in each other the commonalities in their conservative, upper-middle-class, religiously based backgrounds. The rabbis in Cohen’s family were matched by the ministers in Wallis’s.
It was a similarity that Wallis acknowledged in The Unyielding Memory, although the character Nick Alwyn (Wallis) ruefully observes that while he and Saul Rubens (Cohen) had a shared experience of overbearing mothers, “Saul somehow managed to cope with that, [and] there was no trace of it in his work”.
They were also united by stepping into, and becoming part of, an intricate web of artistic, intellectual and sexual rivalries and affiliations that swirled through the expatriate community amid long days and nights in the taverns and kafenia of the dockside agora.
The Unyielding Memory follows closely the known relationship between Wallis and Cohen as they establish themselves among the expats. This includes Cohen’s rapidly blossoming relationship with Marianne Ihlen (Margaretha in the manuscript) and his purchase of an island house; Cohen visiting the Wallises when they spend a period in London — where he introduces them to marijuana — and the Wallises moving into Cohen’s/Rubens’s house when they return to Hydra and Cohen/Ruben is away.
Letters between Cohen and Wallis
During Cohen’s/Rubens’s absence, the relationship continues in the form of correspondence between the two characters. The letters in the novel are based entirely on correspondence between Wallis and Cohen. They show Cohen/Rubens focused on the reception of his work and the demands put upon him as his career moves into television and film, while Wallis/Alwyn is interested in reporting to his absent landlord island happenings and gossip, of which there are plenty.
The other important link between the two young men is the literary one, as their comparable upbringings in cities at the fringe of the Anglophone literary world find them equally ambitious and serious in their intention to make a living from writing. There was, however, a notable gulf in their achievements at the point when they arrived on Hydra.
By 1960 Cohen already had a reputation as a promising poet with support from some of Canada’s foremost writers of a previous generation. He also had a first collection, Let Us Compare Mythologies (1956), to his credit, which had been generously praised by Northrop Frye, Canada’s (and indeed North America’s) leading critic.
Wallis, on the other hand, had little to his literary arsenal in 1960 other than ambition. In his diaries Wallis reported his belief of Cohen: “This one is going to come very close to being a great writer.” In The Unyielding Memory, Wallis/Alwyn concedes that Cohen/Rubens not only possesses abilities that far outweigh his own, but these are also married to an intense focus that he himself is unable to match.
As Wallis wrote, he found in Cohen’s/Rubens’s demeanour an ironic, observational detachment that seemed necessary to a writer.
[Rubens] interested Nick, because he seemed to be so self-contained, mildly amused by what he saw around him, passionate about work, and deliberately enigmatic. His public utterances were always somewhat non-committal or pregnantly oblique … He was, to use a word coming into fashion, cool.
Wallis creates a portrait of a man who could engage in literary matters without the competitiveness that troubles others’ relationships. He also paints Cohen/Rubens at some remove from the boisterous expatriates but also willing and happy to socialise with them.
Douskos 1960, including Redmond Wallis and Leonard Cohen (second and third left). Photograph by James Burke.Photograph by James Burke, Getty images.
As photographs of Cohen strumming a guitar one September evening at the Douskos taverna in 1960 suggest, while his career as a singer-songwriter was still some years away, he had a fledgling ability to engage an audience. According to the Australian political commentator Mungo MacCallum, another who found himself on Hydra in the early 1960s, Cohen’s musical tastes in those days were “union songs – Old Paint, the horse with the union label, was a speciality”. Wallis recorded Cohen/Rubens similarly:
As for Saul’s politics he was, Nick had decided, as revolutionary as the songs he sang, but an observer. Saul would never — like Malraux, like Camus — actively fight fascism. What Saul would do was look at the results of rebellion, visit Cuba, talk to radicals, observe demonstrations. He would recognise that he was not equipped to man the barricades, but was equipped to stir the emotions, to encourage.
Whereas Cohen would go on “to stir the emotions” and attract lasting international fame for his songs, books and poetry, Wallis’s future took a quieter path.
On leaving Hydra for good in 1964, Wallis returned to journalism and worked for Australian Associated Press on Fleet Street. He then had a long career in editing and publishing. He did not write another adult novel. He returned to New Zealand only rarely and briefly, living his last years in France.
Many chapters of The Unyielding Memory exist in variant drafts and reflect Wallis’s lifelong struggle to find a suitable structure for his Hydra material. As he conceded: “The problem has always been that the reality was more powerful than fiction I could invent, and turning fact into fiction has proved extraordinarily difficult.”
In this photo taken on Hydra in 1960, Marianne Ihlen is pictured in the front left and Robyn Wallis is front centre.Photographer unknown. Reproduced with the permission of Dorothy Wallis.
Taking stock
Turning his experiences into art was something Cohen was good at, as The Flame attests. There is a sense that, at the end of his life, Cohen is taking stock and putting things in order with this volume.
As per Cohen’s design, the book is organised into three sections, with drawings and self-portraits interspersed throughout. The first part is a collection of 63 poems, a selection from decades of work. The second section contains lyrics from recent albums. And the third part is made up of extracts from the notebooks Cohen kept since he was a teenager.
Among the notebook sketches is acknowledgement of the cost involved for those brought into Cohen’s creative orbit. Janis Joplin was not the only one whose encounter with Cohen was laid bare in song. Cohen writes with understanding of his Hydra lover, Marianne Ihlen (of So Long Marianne fame, a song that was started in Montreal and completed in the Chelsea Hotel):
Marianne on Aylmer Street enduring my hatred until it rusted and naming me higher and higher until my view was wide enough to love her
The poems tell of lovers and friends, and desires hardly lessened with age. They also range across contemporary politics and music culture. One pointed poem declares “Kanye West is Not Picasso”, while a notebook entry tells of a dream of Tom Waites playing his music, “so / beautiful and original and / sophisticated – so much better / than mine”.
The last poem in the sequence, I Pray For Courage, faces death and faith directly:
I pray for courage At the end To see death coming As a friend
If Cohen writes unblinkingly of his coming death, then he also looks back to his past. Tucked among the notebook extracts is a modest stanza in which he reflects on how singular and enduring his experience of Hydra is:
I could not slip away without telling you that I died in Greece was buried in that place where the donkey is tethered to the olive tree I will always be there
As with his chronicler, Redmond Wallis, Hydra was never far from Leonard Cohen’s mind.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra
At the unveiling of her official portrait on Wednesday, Julia Gillard said she’d wanted it to reflect that “I was different to every other prime minister who came before me”, and she hoped it would send some messages to the school children who would see it in future years.
Gillard has approached the painting – a large, dramatic close-up of her face – as part of her legacy record, which will always revolve around her as Australia’s first female PM. Beyond that – and I write as someone critical of her government at the time – I suspect she’ll likely be viewed more favourably in retrospect than while in office.
One important initiative she took was highlighted this week: she set up the royal commission into the sexual abuse of children, which led to Monday’s apology to victims. At the ceremony Gillard was the centre of warm regard.
Judgements about prime ministerial legacies often change as time goes on. The “small stuff” and the mistakes can over-influence the early assessments. With that qualification, what can we say about how the legacies of the three prime ministers of this government will be seen?
Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull will both be condemned for squandering the mandate given to the Coalition in 2013 – Abbott by breaking promises and bad decisions, Turnbull by his flawed 2016 campaign.
Scott Morrison, unless his prayers for a political miracle are answered, will go down as the fireman who arrived late armed only with leaky buckets to confront a building ablaze and collapsing.
Even after all that’s happened and regardless of Morrison’s own pragmatism, the government remains in thrall to revenge and ideology, seemingly unable to rise above either. This is despite the obvious point that the only way of improving its fortunes is to do so.
Saturday’s Liberal disaster in Wentworth brought messages that are not being heeded. If anything, the byelection result has reinforced the old schisms.
Take the hoo-ha over Morrison sending Malcolm Turnbull to represent Australia at next week’s conference in Bali on ocean sustainability. Before he was deposed, Turnbull had promised Joko Widodo that he would attend. Morrison, unable or unwilling to go himself, told the Indonesian president Turnbull would keep the appointment.
With their hostility to Turnbull further fuelled by his failure to assist the Wentworth campaign, assorted critics, including Tony Abbott and Barnaby Joyce, have condemned the decision to have the former PM represent Australia at this conference about the environment.
The critics simply don’t care that a row about whether Turnbull’s services are used just puts disunity on display again – to say nothing of looking petty and embarrassing to the outside world.
This is a minor sideshow, however, compared with the continuing crisis over energy policy.
Wentworth told the government voters care about climate change and want it properly addressed. The right’s argument about the seat not being typical doesn’t negate that fact – it’s a general message, albeit particularly strong from Wentworth.
Yet the government continued to display its tin ear, with its one-sided policy that fails to properly integrate emissions reduction into a broad approach on energy.
Morrison and minister Angus Taylor announced, or rather re-announced, their “big stick” measures to force power companies to lower prices, including threatening to break up recalcitrants. As well, they’re on the look out for a new coal-fired power plant to underwrite, undeterred by experts’ scepticism.
They’re deaf to the plea from a diverse group of stakeholders who in a joint statement called “on all sides of politics to deliver stable policy and investment certainty by addressing all parts of the energy trilemma – cost, reliability and emissions reduction.”
Instead the government resorts to its sloganeering about “fair dinkum power” and Angus Taylor being the minister “to get electricity prices down”. The danger for the Coalition is that come the election, Taylor’s moniker (perhaps in Labor advertising?) might become “the minister who failed to get electricity prices down”.
When he reshuffled the ministry after becoming leader, Morrison split energy and environment, giving the latter to West Australian Melissa Price. Over the past fortnight Price’s weakness as a performer has been exposed in parliament.
Although the issue she’s been pursued on – an alleged (but disputed) crass remark to the former president of Kiribati – is unrelated to emissions reduction policy, it’s obvious she’s a soft target for the opposition. Coalition strategists will be anxious to keep her out of head-to-head election debates against Labor’s competent climate spokesman, Mark Butler.
The government’s ragged edges are obvious on multiple fronts.
It has sent out conflicting signals this week on whether it is serious about trying to get refugees, especially children, off Nauru, a touchy subject in its own ranks, reflected in an emotional parliamentary speech on Thursday by Liberal MP Julia Banks.
It was unable to reach a deal with Labor to bring in legislation to scrap discrimination against gay students – which it had promised this sitting fortnight. Something that should have been simple became complicated; anyway, by this week Morrison had noticeably lost his earlier pre-Wentworth sense of urgency.
Meanwhile evidence to Senate estimates hearings exposed the haste around last week’s announcement, also directed at Wentworth, that Australia would consider moving its embassy to Jerusalem. Foreign Minister Marise Payne admitted the proposal was first discussed with her on the Sunday before the Tuesday announcement.
Morrison dismisses anything about process as just reflecting “the Canberra bubble”. But process matters for good governance – and at the moment it’s decidedly slapdash.
On Thursday Kerryn Phelps, new independent member for Wentworth, was in Canberra. Phelps has yet to be sworn in but her presence was a reminder that things will just become more fraught for the government in the hung parliament.
Evening Report Analysis – National Affairs and the Public Interest, by Selwyn Manning.
Accusations have surfaced alleging the current National Party leadership conspired to politically destroy Jami-Lee Ross – this after details of his affair with a fellow party MP became known to them. The allegations raise serious questions. Those questions include: what did National’s leader and deputy leader know and when did they find out?
A sworn-to timeline of events is now essential so that the public interest can be satisfied. This must be a crucial element that is cemented in to the methodology of Simon Bridges’ inquiry into the culture of the National Party. Above all, it must be independent and publicly accessible.
The inquiry must examine the National leadership team’s actions and culture, test whether they acted in a proper and timely manner, and assess whether their actions considered a concern for the welfare and mental health of an MP they had previously supported, promoted, and embedded within their leadership team.
It follows that allegations suggesting a “hit job” was orchestrated from inside the National Party leadership must also be independently explored.
If the inquiry finds that either the leader, or deputy leader, was part of a destructive and inhumane attack on Jami-Lee Ross – while it was known that he was at high risk of being pushed over the edge, was ill, and verging on suicide – and that they acted without reasonable regard for his welfare, then it must be accepted by the National Party caucus, its membership and the public, that this National leadership team is at the very least morally bankrupt.
This inquiry ought to be conducted amidst a background whereby Ross declared his role in the destructive side of politics; following the orders of Sir John Key, Bill English, Paula Bennett and Simon Bridges. Ross was afterall a ‘numbers man’ for Bridges, and benefitted from the patronage that the Bridges-Bennett leadership team offered.
There are a number of ‘ifs’ in this analysis, but the public interest demands that they be considered.
The allegations have surfaced on the blog-site Whaleoil which is owned and edited by controversial writer Cameron Slater.
Some may dismiss the allegations on the basis of tribalism, or ignore the allegations because Slater was centrally involved in National’s so called Dirty Politics as revealed in 2014. But the nature of the allegations are as serious as they get in politics, and, if accurate played a part in the sudden deterioration of Jami-Lee Ross’ mental health, the sectioning of Ross for his own protection, and the erasion of credibility of a potential political opponent who was determined to continue as a critical member of New Zealand’s Parliament.
This analysis’ argument suggests any such bias, on behalf by Cameron Slater’s opponents, ought to be ethically and morally put aside until such a time as the truth and facts are tested. Such an inquiry, preferably judicial but essentially independent, must be robust and critical in its analysis.
To reiterate; numerous elements of this saga elevate the issues to a matter of serious public interest.
And it must be noted at this juncture, that the party’s leader Simon Bridges insists he has acted appropriately and denies taking part in any political “hit job”.
Let’s examine what Evening Report has learned from contacts close to events.
Alleged details of events between Saturday-Sunday October 20-21
There is a txt-chain of events that investigators can forensically examine that are central to understanding who was involved in the sectioning of Jami-Lee Ross.
If the txts are examined they will determine if it is fact that the National Party MP, with whom Jami-Lee Ross had a three-year affair, rang the Police and that as a consequence of that call the Police used mental health laws to take Jami-Lee Ross into custody and contain him within the mental health unit at Counties Manukau Health.
Txts will also show whether it is fact that the female MP then called Simon Bridges’ chief of staff at 9:15pm on Saturday October 20 informing him of the events. If so Bridges’ office was aware of an alleged suicide attempt. Investigators would then be able to assess whether a txt message from Jami-Lee Ross’ psychologist, who Evening Report understands messaged Jami-Lee Ross at 9:28pm on Saturday October 20, asking if he was ok, and that the psychologist had minutes prior received a txt message from Jamie Gray, Simon Bridges’ chief of staff.
It is a matter of public record that Simon Bridges appeared on NewsHub’s AM Show on Tuesday October 23, denying all knowledge of events on the Saturday night – that is until a wider grouping within the National Party became privy to what had happened to Jami-Lee Ross.
It appears reasonable to form an opinion that Bridges’ chief of staff would have informed the leader of such an event. If he didn’t, why didn’t he inform Bridges?
The sectioning of Jami-Lee Ross ended a week where many National Party MPs, and a wider network of those loyal to the party, appeared to be actively orchestrating a coordinated campaign to destroy the so-called rogue MP’s political chances and to discredit his claims of corruption within the National Party leadership. Had Jami-Lee Ross abused his position as the senior whip within the party? It certainly appears so. Did he abuse the power he was afforded? Media reports would suggest this was so. Did he have an affair with at least two women? Yes. But it appears that the public attacks began, not at the time when senior members of the party were informed of Ross’ actions, but, once Ross began to attack the leadership. This is significant.
An Opposition’s Role As The Public’s Advocate
As senior representatives of New Zealand’s Legislature, leader Simon Bridges and deputy leader Paula Bennett can arguably be regarded as the public’s advocates within Parliament. Their job is to keep the Executive Government on its toes, challenge its policy and rationale, to be Parliament’s keepers of the public’s interest.
As such, the public deserves to know if the leaders, as a team or individually, conspired to destroy the political chances of an MP and former colleague, who they considered to have gone rogue, and who they knew was suffering a crisis of mental health so serious that it could have ended in death.
It is in consideration of the public interest, that this editorial is written.
We now know as fact, Jami-Lee Ross had a three year affair with a South Island-based National MP.[name withheld]. Like him, she has two children and was married.
While the affair was going ‘well’, contacts inside the National Party have told Evening Report that Jami-Lee encouraged Bridges to promote his lover above her standing and reputation in caucus, well above some high profile MPs like National’s Chris Bishop who are respected among colleagues and media and seen to have been doing their job well. The promotion was seen to give leverage, to sure up the numbers to stabilise Bridges’ and Bennett’s leadership team at a time when they sensed support was delicate.
Meanwhile, Jami-Lee Ross continued to pull in big donations from wealthy Chinese residents in his Botany electorate. As a reward, Bridges embedded him into his inner core, the top three. Politically, this is really an unsound move by a political leader. With Ross being senior whip, he is supposed to be directed by the leader to pull MPs into line, to do the leader’s bidding, and to do this without necessarily knowing the deep and dark details underlying the leader’s moves.
In effect, with Jami-Lee Ross becoming a central figure, knowing all the details, the dirt, the strategy and tactics, it centralised too much power into the whip position and elevated a real danger of a whip using the position for his own gain. To reiterate, this appears a seriously stupid move of Bridges and Bennett to pull a whip in on their machinations. And, in a significant contact’s view, it appears they risked this because Jami-Lee was pulling in the donor money.
Jami-Lee Ross had been on the rise for a time. Former Prime Minister John Key promoted him to the whips office. Then PM Bill English secured Ross’s rise by maintaining and elevating his whip role. Bridges and Bennett further empowered Jami-Lee Ross by cementing him into the whip position, a move that suggested National’s power-politicians were well satisfied with his service.
It’s hard to tell how far back it was when Jami-Lee Ross began to record Bridges. And, at this juncture, it’s difficult to know if he recorded Bennett as well. The public is left to fathom whether it was when his affair with the National MP went sour and perhaps Ross sensed Bennett having become close to her.
In any event, when Jami-Lee Ross fell out with his colleague and lover, sources say Bennett played a crucial role in the analysis of his conduct, in particular women who had allegedly been burned by Ross. Two women, contacts inside National state, were staff of the National Party leader. The MP (whom Ross had a three-year affair with) and the two staff members are said by National Party contacts to be the subject of NewsRoom.co.nz’s investigation into Ross’ activities, an investigation that is believed to have spanned up to one year in duration. Evening Report raises this aspect as the public interest demands to consider whether it is reasonable to believe that two staffers in the leader’s office never told nor informed Bridges, or the chief of staff, that they were cooperating in a media investigation into the leader’s chief and senior whip?
Contacts state that Bennett gained the women’s confidence, received information so it could be prepared as part of a disciplinary process. Did Bennett choose to engage media with this information? If so, once media received the information, what involvement did the deputy leader have or continue to have, or engage with, the complainants and media?
Sources inside National state Bennett then seeded info about Jami-Lee Ross having had an affair. They point to her having hinted at behaviour unbecoming of a married member of Parliament during an interview before TV, radio and print journalists. Did she do this without Bridges knowing or being forewarned.
If true, in effect, this would have driven the narrative ahead of the leader. If so, it is reasonable to fathom that a senior politician would know Bridges would be forced to defend the character-attack campaign that appeared orchestrated and designed to destroy Ross. Amidst the firestorm, National MP Maggie Barry spoke out against Ross with significant indignation. This will have been digested by the public that National had expelled a human predator from its midst. It also gave the impression National’s female caucus members were unified. However, respected MP Nikki Kaye kept out of it. Why?
Next, Bridges was forced to field political journalists’ questions about breaking the old convention that you keep affairs and family issues under the covers.
Bridges was then compelled to inform media that he had “told off” his deputy leader for giving credence that an affair had been ongoing between Ross and a Nat MP. This made Bridges look even weaker.
The future of National’s leadership
National Party contacts suggest Bridges is positioned where he will be forced to absorb the political fallout for what is seen by some as a character assassination campaign gone wrong. One contact states that once Bridges is rendered useless, and the issue dies down, Bennett herself will be well positioned to remove Bridges as leader in 2019.
It is reasonable to form an opinion that senior National MP Judith Collins will also be available if the leadership were to fall vacant. Her popularity is again on the rise.
At this juncture, for Bridges and Bennett, it appears wise for them to expect more National Party dirt to emerge before the end of the year. Evening Report’s sources say: “ample dirt lingers just below the surface.”
For a party that once stated it had no factions, it certainly seems its personality factions are now in all-out political warfare.
Judith Collins’ star has been rising since she returned to the front-bench in opposition. And it has been bolstered by a favourable Colmar Brunton Poll. It’s fair to suggest she has laid heavy hits on Labour’s Housing Minister Phil Twyford. As a consequence, her standing within the caucus has improved. On investigation, it is clear she has not had the loyalty of Jami-Lee Ross since he was promoted by John Key. He, along with Mark Mitchell, then supported Bill English for the leadership. Bennett and Mitchell are politically close. It does appear that moves by some media to connect Jami-Lee Ross’ revelations with a Judith Collins plan as not based on fact.
While there’s an expectation among interested public that Collins will be the next leader, she will need the support of what’s left of National’s social conservatives and those loyal to Nikki Kaye.
For Collins to succeed, she will have to be seen to inoculate the party from damaging information that may be in the possession of Jami-Lee Ross. All the while, she, like Bennett, needs Bridges to continue to fail as a leader.
It is fair to accept, the recordings and damaging information are now with Cam Slater and Simon Lusk. It is also reasonable to suggest that Bridges is a disappointment to some who once supported his bid for leadership. Cam Slater is clearly appalled at what he refers to as a “hit job”.
Slater is adamant that he is not motivated by an agenda, nor by a pitch by a fiscal conservative faction to gain leadership of the National party. Rather he said, he is motivated to help an old friend who the current leadership moved to destroy. He added on his blog-site, if the current leadership continues “to lie” he will continue to reveal the truth.
Meanwhile, Jami-Lee Ross is being reassured and cared for by a mutual friend of his and Slater’s who is a pastor with the Seventh Day Adventists.
Contacts say, with regard to Jami-Lee Ross and his National Party former lover and colleague, the three year affair was a relationship that in the end didn’t deliver what either banked on – despite promotions and connections and having benefitted politically from their association.
It’s fair to say, Jami-Lee Ross was out of his experiential depth and in part abusive from the point of view of how to handle political power, networks and consensual relationships.
Two other women who laid complaints about Ross, worked in the leader’s office.
Bridges is adamant he didn’t know about the abuse of power nor the complaints. Did Bennett know? At what point was she privy to the information?
One National Party contact said: “It defies reasonable belief that Bridges didn’t know.”
It is right that Bridges has initiated an inquiry into National’s culture. But that in itself falls short or what the public interest demands. Why? Because the inquiry reports back to Bridges, who as leader may well be one of the protagonists. Also, the report will not be released to the public which leaves it as a golden prize, the holy grail, for any journalist and, irrespective of who it damns or exonerates, will become a currency for any MP with leadership ambitions.
As it now stands, Bridges’ worst nightmare must be not knowing what Jami-Lee Ross recorded and at what point did he begin taping the National Party leader’s conversations.
If those recordings contain further embarrassing or damaging content and references, then he will be finished as leader. Bridges, as leader, even if he has a clear conscience, must be wracking his memory as to past conversations and comments while knowing the conversations may be in the hands of people with whom he has lost their trust.
And the question remains unanswered: Was Paula Bennett recorded as well?
If her actions are found by inquirers to have led an orchestrated political response to Jami-Lee Ross’ revelations, whether that be at the behest or otherwise of the current leader, then this will destroy any higher ambitions that she may have ever contemplated.
It follows, that if the report concludes that the rot inside National extends to its current leadership, then it may well be that Judith Collins will become the leader of the National Party, unopposed.
Whatever the future holds for the National Party, it is in everyone’s interests that an independent judicial investigation into this National affair be conducted in a spirit of openness and propriety.
EDITOR’S NOTE: Evening Report invites any individual connected to this analysis to have a right of reply. Footnote: Interview between the author and Jami-Lee Ross on his role as a new National Party MP (August 13 2012):
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julie Henderson, Research Associate, Southgate Institute for Health, Society and Equity, Flinders University
The Royal Commission into aged care has begun its 18-month investigation into the quality and safety of Australia’s residential aged-care system.
Topping the list of priorities is to uncover substandard care, mistreatment and abuse, and to identify the system failures and actions that should be taken in response.
But we don’t need a royal commission to tell us the number-one thing that can improve care in nursing homes: implementing minimum staffing levels.
Based on our research from 2016, the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation recommends residents receive 4 hours and 18 minutes of care per day for optimal health and well-being.
It’s also important to get the right mix of staff performing for these hours and minutes. Half of the care should be provided by care workers (who undertake a short TAFE course), 30% by registered nurses (who complete a three-year bachelor degree at university), and 20% by enrolled nurses (who complete an 18-month diploma).
Nurse ratios in hospitals
It’s no surprise nurse shortages affect patient care. Nurse staffing shortfalls in hospitals have been associated with poorer patient outcomes, longer stays in hospital, and a higher risk of death within 30 days of discharge.
Poor staffing causes stress and frustration among nurses, who constantly feel rushed and unable to provide the type of care their patients deserve. This leads to greater job dissatisfaction and burnout.
One way to ensure nurse staffing levels is to implement mandatory nurse-to-patient ratios. California did this in 1999, when it mandated ratios ranging from one nurse to two patients in intensive care, to one nurse to six patients for women who had given birth.
After the ratios were implemented, the nurses’ patient loads decreased and they reported being able to provide better quality care. They also felt more job satisfaction and were less likely to burn out. Importantly, rates of complications and premature death decreased.
Minimum aged-care staffing
Seemingly small tasks in aged care can have a big impact on residents. If they don’t receive adequate assistance at meal times, for instance, they may lose weight and become malnourished. If they’re bed-bound and aren’t moved frequently enough, they’re at risk of developing painful pressure sores.
As with hospital-based care, minimum staffing ensures staff have enough time to complete these important tasks and has been associated with improvements in health outcomes for residents with multiple illnesses.
Missed or delayed care can have an enormous impact on residents.Elien Dumon/
Importantly, increasing direct care hours reduces the use of medication to manage difficult resident behaviour, allowing residents to maintain their independence.
Increasing direct nursing care also decreases the likelihood of residents being transferred to emergency departments, as their symptoms can be managed in the facility.
All Australian states and territories have legislation to determine the minimum staffing levels in hospitals to ensure patients receive timely care and close monitoring. But no such legislation exists in the aged-care sector.
The current Australian Aged Care Quality Agency standards say aged-care facilities need to be adequately staffed with appropriately skilled and qualified staff but they don’t specify what constitutes adequate.
In 2015, residents in Australian aged-care facilities received 39.8 hours of direct care per fortnight. This averaged 2.86 hours per resident per day and is significantly below the recommended 4 hours 18 minutes per day.
In phase one, we tested six “profiles” for residents requiring between 2.5 and 5 hours of nursing care daily, using the de-identified data of 200 residents. We then recruited experienced registered nurses to time and record what amounted to nearly 2,000 nursing and personal care interactions in hospitals, aged care and rehabilitation facilities.
We ran the six “profiles” made up of timed care activities through seven focus groups of nurses working in aged care to determine the proportion of residents who meet each profile.
Overall, we found more than 60% of aged care residents required four or more hours of care per day. This rate is likely to be similar in most aged-care facilities across the country.
The second component of our research involved surveying 3,206 staff working in aged care to determine the amount and types of care missed and the reasons why. This is care missed or delayed because of multiple demands, inadequate staffing and material resources, or communication breakdowns.
Staff believed care was being missed in all facilities, with higher levels of missed care reported in privately owned facilities (both for-profit and not-for-profit).
Author provided
Unscheduled tasks such as responding to call bells and to toileting needs within five minutes were most likely to be missed – as were the social and behavioural needs of residents.
Complex care activities such as wound care, medication and end-of-life care were less likely to be missed, although there were deficits in some areas.
When asked to indicate the reasons why care was missed, the respondents cited:
having too few staff
the complexity of resident needs (for example, more residents receiving palliative care and with dementia)
inadequate skill mix of nursing and care work staff
unbalanced resident allocation (some staff having heavier workloads than others).
Beware cost saving
Many of the problems in the aged-care sector can be addressed with adequate staffing, and ensuring residents receive, at a minimum, the required 4 hours and 18 minutes of care each day. But staffing hours should not be increased by replacing nursing staff (who have clinical education and skills) with lower-skilled care workers.
In recent years, some residential aged-care providers have been reducing the number of enrolled nurses employed and substituting them with care workers to offset staffing costs. Between 2003 and 2012, 21,000 more care workers were employed, along with 2,326 fewer registered nurses.
It’s important to ensure the skill mix includes enough registered nurses for the complex assessment and specialised nursing care now required by residents.
It’s clear the royal commission must investigate staffing shortfalls rather than simply blame nurses and carers who often struggle to provide the level of care they’d like to.
In a show of support for the Kanak independence movement, Maohi leader Oscar Manutahi Temaru has joined the campaign trail in New Caledonia, urging voters to support a Yes vote in the country’s referendum on self-determination next month.
Temaru is a former President of French Polynesia and long-time leader of the Maohi independence movement Tavini Huiraatira no Te Ao Maohi. He was joined in New Caledonia by Moetai Brotherson, an elected member of the local Assembly in Tahiti and one of French Polynesia’s representatives in the French National Assembly in Paris.
In New Caledonia, the Tahitian delegates faced a punishing schedule of speaking engagements around the country in the lead up to the referendum vote on November 4.
Brotherson was welcomed at a public meeting at the University of New Caledonia in Noumea, and then travelled to the rural towns of Foha (La Foa), Waa Wi Lûû (Houailou) and Pwäräiriwa (Ponerihouen).
Speaking at community meetings in each location, he highlighted the longstanding support of Tavini Huiraatira for the Kanak struggle, and called on people to mobilise for the referendum on self-determination.
-Partners-
At a festival in the east coast town of Ponerihouen, Oscar Temaru said he had travelled to New Caledonia to support the independence movement Front de Liberation National Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS).
“I am here to support them – to show that the international community is here to watch what will happen in New Caledonia,” he said. “We are sure that the accession of New Caledonia to independence and sovereignty will also mean self-determination for our country Maohi Nui.”
Long history The Maohi independence leader highlighted the long history that links independence movements across the French-speaking Pacific, from Vanuatu to Kanaky-New Caledonia and Maohi Nui-French Polynesia.
In 1977, there were significant challenges to French colonialism across the region. Under the leadership of Jean-Marie Tjibaou, New Caledonia’s main political party Union Calédonienne adopted a position in favour of independence from France instead of autonomy.
In the Anglo-French condominium of New Hebrides, Father Walter Lini joined other leaders to launch a boycott of the 1977 elections, transforming the New Hebrides National Party into the Vanua’aku Pati and ultimately serving as the first Prime Minister of independent Vanuatu.
In 1977, Oscar Temaru also established the Front de Libération de Polynésie (FLP – Polynesian Liberation Front) in Tahiti. The following year, he travelled to the United Nations in New York for the first time, to call for the right to self-determination and an end to nuclear testing on Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls.
“For more than 40 years, we’ve been fighting together to get our independence back,” Temaru said. “Over all those years, so many things have happened: the former leaders of the FLNKS got killed, they’ve had the Matignon Accords and the Noumea Accord. But on November 4, they have the right to decide to decide their future.”
Oscar Temaru highlighted the importance of international scrutiny of the self-determination process, and welcomed the arrival of a United Nations mission to monitor the vote.
While the French government has supported its involvement in recent years, the UN’s role has been contested over many decades.
Refused authority From 1947, soon after the United Nations was created, France refused to accept UN authority over decolonisation and the right to self-determination. New Caledonia was only reinscribed on the UN list of non-self-governing territories in December 1986, as members of the Pacific Islands Forum supported the FLNKS to successfully lobby for UN General Assembly resolution 41/41.
It took another 27 years for French Polynesia to be similarly re-inscribed with the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation. In 2013, a UN General Assembly resolution on French Polynesia, sponsored by Solomon Islands, Nauru and Tuvalu, was adopted by the 193-member body without a vote.
Moetai Brotherson told a public meeting in La Foa that the FLNKS had achieved more recognition than the Maohi independence movement.
“You’re a bit ahead of us on the path to independence, so we’re watching what is happening with great attention,” he said. “Oscar Temaru was in New York with Jean-Marie Tjibaou in 1986 when New Caledonia was re-inscribed on the list of non-self-governing territories at the United Nations.
“Our re-inscription, however, only came in 2013. You have advanced along the path. You have made agreements with the French State, you have welcome UN special missions, all of this leading to the decision on November 4. But for us, we’re not there yet.”
He noted fundamental legal differences between the three French Pacific dependencies, which all hold a different constitutional status within the French Republic. The 1998 Noumea Accord is entrenched as a sui generis section within the French Constitution, unlike French Polynesia’s 2004 autonomy statute and the 1961 statute for Wallis and Futuna.
The Noumea Accord creates a clear, legally binding pathway for up to three referendums on self‐determination in New Caledonia. In contrast, French Polynesia has no such path to a referendum.
Constitutional difference Moetai Brotherson explained: ”There is a difference between the constitutional situation of our two countries. Today, Kanaky-New Caledonia is the only territory of the French Republic to have a specific section in the Constitution.
“You, the Kanak people are the only ‘people’, apart from the French people, recognised in the French Constitution. Apart from that reference, there are no overseas peoples, just ‘populations’.
“You’ve achieved this higher level within the laws of the French Republic,” he said. “For us in Maohi Nui – or French Polynesia as they call it – we only have a population, not a people. This is unacceptable for us.”
For Oscar Temaru, international monitoring of November’s referendum is vital, given France’s ongoing refusal to organise a decolonisation process in his own country.
“Re-inscription in 2013 was very important,” he said. “The resolution that has been adopted by the UN General Assembly was very clear. It reminds the administering power of the right of the Maohi people to self-determination, our right to all our resources of our country and also calls for France to answer to the international community on thirty years of nuclear testing.”
However, Brotherson stressed that the French government refuses to acknowledge any role for the United Nations over self-determination in French Polynesia, failing to meet its obligations as an administering power. Each year, under Article 73e of the UN Charter, colonial powers are required to submit information to the United Nations relating to economic, social and political conditions in their territories.
In recent years, France has formally submitted information about New Caledonia, but refused to submit similar information on French Polynesia.
‘Schizophrenic situation’ Brotherson noted: “We’re in this schizophrenic situation where France has two territories listed at the United Nations. In the case of New Caledonia, France collaborates completely with the United Nations. But in our case, they’re in denial about our re-inscription.
“Every time we’re at the UN Decolonisation Committee, the French representative is in the room when the question of New Caledonia is raised, but as soon as they announce discussion of the question of French Polynesia, he leaves.”
In June 2017, Brotherson defeated Patrick Howell of the governing party Tapura Huiraatira, in the election for French Polynesia’s third constituency in the French National Assembly. Today, as a member of the Republican Democratic Left parliamentary group, Brotherson serves on the French parliament’s Foreign Affairs Commission and overseas delegation.
New Caledonia is currently represented in the French National Assembly by Philippe Gomes and Philippe Dunoyer of the anti-independence Calédonie ensemble party. Brotherson told the FLNKS meeting in Ponerihouen: “When I arrived in Paris, I was saddened to see that there were no Kanak brothers in the National Assembly.
“If in coming times, there are still no Kanak deputies in the Parliament, you will still have a voice there. To ensure that your message will be heard in Paris, you can count on me.”
He pledged support for the Kanak people in the French Parliament in the aftermath of November’s referendum: “I hope that – if there is a Yes vote – the current loyalist deputies in the National Assembly will have the intelligence to serve as dignified representatives of the New Caledonian nation that will be born from this referendum.
“But if that’s not the case, I reiterate my commitment – with the approval of your leaders – to act as a spokesperson for your cause within the French parliament.”
Campaigning for Yes On October 20, more than 2000 people gathered at the major FLNKS festival in Ponerihouen, which marked the end of referendum campaigning in the Kanak customary region of Ajie-Aro. They were joined by the leaders of three major independence parties – Daniel Goa of Union Calédonienne (UC), Paul Neaoutyine of the Parti de Libération Kanak (Palika) and Victor Tutugoro of Union Progressiste Mélanesienne (UPM).
Temaru and Brotherson joined FLNKS representatives and two Corsican independence activists, Francois Benedetti and Alain Mosconi, for a roundtable on sovereignty and decolonisation.
Just as Scotland is debating independence from the United Kingdom and Catalan nationalists want independence for their region in Spain, there is a strong autonomist movement in Corsica. In a significant breakthrough in December last year, Gilles Simeoni led the nationalist alliance Pè a Corsica to victory in the Corsican Assembly, uniting the autonomist party Femu a Corsica and the pro-independence Corsica Libera.
Three months before travelling to New Caledonia for his first visit last May, French President Emmanuel Macron also visited the French-controlled Mediterranean island. Macron, however, refused the nationalists’ longstanding call to recognise Corsican as an official language.
Congratulating the work of the Academy of Kanak Languages (ALK) and the teaching of local indigenous languages in New Caledonian schools, Corsica Libera’s Alain Mosconi noted: “For decades, the French government has hindered the use of dialects, of patois, regional languages and our language in Corsica.
“They’ve promoted French as the official language. This is a lamentable situation. That’s why we call for our national rights and support the Kanak right to nationhood.”
Tavini Huiraatira’s Moetai Brotherson highlighted the common cause of independence movements across the Pacific.
‘We share many things’ “We share many things – we share the same colonial power and the same colonial history,” he said.
“At a time of resistance to colonial rule in Maohi Nui, the resisters were exiled here to New Caledonia. The high chiefs on Raiatea resisted annexation for many years in the Leeward Islands, but were sent here as exiles.
“At the same time, many of your resisters were exiled to the Marquesas Islands, in our homeland.
“Today, colonisation is symbolised by the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few – always the same few – and by a totally inequitable distribution of that wealth. In both our countries, there is wealth enough, but it’s concentrated in a few hands, That’s the challenge of decolonisation, sovereignty and independence.”
Polynesians from Wallis and Futuna and French Polynesia make up 10 per cent of the population of New Caledonia, so Brotherson called on the Kanak people to mobilise for a Yes vote, but to maintain their welcome for people from other lands.
“The Yes must be an inclusive Yes, not one that excludes people, not a Yes that turns people against each other,” he said. “On November 5, everyone must have their place in Kanaky-New Caledonia. You have a chance that we don’t – to have your say about the future through this referendum. You must seize this moment.”
Nic Maclellan is a journalist and researcher specialising in Pacific island affairs. This article was first published in Islands Business.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter C. Doherty, Laureate Professor, The Peter Doherty Institute for Infection and Immunity
As a broadly trained life scientist, my concern about climate change isn’t the health of the planet. The rocks will be just fine! What worries me is a whole spectrum of “wicked” challenges, from sustaining food production, to providing clean water, to maintaining wildlife diversity and the green environments that ensure the survival of complex life on Earth.
What’s more, as a disease and death researcher, I think of climate change as equivalent to lead poisoning: slow, cumulative, progressive and initially silent but, if not treated in time, causing irreversible, catastrophic damage.
The world’s oldest medical journal, The Lancet, has a high-profile commission that will report every two years until 2030 on the broad-ranging issue of climate and human health. The journal has just published a letter from just about every leading Australian medical scientist working in a relevant area that protests the federal government’s contemptuous dismissal of the latest report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
Astronauts have shown us how incredibly fragile the atmosphere looks from space. The idea that we should wait for things to get worse before taking action to protect it seems insane.
Apollo 8 gave us a valuable perspective on our planet.NASA
We need legislators who can think and act for the long term. This issue is simply too big for individuals or volunteer groups. Unless politicians are prepared to put a substantial price on greenhouse emissions, it’s difficult to see how a capitalist economic system can move us forward. Clean coal? The US 45Q tax reform, which offers credits for carbon capture and storage projects, suggests we would need a carbon price of at least US$50 a tonne to make this technology economically feasible.
Australia’s governments at every level could be acting now to promote the planting of vegetation, including less readily combustible tree species. We could be embracing, and funding, energy efficiency while constructing all new buildings – especially hospitals and large apartment complexes – in ways that protect their inhabitants. A realistic carbon tax could pay for some of that, while also stimulating jobs and growth and providing investment certainty.
Some moves are already being made in the right direction. The Gorgon gas project is planning to extend its strategy to inject carbon dioxide into the ground rather than releasing it to the atmosphere. CSIRO’s new hydrogen economy roadmap shows how (with the endorsement of Chief Scientist Alan Finkel) we can develop gas exports based on hydrogen rather than natural gas, to supply emerging markets in countries such as Japan.
A more familiar export product is wood. Planting and harvesting trees mimics nature’s mechanism for storing carbon. Perhaps it’s time for CSIRO and the universities to reinvest in developing wood technologies that displace concrete for at least some forms of construction. Modular wooden houses could also easily be moved away from low-lying areas hit by river flooding and sea level rise.
My wife Penny and I recently joined a small organised tour that took us more than 5,000km around Western Australia. That made us very aware of competing realities. On one hand, we have the human constructs of community, politics and economy. On the other is the reality of nature, imposed by the laws of physics and the fact that all life systems have evolved to live within defined environmental “envelopes”.
Apart from the glorious WA wildflowers and extensive wheat fields, the prominence of mining was very clear. Metals are essential for just about any renewable energy strategy, although the massive amounts of diesel burned in the extraction process are clearly an issue. Could that transition to carbon-neutral biodiesel?
WA also has extensive coastal salt pans: might they be used, perhaps with pumped seawater, to cultivate algae for biofuel production? And, in the face of a global obesity pandemic, the best thing we could do with sugar cane is to convert it to biofuels.
If ethanol is bad for internal combustion engines, perhaps we should revisit external combustion? In WA, we went to the HMAS Sydney memorial in Geraldton. Like all big ships of her time, the Sydney was powered by steam turbines. Turbine power generation could be part of a mix driving electric/wind ships of the future.
Our WA trip also made us very conscious of the complex ecosystems that, in the end analysis, sustain all life. Plants use chemical signals (plant pheromones) to “talk” among themselves, to other species, and to the insects they attract for pollination. Some plants rely for reproduction on a single insect species. If the insects die, they die. We’re currently in the sixth mass extinction – this one caused by humans. As temperatures ramp up, rainfall patterns change, and firestorms grow stronger and more frequent, the effects will be terminal for many species.
With much of our land unsuited to agriculture, Australia is the biggest solar collector on Earth. Visiting WA also made us very aware of the enormous, untapped wind potential on the west coast. Apart from battery storage, making hydrogen from seawater offers an obvious strategy for dealing with both the remoteness of generation sites and the variability of supply from renewables, while also returning oxygen to the atmosphere. We could be the clean energy giants!
None of this will happen without the help of major corporations that have the wealth and power to influence governments, along with the globalised structure that facilitates the development and implementation of solutions. What’s very encouraging is that many of the multinationals are now moving forward to develop strategies for supplying global energy needs while minimising greenhouse gas emissions. There’s no way they want to be the “tobacco villains” of the 21st century!
This is an adapted version of a speech given in Melbourne on October 24 at the international ghgt-14 meeting.