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Just a regular Joe (or Bill or ScoMo): how our leaders work hard at being ‘ordinary’

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Bongiorno, Professor of History, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University

Is it sufficiently dignified to call a prime minister, as distinct from an immigration minister or treasurer, ScoMo? Is this part of Scott Morrison’s “ordinary bloke” persona? It does sound a bit like Joe Shmoe, which Wikipedia tells me means “no one in particular” and “is one of the most commonly used fictional names in American English”. But it also sounds a bit Hollywood, evoking JLo.

So it may well be the kind of game that virtually every politician with serious leadership aspirations has to play. They need to convince us that they are not so far above us that they are out of touch. (“How much is a litre of milk, Prime Minister?”) Yet when they do present themselves as just like us, we can’t really take them seriously. We do, in the end, expect our leaders to be different.

Each leader plays the game differently. William Shorten is, of course, Bill – who tweeted about doing the shopping with his young daughter on Father’s Day.

Minus the shopping trolley, Robert Menzies and Robert Hawke were both Bob, and William Hughes and William McMahon were Billy. Curtin was Jack to his mates but John to the public. Chifley was Ben to all, and the unassuming Lyons was happy enough with Joe. It was hard to do much with Gough or Paul, and Malcolm Fraser only became Mal when he was being ridiculed. Everyone knew he was no Mal, and nor was Turnbull. “Johnny Howard” was almost never complimentary, especially when preceded by “Little”, and Kevin might have been from Queensland and here to help, but he never became Kev – not even when worrying over the shaking of sauce bottles – any more than Julia became Jules.

Politicians have long fretted over these matters. When the future prime minister, Stanley Melbourne Bruce, became prime minister, he issued a note to the press:

Mr Bruce would be very glad if the newspapers would not refer to him by his Christian name, as Mr Stanley Bruce, but always as Mr S.M. Bruce.

Today’s journalists, cartoonists and comedians – to say nothing of one’s political opponents – would be in raptures if a newly minted prime minister issued such a notice. And it was clearly unthinkable that the golf-playing, spats-wearing Bruce would be just plain Stan.

Here is a reminder that there is more than one way of performing the role of Australian prime minister. The late political psychologist Graham Little used to give a set-piece lecture on political leadership at Melbourne University, whose major details I can still recall 30 years later – so it must have been good.

Little thought there were broadly three types. Margaret Thatcher was a “strong leader” – the children’s TV program that demonstrated the style was Romper Room. Boys wore boys’ clothes and looked like boys. Girls wore girls’ clothes and looked like girls. Miss Helena dressed conservatively and had a mirror through which she could keep an eye on us at home. Moral codes were strictly defined, with the help of Mr Do Bee (“Do be an asker. Don’t be a help yourself”). Good conduct included being able to walk around with a basket balanced on your head.

“Inspiring leadership” was exemplified by Gough Whitlam – and Play School. Each, in turn, went out of their way to demonstrate good, inclusive citizenship, and creative, inclusive play, yet without pretending to become an ordinary citizen, or an ordinary child.

Like Miss Helena, Play School leaders were grownups. But unlike her – and like Whitlam – they spoke to their audience of children as intelligent equals, dressed a bit like kids (possibly in overalls, not skirts, for women) and played along with them rather than laying down the law. Big Ted was a more gentle soul than Mr Do Bee – who presumably had a sting. Gender differences are more frankly acknowledged, but explored rather than taken for granted.


Read more: What kind of prime minister will Scott Morrison be?


And then there were “group leaders”, like Bob Hawke – and Humphrey B. Bear. Humphrey, seemingly male yet somewhat ambiguously defined, runs around without trousers (any resemblance here to an Australian prime minister, living or dead, being purely coincidental). He is also a child, not an adult, and to this extent he shares a common identity with his audience. But they are not entirely deceived: Humphrey’s not really the same as the kids watching at home. In short, he’s rather like Hawke, who at his best convinced us that he was one of us even while being unmistakably “special”.

Not all have even attempted this balancing act. Neither Bruce nor Menzies ever pretended to be everyman, although Menzies occasionally pointed to his humble origins as the son of a country storekeeper. Keating barely made the effort; his adoption of Collingwood Football Club when he became prime minister was widely ridiculed for its cynicism, coming as it did from a man whose interests ran more to classical music and French clocks.

Malcolm Turnbull’s leather jacket, never entirely convincing, did not survive his elevation to prime minister. His persona in the job more resembled a Renaissance Florentine merchant-statesman – albeit without the art or culture, which may well have been Turnbull’s major concession to the common folk.

Like Keating, the very Sydney-ish Morrison is looking south for an AFL club, and he has cultivated what journalist Phillip Coorey calls a “daggy ordinariness”. But his everyman act is already running up against his evangelical Christianity. The classic Australian plain man is not an evangelical.

Russel Ward sketched the “the typical Australian” most influentially in The Australian Legend 60 years ago. He is, Ward writes, “sceptical about the value of religion and of intellectual and cultural pursuits generally”. The latter certainly fits Morrison, but not the former.


Read more: Poll wrap: Worst reaction to midterm PM change in Newspoll history; contrary polls in Dutton’s Dickson


That said, he leads Shorten as preferred prime minister in Newspoll. It is worth pausing to ask why Shorten, former Australian Workers’ Union leader, has never been able to break through as a personally popular figure. He has clearly modelled aspects of his career on Hawke, but no one would ever accuse him of possessing Hawke’s charisma. He will never approach his stratospheric approval ratings. Perhaps there are too many stories around of his cosy relations with filthy rich businessmen.

He became a national figure on the back of his media profile during the Beaconsfield mine disaster and rescue in Tasmania in 2006, and he campaigned most effectively in the 2016 election. Yet he often seems wooden in front of a camera, as distinct from when talking with ordinary voters. On the couple of occasions I’ve witnessed him deliver prepared speeches, he was engaging if not magnetic, and improved as he warmed to the message he was delivering.

Hawke moved in similar business circles to Shorten, and had his deficiencies as both a public speaker and parliamentary performer. But he was brilliant if unpredictable in a TV interview, before he cut the drinking and learned better to control his temper. His media image in the 1970s, while ACTU president, overwhelmed any popular suspicion that he was in the pockets of the top end of town, although there was a growing chorus of complaints about rich mates during his prime ministership.

Shorten, much more than Hawke, has been damaged by the perception of backroom dealing; with bosses, while a union leader, and over the internecine warfare within the Labor Party. Voters might have a sneaking respect for his doggedness – think John Howard – but they don’t love him and probably never will. Nonetheless, they may well elect him.

– Just a regular Joe (or Bill or ScoMo): how our leaders work hard at being ‘ordinary’
– http://theconversation.com/just-a-regular-joe-or-bill-or-scomo-how-our-leaders-work-hard-at-being-ordinary-103088]]>

Your Apple Watch can now record your ECG – but what does that mean and can you trust it?

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shane Nanayakkara, Cardiologist, Baker Heart and Diabetes Institute

Apple’s new, fourth-generation watch has an electrical heart rate sensor. This can record your electrocardiogram or ECG, which Apple says:

… can classify if the heart is beating in a normal pattern or whether there are signs of atrial fibrillation (AFib), a heart condition that could lead to major health complications.

So, what actually is an ECG and can you really rely on a watch to read it?

How does the heart beat?

As a quick summary, your heart is divided into four chambers. The two top chambers (called atria) receive blood and push it towards the two bottom chambers (ventricles), which pump blood out to the body (left side) and the lungs (right side).

At the top of the right atrium is a little collection of cells called the sinoatrial node, or SA node. These generate an electrical signal which travels toward the middle of the heart (atrioventricular node). Finally, this electrical impulse spreads into the ventricles, which makes them squeeze blood for what we feel as a heartbeat or pulse. A normal heart rate can vary significantly between different people.


Read more: What should my heart rate be and what affects it?


So, these small electrical currents help co-ordinate each beat. In the early 1900s, Willem Einthoven developed a machine to be able to record these signals (for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize) – a device that developed into the modern-day ECG machine.

Your heart is made up of four chambers. from shutterstock.com

An ECG involves having small stickers applied to your chest, shoulders and ankles, which can then read the electricity coming from your heart. You don’t feel anything when it is taken and it takes only a few seconds to make a recording. It can be done at your local GP clinic or in hospital.

How does an ECG work?

With every beat, there is a characteristic appearance of each signal on the ECG, with separate “waves” that correspond to electrical activity from different parts of the heart.

The P wave (before the spike) represents the atria squeezing blood down towards the ventricles. The QRS looks like a spike and represents the two ventricles squeezing blood to the body and lungs. And the T wave at the end reflects the recovery of the ventricles as they relax to receive blood again.

Each beat is represented by a separate wave or spike on the ECG. from shutterstock.com

By analysing various segments, the person reading the ECG can understand about problems, signalled by an abnormal-looking ECG, in the heart. The ECG can usually detect severe or urgent heart attacks, which cause elevation of the segment between the QRS and T waves. Smaller heart attacks sometime show signs, but not always.

The ECG is good for detecting arrhythmias, which are abnormal rhythms. The most common arrhythmia is atrial fibrillation (AF) – this is where the top chambers (the atria) don’t squeeze properly. As a result blood can stagnate and form a clot, which can then go to the brain and cause a stroke.

You can see atrial fibrillation on an ECG when no P wave is visible. Instead there are often small irregular blips indicating that the atrium is beating in a weak and disorganised way. An ECG can also pick up other arrhythmias, though it is most useful if the person is in the abnormal rhythm at the time the ECG is done.

The ECG can also pick up abnormal heart structures. Sometimes it can show signs of the heart being weak (heart failure) or if the muscle is unusually thick, such as when people have high blood pressure for a long time.


Read more: Tom Petty died from a cardiac arrest – what makes this different to a heart attack and heart failure?


So, can the Apple Watch actually read your heart?

The ECG at your local doctor is called a 12-lead ECG. Only ten leads are physically attached to you, but the machine derives 12 based on the direction of electrical flow. Each of these leads provide a different view of the heart.

Imagine you are peering into a room through several windows. Each window would give you a different perspective, and putting these together can give you an overall impression of the room.

Wearable ECGs, like that with the Apple Watch, can pick up only one lead (for your further reading, it’s lead I). This can tell if your heart is irregular and sometimes if there is no P wave (so it could potentially detect atrial fibrillation).

An ECG involves several stickers placed on your chest. from shutterstock.com

A key advantage of having the Apple Watch is the ability to take a 30-second ECG (this requires you to put your right hand on the watch to form a circuit so the electrical signals can be read from both arms through your heart) at the time you feel symptoms. It can understand the context as well (for example, your activity level at the time).

There are drawbacks, though. The watch can only give a single-window view of what’s happening in the heart, and won’t be able to detect heart attacks or abnormal heart structure accurately. Wearable devices are also more prone to interference with the signal as they rely on just one lead, whereas a 12-lead ECG remains the gold standard.


Read more: New Apple Watch adds heart tracking: here’s why we should welcome ECG for everyone


And, of course, the actual ECG must be read by a professional. Apple gives you the option to download your reading as a PDF.

Ultimately, if you have concerns about your heart, an ECG is a simple, non-invasive, cheap test, which your local doctor can interpret. It should always be accompanied by a detailed history of your symptoms and a physical examination.

– Your Apple Watch can now record your ECG – but what does that mean and can you trust it?
– http://theconversation.com/your-apple-watch-can-now-record-your-ecg-but-what-does-that-mean-and-can-you-trust-it-103430]]>

We’ve cracked the cane toad genome, and that could help put the brakes on its invasion

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter White, Professor in Microbiology and Molecular Biology, UNSW

We and our international colleagues have deciphered the genetic code of the cane toad. The complete sequence, published today in the journal GigaScience, will help us understand how the toad can quickly evolve to adapt to new environments, how its infamous toxin works, and hopefully give us new options for halting this invader’s march across Australia.

Since its introduction into Queensland in 1935, the cane toad has spread widely and now occupies more than 1.2 million square kilometres of Australia. It is fatally poisonous to predators such as the northern quoll, freshwater crocodiles, and several species of native lizards and snakes.

Previous attempts to sequence the cane toad, by WA researchers more than 10 years ago, were not successful, largely because the existing technology could not assemble the genetic pieces to create a genome. But thanks to new methods, we have succeeded in piecing together the entire genetic sequence.


Read more: Yes, you heard right: more cane toads really can help us fight cane toads


Our team, which also featured researchers from Portugal and Brazil, worked at the Ramaciotti Centre for Genomics at UNSW. This centre played a key role in decoding the genomes of other iconic Australian species, including the koala.

Sequencing, assembling and annotating a genome (working out which genes go where) is a complicated process. The cane toad genome is similar in size to that of humans, at roughly 3 billion DNA “letters”. By using cutting-edge technology, our team sequenced more than 360 billion letters of cane toad DNA code, and then assembled these overlapping pieces to produce one of the best-quality amphibian genomes to date.

We deduced more than 90% of the cane toad’s genes using technology that can sequence very long pieces of DNA. This made the task of putting together the genome jigsaw much easier.

Toxic toads

The cane toad has iconic status in Australia, with many Aussies loving to hate the poisonous invasive amphibian. This is a little unfair. It’s not the cane toad’s fault – it was humans who chose to bring it to Australia.

Our obsession with sugar in the 1800s led to the toad’s introduction to many countries around the world. Wherever sugar cane was planted, the cane toad followed, taken from plantation to plantation by landowners as the warty interlopers travelled from South America to the Caribbean and then on to Hawaii and Australia.

But unlike most other places to which the cane toad was introduced, Australia lacks any native toads of its own. The cane toad’s powerful poisons are deadly to native species that have never before encountered this amphibian’s arsenal.

The cane toad has therefore been subject to detailed evolutionary and ecological research in Australia, revealing not only its impact but also its amazing capacity for rapid evolution. Within 83 years of its introduction, cane toads in Australia have evolved a wide range of modifications that affect their body shape, physiology and behaviour.

For example, cane toads at the invasion front are longer-legged and bolder than those in long-colonised areas and invest less into their immune defences (for a summary, see Cane Toad Wars by Rick Shine).

The new genome will give us insights into how evolution transformed a sedentary amphibian into a formidable invasion machine. And it could give us new weapons to help stop, or at least slow, this invasion.

Cracking the cane toad genome.

Viral control

Current measures such as physical removal have not been successful in preventing cane toads from spreading, so fresh approaches are needed. One option may be to use a virus to help control the toad population.

Viruses such as myxomatosis have been successfully used to control rabbits. But the cane toad viruses studied so far are also infectious to native frogs. The new genome could potentially help scientists hunt for viruses that attack only toads.

In a study published this month, we and other colleagues describe how we sampled genetic sequences from cane toads from different Australian locations, and found three viruses that are genetically similar to viruses that infect frogs, reptiles and fish. These viruses could potentially be used as biocontrol agents, although only after comprehensive testing to check that they pose no danger to any other native species.


Read more: Come hither… how imitating mating males could cut cane toad numbers


The full cane toad genome will help to accelerate this kind of research, as well as research on the toads’ evolution and its interactions with the wider ecosystem. The published sequence is freely available for anyone to use in their studies. It is one of very few amphibian genomes sequenced so far, so this is also great news for amphibian biologists in general.

As the cane toads continue their march across the Australian landscape, this milestone piece of research should help us put a few more roadblocks in their path.

– We’ve cracked the cane toad genome, and that could help put the brakes on its invasion
– http://theconversation.com/weve-cracked-the-cane-toad-genome-and-that-could-help-put-the-brakes-on-its-invasion-103362]]>

A community fix for the affordable housing crisis

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Mares, Adjunct Fellow, Centre for Urban Transitions, Swinburne University of Technology

Jeannie loves her apartment. It has a separate bedroom, a small bathroom, and an open-plan kitchen, lounge and dining area. It’s compact, but sliding doors open onto a generous balcony to create a larger living space. Jeannie often takes her meals on the balcony, where she can sit surrounded by pot plants and enjoy a view across houses with leafy backyards.

Jeannie’s three-year-old apartment is one of 57 single-bedroom units in Caggara House, a five-storey affordable housing development. It’s in a quiet street in Brisbane’s Mount Gravatt, within easy reach of shops, a medical centre, cafes and public transport.


Read more: Community sector offers a solid platform for fair social housing


Jeannie has spent much of her life in public housing on Brisbane’s south side. She brought up her three children in a three-bedroom commission home in nearby Holland Park.

After they had all flown the nest she downsized to a two-bedroom townhouse in Annerley. “It was more central,” she says, “just five to ten minutes from the city, which was good when I was working on call as a casual.”

Eventually, though, getting up the stairs became a problem, and Jeannie felt a bit unsafe living at ground level. At Caggara House there is a security entrance, a lift to her third-floor apartment, and wide passageways and doorways, so it is both safe and easy to navigate for someone with limited mobility.

Caggara is split into two buildings with a landscaped garden in between to give the complex a “green lung”. There is a shared barbecue area, a communal laundry, and a common room for parties, meetings and exercise classes. The development has won prizes for an energy-efficient design that provides for both privacy and social interaction.

Yet the real innovation is in the concept — it provided well-located, high-quality housing for low-income residents aged 55 and over, while freeing up resources to add to Brisbane’s overall stock of affordable housing. This might sound like a magic pudding, too good to be true, but Caggara’s residents previously lived alone in state-owned houses that were too big for their needs. Those houses were worth about A$500,000 each. It cost a little more than half that much to build each of the units in Mount Gravatt.

In this way, an investment of A$15 million in Caggara freed up A$25 million worth of assets that could be put to better use, either by accommodating families on the waiting list for social housing or by being sold to raise capital for new buildings.

Caggara House was created for former public housing tenants over the age of 55.

Community housing pioneers around the country

Caggara House is an initiative of the not-for-profit Brisbane Housing Company. It’s a provider of what is often called community housing, to distinguish it from the public housing supplied by state authorities (even though they serve a common client base of low-income tenants). Since it was set up in 2002, BHC has built 1,300 affordable rental dwellings and earned the same AA- credit rating as the Commonwealth Bank.

Housing First (previously the Port Phillip Housing Association) is another innovative community-housing provider. It has 1,200 dwellings scattered around Melbourne. And, like BHC, it forms strategic partnerships with private developers, other community organisations, and all tiers of government to build energy-efficient homes with low running costs.

In Sydney, affordable housing provider BlueCHP has a portfolio of 1,600 properties. In November 2017 it opened Macarthur Gardens, a mix of apartments clustered in three towers close to Macarthur Railway Station, Macarthur Square Shopping Centre, and Western Sydney University. BlueCHP manages 56 of the dwellings as below-market rentals for low-income households and is selling the other 45 to help finance the project.

Macarthur Gardens is the largest residential complex in Australia built from cross-laminated timber. BlueCHP was the first developer in New South Wales to use this cost-effective, environmentally friendly technology.

In theory, state housing authorities could innovate like the Brisbane Housing Company, Housing First and BlueCHP. In practice, this rarely happens. Governments tend to be overly cautious in a sector that is crying out for flexibility. David Cant, who was chief executive of BHC for its first 15 years, says:

Not-for-profits can take risks. They can work quicker and smarter.

Community housing providers also “know their residents and know their geography”, Cant adds.

Australia has a pressing need for more social and affordable housing. More than half of all low-income tenants in the private market spend at least 30% of their disposable income on rent (and often much more than that). This can lead them to skimp on essentials like food, heating, transport, health care and schoolbooks. In the long term this sort of rental stress can damage physical and mental health, stunt educational attainment, and limit opportunity.

Australia can learn from UK housing providers

Cant thinks the best way to reduce rental stress is to build up the community housing sector, even though it currently provides less than 1% of all Australian dwellings. He is confident this can be done, based on 25 years working in Britain.

Before the Thatcher government sold off council houses in the 1980s, local government was the largest and most established provider of low-cost rental dwellings in Britain. Today, housing associations are more significant: 170 individual housing associations own 2.49 million homes – more than 10% of all housing in Britain. Local government now accounts for just 7%.


Read more: Sensible reform to finance affordable housing deserves cross-party support


Oona Goldsworthy, chief executive of the Bristol-based not-for-profit housing association United Communities, says the sector matured relatively quickly. On a visit to Australia to she told me:

Housing associations in the United Kingdom grew out of an ideological and political push that the state is not necessarily the best provider of housing.

The view was that smaller organisations that were closer to the community could do a better job. Goldsworthy says British housing associations were able to borrow proactively, capturing a relatively small amount of public subsidy and matching it with lending from other sources. That’s exactly the sort of agility that gives community housing an edge over public-sector providers in Australia.

In the 2017 federal budget, the then treasurer, Scott Morrison, announced two measures designed to enable not-for-profit associations to build more housing: the National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation and an affordable housing bond aggregator. Together, they are designed to make it easier and cheaper for housing providers to borrow money by acting as a bridge between community-housing providers and superannuation funds.

While community organisations can and do borrow from banks, each loan must be separately negotiated. Super funds won’t deal one on one with individual providers in this way, so the NHFIC aims to offer them a standardised, rated investment product.


Read more: Bond aggregator helps build a more virtuous circle of housing investment


Since it has the backing of both Labor and the Greens, the NHFIC should survive any change of government. Yet the most important tool for repairing housing in Australia is still missing — a substantial amount of government money.

Cant, who was recently appointed to the NHFIC board, says poor people are generally reliable rent-payers because they know housing underpins the rest of their lives. Offered a deal along the lines of “be a good neighbour, pay your rent and you can stay here as long as you like”, they will grab it with both hands and enjoy a sense of pride and ownership that is indistinguishable from an owner-occupied home. Yet the rent they can afford to pay is not enough to cover the cost of building and maintaining community housing.

Cant says:

If you want to house people on lower incomes then you have to find a bit of a subsidy.

The holy grail of superannuation funds investing in affordable housing will not be achieved unless government tops up the rents paid by low-income households to generate an acceptable rate of return.

Piers Williamson is the chief executive of the Housing Finance Corporation — Britain’s equivalent to NHFIC — and has been advising the Australian government on setting up the NHFIC. He told the tenth National Housing Conference in Sydney that Britain’s affordable housing model was underpinned by £45 billion (A$75 billion) in grant money. “Grants are one of the things missing over here,” he said. “Subsidised housing requires a subsidy.”


Read more: Government guarantee opens investment highway to affordable housing


Australia badly needs more rental accommodation that does not leave low-income tenants living in stress. The only proven way to increase the supply of social and affordable dwellings is to increase public investment in the sector — in other words, to spend more taxpayers’ dollars.

Why should wealthier Australians agree to subsidise the housing of poorer Australians through the tax system? For David Cant, social justice is reason enough.

As a nation, we are sleepwalking into inequality. The settings we have got are dividing the community.

As housing inequality worsens it will touch more and more people. One day it could be an old friend, a sibling, a child, or a parent facing housing troubles. One day it could be you or me.


This is an edited extract from No Place Like Home: Repairing Australia’s Housing Crisis, published by Text on September 17.

– A community fix for the affordable housing crisis
– http://theconversation.com/a-community-fix-for-the-affordable-housing-crisis-102840]]>

The shocking truth about insurance. We pick bad policies even with good information

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Justin Malbon, Professor of Law, Monash University

The Financial Services Royal Commission has highlighted the astonishment and anger of some customers who’ve had their insurance claims rejected.

Some assumed wrongly their policy covered them for losses from their heart attack or cancer. Others were angry and frustrated that their home contents insurance didn’t cover losses from floods.

When you take out insurance you are buying a promise. The insurer promises to pay for losses arising from the event mentioned in the policy; be it fire, robbery, flood or something else.


Read more: What is flood insurance and why the system is broken: 6 questions answered


It would be reasonable to think that a sensible person would know what that promise was before he or she paid the premium.

But that assumes a sensible person can understand the words used in the policy.

Federal legislation requires insurers to produce a product disclosure statement (PDS) and make it available to potential buyers.

They are not always easy to find on the insurer’s website and, even when they can be found, are usually long and complex.

No less a body than the Insurance Council of Australia has acknowledged that the exclusions and limits in the statements are often poorly understood.


Read more: Forcing insurers to reveal rejected claims a win for consumers


To overcome this problem, it has been mandatory since 2012 for home contents insurers to also provide a shorter two-page “key fact sheet” (KFS).

It outlines in simpler language which events the policy does, and does not, cover.

We undertook a study, funded by the NSW Financial Rights Legal Centre to find out if a KFS is more likely to nudge consumers towards making rational buying choices than simply providing a PDS.

Does a ‘key fact sheet’ help?

We found that, even in highly idealised conditions, the KFS wasn’t a standout success.

The study involved 406 randomly chosen participants across Australia. They were asked to consider buying a hypothetical home contents insurance policy.

We provided them various choices between buying a good, okay or bad policy. They were not told the policies varied in quality. The only information they had about each policy was a PDS or a KFS, or both, we designed.

They could also choose not to buy a policy.


Read more: Royal commission scandals are the result of poor financial regulation, not literacy


We told them that after they decided on their purchase, a computer simulation might signal that an event, like a robbery or fire, would happen over the following 12 months – or that nothing would happen. If the simulator signalled a bad event, and they hadn’t bought insurance that covered them for it, they would lose a “bonus payment”.

The good policy included cover for fire and explosion but excluded “damage that occurs within 72 hours of the beginning of your policy”. The bad policy also covered fire and explosion but excluded “fires igniting within or outside the premises” – in other words it effectively excluded any cover for fire.

The inclusions and exclusions were not buried in fine print but set out clearly in both documents.

Here are the findings for when we asked people to choose between the good policy and the bad policy:



The best outcome was when participants were offered only a short KFS and not the longer PDS. In this scenario 76% of participants opted for the good policy.

Yet even in this most ideal circumstance – a simple choice between an obviously good product and an obviously bad one on the basis of a clear two-page document – about 10% still chose the bad product and 14% bought no insurance at all.


Read more: People on low incomes are sacrificing basic goods to take out insurance


Disturbingly, the worst outcome was when participants were presented with both the short KFS and the longer PDS. It was even worse than with the disclosure statement only.

When participants were required to choose between three products, the proportion choosing the better product declined markedly. Using the KFS alone, only 41% chose the best product.

The take-home message is that although being presented with the KFS appears to be marginally better than being presented with the PDS, or even both, it is far from a panacea.

Time to rethink the onus on us

These findings, along with other research on the lack of consumer comprehension of insurance terms and conditions, ought to prompt a rethink about putting the onus on consumers to make the best choices on the basis of the information available to them.

The government might instead consider mandating standard terms for consumer insurance products across the entire industry.

The inclusions and exclusions for all home contents policies, for example, would be the same. And also for motor vehicle, travel and other forms of insurance.


Read more: Do we really need funeral insurance?


Consumers could be offered a choice between gold standard cover, which would provide the most cover, and silver and bronze, which would offer less.

By mandating standard terms, consumers would have less anxiety about what is buried in the detail of their policies.

It would mean insurers have to compete on price, rather than confusing consumers by making products difficult to compare.

– The shocking truth about insurance. We pick bad policies even with good information
– http://theconversation.com/the-shocking-truth-about-insurance-we-pick-bad-policies-even-with-good-information-103515]]>

The Australian war film Jirga is a lesson in Afghan forgiveness

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Azari Stanizai, Lecturer in literary studies, National Institute of Dramatic Art

Review: Jirga


It is cathartic when a war movie takes us far beyond the horror of bullets, bomb and blood into the other side of the battlefield — the emotional impact on individuals.

The Australian production Jirga mines the depth of the heartache and guilt experienced by an Australian ex-soldier whose conscience has caught up with his participation in a night raid on a desolate hamlet in Kandahar. In doing so, it moves away from run-of-the-mill cinematic depictions of this war, laden with stereotypical, nationalistic hubris.

Jirga is the story of Mike Wheeler, who kills an unarmed civilian in a thundery, blazing raid on a far-flung village in southern Afghanistan. Three years later, he travels to the same village, seeking forgiveness.

Sam Smith as Mike Wheeler: a former soldier who killed an unarmed civilian in a night raid in Kandahar. Felix Media, Screen Australia

Sam Smith plays Wheeler admirably. Early in the film, he turns back and looks ruefully at his victim’s body, which is being dragged home by his wife and a child. Later, back in Kabul, he makes friends with a taxi driver, played by Sher Alam Miskeen Ustad, who sometimes sings while driving.

Wheeler begs the driver to take him to Kandahar, the Afghan historical city named by Alexander the Great now regarded as a highly dangerous place. The cabbie vehemently resists the request. Eventually, after an offer of considerable money, he agrees to drive Wheeler into the most dangerous terrain infested with Taliban militants.

Cabbies are famous for their gift of the gab. You can charm them, wrote the Italian philosopher and semiotician, Umberto Eco, by punctuating the conversation with “frequent interjections on the order of ‘it’s a crazy world!’.” This is what the hashish-smoking cabbie says in his beautiful Pashtu songs:

Like streams, tears roll past my collar down my neck,

This is a crazy brutal world, there is no one to have mercy on me.

Along their journey, Wheeler is stopped at a Taliban check point but he manages to flee when their barrage of bullets misses him. The second time, he isn’t so lucky. Captured by the Taliban he is taken to their mountain hideout. They are divided as to whether to kill him or demand a huge ransom for his release.

The Taliban’s commander decides to leave the villagers to pass a verdict on Wheeler’s fate in their Jirga — the traditional assembly, part of the non-written, age-old Afghan ethical code of honour, Pashtunwali.

Mike Wheeler (Sam Smith) at the Jirga. Felix Media,Screen Australia

The Jirga unanimously passes a resolution that the only one who is able to forgive or kill Wheeler is a 10-year-old orphan of the dead villager. Wheeler’s statement, to use once he is confronted with the villagers, is translated into Pashtun: “I killed someone, please forgiveness.”

When Wheeler knocks at the door of his victim’s family, he realizes that the person he killed was, in fact, the village musician. In a highly emotional scene, while all eyes are on him, the dead man’s son pensively gazes at the soldier. Then he sheathes his dagger.

The dead man’s son. Felix Media, Screen Australia

“Forgiveness is mightier and [more] honourable than taking revenge,” the jubilant villagers burst into shouts. They then slaughter a ram on behalf of Wheeler — a ceremonious symbol of forgiving the enemy. The orphan also refuses to accept wads of the US dollars the ex-soldier offers as blood money. So finally, forgiveness and compassion win over revenge — a virtue in Afghan tribal culture.

American director Peter Berg previously brought the code of honour, Pashtunwali, to screen in his war movie, Lone Survivor (2013), and combined it with a hyped-up American nationalism.

However, Jirga’s director Benjamin Gilmour depicts a bare-bones portrayal of the Afghan tradition. The rich and dense imagery of the rugged beauties of the Afghan mountains, eerie gorges, and the penetrating sound of the Afghan Rubab mingled with Western chillout music shine, as does the innovative cinematography.

Jirga has a clear message to everyone – the Taliban, the Westerners, and the Afghans – even in the horror of warfare you can’t escape moral accountability.

Taliban soldiers in Jirga. Felix Media, Screen Australia

And indeed, in his trials and tribulations, Wheeler isn’t alone. Gilmour gives his own account, as a story-within-the-story, of his struggles experienced while making it.

To avoid risking their lives by filming in Afghanistan, Gilmour and his crew first travelled to Pakistan to shoot the film in the tribal area along the Durand Line, the imaginary and disputed border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

A sympathetic person in Pakistan was ready to fund the film’s production to the tune of $100,000. But after reading its screenplay, the infamous Pakistani military spy agency, the ISI rejected Gilmour’s plan to film there, which led to the financier pulling out of the deal.

The film maker and his crew then decided to shoot Jirga in the most dangerous place on earth, Kandahar, at all costs.


A screening of Jirga followed by a Q&A with director Benjamin Gilmour, lead actor Sam Smith and producer John Maynard, will be held at Hayden Orpheum Picture Palace in Sydney on September 20 at 6.30pm. Jirga opens in Australian cinemas on September 27.

– The Australian war film Jirga is a lesson in Afghan forgiveness
– http://theconversation.com/the-australian-war-film-jirga-is-a-lesson-in-afghan-forgiveness-99738]]>

Refugee children on Nauru ‘living without hope’, says advocacy group

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Children outside RPC3 tents in Nauru … situation “untenable”. Image: Refugee Action Coalition/RNZ Pacific

By RNZ Pacific

A legal advocacy group has told the UN Human Rights Council that more than 100 asylum seeker and refugee children are living without hope on Nauru.

The Human Rights Law Centre addressed the latest council session in Geneva.

The centre’s Daniel Webb told the council that despite the fact the Australian government was professing its committment to human rights in Geneva, it continued to indefinitely imprison 102 children in its offshore detention centre on Nauru.

“Imprisoned for fleeing the same atrocities our government comes here and condemns. And after five years of detention, these children have now lost hope.

“Some have stopped speaking. Some have stopped eating. A 10-year-old boy recently tried to kill himself.”

Webb said if the detention was not stopped there would be deaths.

-Partners-

He said even the government’s own medical advisers were warning that the situation was untenable.

“Yet the Australian government still refuses to free these kids, and is fighting case after case in our Federal Court to deny them access to urgent medical care. Mr President, we are talking about 102 children.”

Australia presented their concerns regarding human rights around the world at the same session but did not mention their detention camps on Nauru or Papua New Guinea’s Manus Island.

This article is republished under the Pacific Media Centre’s content partnership with Radio New Zealand.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

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Mother’s Ruin is a stellar, gin-soaked cabaret

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trevor Jones, Lecturer in Musical Theatre, Griffith University

Review: Mother’s Ruin, Brisbane Festival


At first glance, a cabaret show about a beverage seems an unlikely vehicle for a socio-political, feminist discussion. But, cloaked in extraordinary musical arrangements, this is precisely what Maeve Marsden, Libby Wood, Jeremy Brennan and their collaborators have achieved with Mother’s Ruin: A Cabaret About Gin.

To paraphrase Marsden: when you are three songs in and you’re already discussing government control and feminist propaganda, you know you’re in for quite a ride!

This “60 minute theatrical cabaret”, written as a collaboration between Marsden, Wood and Brennan as well as gin enthusiast Elly Brennan (The Ginstress) and director Anthea Williams, comes to Brisbane after sold out seasons around Australia and internationally. The show features music originally performed by Sia, The Pretenders, Martha Wainwright and more with cleverly reworked lyrics to tell the history of the sometimes maligned and sometimes celebrated drink.


Read more: No, enjoying a gin and tonic doesn’t mean you’re a psychopath


The most notable element of this show is the incredible detail that has gone into every element of the performance. From the cocktail shaker maraca to the set consisting mostly of a huge assortment of empty gin bottles, this is extremely finely-crafted cabaret.

The historical research is astounding, weaving tales of how gin was demonised by the beer lobby in 18th Century London, and the development of tonic as a cure for malaria in colonial South America. Gin and tonic came to be paired by British officers in India in the early 19th century to make the medicinal quinine more palatable for soldiers in the British East India Company.

The local story of Merle Thornton’s stand at Brisbane’s Regatta Hotel in the fight for “drinks for women” was particularly well received on opening night. Thornton and her friend Rosalie Bogner chained themselves to the public bar in 1965 to protest the laws against women drinking in these bars in Queensland hotels. The law was eventually revoked in 1970.

Musically, there is a stunning range of colour in the singing and arrangements. The harmony work from Marsden, Wood and Brennan is particularly beautiful. Some of the musical highlights included Wood’s hilarious “malarial burlesque” reading of Peggy Lee’s Fever, Marsden’s moving rendition of Martha Wainwright’s Bloody Mother F—ing Asshole from the perspective of an Australian housewife seeking solace in a bottle of gin, and a gorgeous a capella arrangement of The Pretender’s Hymn To Her.

The comedic timing is well-oiled after two years of regular touring and the jokes have lost none of their punch. A rap about the origin of gin, some rousing audience singalong moments and a virtuosic list of an impressive number of gins in the closing song “I’ve Drunk Every Gin, Man” keep the laughs rolling between the serious elements of the show.

A running joke in which the women regularly produce small bottles of gin from their secret storage space is perfectly brought home in the finale.

Mother’s Ruin is a stellar example of how cabaret as an art form can be informative, provocative, beautiful and hilarious all at once.


Mother’s Ruin is being staged at La Boite until September 22.

– Mother’s Ruin is a stellar, gin-soaked cabaret
– http://theconversation.com/mothers-ruin-is-a-stellar-gin-soaked-cabaret-103518]]>

How our residential aged-care system doesn’t care about older people’s emotional needs

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lee-Fay Low, Associate Professor in Ageing and Health, University of Sydney

All humans have fundamental needs. These are physiological (food, drink, clothing, sleep), safety (emotional security, physical safety, health), love and belonging (friendships, community), esteem (respect, dignity) and self-actualisation (accomplishment, personal development).

For people living in Australia’s residential aged-care facilities, these needs are often not met.

Most residents do not feel they are loved or belong in the facility. Like aged-care resident Neda Borenstein, whose secret camera footage broadcast on ABC’s Four Corners showed her singing the Australian national anthem in bed while she waited more than three hours to be changed. “I’m just a number,” Neda told her carer when she finally returned to help her up.

Less than one-third of residents we interviewed said they were friends with another resident. This means most don’t have the social support associated with friendships. Most residents said they felt socially isolated, which is associated with poor well-being.

A 2016 study of residents’ lived experiences in an aged-care facility found many felt they had little dignity, autonomy or control. Outside of meal and structured activity times, people with dementia spend most of their time stationary, alone and doing very little or nothing.

One study looking at interactions between residents and their carers showed residents were alone 40% of the time they were observed. When staff were present, they mostly did not engage verbally, emotionally or physically with the resident.

Aged-care facilities can also feel psychologically unsafe to residents. Residents with dementia may be locked in secure units or physically restrained, using mechanisms such as bedrails or restraining belts.

Residents sometimes don’t get along. They might argue yell, swear, pinch, hit or push each other. We don’t have good data about how often resident-to-resident verbal and physical aggression happens, but it can result in injury and even death.


Read more: Violence between residents in nursing homes can lead to death and demands our attention


The consequences of unmet needs?

Residents can react negatively when their needs are not met. They become bored, sad, stressed, cranky, anxious, depressed, agitated, angry and violent.

In people with dementia, we used to call these reactions “behavioural and psychological symptoms of dementia” (BPSD). But people with dementia have been pointing out these are normal human responses to neglect, not symptoms of dementia. Almost all (90%) aged-care residents display one or more of these negative reactions.

In many facilities, staff “manage” such reactions with the use of sedating antipsychotic medications. But clinical guidelines recommend looking at the reasons people may be reacting that way and addressing those before medication.


Read more: Needless treatments: antipsychotic drugs are rarely effective in ‘calming’ dementia patients


Half of nursing home residents have symptoms of depression, and a third have symptoms of anxiety. More than half of residents have been found in studies to behave in ways that might suggest they no longer wish to live. This includes refusing food or medication, one-third of residents having suicidal thoughts and a small number of nursing home residents actually taking their own lives.


Read more: Too many Australians living in nursing homes take their own lives


Why does Australian aged care fail to meet fundamental human needs?

We might not be spending enough on aged care to enable providers to meet fundamental human needs. Australia spends about 1% of its GDP on long-term care – less than the OECD average of 1.5%.

Private investment in aged care is growing, as have residential aged care profits, but it’s a difficult industry in which to make money. Insufficient funding translates to insufficient staff and less skilled staff. Our funding system rewards dependency, and there are no funding incentives for providers to improve the psychological well-being of residents, or go beyond that to help them flourish.

Friendships are an important part of healthy ageing. from shutterstock.com

People looking for a nursing home don’t have any independently provided information by which to compare quality or performance.

The National Quality Indicator Program – a program for measuring care in residential aged-care facilities that began in 2016 – was meant to provide information for people trying to compare facilities on clinical indicators of care quality.

But participation in the program is voluntary for providers. Neither quality of life nor emotional well-being indicators are included in the suite of quality indicators (even though one has been trialled and found to be suitable). We also don’t know if or when the data might be published.

What is needed?

We need a fundamental shift in community, government, service provider, staff and regulatory expectations of what residential aged care does. Our model of aged care is mainly about clinical care, while neglecting emotional care.

For instance, friendships are a unique social interaction that facilitate healthy ageing, but many residents told us that the social opportunities in their nursing home did not align with their expectations of friendship.


Read more: Loneliness is a health issue, and needs targeted solutions


We need our model of care to be a model of a home. In a home everyone contributes, has a say in what happens in the home (such as the menu, interior design, routine and functions), is able to invite their friends to their home for a meal, and can leave during the day and come back at night. A home is a safe place, where people are loved and nurtured, and where they can be active and fulfilled.

– How our residential aged-care system doesn’t care about older people’s emotional needs
– http://theconversation.com/how-our-residential-aged-care-system-doesnt-care-about-older-peoples-emotional-needs-103336]]>

Strawberry sabotage: what are copycat crimes and who commits them?

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Claire Ferguson, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, School of Justice, Queensland University of Technology

Last week, authorities urged consumers in Queensland, NSW and Victoria to throw away strawberries from two Queensland brands after needles were discovered in punnets purchased at a Woolworths.

Since then, the localised fruit tampering has mushroomed into a major health scare. Needles have been discovered in six different brands of strawberries, as well as apples and bananas, across six states.

New Zealand’s two largest food distributors also pulled Australian strawberries from supermarket shelves.

And on Wednesday, Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced harsher penalties for those tampering with fruit, increasing the maximum prison sentence from 10 to 15 years.

As the tampering has spread, a word has repeatedly popped up in media coverage: “copycat”. Police have yet to identify the culprits behind any of the incidents or a possible motive, but they haven’t discounted the possibility of copycat crimes being committed.

What is a copycat crime?

Crimes that are inspired by a previous act are commonly referred to as copycat crimes. The offenders typically incorporate some aspect of a previous crime into their own actions, such as how they choose or approach their victims, or the methods they use.

In some instances, crimes with basic similarities are also described as copycat simply by virtue of their proximity in time.

To determine whether an incident may really involve copycatting, however, involves at least three steps:

  1. Establish that a different person or people are indeed responsible for similar crimes.
  2. Differentiate between an increase in reporting and an actual increase in the criminal behaviour.
  3. Establish whether offenders had any knowledge of the original crime.

With regard to the ongoing fruit tampering in Australia, it has yet to be established if different people are responsible for the crimes, though the geographically widespread nature of the cases makes it unlikely that a single individual or group is responsible.

On the second point, the risk of injury to consumers and the rarity of food tampering in general means that cases of this type are unlikely to go unreported.

And if more than one person is involved, the third point might be assumed due to the media saturation of stories about sabotaged strawberries.


Read more: From copy cats to child witnesses – the ethics of reporting school shootings


The key characteristic of true copycat behaviour is the presence of media exposure describing the original crime. But the motivation behind the criminal behaviour is also important.

Being inspired to commit a crime by the behaviour of someone else is generally referred to as a “contagion effect” rather than a copycat crime, although the public tends to use these descriptors interchangeably.

Many theorists working in this area are careful to note that while media depictions of criminal behaviour can be copied, they are unlikely to cause criminality.

In other words, someone who wasn’t already motivated to commit a crime wouldn’t suddenly become motivated to do so just because he or she saw something in a newspaper. A contagion effect is therefore rare.

A copycat crime involves a person using real life or fictional media depictions to inform the specifics of their existing criminal behaviour or future plans. For example, at least three spree killings committed by young couples around the world have been linked to the film Natural Born Killers. The couples used methods similar to those in the movie and provided justifications similar to those of the fictional offenders.

Who perpetrates copycat crimes?

The available research on copycat crimes generally discusses the impact of media on violent behaviour more generally. The evidence suggests that those who watch violent films and television or play violent video games are more likely to learn specific techniques for violence, understand when violence is accepted by society and develop attitudes supportive of aggressive behaviour.

Although many people have the potential to be influenced by the media, those viewing violent content in childhood may be particularly susceptible to aggressive behaviours, especially if they also have models of violence in their lives.


Read more: The media need to think twice about how they portray mass shooters


There appear to be some personal characteristics that make people more prone to copycat behaviour, too. For instance, those who have an avid interest in crime reporting, as well as those who favour video games and the internet over other types of media, are generally more susceptible to copycat crimes.

A person’s criminal history is also thought to influence whether he or she will attempt a copycat crime. Other factors also include low self-control, high innovativeness, disinhibition and a propensity for sensation-seeking.

Why do people perpetrate copycat crime?

Research on copycat crimes has found a catalyst effect by the media. This means copycat criminals are already motivated to commit an offence, and use media coverage of a previous crime for instructions or ideas.

The underlying motivations are therefore likely to be as various as general criminal motivations, including revenge, thrill, hatred, concealment of other criminality, material gain or jealousy.

In the case of alleged copycat food tampering, this means that motivations would differ from perpetrator to perpetrator.


Read more: Grand Theft Auto doesn’t cause crime, but poverty and alienation will


For example, someone may be motivated by a desire to exact revenge on employers or ex-employers. Their motivation might be to make a political statement about the rights and treatment of farm workers, to conceal another crime, to profit financially by suing fruit companies or supermarkets, to gain attention or bragging rights, or perhaps, because of the excitement the behaviour involves.

Since so little is known about what causes copycat crime, preventing and predicting it is difficult. This means that if copycat fruit tampering is happening in Australia, it is likely to persist or even increase for a period of time until someone is caught or the media saturation dies down.

In the meantime, the risk to the public and impacts on struggling farmers will, unfortunately, continue.

– Strawberry sabotage: what are copycat crimes and who commits them?
– http://theconversation.com/strawberry-sabotage-what-are-copycat-crimes-and-who-commits-them-103423]]>

As we celebrate the rediscovery of the Endeavour let’s acknowledge its complicated legacy

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natali Pearson, Deputy Director, Sydney Southeast Asia Centre, University of Sydney

Researchers, including Australian maritime archaeologists, believe they have found Captain Cook’s historic ship HMB Endeavour in Newport Harbour, Rhode Island. An official announcement will be made on Friday.

The discovery is the culmination of decades of work by the Rhode Island Marine Archaeology Project and the Australian National Maritime Museum to locate and positively identify the vessel, which had been missing from the historical record for over two centuries. Plans are now under way to raise funds to excavate and conduct scientific testing in 2019.

As the first European seafaring vessel to reach the east coast of Australia, the Endeavour – much like James Cook himself – has become part of Australia’s national mythology. Unlike Cook, who famously met his end on Hawaiian shores, the fate of the Endeavour had long been unknown. The discovery has therefore resolved a long-standing maritime mystery.

In a serendipitous twist, it coincides with two significant dates: the 250th anniversary of the Endeavour’s departure from England in 1768 on its now (in)famous voyage south, and the 240th anniversary of the ship’s scuttling in 1778 during the American War of Independence.

Identifying the Endeavour’s location has been a 25-year processs. Archaeologists initially identified 13 potential candidates in the harbour. Over time, the number of possible sites was narrowed to five.

This month, a joint diving team has worked to measure and inspect these sites, drawing upon knowledge of Endeavour’s size to identify a likely candidate. Excavation and timber analysis is expected to provide final confirmation. Those expecting an entire ship to be recovered will be disappointed, as very little of it remains.

But this is a controversial vessel, and celebrations of its discovery will be tempered by reflection about its complicity in the British colonisation of Indigenous Australian land. While Endeavour played an instrumental role in advancing science and exploration, its arrival in what is now known as Botany Bay in 1770 also precipitated the occupation of territory that its Aboriginal owners never ceded.


Read more: How Captain Cook became a contested national symbol


A ship by any other name …

Although Endeavour’s early days are well known, it has taken many years for researchers to piece together the rest of its story. One problem has been the many names the vessel was known by during its lifetime.

Built in 1764 in Whitby, England, as a collier (coal carrier), the vessel was originally named Earl of Pembroke. Its flat-bottomed hull and box-like shape, designed to transport bulk cargo, later proved helpful when navigating the treacherous coral reefs of the southern seas.

Endeavour, then known as Earl of Pembroke, leaving Whitby Harbour in 1768. Painting by Thomas Luny, c. 1790. (Some think Luny painted another ship after Endeavour became famous.) Wikimedia

In 1768, Earl of Pembroke was sold into the service of the Royal Navy and the Royal Society. It underwent a major refit to accommodate a larger crew and sufficient provisions for a long voyage. In keeping with the ambitious spirit of the era, the vessel was renamed His Majesty’s Bark (HMB) Endeavour (bark being a nautical term to describe a ship with three masts or more).

Endeavour departed England in 1768 under the command of then-Lieutenant Cook. Ostensibly sailing to the South Pacific to observe the 1769 Transit of Venus, Cook was also under orders to search for the fabled southern continent. So it was that a coal carrier and a rare astronomical event changed the history of the Australian continent and its people.


Read more: Transit of Venus: a tale of two expeditions


Mysterious ends

Following Endeavour’s circumnavigation of the globe (1768-1771), the vessel was used as a store ship before the Royal Navy sold it in 1775. Here, the ship’s fate become mysterious.

Many believed it had been renamed La Liberté and put to use as a French whaling ship before succumbing to rotting timbers in Newport Harbour in 1793. Others rejected this theory, suggesting instead that Endeavour had spent her final days on the river Thames.

A breakthrough came in 1997. Australian researchers suggested the Endeavour had in fact been renamed Lord Sandwich. The theory gained weight following an archival discovery by Kathy Abbass, director of the Rhode Island project, in 2016, which indicated that Lord Sandwich had been used as a troop transport and prison ship during the American War of Independence before being scuttled in Newport Harbour in 1778.

Lord Sandwich was one of a number of transport ships deliberately sunk by the British in an attempt to prevent the French fleet from approaching the shore.

Finding a shipwreck is not impossible, but finding the one you’re looking for is hard. Rhode Island volunteers have been searching for this vessel since 1993, slowly narrowing down the search area and eliminating potential contenders as they explore the often-murky waters of Newport Harbour.

They were joined in their efforts by the Australian National Maritime Museum in 1999 and, in more recent years, by the Silentworld Foundation, a not-for-profit organisation with a particular interest in Australasian maritime archaeology.

Endeavour’s voyage across the Pacific Ocean. Wikimedia

Museums around the world are already turning their attention to the significant Cook anniversaries on the horizon and the complex legacy of these expeditions. These interpretive endeavours will only be heightened by the planned excavation of the ship’s remains in the near future.

Shipwrecks are a productive starting point for thinking about how we make meaning from the past because of the firm hold they have on the public imagination. They conjure images of lost treasure, pirates and, especially in the case of Endeavour, bold adventures to distant lands.

But as we celebrate the spirit of exploration that saw a humble coal carrier circumnavigate the globe – and the same spirit of exploration that has led to its discovery centuries later – we must also make space for the unsettling stories that will resurface as a result of this discovery.

– As we celebrate the rediscovery of the Endeavour let’s acknowledge its complicated legacy
– http://theconversation.com/as-we-celebrate-the-rediscovery-of-the-endeavour-lets-acknowledge-its-complicated-legacy-103524]]>

Media Files: On the Serena Williams cartoon — and how the UK phone hacking scandal led to a media crackdown in South Africa

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Dodd, Director of the Centre for Advancing Journalism, University of Melbourne

Mark Knight’s cartoon in The Herald Sun has become a global topic of condemnation and debate because of its negative portrayal of American tennis player Serena Williams. It was widely described as racist.

The news of the cartoon broke last week while we were both at a conference in South Africa. We decided to show the cartoon to some local academics with expertise in the study of media, race and gender to gauge their reactions because few places have dealt with issues of racism more comprehensively than South Africa.

Listen in to this episode to hear the responses of Dr Shepherd Mpofu of the University of Limpopo and Dr Julie Reid and Dr Rofhiwa Mukhudwana of the Department of Communication Science at the University of South Africa.


Read more: Media Files: Spotlight’s Walter V. Robinson and the Newcastle Herald’s Chad Watson on covering clergy abuse – and the threats that followed


And Associate Professor Glenda Daniels of the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa speaks with Matthew Ricketson about how the African National Congress government reacted to the phone hacking scandal in the United Kingdom.

Erupting in 2011, the phone hacking scandal had many ramifications, for the victims of course but also for publisher of the newspaper at the centre of it – News Corporation, whose reputation was heavily tarnished.

The UK government set up a wide-ranging inquiry led by Justice Brian Leveson. In Australia the then federal Labor government followed suit, setting up its own inquiry. It was headed by former federal court judge, Ray Finkelstein QC and assisted by Professor Matthew Ricketson, then at the University of Canberra, now at Deakin University, and a contributor to the Media Files podcast.

The recommendations of the Finkelstein inquiry were rejected by the news media industry even though they were nowhere near as draconian as the news media reported them to the general public. In England, the central recommendations of the Leveson report were rejected by prime minister David Cameron within hours of the 2000 page report being tabled in parliament.

What is less well known is how in South Africa the African National Congress government used the phone hacking scandal to initiate its own efforts to tighten control of the press, as Glenda Daniels, a prominent journalist and academic, recounts in this interview recorded in Johannesburg last week.

Media Files is produced by a team of journalists and academics who have spent decades working in and reporting on the media industry. They’re passionate about sharing their understanding of the media landscape, especially how journalists operate, how media policy is changing, and how commercial manoeuvres and digital disruption are affecting the kinds of media and journalism we consume.

Media Files will be out every month, with occasional off-schedule episodes released when we’ve got fresh analysis we can’t wait to share with you. To make sure you don’t miss an episode, find us and subscribe on Apple Podcasts, in Pocket Casts or wherever you find your podcasts. And while you’re there, please rate and review us – it really helps others to find us.

You can find more podcast episodes from The Conversation here.


Producer: Andy Hazel.

Additional audio

Theme music by Susie Wilkins.


Read more: Media Files: What does the Nine Fairfax merger mean for diversity and quality journalism?


– Media Files: On the Serena Williams cartoon — and how the UK phone hacking scandal led to a media crackdown in South Africa
– http://theconversation.com/media-files-on-the-serena-williams-cartoon-and-how-the-uk-phone-hacking-scandal-led-to-a-media-crackdown-in-south-africa-103344]]>

Fees for no service: how ASIC is trying to make corporate misconduct hurt

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elise Bant, Professor of Law, University of Melbourne

On September 6, 2018, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission launched proceedings against two arms of the National Australia Bank alleging a widespread and long standing practice of charging fees for no service.

An intriguing aspect of the action is that the claim acknowledges that the two firms have already agreed to pay back around A$87 million to the affected customers. So ASIC isn’t seeking compensation.

Instead, it wants declarations that the NAB subsidiaries breached the law and engaged in “misleading or deceptive” conduct under the ASIC Act and “false or misleading” conduct under the Corporations Act.

More than compensation

It is seeking penalties in respect of those breaches.

Declarations and penalties are important because they can inflict reputational damage.

This can send a powerful message to the rest of corporate Australia about the need to observe and respect the law, something that appears to have been missing in the financial sector to date.

Also, the greater the penalties imposed, the less financially attractive the behaviour becomes to other corporations, who, after all, are chiefly motivated by profit.

Penalties are typically low

However, to date it is arguable that the level of penalties sought by ASIC and imposed by the courts have been too low to act as an effective deterrent.

ASIC’s latest claim is a significant step forward.

It is seeking penalties that are likely to hurt, and as a result more likely to make a difference to corporate behaviour.

Its Concise Statement of Claim points to the purpose of its legislation which is to protect consumers and promote fair and efficient market economies.


Read more: How courts and costs are undermining ASIC and the ACCC’s efforts to police misbehaving banks and businesses


In essence, it is asking the Federal Court to make orders directed at changing corporate practices that undermine that purpose.

Its challenge will be to persuade the court to take seriously the need for deterrence and for punitive penalties in addition to compensation.

Interestingly, it isn’t alleging that the NAB subsidiaries made misrepresentations dishonestly, knowingly or recklessly. Its focus is on “misleading” rather than “deceptive” conduct.

Dishonesty is hard to prove

This is likely to be because personal dishonesty is notoriously difficult to prove against corporations, whose human agents (employees, managers and the like) are often engaged in independent activities and are not be able to “connect the dots” about broader corporate dishonesty.

It might be time for the law to move away from questions of personal dishonesty and instead look at the objective nature of corporate behaviour. Longstanding practices and systems that are designed to and are inherently likely to mislead fall below the standards Australians expect, whether or not any of the individuals involved act dishonestly.

The case against the subsidiaries of NAB might provide the perfect opportunity for ASIC and the courts to take an important step in the right direction.

– Fees for no service: how ASIC is trying to make corporate misconduct hurt
– http://theconversation.com/fees-for-no-service-how-asic-is-trying-to-make-corporate-misconduct-hurt-103089]]>

PMC Seminar: Fiji’s General Election – the calm before the storm?

Event date and time: 

Wednesday, November 7, 2018 – 16:30 18:00

ACADEMIC MEDIA ASSIGNMENT IN FIJI
Fiji is facing a General Election soon – the second post-coup election with the first in 2014 – but the date has yet to be set. Fiji-born digital media postgraduate student and journalist Sri Krishnamurthi was in Fiji to prepare a series of pre-election reports during the mid-semester break. This was his first time back in his homeland for three decades since he was forced to leave in the wake of the 1987 military coups. One of the highlights of his trip was interviewing SODELPA leader Sitiveni Rabuka, the man who staged the first two coups and ushered in Fiji’s coup culture. The irony is that Fiji’s two major political parties, SODELPA and FijiFirst, are now both led by coup leaders.

Sri Krishnamurthi has wide experience as a journalist, including 17 years with the now defunct NZ Press Association news agency, and as a communications manager. Share his insights into the political mood in Fiji and how the youth of the country are responding. He will also discuss theInternational Journalism Project that he undertook in partnership with AUT’s Pacific Media Centre and the University of the South Pacific Journalism Programme.

Who:  Sri Krishamurthi
Postgraduate digital media student and journalist

When: Wednesday, 7 November 2018, 4.30-6pm 

Where: TBC, Sir Paul Reeves Building, Auckland University of Technology
City Campus

Contact: Dr Sylvia Frain

Sri’s Fiji portfolio: International Journalism Project

Report by Pacific Media Centre ]]>

Tahiti’s Salmon fined for defaming president with ‘vote buying’ claim

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Tahiti President Edouard Fritch wins election defamation case against rival … awarded US$2000 pay out in damages. Image: French Polynesia govt

By RNZ Pacific

A senior French Polynesian politician has been fined for defaming the president Edouard Fritch during the election campaign in April.

The criminal court in Tahiti found the Territorial Assembly leader of the opposition Tahoeraa Huiraatira party, Geffry Salmon, guilty and fined him US$5,000.

He has also been ordered to pay US$2,000 to Fritch who wanted to be paid US$20,000 in compensation.

Fritch took legal action in June, saying Salmon defamed him at a news conference with claims that his party had been giving out subsidies to buy votes.

Fritch’s lawyer said Tahoeraa never lodged any complaint about any alleged abuse of funds but instead Salmon tried to damage his rivals.

Next month, Fritch is due in court with his predecessor as president, Gaston Flosse, with both accused of abusing public funds.

-Partners-

In the last term, Fritch was twice convicted for corruption.

This article is republished under the Pacific Media Centre’s content partnership with Radio New Zealand.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

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It’s teamwork: how dolphins learn to work together for rewards

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephanie King, Branco Weiss Research Fellow, University of Western Australia

Cooperation can be found across the animal kingdom, in behaviours such as group hunting, raising of young, and driving away predators.

But are these cooperating animals actively coordinating their behaviour, or are they simply acting individually to accomplish the same task at the same time?

In a study, published today in Proceedings of the Royal Society B, we showed that bottlenose dolphins actively coordinate their behaviours. That is, they can learn to work together and synchronise their actions to solve a cooperation task and receive a reward.


Read more: Male dolphins use their individual ‘names’ to build a complex social network


Testing teamwork

For this study, conducted at the Dolphin Research Center in the Florida Keys, we created a task in which pairs of dolphins had to swim across a lagoon and each press their own underwater button at the same time (within a 1-second time window).

Each trial began with both dolphins and their respective trainers located at the opposite side of the lagoon from the buttons, about 11 metres away. The trainers would either both give a “press the button” hand signal at the same time, or one trainer would give the signal first, while the second trainer asked her dolphin to wait up to 20 seconds before giving the signal.

If the dolphins pressed their buttons at the same time, a computer played a “success” sound, and the dolphins returned to their trainers for fish and social praise.

If the dolphins pressed their buttons at different times, a “failure” sound was played and the trainers moved on to the next trial.

The strict timing requirement meant they had to work together. If their goal was simply “press my button”, then when they were sent at different times, they would press at different times. To succeed, they had to understand their goal as “press the buttons together”.

The question, then, was whether the dolphin sent first would wait for the other dolphin before pressing its button, and whether they could figure out a way to coordinate precisely enough to press simultaneously.

Two bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops truncatus) cooperate in a button-pressing task requiring precise behavioural synchronisation. Dolphin Research Center, Author provided

Swim fast, or coordinate?

We found that the dolphins were able to work together with extreme precision even when they had to wait for their partner. Interestingly, their behavioural strategies and the coordination between them changed as they learned the task.

Keep in mind that the dolphins had to figure out that this was a cooperative task. There was nothing about the situation that told them in advance that the buttons had to be pressed at the same time.

To help them learn, we started by sending them simultaneously and gradually increased the timing difference between them.

When one dolphin figured out the game first, if their partner was sent first on a particular trial, they knew that the partner (who had not figured out the game) was not going to wait.

So in the early phases, we found that many successes were achieved not by the first dolphin waiting, but by the second dolphin swimming extremely fast to catch up.

But once both animals understood the task, this behaviour disappeared and the timing of their button presses became extremely precise (with the time difference between button presses averaging just 370 milliseconds).

This shows that both partners now understood that they didn’t need to swim fast to succeed; instead, they needed to synchronise their actions.

Wait for it… a delayed start but the dolphins still work together.

Synchrony in the wild

In the wild, dolphins synchronise their behaviour in several contexts. For example, mothers and calves will surface and breathe at the same time, and males in alliances will perform the same behaviours at the same time in coordinated displays.

Triple synchronous dive by a trio of allied male bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops aduncus) in Shark Bay, Western Australia. Stephanie King / The Dolphin Alliance Project, Author provided

The synchrony in these displays can be remarkably precise, and is thought to actively promote cooperation between partners.


Read more: Tackling the kraken: unique dolphin strategy delivers dangerous octopus for dinner


The results of our study suggest that this behavioural synchronisation that dolphins show in the wild may not be a hardwired response to a specific context, but may in fact be a generalised ability that they can apply to a variety of situations.


Kelly Jaakkola, director of research at the Dolphin Research Center, contributed to this research and this article. She can be contacted at kelly@dolphins.org.

– It’s teamwork: how dolphins learn to work together for rewards
– http://theconversation.com/its-teamwork-how-dolphins-learn-to-work-together-for-rewards-103331]]>

Why New Zealand was the first country where women won the right to vote

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katie Pickles, Professor of History at the University of Canterbury and current Royal Society of New Zealand Te Apārangi James Cook Research Fellow, University of Canterbury

125 years ago today Aotearoa New Zealand became the first country in the world to grant all women the right to vote.

The event was part of an ongoing international movement for women to exit from an inferior position in society and to enjoy equal rights with men.

But why did this global first happen in a small and isolated corner of the South Pacific?


Read more: Women’s votes: six amazing facts from around the world


Setting the stage

In the late 19th century, Aotearoa New Zealand was a volatile and rapidly changing contact zone where British settlers confidently introduced systematic colonisation, often at the expense of the indigenous Māori population. Settlers were keen to create a new world society that adapted the best of Britain and left behind behind the negative aspects of the industrial revolution – Britain’s dark satanic mills.

Many supported universal male suffrage and a less rigid class structure, enlightened race relations and humanitarianism that also extended to improving women’s lives. These liberal aspirations towards societal equality contributed to the 1893 women’s suffrage victory.

At the end of the 19th century, feminists in New Zealand had a long list of demands. It included equal pay, prevention of violence against women, economic independence for women, old age pensions and reform of marriage, divorce, health and education – and peace and justice for all.

The women’s suffrage cause captured widespread support and emerged as the uniting right for women’s equality in society. As suffragist Christina Henderson later summed up, 1893 captured “the mental and spiritual uplift” women experienced upon release “from their age-long inferiority complex”.

Two other factors assisted New Zealand’s global first for women: a relatively small size and population and the lack of an entrenched conservative tradition. In Britain, John Stuart Mill presented a first petition for women’s suffrage to the British Parliament in 1866, but it took until wartime 1918 for limited women’s suffrage there.

Women as moral citizens

As a “colonial frontier”, New Zealand had a surplus of men, especially in resource towns. Pragmatically, this placed a premium on women for their part as wives, mothers and moral compasses.

There was a fear of a chaotic frontier full of marauding single men. This colonial context saw conservative men who supported family values supporting suffrage. During the 1880s, depression and its accompanying poverty, sexual licence and drunken disorder further enhanced women’s value as settling maternal figures. Women voters promised a stabilising effect on society.

New Zealand gained much strength from an international feminist movement. Women were riding a first feminist wave that, most often grounded in their biological difference as life givers and carers, cast them as moral citizens.

Local feminists eagerly drew upon and circulated the best knowledge from Britain, America and Europe. When Mary Leavitt, the leader of the US-based Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) visited New Zealand in 1885, her goal was to set up local branches. This had a direct impact, leading to the country’s first national women’s organisation and providing a platform for women to secure the vote in order to affect their colonial feminist concerns.

Other places early to grant women’s suffrage shared the presence of liberal and egalitarian beliefs, a surplus of men over women, and less entrenched conservatism. The four frontier US western mountain states led the way with Wyoming (1869), Utah (1870), Colorado (1893) and Idaho (1895). South Australia (1894) and Western Australia (1899) made the 19th century and, before the first world war, were joined by other western US states, Australia, Finland and Scandinavia.

Local agency

Social reformer and suffragist Kate Sheppard, around 1905. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-ND

New Zealand was fortunate to have many effective women leaders. Most prominent among them was Kate Sheppard. In 1887, Sheppard became head of the WCTU’s Christchurch branch and led the campaign for the vote.

The campaign leaders were well organised and hard working. Their tactics were petitions, pamphlets, letters, public talks and lobbying politicians – this was a peaceful era before the suffragette militancy during the early 20th century elsewhere.


Read more: Adela Pankhurst: the forgotten sister who doesn’t fit neatly into suffragette history


The women were persistent and overcame setbacks. It took multiple attempts in parliament before the Electoral Act 1893 was passed. Importantly, the suffragists got public opinion behind the cause. Mass support was demonstrated through petitions between 1891 and 1893, in total garnering 31,872 signatures, amounting to a quarter of Aotearoa’s adult women.

Pragmatically, the women worked in allegiance with men in parliament who could introduce the bills. In particular, veteran conservative Sir John Hall viewed women’s suffrage as a way to a more moral and civil society.

The Suffrage 125 celebratory slogan “whakatū wāhine – women stand up!” captures the intention of continuing progressive and egalitarian traditions. Recognising diverse cultural backgrounds is now important. With hindsight, the feminist movement can be implicated as an agent of colonisation, but it did support votes for Māori women. Meri Te Tai Mangakāhia presented a motion to the newly formed Māori parliament to allow women to vote and sit in it.

New Zealand remains a small country that can experience rapid social and economic change. Evoking its colonial past, however, it retains both a reputation as a tough and masculine place of beer-swilling, rugby-playing blokes and a tradition of staunch, tea drinking, domesticated women.

– Why New Zealand was the first country where women won the right to vote
– http://theconversation.com/why-new-zealand-was-the-first-country-where-women-won-the-right-to-vote-103219]]>

Do you ‘zombie check’ your phone? How new tools can help you control technology over-use

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanne Orlando, Researcher: Technology and Learning, Western Sydney University

Technology has undoubtedly become essential for productivity and communication in our professional and personal lives.

However, the most prominent reason users of all ages reach for their device is not to work, but to “zombie check”. These are the unthinking times you use your device throughout the day to avoid boredom. For example, pulling out your phone while in line for coffee, waiting for dinner to cook, or when there is a lull in a TV program.

We turn to our device when the task at hand becomes too difficult, too tedious, or simply unfulfilling. And we often use our smartphone for zombie scrolling because it’s always with us.

Our unproductive zombie screen hours can creep up – but they don’t need to rule us. With new tools now available to monitor your use of technology, here I’ve put together four steps to help you understand and maybe even change your tech habits.


Read more: We asked five experts: should mobile phones be banned in schools?


Health risk with some technology use

Research shows that while creative, focused technology use has an overall positive effect on us, excessive unproductive use can have negative mental and socio-emotional implications for young people and adults. For example, it can contribute to reduced mental well-being, and sleep disturbances. Ensuring our screen time is useful and not excessive is important for adults and for children.

Digital detoxes are often posed as the answer to managing screen time. However, their underlying assumption that “all technology use is the same” is not a sustainable management approach.

A one-size-fits-all recommended number of screen hours also does not work. Even professional screen time recommendations for children acknowledge that placing a number on recommended hours is too difficult because of our varied technology needs and lifestyles.


Read more: Curious Kids: Why do adults think video games are bad?


Solution: cutting ‘zombie’ screen use

Data from the UK suggests the average person checks their phone every 12 minutes. The key to effective screen time management is to weed out uses that do not have a positive impact on your life, such as zombie scrolling.

The recent release of new screen time management tools available on our devices and social media platforms can help with this.

Apple’s Screentime tool was introduced with iOS 12. Apple (screen shot September 18 2018)

Apple recently introduced Screen Time to its new operating system. This is a new section of the settings menu which creates detailed daily and weekly activity reports. It shows the total time a person spends in each app they use, their usage across categories of apps, how many notifications they receive and how often they pick up their iPhone or iPad.

Googles’s new Digital Well-being dashboard for Android users has a similar design.

Newly established features on YouTube tell you how long you’ve watched YouTube videos today, yesterday and over the past seven days.

Facebook and Instagram are also in the introductory phase of a similar range of settings.


Read more: How teens use fake Instagram accounts to relieve the pressure of perfection


Step by step approach

These screen management features can help us understand and modify our technology habits. With data we may be able to see and identify our own usage “red flags” (problematic areas), and move towards better self-regulation to kick zombie screen time habits.

The following stepped plan offers a way to apply new screentime features.

Step 1: Map your use
Use the screentime features to examine how you use technology during the day, and over a week.

Identify the aspect of your zombie use that you want to change. This may be for example:

  • reduce the number of minutes/hours you spend using a particular social media platform, or watching YouTube
  • reduce how many times a day you pick up your phone.

Step 2: Identify your triggers
Identify what triggers the aspect of technology use you want to change.

For example, if you want to reduce how many times a day that you pick up your phone then look for the time of day you have most pick-ups, or if there are particular days in the week where your pick up tends to be higher. Do your high use times coincide with another activity – perhaps sitting on the bus, or taking children to sports training?

Step 3: Make a plan
Use this information to develop a plan.

Planning ahead may include setting specific times when you will or won’t use your device in particular ways. It may involve making sure you have other options to avoid boredom, such as having a book with you when you’re travelling or waiting for family members.

A plan is important, as it facilitates goal attainment and also increases self-control. Try the plan for one day.

Step 4: Reflect on your plan
After one day or week of using the plan, ask yourself key questions:

  • did you accomplish your plan?
  • under what conditions did your plan work best?
  • were you distracted from your plan and how did get back onto it?
  • was your plan do-able? (for example, a plan to reduce the number of times you picked up your phone from 100 per day to 20 may be too difficult to achieve in a first instance)
  • do you need to adjust your plan so that it is achievable?

You can use the new activity monitoring tools to review and revise your plan, and to assist you in achieving your goals such as setting limits for how much time you allow yourself to use particular apps.

Parents and children

Screentime management is best approached in small steps; nudge your way towards use of technology that you are more comfortable with.

This approach can also be applied as a proactive, strengths-based approach to teach children screen time management.

Explain zombie technology use to your child, and team with your child to develop a plan and use these screentime features. While you may have different plans, doing it together is very supportive and a great way to model effective healthy and positive technology use.

– Do you ‘zombie check’ your phone? How new tools can help you control technology over-use
– http://theconversation.com/do-you-zombie-check-your-phone-how-new-tools-can-help-you-control-technology-over-use-103042]]>

The AFL’s gender diversity policy remains an apprehensive work in progress

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Adair, Associate Professor of Sport Management, University of Technology Sydney

The inclusion of transgender athletes in Australian sports leagues is an issue that sporting bodies are only just coming to terms with.

In recent months, the Australian Human Rights Commission, in partnership with Sport Australia, has been working on national gender diversity guidelines, with sporting bodies awaiting their recommendations.

However, the Australian Football League (AFL), has recently announced its own Gender Diversity Policy, which is limited to transgender and non-binary athletes (but doesn’t include intersex athletes). Since its release, the policy has prompted many questions about why the AFL proposed it and how it envisages implementing the new rules.

Lack of consistency across sports

Guidelines for trans and gender diverse (TGD) athletes have existed in international sporting bodies for years. The International Olympic Committee, for instance, has allowed TGD athletes to compete since 2003. In 2015, it decided that sex reassignment surgery would no longer be required and halved the transition period prior to athletic competition to 12 months.

Other elite-level sporting bodies also have transgender protocols in place, most of which allow male-to-female athletes to compete in sports, either on the basis of sex-reassignment surgery or hormone-based transition. Female-to-male athletes face fewer constraints, as it is assumed they have no potential for competitive advantage.

Australia has lagged behind when it comes to accommodating TGD athletes. The impetus for change came last year when a transgender footballer, Hannah Mouncey, applied for entry into the AFL Women’s League (AFLW) draft and was denied.


Read more: By excluding Hannah Mouncey, the AFL’s inclusion policy has failed a key test


Mouncey, a former Olympic men’s handball player, was ruled ineligible according to Section 72(1) of the 2010 Victorian Equal Opportunity Act, which provides an exemption for excluding athletes from sporting activities if their “strength, stamina or physique” is relevant.

According to the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission:

The purpose of this exception is to ensure players do not have an unfair competitive advantage in single-sex competitions.

Surprisingly, Mouncey was permitted to keep playing at lower levels of competition. In fact, transgender, non-binary and intersex athletes have long been included in community-level AFL with little fuss. In Sydney, for example, the Newtown Breakaways AFL club has provided a welcoming environment for gender diverse women.

But the AFL’s decision seemed contradictory, as well. Mouncey was deemed “likely” to have an athletic advantage over other female athletes, but that only mattered in an elite competition involving remuneration.

Body surveillance and performance evidence

Because the AFL’s policy claims to meet the “strength, stamina or physique” exemption under the VEOA, it is incumbent on the league to produce corroborating evidence.

According to the policy, a baseline requirement for AFLW athletes is that they demonstrate a level of testosterone below five nanomoles (nmols) over the previous 24 months.

It is unclear how the AFL arrived at these specifications. Most likely, the league drew on the IOC’s policy, which currently limits female athletes to 10 nanomoles of testosterone over the past 12 months, and is set to lower that to five nanomoles by the 2020 Tokyo Olympics.

The IOC’s policy has been framed on the basis of medical and scientific opinion within the organisation, rather than substantive research. This is part of a wider problem: there is no recognised body of scholarship about the performance characteristics of TGD athletes. There is apprehension within sport that they may have advantages over cis-gender athletes, but this has not been properly measured or validated.

Another problem with the AFL’s new policy is that the burden of proof is also left to athletes. In addition to the testosterone testing, the league mandates two years of physical and performance data, including:

  • height
  • weight
  • bench press (one rep max and/or three rep max)
  • squat (one rep max and/or three rep max)
  • 20m sprint time
  • vertical jump
  • match raw GPS data (sample of three Australian Rules Football matches if available)
  • 2 kilometre run time

The AFL acknowledges these data may not have been collected by all transgender athletes over the past 24 months.

Yet, paradoxically, the league also claims these data provide a robust measure of evaluating transgender athletes, and that comparisons with cis-gender athletes over a two-year period are entirely feasible.

A more scientific approach would be a prospective study, funded by the AFL (with independent researchers), which could also provide new research on the subject.

Steps toward a possible solution

In mid-August, the AFL invited athletes and advocates from the transgender community to a discussion about its proposed Gender Diversity Policy. Michelle Sheppard, a workplace diversity consultant (and transgender woman), facilitated the session. She later wrote enthusiastically that:

…the policy presented was an early draft and needs much work still but the feedback we gave was well received by the AFL’s representatives.

So Sheppard was surprised that the final version of the policy was released two weeks later, seemingly unchanged.

Last week, Sheppard met with the AFL one-on-one to ask questions. She had received feedback from some transgender athletes that they simply did not have the athletic performance data the AFL was seeking for the past 24 months, and feared being left out.


Read more: Explainer: the difference between being transgender and doing drag


Sheppard said she was assured by the AFL that it would accept less data from athletes without 24 months of record-keeping – a sign the league wants to find solutions rather than stymie applicants with hurdles.

However, according to Dale Sheridan, a lawyer and transgender woman, ongoing surveillance of transgender athletes in the AFLW is likely to stoke anxieties. In an email to me she asserted:

The AFL can review a decision at any time, which provides no certainty for TGD trans players if … they are deemed ‘too good’. How can one take the field and give their best with the threat of a decision review constantly hanging over their head?

Sheppard told me she is keen to liaise with the AFL on the policy, but the league’s decision makers will need to be receptive to input from those with lived experience of transitioning, as well as endocrinologists who specialise in transgender health.

After all, she says, the AFLW impacts how the public see transgender people. The Gender Diversity Policy says that discrimination will not be tolerated and that the intention is to support gender diverse players in a safe and inclusive environment.

But the focus on ongoing surveillance and testing may result in some being made to feel they are infringing – unfairly – on cis-gender space.

– The AFL’s gender diversity policy remains an apprehensive work in progress
– http://theconversation.com/the-afls-gender-diversity-policy-remains-an-apprehensive-work-in-progress-102904]]>

I can’t sleep. What drugs can I (safely) take?

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ric Day, Professor of Clinical Pharmacology, UNSW

If you’re having trouble sleeping, medicines shouldn’t be your first option. Exercise regularly, cut back on coffee (and other caffeinated drinks) after midday, eat less in the evening, ease up on “screen time” before, and in, bed, practise meditation and try to have a quiet, dark bedroom dedicated mostly to sleep.

But what if you’ve tried everything and are still struggling with sleep? Many people will want to turn to a medicine for help. Navigating the various options for effectiveness, safety and the potential to become habit-forming can be difficult.

Long-term regular use of medicines to promote sleep should be avoided, as initial effectiveness declines rapidly over a few weeks and dependence and adverse effects become problematic. But in the short short term, sleep medications do have their place. Unfortunately they are often over-used, especially in older people.


Read more: Why getting enough sleep should be on your list of New Year’s resolutions


Benzodiazepines

Benzodiazepines are drugs such as Valium, also used to treat anxiety. They are the most commonly prescribed sleeping pills.

Their effects, which include some muscle relaxing properties, are achieved by enhancing the effect of GABA, an inhibitory neurotransmitter operating throughout the brain. Rarely, some people experience the opposite and become over-excited and more anxious.

As benzodiazepines depress brain function (they depress the central nervous system), their effects add to other central nervous system depressants including alcohol, sedating antihistamines and opioid analgesics such as oxycodone (Endone). This can be very dangerous, and when combined can lead to respiratory failure, coma and even death.

Physiological and psychological dependence on the drug can develop after only a few days in some people, or weeks in most. Unfortunately, far too many people are dependent.


Read more: Weekly Dose: Valium, the ‘safer choice’ that led to dependence and addiction


Importantly, the effectiveness for inducing sleep wears off after a few weeks. It can be very hard to stop taking benzodiazepines as insomnia and often anxiety returns. The duration of “withdrawal” is related to the length of time these are taken.

Stopping suddenly after long-term use can be dangerous, with violent withdrawal reactions possible, including epileptic seizures. Ceasing these medicines needs to be managed by your doctor. Essentially, a gradual reduction in dose is needed with support and counselling to assist with the temporary increase in insomnia and perhaps anxiety.

Side effects include a “dulling” of cognitive function, memory impairment and the increased risk for accidents, especially unsteadiness and falls in older people.

Benzodiazepines should only be used for two to four weeks, or intermittently, and only in addition to good sleep hygiene (that is, practising the measures listed in the first paragraph).

Temazepam (brand names Normison, Temaze, Temtabs) and lorazepam (brand name Ativan) are reasonable choices from the many benzodiazepines available. That’s because they have a faster onset and short duration of effect so as to avoid a “hangover” the next day.


Read more: Health Check: how to soothe yourself to sleep


Z-drugs (hypnotics)

Zopiclone (brand names Imovane and Imrest) and zolpidem (brand name Stilnox) are similar in their pharmacology and effects to the benzodiazepines. These prescription-only medicines also enhance the actions of GABA to depress brain activity and have the same hazards related to excessive sedation and dependence.

Bizarre behaviours and symptoms, for example hallucinations and sleep-walking that can be dangerous, are more likely than with benzodiazepines.

Medications for sleep can’t be used long term. from www.shutterstock.com

Antihistamines

Older antihistamine medicines, now known as sedating antihistamines, induce drowsiness through their central nervous system-depressing properties. These are available over the counter from pharmacies. Common examples include diphenhydramine (brand name Unisom Sleep Gels), doxylamine (brand name Restavit) and promethazine (branded Phenergan).

Especially in those with allergies such as hay fever disturbing their sleep, these may be a reasonable short-term option. Dependence on these medications to sleep is a hazard.

These medicines have side effects including dry mouth, blurred vision, constipation, confusion, dizziness and urinary retention in men with prostrate problems. All side-effects are worse in older people.

By contrast, over-the-counter antihistamines commonly used to treat hay fever (such as brand names Telfast, Zyrtec and Claratyne) are non-sedating, and therefore not likely to make you drowsy.

Analgesics

Any opioid-containing medicine, all now requiring a prescription, will induce drowsiness (depending on the dose) because they also depress our central nervous system. Codeine (in Panadeine, Panadeine Forte or Nurofen Plus), tramadol, tapentadol, morphine or oxycodone will make us sleepy, but they’re not recommended to treat insomnia.

These powerful medicines are best reserved for judicious use in pain relief, given the severe hazards of dependence and overdose. Older people are more sensitive to the central nervous system-depressing effects and also to constipation.


Read more: Health Check: five ways to get a better night’s sleep


Melatonin

Our sleep-wake cycle is dependent on the hormone melatonin released cyclically from a gland in our brain. Melatonin administered orally helps induce sleep in some people, but is not as effective as other sedatives.

However, a recent Australian study tested melatonin in people with sleep problems caused by delayed melatonin release in their brains. These people have trouble falling asleep and waking at times appropriate for proper functioning.

Taken one hour prior to bed time, melatonin (0.5mg) accompanied by a behavioural intervention (such as learning how to meditate) helped the participants get to sleep and improved common accompanying impairments such as low mood, anxiety and difficulty concentrating.

You need a prescription for melatonin in Australia. It’s best to avoid alcohol as it interferes with sleep, thereby reducing any effect of melatonin. It is worth trying as it is generally well tolerated, although some people experience back pain. It may work in other types of sleep disturbances, not due to delayed release of melatonin. A dose of 2mg, controlled release one to two hours before bedtime is most commonly used.

Antipsychotics

Antipsychotic medicines (such as quetiapine) have been increasingly used to treat insomnia.

Typically used at a lower dose, quetiapine can induce sleep but carries a significant burden of possible harmful effects. These include a fast heart rate, agitation, low blood pressure and unsteadiness. These make quetiapine not appropriate for treating common sleep problems.

Antidepressants

Antidepressants are typically prescribed at a low dose for insomnia, but the supporting evidence of efficacy (despite the wide use) is low quality and there is the risk of adverse effects such as confusion, dry mouth and blurred vision.

Herbal and complementary medicines

Herbal remedies such as valerian, lavender, passiflora, chamomile, hops and catnip are widely promoted to promote “sleep health”. Research to support their efficacy is limited.


Read more: We asked five experts: is it possible to catch up on sleep?


Many newer and emerging medicines are being tested for insomnia, so in the future more options should be available.

For now it’s important to remember none of the options listed above is without side effects, and most will cause dependence if used long term, meaning falling asleep without them will be even harder than it was before.

Improve your sleep hygiene, and if that hasn’t worked for you, speak with your doctor about what’s keeping you up at night. She’ll be able to prescribe the best type of medication for you to use in the short term.

– I can’t sleep. What drugs can I (safely) take?
– http://theconversation.com/i-cant-sleep-what-drugs-can-i-safely-take-102343]]>

Eulogy for a seastar, Australia’s first recorded marine extinction

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tim O’Hara, Senior Curator of Marine Invertebrates, Museums Victoria

We see the surface of the sea: the rock pools, the waves, the horizon. But there is so much more going on underneath, hidden from view.

The sea’s surface conceals human impact as well. Today, I am writing a eulogy to the Derwent River Seastar (or starfish), that formerly inhabited the shores near the Tasman Bridge in Hobart, Tasmania. It is Australia’s first documented marine animal extinction and one of the few recorded anywhere in the world.


Read more: Extinction is a natural process, but it’s happening at 1,000 times the normal speed


The Derwent River Seastar, preserved in the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart. Credit: Christy Hipsley, Museums Victoria/University of Melbourne

Scientists only knew the Derwent River Seastar for about 25 years. It was first described in 1969 by Alan Dartnall, a former curator of the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery. It was found on and off until the early 1990s but scientists noted a decline in numbers. Targeted surveys in 1993 and 2010 failed to find a single individual.

It was listed as critically endangered by the Tasmanian and Australian governments. But now, like a long-lost missing person, it is time to call it: the Derwent River Seastar appears extinct.

It is actually quite hard to document the extinction of marine animals. There is always hope that it will turn up in some unusual spot, somewhere in that hidden world. Australia has an ambitious plan to create high-resolution maps of 50% of our marine environment by 2025. This is a formidable task. But it is a reflection of our lack of knowledge about the oceans that, 20 years after the launch of Google Maps and despite an enormous effort in the interim, much of Australia’s seafloor in 2025 will be still largely known from the occasional 19th-century depth sounding, or imprecise gravity measurements from satellites.

We do notice when big animals go. There used to be a gigantic dugong-like creature called Stella’s Sea Cow, which lived in the North Pacific Ocean until it was hunted to oblivion by 1768. There is no mistaking that loss.

Stellar’s Sea Cow, which grew up to 10 metres long and weighed between five and ten tonnes, was hunted to extinction in 1768. Paul K/Flickr, CC BY

But the vast majority of the estimated 1 million to 2 million marine animals are invertebrates, animals without backbones such as shells, crabs, corals and seastars. We just don’t monitor those enough to observe their decline.

We noticed the Derwent River Seastar because it was only found at a few sites near a major city. Its story is intertwined with the usual developments that happen near many large ports. The Derwent River became silty and was at times heavily polluted by industrial and residential waste. The construction of the Tasman Bridge in the early 1960s cannot have helped.

From the 1920s a series of marine pests were accidentally introduced by live oysters imported from New Zealand, or by hitching a ride on ships. Some of these pests are now abundant in southeast Tasmanian waters and eat or compete with local species.


Read more: Australia relies on volunteers to monitor its endangered species


The Derwent River Seastar has been a bit of an enigma. From the start, it was mistakenly classified as belonging to group of seastars (poranids) otherwise known from deep or polar habitats. Some people wondered whether it was an introduced species as well, one that couldn’t cope with the Derwent environment.

However, we used a CT scanner at the School of Earth Sciences, University of Melbourne, to look at the internal skeleton of one of the few museum specimens. Sure enough, it has internal struts to strengthen the body, which are characteristic of a different group of seastars (asterinids) that have adapted to coastal environments and are sometimes restricted to very small areas.

CT scan showing the internal structure of the seastar. Source: Christy Hipsley, Museums Victoria/University of Melbourne

Is this seastar like a canary in a coal mine, a warning of a wave of marine extinctions? Sea levels are rising with global warming, and that is going to be a big problem for life adapted to living along the shoreline. Mangroves, salt marsh, seagrass beds, mud flats, beaches and rock platforms only form at specific water depths. They are going to need to follow rising sea levels and reform higher up the shoreline.

Coastal life can take hundreds to thousands of years to adjust to these sorts of changes. But in many places we don’t have a natural environment anymore. Humans will increasingly protect coastal property by building seawalls and other infrastructure, especially around towns and bays. This will mean far less space for marine animals and plants.


Read more: Rising seas will displace millions of people – and Australia must be ready


We need to start planning new places for our shore life to go – areas they can migrate to with rising sea levels. Otherwise, the Derwent River Seastar won’t be the last human-induced extinction from these environments.

– Eulogy for a seastar, Australia’s first recorded marine extinction
– http://theconversation.com/eulogy-for-a-seastar-australias-first-recorded-marine-extinction-103225]]>

Business as usual? The Sustainable Development Goals apply to Australian cities too

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wendy Steele, Associate Professor of Sustainability and Urban Planning, RMIT University

We are still settling Australian cities on unceded Aboriginal lands. With the global agreement on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, development has finally come home to the developed world. Yet in Australia we still often proceed as if development goals are about foreign aid, somehow separate from our own development activities and civic responsibilities.

The Senate inquiry into the SDGs, for example, has been referred to the Department of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. Three of the seven terms of reference relate to Australia’s Official Development Assistance program.

Reports that trade with Europe might be in jeopardy because of Australia’s failure to act responsibly on climate change – a commitment enshrined not just in the Paris Agreement but also in SDG 13: Climate Action – illustrate the naivety of thinking this country can carry on as usual while others tackle sustainable development.


Read more: Australia’s UN report card: making progress, could do better on inequality and climate


Australia’s SDG indicator framework

The National Sustainable Development Council’s focus on transforming Australia is an important starting point. The NCDC draws on the SDG Progress Report to “highlight key trends and emerging issues for policy and decision-makers and communities across Australia”. But it doesn’t go far enough.

The focus is on targets and indicators that are deemed relevant and important for Australia. This is complemented by a wheel-of-fortune-style dashboard set of aggregated results across four key benchmarks.

The result is a colourful, largely unintelligible – albeit very well-intentioned – national SDG assessment.

Australia’s SDG Indicator Scorecard. NCDC

Looks like we get a C grade. But what does this actually say about Australian settlements?

Sanitised and complacent

The real issues facing Australia are sanitised and out of sight with a 6.5 score. With 90% of Australians living in urban areas, how does this assessment inform and transform the state of sustainable development in our cities?

A core sustainable development challenge for Australia is the spatial unevenness of its development – between cities and non-city regions, between the dominant cities (Sydney and Melbourne) and the rest, or between different suburbs within cities.

Our patchwork economy generates serious social inequities. The answer is not just to stimulate greater economic activity or spread the boom to “lagging” areas.

We need to recognise that the apparent success of the “bright patches” is often based on their exploitation of “dull patches”. Some areas are set up to be sacrifice zones that suffer, for example, the ill effects of resource extraction, heavy industry and waste disposal.


Read more: An environmentally just city works best for all in the end


And some regions struggle not simply because they are physically distant, but because uneven provision of infrastructure has made them functionally distant. Prioritisation of certain regions over others and an over-reliance on infrastructure provision as a proxy for development are two issues that the nation needs to tackle to deliver the SDG agenda.

Do you know all 17 Sustainable Development Goals?

Beyond national silos

Australian cities rely on and impact upon these spaces and others far beyond their boundaries. Thus tackling SDG 11 on cities cannot be separated from tackling the other SDGs, including sustainably managing life on land (SDG 15), clean water and sanitation (SDG 6), affordable and clean energy (SDG 7) and life below water (SDG 14).

This means thinking not just about where and how cities access resources, but where their outputs go. For example, when China halted a major waste flow to its recycling plants this exposed the reliance of Australian cities on often distant facilities.


Read more: China’s recycling ‘ban’ throws Australia into a very messy waste crisis


This demonstrates how cities are inextricably linked to spaces beyond their city limits, and the need for Australian cities to reduce and reuse as well as just recycle waste. It also illustrates the entwining of Australian settlement development with multiple spaces beyond our borders. Australia’s responsibility for sustainable development includes attention to the nation’s own urban heartlands as well as their impact on both neighbouring and distant countries.

Putting the SDGs to work in Australian cities

The SDGs can be mobilised to help achieve sustainable development, but we are not putting them to work in Australia. We stumble our way into the challenges of our climate of change, no more nationally self-aware it seems than before.

A new sustainable development approach is needed in Australia. An SDG ethic and compass must guide our direction so no one is left behind.

The SDGs are an invitation to take seriously the sustainable development challenges we face as a nation, and the implications of our actions for other nations. Rather than look for ways to reinforce our developed country privilege with a C grade report card, we could use the SDGs as a two-fold opportunity to:

1) ask the hard questions about the sustainability of our development

2) collectively explore transformative pathways, particularly within our cities.

Both suggest the importance of connecting more genuinely with Indigenous understandings of sustainability and living ethically on Country. And what do the SDG indicator frameworks and benchmarks tell us about our progress in our sovereign relationship with Indigenous people on whose unceded land we live and work?

We are not arguing for a more parochial agenda, or that international development is not important. Indeed, Australia could usefully follow the UK in positioning national science and research priorities within broader “global challenges”.

Rather, we are pointing to the risks of framing sustainable development issues as problems “over there”. This obscures both Australia’s own acute settlement problems and its role in creating problems “over there”.

What is needed is joined-up policy, planning and research that includes Australia within the frame as a sustainable development site, as well as a funding provider.

It could also include identifying Australia as a country in need: a nation that needs to better contribute to all the SDGs. In the case of SDG 13 on climate action, that need is glaring.

In Australia we need to make sure our identity does not include an implicit assumption that our home base is not in need of SDG attention – or only in certain areas. Many if not all aspects of development in Australia are maldevelopment, which calls for strong critical evaluation and action as much as in any other space. As a nation we can do much better.

– Business as usual? The Sustainable Development Goals apply to Australian cities too
– http://theconversation.com/business-as-usual-the-sustainable-development-goals-apply-to-australian-cities-too-102641]]>

Trump versus China means picking sides

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giovanni Di Lieto, Lecturer of international trade law, Monash Business School, Monash University

As Donald Trump escalates his trade war with China, slapping a 10% tariff on roughly $US200 billion of imports that will climb to 25% if China retaliates, he appears to found something of a soul mate in Scott Morrison.

“We both get it,” Australia’s new prime minister said this week. What they get, he told the New York Times’ Maureen Dowd, is that some people feel left off the globalism gravy train: “The president gets that. I get it.”

His words signal a profound change of tack in Australian economic diplomacy as the new US approach threatens to break down the World Trade Organisation and universal trade agreements in general.

Under Trump, trade will depend on stronger bilateral (one on one) agreements that support US geopolitics.

It’ll mean Australia picking sides.

Double dangers in middle of the road

The status quo of relying on China for trade surpluses and on the US for security patronage might not be sustainable in the long run.

Siding with neither China or the US, attempting a “third way” of non-alignment, runs the risks losing out on both trade and security.

Broadly speaking, we can summarise the trade war between the US and China as a contest between sea and land.

The US aims to secure trade routes through the Indian and Pacific oceans. China wants to shift the bedrock of international trade to Central Asia.

Its Belt and Road Initiative is a grand strategic plan to join Eurasian economies from Lisbon to Vladivostok. The plan would end the historic era of Anglo-American hegemony founded on controlling trade routes across the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific oceans.


Read more: Is the Trump administration getting East Asia right, or just confusing it?


Australia faces an existential strategic choice.

Leaving political ideologies aside, its economic prosperity depends on trade by sea. The return of Marco Polo’s world would eventually make Australia little more than a price-taking commodity supplier to trade and investment hubs from Beijing to Venice.

This means our national interests lie with the US defence of its seaborne trading routes.

Picking a side will be costly

In the short term, especially if the trade war escalates, siding with the US will be costly. We could lose a good deal of China-related export and business opportunities. Over the longer run we could offset the losses by diversifying to trade and invest in countries with shared strategic interests, such as Indonesia and India.

We would be well advised to reconsider the diplomatic benefit of RCEP, the China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. This mega regional trade deal between the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and their bilateral trade partners has been dubbed the Chinese Trans Pacific Partnership. It can be seen as an extension of Xi Jinping’s major-power agenda.

After a promising start, RCEP negotiations now appear to be stuck. The main obstacle is India’s fear of worsening its already significant trade deficit with China.

Our interests lie with the US, and India

Another sticking point is that India, the Philippines and other potential members want countries like Australia, New Zealand and Japan to open up their markets for information technology and professional services.

In pure trade terms we would lose little if the RCEP did not proceed. We already have strong bilateral ties with all the negotiating countries apart from India, with whom we are presently negotiating a free trade agreement.

We would be well advised to use our limited diplomatic resources for that and supporting the US when it comes time to pick sides.

– Trump versus China means picking sides
– http://theconversation.com/trump-versus-china-means-picking-sides-102484]]>

Explainer: what does it mean to be ‘cisgender’?

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna McIntyre, Lecturer in Screen and Media Studies, University of the Sunshine Coast

As a term and concept, “transgender” is now firmly embedded in common parlance and popular consciousness. In Australia in the last few weeks alone there have been major news stories about transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey; Prime Minister Scott Morrison’s comments regarding “gender whisperers”; and the University of Western Australia cancelling a talk by an anti-transgender US academic.

“Transgender” has an important linguistic counterpart that is not as common but is gaining prevalence. The term “cisgender” (pronounced “sis-gender”) refers to people whose gender identity and expression matches the biological sex they were assigned when they were born. For instance, the musician Moby has said he is a “run-of-the-mill, cisgender, heterosexual male”.

“Cisgender” was introduced so our language could be more fair and inclusive, and to make us more aware of everybody’s experiences of gender. However, the term has critics as well as fans.


Read more: Explainer: the difference between being transgender and doing drag


What are the word’s origins?

The prefix “trans-” comes from Latin, meaning “across from” or “on the other side of”. In contrast, the prefix “cis-” means “on this side of”. It is commonly used in chemistry and in relation to geographic features, such as in “cisalpine”.

“Cisgender” was coined in academic journal articles in the 1990s. It started to gain broader popularity from around 2007 when transgender theorist Julia Serano discussed it in her book Whipping Girl. Over the next decade, activists, scholars and online forums helped to, literally, spread the word.

It is largely used by those who are sensitive to issues of gender and identity. Nevertheless, its general acceptance and endurance as a term and concept was acknowledged when it was added to the Oxford English Dictionary in 2015.

Cisgender relates specifically to gender rather than sexuality. A person can be cisgender (often abbreviated to just cis) and have any sort of sexuality. For example, two men may both be cisgender but one straight and one gay.

Because it is a personal identity category, it is difficult to know just from looking at someone whether they are cisgender.

Moby pictured in 2009: he recently described himself as a ‘run-of-the-mill, cisgender, heterosexual male’. Estela Silva/EPA

Why is it useful?

This term is seen has having some important uses. One is that it helps us distinguish between sexual identity and gender identity. However, its most significant function is perhaps that naming something allows us to think about it more clearly.

Having a word for a “just usual” gender identity enables us to understand it is actually a specific gender identity in itself. The idea that people are cisgender therefore shows that, no matter who you are, the relationship between your body and your sense of self is particular.

Drawing attention to gender in this way can also highlight that some people are disadvantaged because of their gender identity. That is, this term can create awareness that people who are not cisgender often have a harder time in our society than those who are. For example, trans men and women report higher levels of physical and verbal abuse than cisgender people.

Detractors

Despite the inclusive potential of the word, it also has many detractors who warn about possible negative impacts. Some believe it sets up a harmful distinction between transgender people and everybody else. In this sense, the term can be counter-intuitive and work against transgender becoming more accepted and normalised.

US actor Laverne Cox, who identifies as trans. EPA/PETER FOLEY

It can also falsely imply that only transgender people experience any form of mismatch between their body/sex and their gender identity. For example, lesbian, gay and bisexual people in particular may be deemed cisgender but experience conflict between their gender identity and how society expects them to express their gender.

Others have identified the term does not properly account for intersex people. Because intersex people have atypical sex characteristics (for example genitals, hormones, reproductive glands and/or chromosomes), it is problematic to define their gender identity in relation to the sex they were born.


Read more: Surgery to make intersex children ‘normal’ should be banned


From these perspectives, cisgender is limiting and divisive because it indicates there are only two possible gender identities linked to only two sexes.

Finally, some people think “cisgender” will not be fully integrated into common language because of how unusual it is to spell and say. For this reason, clearer terms such as “non-trans” have been suggested instead.

As our understanding of gender continues to change, the words we have to describe our experiences of it will also evolve. Ideally these words will help us rectify inequalities between gender identities.

– Explainer: what does it mean to be ‘cisgender’?
– http://theconversation.com/explainer-what-does-it-mean-to-be-cisgender-103159]]>

View from The Hill: Morrison’s challenge with women goes beyond simple numbers

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Mutual interest is a great bonding agent, so the bromance between 2GB shock jock Ray Hadley and Scott Morrison is on again.

Morrison will once more make regular appearances with Hadley, who dumped him unceremoniously last year, with a spurious excuse, because he considered him too boring.

As treasurer Morrison was “captive to cabinet solidarity”, Hadley said on Tuesday, explaining their “parting of the ways”. But as prime minister, he was the boss and “unharnessed”.

“Unharnessed” is also one way to describe the state of the government, as MPs kick over the traces, and the still-new prime minister struggles to get a hold on the reins.

The Senate on Monday and Tuesday (and last Thursday) found itself with little to do; Morrison cancelled an October meeting with the states because more work was needed on the matters to be discussed.

In the spooked team, you’d be hard pressed to find many who think the Coalition can turn things around in time for next year’s election.

The row over bullying and the separate but now intertwined question of the under-representation of women among Liberal MPs is continuing to rip through the Liberal party, unable to be contained.

Morrison is conflicted. It’s risky for him to play down the allegations of standover tactics, let alone fail to take seriously enough the party’s need for more female MPs.

But he is attempting to sideline the bullying issue by saying the problem isn’t with the parliamentarians – rather, it lies in the party organisation.

This week he ordered that organisation to set up a complaints mechanism.


Read more: Morrison tells Liberal organisation to act on bullying after second woman flags she’ll quit


On female representation, Morrison has no answers. Yes, he says, he would like more Liberal women in parliament. But how to get them? Certainly not with quotas. And he just wants the best candidates.

Post election, Liberal women in the House of Representatives are likely to be an endangered species – perhaps around half a dozen. Currently there are 12 Liberal women in the House, and one National.

Two of the present women MPs, Ann Sudmalis, from NSW, and Julia Banks, from Victoria, have announced they’re quitting at the election, calling out bad behaviour (with Sudmalis naming a NSW state Liberal MP as her bete noire). Queensland’s Jane Prentice has lost preselection. Julie Bishop is unlikely to stand. Several women are on tight margins.

After Sudmalis’ lashing out on Monday, comments from Liberals on Tuesday sent unhelpful messages.

Minister Steve Ciobo tried to claim the Liberals really had done quite well on the women front; Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells invoked Harry S. Truman’s line about departing hot kitchens. Morrison said skirmishes “can happen in the local branches of a P&C”, adding “though I don’t think it probably gets as willing as what we see in politics”.

The government’s “women problem” goes beyond lack of women MPs and candidates.

In presenting its face to voters, especially female voters, Labor has two formidable female performers at the top of its team – deputy leader Tanya Plibersek and its Senate leader Penny Wong.

With Bishop’s departure from the deputyship, the Liberals have no female face in their leadership positions. Bridget McKenzie is the Nationals deputy leader, but obviously regionally focussed.

Kelly O’Dwyer is Minister for Women but doesn’t do much of the government’s broad heavy lifting. New Foreign Minister Marise Payne does virtually none of it (although in her new portfolio she’ll have to step up from her virtual invisibility while in defence). Michaelia Cash has a heap of her own political problems.

There is also the question of how Morrison will appeal to female voters.

So far, the public are still getting their heads around the fact of unexpectedly finding themselves with a new prime minister. Voters seem open-minded about Morrison: they have already put him ahead of Bill Shorten as preferred PM – probably as much a comment on their low opinion of Shorten as a definite statement about Morrison.

Women’s judgment of Morrison will take a while to shake out. He’s started out looking very blokey, with his frequent invoking use of the term “mate”, his preoccupation with rugby league, and his penchant for getting around in a Cronulla Sharks cap.

But Morrison’s chameleon quality means that he may be able to modify the blokey approach if the focus groups suggest that’s required.

The Morrison persona will be tested in the Wentworth byelection. (One Labor-aligned voter from that wealthy electorate says cruelly, “The average Wentworthian would see Morrison as a bit of a hick from The Shire”.)


Read more: View from The Hill: Morrison faces the challenge of community-based candidate in Wentworth


As is well known, Morrison wanted a woman candidate for the seat, an effort that failed. Now he is faced with the political nightmare of fighting a high profile independent female in Kerryn Phelps.

Phelps is well placed to exploit the Liberals’ women problem. One would expect many of the women of Wentworth will be interested in whether Morrison during the coming weeks can produce any plans to improve the gender balance among Liberal MPs.

As the campaign progresses, the Liberal party’s focus groups will be carefully watched for whether there is a gender difference in how voters perceive the Prime Minister. Those results would help shape campaigning later.

– View from The Hill: Morrison’s challenge with women goes beyond simple numbers
– http://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-morrisons-challenge-with-women-goes-beyond-simple-numbers-103467]]>

Needless treatments: antipsychotic drugs are rarely effective in ‘calming’ dementia patients

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Juanita Westbury, Senior Lecturer in Dementia Care, University of Tasmania

From time to time, we hear or read about medical procedures or treatments that can be ineffective and needlessly drive up the nation’s health-care costs. This occasional series explores such procedures individually and explains why they could cause more harm than good in particular circumstances.


Antipsychotic medications were initially developed to treat schizophrenia, a mental health condition characterised by psychotic symptoms such as delusions and hallucinations. Because of their sedative effects, antipsychotic medications (such as risperidone, olanzapine, quetiapine and haloperidol) are often used to “manage” people with dementia.

People with dementia often experience a range of psychological symptoms and behaviour changes. These can include anxiety, sleep disturbance, pacing, wandering, crying out, agitation, delusions and hallucinations.

These are referred to as “behavioural and psychological symptoms of dementia” (BPSD) though the term “responsive behaviours” has also been adopted to help explain their cause, signalling that there are often reasons behind the behaviours. Understanding and treating these reasons is the best way to approach these behaviours.


Read more: Chemical restraint in aged-care homes linked to early death


Antipsychotic medications are known as psychotropic medications. These are drugs that alter a person’s mental state and include antipsychotics, antidepressants, benzodiazepines and anticonvulsants, which are also used to sedate patients in nursing homes. These come with significant and serious risks. Clinical guidelines recommend such medications be used only as a last resort.

Psychotropic medicines should only be considered when non-pharmacological interventions have failed and the patient has symptoms that are distressing for them, their family or fellow residents.

Responsive behaviours

Dementia is not just a single disease. It’s a term describing symptoms associated with more than 70 separate diseases, including Alzheimer’s disease and Lewy body dementia. The condition affects many brain functions including language, personality and reasoning skills, not just memory, which is usually associated with the condition.


Read more: What causes Alzheimer’s disease? What we know, don’t know and suspect


Responsive behaviours in people with dementia vary according to the type and severity of their disease. They also fluctuate over time. A Canadian study of 146 aged care residents assessed these behaviours monthly for six months, revealing a wide variation in their duration and frequency. Results showed most responsive behaviours lasted for less than three months with usual care.

Dementia affects many brain functions including langugage, personality and reasoning skills. from shutterstock.com

Many responsive behaviours in people with dementia are thought to result from, or be worsened by, unmet needs (pain, hunger), the environment (over- or under-stimulation), social needs (loneliness or need for intimacy) and approaches of carers or others. Sometimes these behaviours are caused by an acute medical illness on top of the dementia, such as an infection. Other times the behaviours arise from the disease process of dementia itself.

Each cause requires different treatment. For example, an infection shouldn’t be missed, nor should pain, each requiring different strategies. So, the first step for those around the person, both health care professionals and family carers, is to work out why they are behaving a certain way rather than reaching for a script pad.

Psychotropic use in aged care

Psychotropic medications are often over-used. The main evidence for excessive use of psychotropics such as antipsychotics in dementia in Australia has been collected in aged care homes. A recent study, that one of the authors was involved in, examined antipsychotic use in 139 homes across all six states and the ACT during 2014-2015. It assessed the use of antipsychotics in more than 11,500 residents.

We found that 22% of residents were taking an antipsychotic medication every day. And concerningly, more than 10% of residents were charted for a “when required” antipsychotic. This means they could be given an antipsychotic dose when a behaviour occurred that their carer decided was necessary to medicate, or a top-up dose in addition to their regular dose.


Read more: Dementia patients’ thinking ability may get worse in winter and early spring


Excessive use of antipsychotics in older people does not appear to be confined to the residential aged care sector. A 2013 district nursing study of 221 people with dementia living in their own homes found that 18% were prescribed these medications.

Many trials have examined the effectiveness of antipsychotics to treat agitation in people with dementia. These studies show they only offer benefit to about 20% of people with these symptoms and appear to offer no benefit for other responsive behaviours such as wandering, crying out or anxiety.

Antipsychotics don’t benefit symptoms such as wandering, crying out or anxiety. from shutterstock.com

But what’s worse is that use is associated with severe adverse effects including stroke, early death, infections, Parkinson’s-like movement disturbances, falls and over-sedation.

There are times when behaviours can be severe and disabling and impact the quality of life for the person with dementia. Sometimes the behaviours may put the person or others at risk. In these cases, careful prescribing is recommended. When needed for responsive behaviours, antipsychotics should be taken at the lowest effective dose for a maximum of three-months.

If people are in pain, it is absolutely essential that this is treated. One study showed using increasingly strong analgesia was as effective in treating agitation in dementia as antipsychotics.

Advice for family members

Family members need to understand and be aware of these symptoms and behaviours, their treatment and alternatives and be part of finding out why they are happening as well as the solution.

This includes being aware that legally, psychotropics must be prescribed with consent, either from the person themselves or from their substitute decision-maker. Families should not just be finding out about use of medications when they receive the pharmacy bill.

Skilled advice for nursing homes is available across Australia, 24-hours a day from the Dementia Behaviour Management Advisory Service and the Severe Behaviour Response Teams. They support aged-care providers in improving care for people with dementia and related behaviours.

Families need to make sure that the facility their loved one resides is in is aware of and uses this service, so they don’t have to resort to using drugs first. The 24-hour helpline number is 1800 699 799.


For more information about your rights, visit empoweredproject.org.au

– Needless treatments: antipsychotic drugs are rarely effective in ‘calming’ dementia patients
– http://theconversation.com/needless-treatments-antipsychotic-drugs-are-rarely-effective-in-calming-dementia-patients-103103]]>

Amnesty demands Jokowi honour pledge on Papuan human rights

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Indonesian police and military have reportedly attacked the West Papua Committee (KNPB) office in Timika and arrested seven people, including three teenagers. Image: Timika KNPB

By Budiarti Utami Putri in Jakarta

Human rights organisation Amnesty International Indonesia has demanded President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo fulfil his promises to resolve the alleged human rights violations in Papua.

Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid said Jokowi had earlier pledged to settle the shooting incidents involving civilians in Paniai, Papua.

“We underline one promise, one commitment delivered by President Joko Widodo following the Paniai incident that the President wants the case to be settled to prevent further incident in the future,” said Usman in a plenary meeting with the House of Representative (DPR)’s Legal Commission in the Parliament Complex, Senayan, Jakarta, last week.

READ MORE: Indonesia’s unresolved police killings in Papua

Usman said that there was an alleged excessive mobilisation of power and weapons from the security apparatus in Papua.

Between January 2010 and February 2018, Amnesty International Indonesia had recorded 69 cases of alleged extrajudicial killings in Papua.

-Partners-

The most dominant perpetrator was the National Police (Polri) officers (34 cases), followed by the Indonesia Armed Forces (TNI) (23 cases), joint officers of TNI and Polri (11 cases) and Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) in one case.

Custom resolution
Usman said a total of 25 cases were not investigated, 26 cases were studied without a conclusive result, and 8 cases were dealh with through custom.

“Usually, it is about certain compensations for the victim’s family,” Usman said.

Usman said this was proof that the government lacked independent, effective, and impartial mechanisms to cope with civilians’ complaints concerning human rights violation performed by the security personnel.

The former coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) urged the government to create measures to resolve the human rights violation in Papua and demanded the government admit the incident and draft procedures for security officers in a bid to prevent violence in the region.

“President Jokowi expects Papua to be a peaceful land,” Usman said.

Meanwhile, the House’s Legal Commission deputy speaker Trimedya Panjaitan pledged to follow up the findings issued by Amnesty International Indonesia to the National Police Chief Tito Karnavian in the upcoming session next week.

“We will ask the police chief in the next meeting on September 24,” Trimedya said.

Timika attack, arrests
Meanwhile, Indonesian police and military attacked the West Papua Committee (KNPB) office in Timika at the weekend and arrested seven people, including three teenagers, alleged an unverified social media posting.

The arrested people were named as:

Jack Yakonias Womsiwor (39)
Nus Asso (46)
Urbanus Kossay (18)
Herich Mandobar (18)
Pais Nasia (23)
Vincent Gobay (19)
Titus Yelemaken (46)

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How understanding animal behaviour can liberate us from gender inequality

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Beatrice Alba, Research Fellow, La Trobe University

Gender inequality is very real in 2018.

Australian parliament is a toxic place for women. Women in the media and science are targeted and harassed because of their gender. Male domination of women occurs at an interpersonal level, and in our everyday interactions.

But how we behave with each other isn’t just about individual personalities and the current social and political climate. We as Homo sapiens come with a long evolutionary history – and understanding the animal roots of our behaviour can help us create positive change to achieve gender equality.


Read more: Do women take their husband’s surname after marriage because of biology?


How we behave as men and women

Research in psychology demonstrates gender differences on a broad range of personality traits, suggesting that women are less dominating than men.

On average, women score higher than men on the personality trait agreeableness, and lower on measures of social dominance orientation and self-esteem. Men are also higher on the “dark traits” of narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism.

Research that directly observes behaviour also shows clear gender differences in the expression of dominance. Women tend to interrupt less, smile more, and spend less time making eye contact when speaking and more time while listening compared to men.

Much of this behaviour occurs automatically and instinctively, without us even being aware of it. We might catch ourselves lowering our eyes when someone stares at us, dropping our shoulders and contracting our bodies to make ourselves smaller, or stepping out of someone else’s way as they approach.

These submissive behaviours are also observed among one of our closest living relatives, the chimpanzees.

And anyone with a pet dog would already be well familiar with dominance and submission behaviour in that species.

Yep, totally submissive here. Not going to challenge that big dog on anything. from www.shutterstock.com

The pecking order

Dominance hierarchies are found throughout the animal world, in humans and chimpanzees, and even in cockroaches.


Read more: Psychologist Jordan Peterson says lobsters help to explain why human hierarchies exist – do they?


With exception to the recent fame of the lobster as the poster child of social climbers, the most commonly known example of dominance hierarchies is probably the pecking order of domestic hens. In these social groups, the birds will peck at each other until one runs away, which thereafter assumes a subordinate position to the hen that stands its ground.

Chickens fighting to establish social dominance.

Typically, aggressive encounters among animals are ritualised: a sufficient display of strength is often enough to cause a competitor to yield. This submissive response means that the aggression de-escalates before causing serious injury or death to either party. A dominance hierarchy is established when an animal repeatedly receives a yielding response from another in competitive encounters.

The ultimate driver of this competitive behaviour is greater access to food, space, allies, and mates that comes with being at the top of the hierarchy. These benefits mean that it is adaptive to get to the top. So evolution has selected for psychological and behavioural mechanisms that drive animals to ascend the hierarchy.

But some animals are unlikely to ever win in aggressive encounters – due to a lack of size, strength, or skill. For them, it is more adaptive to yield submissively to their opponent rather than to risk injury or death.

In evolutionary terms, it’s better to be at the bottom of the hierarchy than to be dead. Evolution has therefore also selected for submissive behaviours that are elicited when animals are faced with a more formidable opponent.


Read more: Women show sexual preference for tall, dominant men – so is gender inequality inevitable?


The origins of patriarchy

In humans and many other mammals, there is a particularly strong evolutionary incentive for males to acquire high status, since this can greatly increase their reproductive output.

High-ranking males can fend off other males from accessing females, and they also tend to be more attractive to females due to their high status. Therefore, these males can potentially produce vast numbers offspring, as some notable tyrants like Genghis Khan have done. Many of us may even have such a male as an ancestor.

Some of our submissive behaviours can be useful – such as preventing escalation of aggressive encounters. from www.shutterstock.com

While females also benefit from high status, the payoff and the capacity for competing fiercely and recklessly for it is not as great as it is for males due to the demands of pregnancy and lactation.

These contrasting selection effects mean that males end up larger, stronger, and more aggressive than females in many species of mammal. This sex difference ultimately means that males are often able to physically and sexually dominate the females.

Therefore, females might often find themselves instinctively compelled to respond submissively to men as a strategy to protect themselves from aggression. This hierarchy is rooted in our evolutionary past, and deeply ingrained in our psychology.

The fight against patriarchy is a battle against our own minds.


Read more: Australian archaeologists dropped the term ‘Stone Age’ decades ago, and so should you


Liberation

Our evolved instincts might be one of the reasons why women feel so much internal resistance to challenging men, as well as why this is met with such backlash. The feminist movement itself collides with this “natural order” because it is a collective uprising against this male domination.

Feminists violate expectations when they refuse to be unthreatening, unchallenging, uncritical, polite, pleasant and apologetic. The unpalatability of insubordinate women might also explain the popularity of brands of feminism that refrain from making any criticism of mens’ behaviour.

Speaking at the UN in 2014, actress Emma Watson encouraged men and boys to be advocates for gender equality. Jason Szenes/AAP

A minimal amount of critical thinking might compel many of us to want to resist the pressure and the compulsion to submit to male domination. The way out of this trap begins with becoming aware of our involuntary submission.

A greater awareness of these unconscious processes is likely to reveal a more immediate source of our submissive responses: the natural, instinctive, and adaptive fear that arises in the heat of the moment when faced with a very real and unpredictable threat of aggression.

Unfortunately, this fear can sometimes drive us to stay silent at times when the risks to our personal safety and economic security are low.

So what could we cultivate to help us overcome the fear that compels us to back down and stay silent when we should be speaking up?

Courage.

– How understanding animal behaviour can liberate us from gender inequality
– http://theconversation.com/how-understanding-animal-behaviour-can-liberate-us-from-gender-inequality-102981]]>

Legalising medical marijuana shows no effect on crime rates in US states

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yu-Wei Luke Chu, Senior Lecturer, Victoria University of Wellington

Those who oppose medical marijuana legislation often cite the strong association between marijuana use and criminal activity. This includes the US federal government, which continues to classify marijuana as a schedule one drug.

We analysed city-level data from states across the US and found that medical marijuana laws have little effect on violent or property crime in nearly all medical marijuana states. In the case of California, the crime rates actually show a substantial decrease of around 20%.


Read more: Medical cannabis users could still be criminalised in UK despite government accepting its benefits


A natural experiment

Medical marijuana laws represent a major change in marijuana policy in the US. Since California passed the first medical marijuana law in 1996, 30 US states and the District of Columbia have legalised medical marijuana.

Several recent studies have found that marijuana use has increased among the general population (including non-patients) in medical marijuana states. It is difficult to disentangle causal effects of marijuana use from spurious correlations because of individual heterogeneity. Individuals who choose to use marijuana are likely different from those who don’t.

The passage of medical marijuana laws offers researchers a good natural experiment to study the causal effects of marijuana use on a variety of health outcomes, including drunk driving, hard drug use and opioid painkiller use.

Users and crime

The perception that marijuana use leads to crime can be traced back to the 1930s. In an effort to gain public support for marijuana prohibition, the Narcotics Bureau chief Harry Anslinger collected dubious anecdotes of marijuana causing crime and violence in his infamous Gore Files.


Read more: Re-criminalizing cannabis is worse than 1930s ‘reefer madness’


There is indeed a strong correlation between marijuana use and criminal activity. For example, the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program shows that more than half of adult male arrestees tested positive for marijuana use. Financial needs can lead to property crime for some heavy users.

Research also shows that long-term neuropsychological effects of marijuana can harm the brain, causing violent behaviours. Some studies have identified brain abnormalities in MRI images among casual and abstinent users.

Nevertheless, such correlation could be entirely spurious because marijuana users have a higher propensity to commit crimes. Only people who are willing to break laws would use marijuana under prohibition.

Effects of medical marijuana laws on crime

In our paper, we used data on criminal offence, spanning more than 25 years (1988–2013). We analysed relatively large cities with at least 50,000 residents. In addition to traditional regression analysis, we adopted the state-of-the-art synthetic control method that allows us to estimate the effects of medical marijuana laws in each city.

To make cities with and without medical marijuana laws comparable, we created a synthetic city from a pool of cities without medical marijuana laws. That way the pre-law crime rates in the synthetic city and the city of interest are as close as possible.

We then used the post-law crime rate in the synthetic city as an estimate for the medical marijuana city’s counterfactual crime rate – the rate you would expect if the medical marijuana law had not been passed. The difference in post-law crime rates between the synthetic city and the medical marijuana city is the causal effect of medical marijuana law on crime.

We found that the actual crime rates in medical marijuana cities generally move closely with the synthetic cities. This suggests no substantial effect on both violent and property crime. The results remain similar when we look at specific crimes such as murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary and theft.

Our findings show that we can safely rule out that medical marijuana laws and the associated marijuana use cause increased crime. The strong correlation between marijuana use and criminal activity is mostly spurious.

Californian experience

Violent and property crime rates dropped by 20% since California passed medical marijuana legislation more than two decades ago. It was reported that there are more marijuana dispensaries than Starbucks or McDonalds in cities like Los Angeles.

California’s medical marijuana law may have shrunk the marijuana black market and its associated violence. It may have helped to reallocate police resources towards deterring crime instead of enforcing drug laws. The presence of dispensaries may also deter crime. They are required to deal in cash and thus invest heavily in security.

Another study found a similar decrease in violent crime in states bordering Mexico, including California. It argues that medical marijuana legislation reduced crime associated with drug trafficking through Mexican cartels.

The US experience suggests that most stigmas associated with marijuana use are not supported by empirical evidence. Although medical marijuana laws increase heavy marijuana use among non-patients, they do not lead to negative social outcomes.

Our study provides robust evidence that medical marijuana legislation does not contribute to crime, and possibly helps to reduce it. This conclusion may relieve a major concern for countries considering to legalise medical marijuana, including New Zealand and Canada. The US experience is unique, especially because of its war on drugs. But the main conclusion that increased marijuana use does not cause more crime likely applies in other countries.

– Legalising medical marijuana shows no effect on crime rates in US states
– http://theconversation.com/legalising-medical-marijuana-shows-no-effect-on-crime-rates-in-us-states-102030]]>

Why NZ’s emissions trading scheme should have an auction reserve price

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Suzi Kerr, Adjunct Professor, School of Government, Victoria University of Wellington

While people’s eyes often glaze over when they hear the words “emissions trading”, we all respond to the price of carbon.

Back in 2010, when the carbon price was around NZ$20 per tonne, forest nurseries in New Zealand boosted production. But when prices plunged thereafter, hundreds of thousands of tree seedlings were destroyed rather than planted, wiping out both upfront investment and new forest growth.

Emission prices have since recovered but no one knows if this will last. With consultation underway on improving the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (NZ ETS), the government should seriously consider a “price floor” to rebuild confidence in low-emission investment.


Read more: A new approach to emissions trading in a post-Paris climate


How a price floor works

If we want to make a smart transition to a low-emission economy, we need to change how we value emissions so people make the investments that deliver on our targets. Implementing a reserve price at auction – or a “price floor” – is a powerful tool for managing the risk that emission prices could fall for the wrong reasons and undermine much needed low-emission investments.

In New Zealand’s ETS, participants are required to give tradable emission units (i.e. permits) to the government to cover the emissions for which they are liable. A limit on unit supply relative to demand reduces total emissions and enables the market to set the unit price.

In the future, the government will be auctioning emission units into the market. A reserve price at auction, which is simple to implement, can help avoid very low prices. If private actors are not willing to pay at least the reserve price, the government would stop selling units and the supply to the market would automatically contract.

The government’s current ETS consultation document suggests that no price floor will be needed in the future because a limit on international purchasing will be sufficient to prevent the kind of price collapse we experienced in the past. However, that assessment neglects other drivers of this risk.

When low ETS prices are a pitfall

Ideally, ETS prices would respond to signals of the long-term cost of meeting New Zealand’s decarbonisation goals and achieving global climate stabilisation. With today’s information, we generally expect ETS prices to rise over time. For example, modelling prepared for the New Zealand Productivity Commission suggests emission prices could rise to at least NZ$75 per tonne, possibly over NZ$200 per tonne, over the next three decades.

However, ETS prices could also fall because of sudden technology breakthroughs or economic downturn. Even though some low-emission investors would lose the returns they had hoped for, this could be an efficient outcome because low ETS prices would reflect true decarbonisation costs. Technological and economic uncertainty imposes a genuine risk on low-emission investments that society cannot avoid.

But there is another scenario in which ETS prices fall while decarbonisation costs remained high. This could arise because of political risk. For example, if a major emissions-intensive industrial producer was to exit the market unexpectedly and it was unclear how the government would respond, or if a political crisis was perceived to threaten the future of the ETS, then emission prices could collapse and efficient low-emission investments could be derailed.

Even when remedies are on the way, it can take time to correct perceptions of weak climate policy intentions. The New Zealand government’s slow response to the impact of low-quality international units in the ETS from 2011 to mid-2015 is a vivid example of this.

A simple and effective solution

With a price floor, an ETS auction will respond quickly and predictably to unpredictable events that lower prices. A price floor signals the direction of travel for minimum emission prices and builds confidence for low-emission investors and innovators. It also provides greater assurance to government about the minimum level of auction revenue to expect.

It is important to note that ETS participants can still trade units amongst each other at prices below the price floor. The price floor simply stops the flow of further auctioned units from the government into the market until demand recovers again and prices rise.

We have three good case studies overseas for the value of a price floor.

  1. The European Union ETS did not have a price floor for correcting unexpected oversupply and prices dropped because of the global financial crisis, other energy policies and overly generous free allocation. It now has a complex market stability reserve for this purpose, although that operates with less ease and transparency than a reserve price at auction.

  2. To counteract low EU ETS prices, the UK created its own price floor as a “top up” to the EU ETS. Although this did not add to global mitigation beyond the EU ETS cap, it did drive down coal-fired generation in the UK.

  3. California’s ETS was designed in conjunction with a large suite of emission reduction measures with complex interactions. Its reserve price at auction has ensured that a minimum and rising emission price has been maintained, despite uncertainties about the impact of other measures.

Keeping NZ on track for decarbonisation

In New Zealand, the Productivity Commission supports the concept of an auction reserve price in its final report on a transition to a low-emissions economy.

The only potential downside of a price floor is the political courage needed to set its level. It could be set at the minimum level that any credible global or local modelling suggests is consistent with New Zealand and global goals. The Climate Change Commission could provide independent advice on preferred modelling and an appropriate level. The merits of a price floor warrant cross-party support.

If the market operates in line with expectations, then the price floor has no impact on emission prices. But the price floor usefully guards against price collapse when the market does not go to plan.

The government, ETS participants and investors need to understand that international purchasing is not the only driver of downside price risk in the NZ ETS. A price floor would strengthen the incentives for major long-term investments in low-emission technologies, infrastructure and land uses in the face of uncertainty.

To reach New Zealand’s ambitious emission reduction targets for 2030 (a 30% reduction below 2005 levels) and beyond, bargain-basement emission prices need to stay a thing of the past.

This article was co-authored with Catherine Leining, a policy fellow at Motu Economic and Public Policy Research.

– Why NZ’s emissions trading scheme should have an auction reserve price
– http://theconversation.com/why-nzs-emissions-trading-scheme-should-have-an-auction-reserve-price-102984]]>

World politics explainer: the Iranian Revolution

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mehmet Ozalp, Associate Professor in Islamic Studies, Director of The Centre for Islamic Studies and Civilisation and Executive Member of Public and Contextual Theology, Charles Sturt University

This article is part of our series of explainers on key moments in the past 100 years of world political history. In it, our authors examine how and why an event unfolded, its impact at the time, and its relevance to politics today.


To understand what caused the Iranian Revolution, we must first consider the ongoing conflict between proponents of secular versus Islamic models of governance in Muslim societies.

It all began with the British colonisation of India in 1858, which precipitated the collapse of classic Islamic civilisation. By early 20th century, almost the entire Muslim world was colonised by European powers.

The Ottoman Empire, the last representative of the classic Islamic civilisation, collapsed after world war one in 1918. So, the first half of 20th century saw Muslim nations fight to regain their independence.

It was the secular-nationalist, western, educated elites who first led these movements, gaining political control and leadership of their respective countries. These leaders wanted to mimic Europe’s progressive leaps that took place after diminishing Christianity’s grip on society and politics. They believed Muslim societies would progress if the Islam was reformed and its influence on society reduced through separating religion and state.

A key reform enforced by the new secular Republic of Turkey, for example, was to remove the Ottoman Caliphate (the religious and political leader considered the successor to the Prophet Muhammad) from his position in 1924, sending shockwaves across the Muslim world.

This caused the emergence of alternative grassroots Islamic revivalist movements led by the ulama (Muslim scholars), who believed the very existence of Islam was in jeopardy.

These movements were non-political in their inception and gained mass support at a time when Muslim masses needed spiritual solace and social support. In time, they developed an Islamic vision for society and became increasingly active in the social and political landscape.

The impact of the Cold War

By the end of the second world war, Muslim countries had largely escaped from the constraints of western colonisation, only to fall victim to the Cold War.

Iran and Turkey were key countries where Soviet expansion efforts were intensified. In response, the United States, provided both countries with economic and political support in return for their membership in the democratic Western block. Turkey and Iran accepted this support and became democratic in 1950 and 1951 respectively.

Soon after, Mohammad Mosaddeq’s National Front became the first democratically-elected Iranian government in 1951. Mosaddeq was a modern, secular leaning, progressive leader who was able to gain the broad support of both the secular elite and the Iranian ulama.

US President Harry S Truman (left) and Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, 1951. Nara.gov/Wikicommons

He was helped by a growing disdain for Shah (king) Reza Pahlavi’s reigning monarchy and Iranian anger at the exploitation of their oil fields.

Whilst Persian oil was used by Britain and Russia to survive the Nazi onslaught during the second world war and greatly helped boost the British economy, Iranians were only receiving 20% of the profits.

Mosaddeq made the bold move to address this issue through nationalising the previously British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). This did not work out in his favour, as it attracted British and US economic sanctions. This in turn crippled the Iranian economy.

In 1953, he was replaced in a military coup organised by the CIA and British Intelligence. The Shah was returned to power and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company became BP, British Petroleum, with a 50-50 divide of profits.

Not only did this intervention leave Iranians with a sense of bitter humiliation, betrayal and impotence, its impact also reverberated within the wider Muslim world.

It sent the message that a democratically-elected government would be toppled if it did not fit with Western interests. This narrative continues to be the dominant discourse of Islamist activists to this day, used in explaining world events that affect the Muslim masses.

Looking more closely at the developments in Iran between 1953 and 1977, the Shah relied heavily on the US in his efforts to modernise the army, Iranian society and build the economy through what he called the White Revolution.

The Shah (left) meeting with US officials including President Jimmy Carter, 1977. National Archives ARC/Wikicommons

Though his economic program brought prosperity and industrialisation to Iran and educational initiatives increased literacy levels, this all came at a hefty cost. Wealth was unequally distributed, there was a development of an underclass of peasants migrating to urban centres and large scale political suppression of dissent. Disillusioned religious scholars were alarmed at the top-down imposition of a Western lifestyle, believing Islam was being completely removed from society.

The revolution – what happened?

Iranian dissidents responded finally to the Shah’s political suppression with violence. Two militant groups, Marxist Fadaiyan-e Khalq and Islamic leftist Mujahedin-e Khalq, started to mount attacks at government officials in the 1960s. More sustained and indirect opposition came from the religious circles led by Ayatollah Khomeini and intellectual circles led by Ali Shari’ati.

Shari’ati, a French-educated intellectual, was inspired by the Algerian and Cuban revolutions. He called for an active struggle for social justice and insisted on the prominence of Islamic cultural heritage instead of the Western model for society. He criticised the Shi’ite scholars for being stuck in their centuries-old doctrine of political quietism – seen as a significant barrier to the revolutionary fervour.

The barrier was broken by Ayatollah Khomeini, who rose to prominence for his outspoken role in the 1963 protests and was exiled as a result. His recorded sermons openly criticising the Shah were circulated widely in Iran.

Protesters holding Khomeini’s photo during the Iranian revolution, 1978. Wikicommons

Influenced by the new idea of an Islamic state in which Islam could be implemented fully, thus ending the imperialism of the colonial West, Khomeini argued it was incumbent on Muslims to establish an Islamic government based on the Qur’an and the example of the Prophet Muhammad.

Khomeni’s return 1979. Wikicommons

In his book Wilayat-i Faqih: Hukumat-i Islami (Islamic Government: Guardianship of the Jurist), Khomeni insisted that in the absence of the true Imam (the only legitimate leader from the linage of Prophet Muhammad in Shi’ite theology) the scholars were their proxies charged to fulfil the obligation by virtue of their knowledge of Islamic scriptures. This idea was an important innovation that gave licence to scholars to become involved in politics.

With the conditions ripe, the persistent protests instigated by Khomeini’s followers swelled to include all major cities. This culminated in the revolution on February 1, 1979, when Khomeini triumphantly returned to Iran.

The impact of the revolution

The Iranian revolution was a cataclysmic event that not only transformed Iran completely, but also had far-reaching consequences for the world.

It caused a deep shift in Cold War and global geopolitics. The US not only lost a key strategic ally against the communist threat, but it also gained a new enemy.

Emboldened by developments in Iran, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979. This was followed by the eruption of the Iran-Iraq war of 1980, designed to bring down the new Iranian theocratic regime. The US supported Saddam Hussein with weapons and training, helping him clinch his grip on power in Iraq.

Contemporary relevance

These two conflicts and the series of events that followed – Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1991, two Gulf-Wars, the emergence of Al-Qaeda, and the 9/11 terrorist attacks on World Trade Centre and subsequent war on terror – defined geo-politics for the last three decades and continues to do so today.

World Trade Centre under attack, September 11, 2001. Ken Tannenbaum/Shutterstock

The Iranian revolution also dramatically altered Middle Eastern politics. It flamed a regional sectarian cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The revolution challenged Saudi Arabia’s monarchy and its claim for leadership of the Muslim world.

The religious and ideological cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia continues to this day with their involvement in the Syrian and Yemeni conflicts.

Another impact of the revolution is the resurgence of political Islam throughout the Muslim world. Iran’s success showed that establishing an Islamic state was not just a dream. It was possible to take on the West, their collaborating monarchs/dictators and win.

Throughout the 1980s and 90s, Islamic political parties popped up in almost all Muslim countries, aiming to Islamise societies through the instruments of state. They declared the secular model had failed to deliver progress and full independence, and the Islamic model was the only alternative. For them, the Iranian revolution was proof it could be a reality.

Was the revolution a success?

From the perspective of longevity, the revolution still stands. It has managed to survive four decades, including the eight-year Iran-Iraq war as well as decades of economic sanctions. Comparatively, the Taliban’s attempt at establishing an Islamic state only lasted five years.

On the other hand, Khomeini and his supporters promised to end the gap between the rich and the poor, and deliver economic and social progress. Today, the Iranian economy is in poor shape, despite the oil revenues that holds back the economy from the brink of collapse. People are dissatisfied with high unemployment rates and hyper-inflation. They have little hope for the economic fortunes to turn.

The most important premise of Islamism – making society more religious through political power – has also failed to produce the desired results. Even though 63% of Iranians were born after the revolution, they are no more religious than before the revolution.

Although there is still significant support for the current regime, a significant proportion of Iranians want more freedoms, and disdain religion being forced from above. There are growing protests demanding economic, social and political reforms as well as an end to the Islamic republic.

Most Iranians blame the failures of the revolution on the never-ending US sanctions. Even though Iran trades with European powers, China and Russia, they believe the West does not want Iran to succeed at all costs.

Ultimately, the world geopolitics is a competitive business driven by national interests. The challenge before Muslim societies is to develop models that harmonises Islam and the modern world in a way that is appealing and contributory to humanity rather than seen as a threat.

Hard social and political conditions and forces of time have an uncanny ability to test and smooth ideologies. While the struggle between secular and Islamic models for society continues in Iran and the greater Muslim world, it is likely that Iran will evolve as a moderate society in the 21st century.

– World politics explainer: the Iranian Revolution
– http://theconversation.com/world-politics-explainer-the-iranian-revolution-100453]]>

Why it’s time to end the culture of bullying on reality TV

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dr Soseh Yekanians, Senior Lecturer in Theatre/Media, Charles Sturt University

Australians have embraced reality television. This isn’t necessarily a bad thing (I watch it myself) but there’s an unhealthy appetite for seeing people psychologically tearing one another apart both on and off the screen.

On Ten’s The Bachelor, contestants’ Cat and Romy’s merciless name-calling and bullying behaviour became so vicious that they were dubbed the “mean girls”.

On Seven’s My Kitchen Rules, meanwhile, competitors Sonya and Hadil’s slurs, which included likening one contestant to a “blowfish gasping for air”, eventually led to Seven asking them to leave the show.

Seven said the pair were dismissed because their bullying antics were not consistent with their “workplace values”. But Sonya and Hadil said they were misrepresented on the show through strategic editing to create misleading sound bites.

On Nine’s The Block, recently contestants Sara and Hayden walked off the show after being heavily criticised by the judges. “It got to the point where there was no constructive criticism,” said Sara. “It just became pure insults.”

Clearly reality TV gains ratings through pitting contestants against one another. And of course, there is little “real” about this form of TV, which is heavily scripted and showcases stereotyped characters.


Read more: Teenagers who are both bully and victim are more likely to have suicidal thoughts


But there’s a dark irony at play here. Morning TV shows on the commercial networks that air reality TV shows can be found promoting messages such as “anti-bullying” in the schoolyard, yet at night, a bullying mentality can prevail.

Bullying is widely recognised as a serious issue in schools, workplaces and online. A survey by ReachOut, an online mental health organisation for young people and their parents, found that of 1,000 14-25 year olds surveyed, 23% had experienced bullying in the last 12 months. Over half (52%) were bullied at school, with a quarter at the workplace and online. Youth mental health expert Professor Patrick McGorry has warned that bullying can be just as damaging as child abuse and needs similar resources directed at it to tackle the problem.

In the UK recently, school principal Dr Helen Wright singled out reality TV shows for encouraging “an ethos of nastiness and negativity in schoolyards”. While Dr Wright admitted, “children have long resorted to hurtful playground chants”, she believes the fights between reality TV contestants are creating a culture of mean girls.

This culture of on-air bullying does seem to be spilling into off air behaviour. Cat from The Bachelor says she has since received hundreds of abusive messages including death threats. My Kitchen Rules’ Sonya and Hadil have also spoken of vile abuse and death threats sent by social media trolls. Sonya also spoke of how, as a child, she had been bullied over her race and weight.

It’s hard to know who is responsible for it. While Sonya and Hadil later apologised for their behaviour and accepted the public opprobrium, they said in April: “We fell right into the hands of producers and the manipulated drama. We will both be happy when we’re off air because MKR have bullied us enough.” (Seven denied its role in the bullying, citing “an unprecedented level of continued personal attacks and threats by one team against other teams”.)

Similarly, Cat has noted of The Bachelor, “it is very manipulative. You are told to do things, and if you don’t, you might go home”. She claims she “was pigeon-holed into a villain role”.


Read more: Do we claim ‘bullying’ too often?


I am among the ten million Australians who have fallen under the spell of reality TV because for the most part, it is amusing. We watch as everyday Australians are put into constructed scenarios – usually harmless – where they must overcome challenges to win. And as audience members, we also know the rules. We watch with some scepticism, laugh through the awkward bits and gasp at the surprises. Then, when needed, we’ll pick up our phones and redeem our pitiful actions by voting for the underdog.

As psychologist Tomasz Witkowski, has noted, viewers of reality TV shows may feel both “empathy and sympathy when watching participants we like, while at the same time finding enjoyment in seeing those we do not like in their most humiliating and embarrassing moments”. And I get this. There is, after all, a long history of public forms of humiliating crowd punishments.

But given that bullying is a real-life issue with real-world consequences, it’s time TV producers reconsidered the culture of conflict they are promoting on these shows – and their own role in it.

– Why it’s time to end the culture of bullying on reality TV
– http://theconversation.com/why-its-time-to-end-the-culture-of-bullying-on-reality-tv-102246]]>

There’s a gap between what people expect when they report cybercrime, and what police can deliver

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cassandra Cross, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Queensland University of Technology

Two thirds of victims of cybercrime were not satisfied with the outcome of their reported offence, according an evaluation of the Australian Cybercrime Online Reporting Network (ACORN) that has finally been made public.

There is also a relatively low public awareness of the service and little evidence to support increased reporting or reduced repeat victimisation.

The ACORN was set up in November 2014 and the evaluation by the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) was carried out two years later, but the report was not published when completed.


Read more: A record $340 million lost to fraud in Australia, says latest ACCC report


Given my own research, I was curious to know the findings, so I launched a Freedom of Information request. After a lengthy process, the report was released last month.

Up front, the report’s findings regarding the ACORN are not overly positive but it is important to see these in context.

What is the ACORN?

The ACORN is an online self-reporting mechanism for cybercrime offences in Australia. It is hosted by the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC) but works with all Australian police agencies.

The ACORN targets four main offence categories:

  • online scams or fraud
  • issues buying and selling online
  • attacks on computer system or viruses
  • cyber bullying, sexting, online harassment or stalking.

Importantly, the ACORN does not investigate any of the reports itself. It operates as a referral mechanism based on a series of rules such as the jurisdiction of the alleged offender or victim, or where the money has been sent.

The ACORN had received more than 65,000 reports from individuals when the AIC was asked to do its evaluation of the service.

Victim satisfaction

The evaluation found a lack of satisfaction with the outcome of reporting via the ACORN. While there was support for the process itself, most victims were not satisfied with the outcome of their report.

This finding affirms my latest research that examined victim satisfaction with reporting fraud and the motivation behind reporting.

Many victims report to achieve an outcome, and see justice served through the criminal justice system. But we know that for cybercrime offences, this is not usually the case.

There are many legitimate reasons why police are not able to investigate cybercrime offences and achieve similar results to offline offences. The inherent lack of borders on the internet poses genuine challenges for police to identify, arrest and prosecute offenders.

This does not change the fact that victims are reporting cybercrimes with an expectation that police will be able to achieve this. The inability of police to deliver on these expectations creates large levels of victim dissatisfaction.

The evaluation says many senior police were correct in flagging this concern prior to the introduction of the ACORN.

In terms of investigations, available data found less than 1% of ACORN reports resulted in an investigation that successfully identified an offender, and less than 1% of further reports resulted in a successful prosecution. Of the victims surveyed, only three reported that they were notified their offender had been apprehended.

Clearly, arrest and prosecution is not a likely outcome.

The quality of information

Most police agencies have changed their policies to refer all cybercrime victims to the ACORN rather than allowing police to take a complaint in person.

Removing the interaction between a victim and a police officer arguably reduces the quality of the data. From my experience, victims provide details important to them, which may not be those relevant to police. The evaluation confirms this, saying many reports “contained insufficient information to justify further investigation”.

Many incidents reported through the ACORN were only attempts, as no money or details were lost on the part of the person reporting. These attempts are more appropriate to report through Scamwatch.

Many victims do not report the amount of money they actually lost, but rather the amount they believe they were entitled to. The evaluation also found that some victims exaggerated the amount of money lost in order to increase the chance that police would investigate.

Some victims reported the same incident multiple times in order to try and get a response from police.

In addition, 37% of survey respondents reported their incident to police via another means in addition to the ACORN. This included in person or over the phone. In this way, the ACORN is not always simplifying the process to report cybercrime, but may be duplicating it and causing further confusion.

While these points are understandable, it exacerbates the challenges faced by police in processing complaints in a timely manner.

The reporting of other offences

The finding of most concern is the reporting of offences that do not fit within the main categories of the ACORN. These include offences against children and those relating to family, domestic and sexual violence.

Police have rightly prioritised the need to screen these reports and take appropriate actions. But in doing this, their ability to focus on cybercrime incidents is diminished.

Clearly a self-report, online mechanism is not appropriate for these offences and work on how to overcome this is critical.

Lessons from this evaluation

It would be unfair to blame police for all of the negative findings in the evaluation report. Instead, it points to some of the bigger conversations and decisions needed to improve responses to cybercrime at a macro level.

The ACORN is reportedly undergoing improvements to the system based on the evaluation findings, but these are not yet publicly known.


Read more: The abuse tactics fraudsters use to break the hearts and wallets of those looking online for love


The large disparity between the expectations of those reporting cybercrime compared to the reality of what police can deliver, needs immediate attention in terms of educating people about the limitations and constraints on what is realistic in their case.

The communication between police and those reporting also needs to be improved. From my research, victims overwhelmingly wish to be acknowledged on what has happened, and appreciate honesty in what can and cannot be done in their case. This stems any unrealistic expectations and alleviates the uncertainty of their case.

The evaluation brings sharply into focus the challenge of gaining justice for victims of cybercrimes. It is arguably clear the current criminal justice system is not the most appropriate vehicle for this. But this raises an ongoing question I personally struggle with, is there a viable alternative?

– There’s a gap between what people expect when they report cybercrime, and what police can deliver
– http://theconversation.com/theres-a-gap-between-what-people-expect-when-they-report-cybercrime-and-what-police-can-deliver-102781]]>

New research shows Australian teens have complex views on religion and spirituality

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Singleton, Associate Professor of Sociology and Social Research, Deakin University

The 2016 Census suggested about a third of Australian teens had no religion. But ask a teenager themselves about religion, rather than the parent or guardian filling in the census form, and the picture is slightly different.

According to our new national survey, at least half of teens say they are “religious nones” – those who do not identify with a religion or religious group. Digging deeper, we found a more complicated picture of faith and spirituality among young Australians. Most Gen Z teens have little to do with organised religion in their personal lives, while a significant proportion are interested in different ways of being spiritual.

Migration, diversity, secularisation and a burgeoning spiritual marketplace challenge the notion that we are a “Christian” country. More than any other group, teenagers are at the forefront of this remaking of Australian religion. Their daily experience of secondary school and social media sees them bumping into all kinds of difference. Teens are forming their own strong views about existential matters.

Our national study by scholars from ANU, Deakin and Monash – the AGZ Study – comprises 11 focus groups with students in Years 9 and 10 (ages 15-16) in three states, a nationally representative telephone survey of 1,200 people aged 13-18, and 30 in-depth, follow-up interviews.


Read more: Religion in Australian schools: an historical and contemporary debate


So what do we know about the religious and spiritual lives of Generation Z teens? We deployed a powerful form of statistical analysis to identify six different “types” that move beyond conventional understandings of religious or nonreligious identity. The categories take into account religious and spiritual beliefs and practices, self-understandings and attitudes to the universe.

To ensure the types were more than computer-generated assumptions, we interviewed at least five teens from each group, checking that it all made sense.



Here are the six spirituality types we found.

This-worldly. This largest group accounts for 23% of Australian teens. “This-wordly” young people have no space in their worldview for religious, spiritual or non-material possibilities. They never or rarely go to services of worship and don’t identify with a religion.

Because none of them believes in God, they are technically atheists. But not all of them identify with that label, nor do they see themselves as humanists or secularists.

They have no truck with other spiritual possibilities, whether that is belief in reincarnation or horoscopes. The majority of them agree with the statement that the physical world is the only thing that exists. Their thinking is entirely “this-worldly”, or as one of them put it: “science-y”.

Religiously committed. Making up 17% of Australian teens, the religiously committed stand in stark contrast to the “this-worldly” teens. Religious faith, whether that is Christian (mainly Pentecostal and evangelical), Islam or something else, is a big part of their lives.

The very large majority of this group attend services of worship regularly, report affective religious experiences, and believe there is life after death. Almost all of them agree that religious faith is important in shaping how they live their lives.

Seekers. Intriguingly different from both these “committed” groups are the exploratory Seekers, a small but vital 8% of teens. Their worldview is decidedly eclectic. They almost all self-describe as “spiritual”. This finds expression in belief in life after death, and repeated experiences of a presence or power that is different from their everyday selves.

Seekers have a decidedly eclectic worldview, seeking out their spiritual truth. They most likely consult their horoscopes, have seen a psychic, or both. At the same time, they identify with a religion and believe in God or a higher being.

This-worldly, Religiously committed and Seeker teens all represent decisive groupings of religious, nonreligious and seeker spirituality. The remainder of Australia’s teens are oriented towards one of these trajectories, but with less conviction.

Spiritual but not religious. Sitting between the This-worldly and Seekers is a group we call Spiritual but not Religious, represented by 18% of teens in Australia. God, faith and religion are not important to them, but the door is open to spiritual possibilities, including issues such as life after death, reincarnation, and belief in a higher being (but not really God).

Indifferent. As might be expected, one group is largely indifferent or undecided about all of it: religion, spirituality and atheism. Following the lead from scholars overseas, we call this group Indifferent. They comprise about 15% of Australian teens.

Nominally religious. This group is largely culturally religious, following the religious identity of their parents, guardians or community (for example, a Catholic or Islamic school). Certainly, they identify with a religion, and believe in God, but faith is not important in their daily lives and they don’t often darken the door of a temple, church or mosque. At the same time, they don’t care for spiritual ideas either, such as reincarnation or horoscopes.


Read more: Census 2016 shows Australia’s changing religious profile, with more ‘nones’ than Catholics


In short, dig a bit deeper and there is a lot of diversity among our teens on matters of faith and spirituality. And that sits comfortably with them. Our data show they are genuinely open to diversity in other people. While only a minority follow a faith with strong conviction, as a whole they are not anti-religious. As we heard often: “It’s all good.”

Tellingly, teens are wary of attempts by some to dictate to others what they can and cannot do, or who are disrespectful of those not like themselves. Didactic politicians beware.

– New research shows Australian teens have complex views on religion and spirituality
– http://theconversation.com/new-research-shows-australian-teens-have-complex-views-on-religion-and-spirituality-103233]]>

Genes, joules or gut bugs: which one is most to blame when it comes to weight gain?

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Brown, Professor, School of Biotechnology and Biomolecular Sciences, UNSW

With obesity on the rise, so too is the diet and weight loss industry, currently valued at US$70 billion in the US alone. But most of us are still confused about the factors that lead to weight gain.

Three commonly attributed factors are our genes, our microbiome (gut bugs) and our energy intake (kilojoules). So let’s examine how much each of these is to blame.


Read more: When we lose weight, where does it go?


Genes

On a species level, genes are implicated. But for individuals, genes don’t have as much of an effect as we may think. Let me explain.

Compared to our primate cousins, we humans are the “fat ape”. We store away more energy supplies in the form of body fat than gorillas, chimpanzees or orangutans. So the idea is that we have evolved to tuck away more fat energy to power our bigger brains.

However, for an individual, genes may not play such a huge role. About 100 genes so far have been linked to body weight, but together these explain less than 3% of variation in body mass index (BMI).

The biggest contributing gene, identified from genome-wide association studies, was the very logically named fat mass and obesity-associated gene (FTO). The BMI-increasing FTO variant is relatively common, present in up to 42% of the population and may add an extra kilogram or so to body weight.

However, this FTO gene only explains 0.3% variation in BMI. The even better news is people with this variant can lose weight just as easily through eating less and moving more.

So it’s good to remember genes don’t operate in isolation, but in cahoots with the food we eat and the physical activity we do.

Gut bugs

It’s a rather odd thought that we share our bodies with 30 trillion or so bacteria. That’s about one bug for each one of our human cells. Many of these bugs live in our guts and their effect on various ailments, including obesity, is being studied intensively.

Probiotic supplements contain living bacteria, such as Lactobacillus, and prebiotics are a type of fibre that may improve gut health by favouring the growth of more gut-friendly strains of bacteria.

A summary of 13 studies found taking probiotic supplements for up to three months reduced body weight by 0.6 kg on average. Another recent summary of 18 studies combining data from treatments with prebiotics and/or probiotics came to a similar conclusion. That is, there was only an average 0.6 kg decrease in body weight.

Another, perhaps less palatable way to improve the profile of our gut bugs is by poo transplantation. However, we must await large systematic studies of poo transplants on weight loss before we can say if they help or not.


Read more: Explainer: what is the gut microbiota and how does it affect mind and body?


Kilojoules

We often hear about energy intake referred to as calories, but the metric unit of measure is the joule, with one calorie equalling 4.2 kilojoules.

In theory, if you decrease the kilojoules you consume by 10%, you should lose 10% body weight.

This theory was put to the test and found to be accurate by a study on 117 healthy participants over two years.

Conversely, elevated energy intake predicted weight gain in 253 participants followed over two years. The energy intake had to be carefully and objectively measured, as self-reporting underestimated energy intake by 35%.

If a kilojoule is a kilojoule, you should also be able to lose weight just the same if the kilojoule comes from fat or from carbohydrate, as long as there are fewer kilojoules overall. And that’s pretty much what was found in a summary of 32 controlled feeding studies, which compared different ratios of fat to carbohydrate but had the same reduced energy intake.

So our genes and gut bugs can influence weight gain, but the effects are relatively modest. Kilojoules, on the other hand, hold the master key to body weight regulation. Weight gain occurs when more kilojoules are consumed as food, rather than used for fuel.


Read more: Why we regain weight after drastic dieting


– Genes, joules or gut bugs: which one is most to blame when it comes to weight gain?
– http://theconversation.com/genes-joules-or-gut-bugs-which-one-is-most-to-blame-when-it-comes-to-weight-gain-102266]]>

Giving environmental water to drought-stricken farmers sounds straightforward, but it’s a bad idea

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The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin O’Donnell, Senior Fellow, Centre for Resources, Energy and Environment Law, University of Melbourne

Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack last week suggested the government would look at changing the law to allow water to be taken from the environment and given to farmers struggling with the drought.

This is a bad idea for several reasons. First, the environment needs water in dry years as well as wet ones. Second, unilaterally intervening in the way water is distributed between users undermines the water market, which is now worth billions of dollars. And, third, in dry years the environment gets a smaller allocation too, so there simply isn’t enough water to make this worthwhile.


Read more: To help drought-affected farmers, we need to support them in good times as well as bad


In fact, the growing political pressure being put on environmental water holders to sell their water to farmers is exactly the kind of interference that bodies such as the Commonwealth Environmental Water Holder were established to avoid.

The environment always needs water

The ongoing sustainable use of rivers is based on key ecosystem functions being maintained, and this means that environmental water is needed in both wet and dry years. The objectives of environmental watering change from providing larger wetland inundation events in wet years, to maintaining critical refuges and basic ecosystem functions in dry years.

Prolonged dry periods cause severe stress to ecosystems, such as during the Millennium Drought when many Murray River red gums were sickened by salinity and lack of water. Environmental water is essential for ecosystem survival during these periods.

Under existing rules, environmental water holders can sell and buy water so as to deliver maximum benefits at the places and times it is most needed.

But during dry years the environmental water holders receive the same water allocations as other users. So it’s very unlikely there will be any “spare” water during drought. During a dry period, the environment is in urgent need of water to protect endangered species and maintain basic ecosystem functions.

We should be cautious when environmental water is sold during drought, as this compromises the ability of environmental water holders to meet their objectives of safeguarding river health. When the funds from the sale are not used to mitigate the loss of the available water to the environment, this is even more risky.

Secure water rights support all water users

In response to McCormack’s suggestion, the National Irrigators’ Council argued that compulsorily acquiring water from the environment can actually hurt farmers who depend on the water market as a source of income or water during drought.

Water markets are underpinned by clear legal rights to water. In other words, the entitlements the environment holds are the same as those held by irrigators. If the government starts treating environmental water rights as barely worth the paper they’re printed on, farmers would have every reason to fear that their own water rights might similarly be stripped away in the future.

Maintaining the integrity of the water market is important for all participants who have chosen to sell water, based on reasonable expectations of how prices will hold up.

Can taking environmental water actually help farmers?

As federal Water Resources Minister David Littleproud noted this week, environmental water is only about 8% of total water allocations in storage throughout the Murray Darling Basin. In the southern basin, it is still only about 14%. This means that between 86% and 92% of water currently sitting in storage is already allocated to human use, including farming.

There are calls for the Commonwealth government to treat the drought as an emergency and to take (or “borrow”) water from environmental water holders. But the Murray-Darling Basin Plan already has specific arrangements in place for emergencies in which critical human water needs are threatened.

The current situation in New South Wales is not an emergency under the plan. Water resources across the northern Murray-Darling Basin are indeed low, but storages in the southern basin are still 50-75% full. Although many licence holders in NSW received zero water in July’s round of allocations, high-security water licences are at 95-100%. In northern Victoria, most high-reliability water shares on the Murray are at 71% allocation.

The situation can therefore be managed using existing tools, such as providing direct financial support to farming communities and buying water on the water market.

Environmental water is an investment, not a luxury

As Australia’s First Nations have known for millennia, a healthy environment is not an optional extra. It underpins the sustainability and security of the water we depend on. When river flows decline, the water becomes too toxic to use.


Read more: Spring is coming, and there’s little drought relief in sight


Water has been allocated to the environment throughout the Murray-Darling Basin to prevent the catastrophic blue-green algal blooms and salinity problems we have experienced in the past. If we want safe, secure water supplies for people, livestock and crops, we need to keep these key river ecosystems alive and well during the drought.

In the past decade alone, Australia has spent A$13 billion of taxpayers’ money to bring water use in the Murray-Darling Basin back to sustainable levels. If we let our governments treat the environment like a “water bank” to spend when times get tough, this huge investment will have been wasted.

– Giving environmental water to drought-stricken farmers sounds straightforward, but it’s a bad idea
– http://theconversation.com/giving-environmental-water-to-drought-stricken-farmers-sounds-straightforward-but-its-a-bad-idea-103238]]>

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