In 2020, for the first time in Australia, more than half the shareholders of a public company voted in support of a climate change resolution put forward by shareholders in the face of opposition from the company’s board of directors.
The resolution, advanced at Woodside Petroleum’s annual general meeting, called for the company to establish hard targets to bring its own emissions and the emissions caused by the use of its products globally in line with the Paris Agreement to keep global warming below two degrees.
A similar resolution followed at this year’s AGL annual general meeting, gaining the support of 52% of the shareholders.
Although the Woodside vote was described as a “breakthrough moment”, it is part of an increase in shareholder activism around environmental, social and governance (ESG) issues that’s been building for several years.
Our analysis of shareholder ESG resolutions put forward in listed Australian companies between 2002 and 2019 finds they have increased in number, prominence and impact.
Shareholder ESG Resolutions per year
A record 36 shareholder ESG resolutions were put forward in 2020. So far in 2021 a further 20 have been put forward, with more foreshadowed.
The resolutions have been concentrated in a small number of companies and industries.
Four industries – energy, banking, insurance and materials – accounted for 83.5% of the resolutions, with the 139 resolutions recorded between 2002 and the first part of 2021 concentrated in only 28 companies.
They were generally the companies most exposed to the risk of climate change or which provide finance to these companies.
More climate resolutions are succeeding
Several have been subjected to more than one campaign a year. The company with the most is Origin Energy, facing 24 resolutions in the last six years.
Of the 83 shareholder ESG resolutions advanced between 2002 and 2019, 48 concerned climate change. A further 26 notionally related to governance, but the governance resolutions were often the ones needed to enable consideration of issues such as climate change.
The others related to workers’ rights, human rights, obtaining the consent of Aboriginal native title holders to fracking activities, and gambling.
Until last year the level of support garnered by shareholder ESG resolutions was small, averaging 9.7%. In 2020, support jumped to 14.7%.
In 2021 to date it has climbed to 28%, bolstered by two resolutions of Rio Tinto shareholders that attracted 99% after winning the support of Rio Tinto’s board.
Success needn’t mean being put to a vote
Our study sought input from proponents of ESG resolutions, institutional shareholders, company directors, governance professionals and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission.
We found that winning votes isn’t the only objective of those who propose these resolutions.
Another is to get companies to respond positively even though the resolutions will be defeated, and sometimes in return for the resolutions being withdrawn before the annual general meeting.
As an example, the Australasian Centre for Corporate Responsibility submitted a resolution for this year’s Woodside annual general meeting calling on the company to prepare an annual climate report that would include Woodside’s strategy to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions and put the report to a shareholder advisory vote.
It withdrew the resolution after Woodside announced it would put climate reporting to an advisory vote of shareholders at its 2022 annual general meeting.
Some of those we interviewed said shareholder ESG resolutions distracted the companies from what they should be doing.
Others said they ran the risk of blurring the distinct roles of directors and shareholders. Many said the process for getting shareholder ESG resolutions on the agenda for annual general meetings is cumbersome.
However, almost all of those interviewed – and not just the proponents of the resolutions – saw them as a valuable way of letting companies know what their shareholders really think about how they should respond to the challenges of climate change and other issues.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Review: The Linda McCartney Retrospective, Ballarat International Foto Biennale
The Linda McCartney Retrospective has toured the world, taking on a new life in each location, morphing and connecting to the local milieu. It morphs again here for Ballarat’s International Foto Biennale. The 200 works included are curated from the artist’s vast archive of half a million photographs by her famous husband Sir Paul McCartney and their daughters, photographer Mary and fashion designer Stella.
The show contains work across 30 years, from her earliest images of rock stars such as the Beatles and Janis Joplin in the 1960s, through to images of the everyday, self-portraits, experiments with form and commentary on causes dear to her heart, especially animal liberation.
Before meeting Paul McCartney in 1967, Linda Eastman (no relation to the Kodak-Eastman family) aleady enjoyed a successful career. She was named US Female Photographer of the Year in 1967. In 1968, she became the first female photographer to shoot the cover of Rolling Stone with an acclaimed portrait of Eric Clapton.
Despite her credentials, she was best known as Paul’s wife rather than an artist in her own right. It is widely reported he often joked that he ruined his wife’s career, but since her death in 1998, Paul has ensured her legacy with books and international retrospectives.
This retrospective includes never before exhibited material, including photographs captured during the McCartney family’s Australian visits for the 1975 Wings and 1993 New World tours.
For local audiences, this provides a connection with images of down-time, press scrums and press conferences (including one with Norman Gunston), landmarks, crew, fans, sunsets and Greenpeace activists. Whether it is the quality of the light or the openness of the faces, these images stand out as quintessentially Australian.
From the shadows
McCartney achieves a direct sense of connection and intimacy with her subjects. The images speak of the moment shared, often unposed and character-revealing.
This idea also occurs in her self-portraits – often mirror reflections – reminding the viewer this is her life and her experience. Direct quotes are framing banners: “Looking out from deep below my eyes, I capture moments of my life … .”
In a video she says: “you’ve got to click on the moment, not before and not after”. This sense gives her work a spontaneity and lightness.
Other images enable fleeting glimpses, such as Mick Jagger 1966. Looking back, framed by a curtain as he moves through a doorway, he just registers her. I wondered if there is something female about this approach, that women might be able to just “be there” so quietly.
Perhaps this could be related to gender relations, where women are imperceivable, non-threatening, only just there in a man’s world. Alternatively, it could show her ability to step into the shadows, to better observe.
There are also portraits of McCartney taken by others. Two taken by Jim Morrison stand out, particularly one very sensual one on a bed taken in 1967. Both photographs reflect a sense that the tables are turned, and it is she who is being looked at.
Many of McCartney’s family images depict Paul at play with their children. In the photograph Paul and James Los Angles 1983, father and son are in a bubble bath and Paul hams up the scene of being sucked under the water with an open-mouthed scream, evocative of Edvard Munch.
In another, Paul and Children East Hampton New York 1975, he is depicted with them all trailing behind him like the Pied Piper of Hamelin. In Self Portrait with Paul London 1970, Paul and Linda face the mirror in a bathroom. She holds a camera, slightly angled to him, and he holds an imaginary one.
In all this, you get the sense of his collaboration with her theatrical agenda.
Artistic conversations
Photographs by the Australian artist Rhonda Senbergs line the laneway to the McCartney show, highlighting the synergy between the women. Senbergs photographed the Australian artworld, her family, Prime Ministers and ordinary people with a similar approach and style to McCarthy. They were both self-taught, and, tragically, they both died of breast cancer in 1998 at 57 years old.
Both photographers share an approach characterised by humour and playfulness bordering on theatricality. This is an example of the important work of a curator, how one show illuminates another, and vice versa.
The Art Gallery of Ballarat is supported by an army of volunteers. This is also the case for the entire Biennale, operating seven days a week over four months. The core program has 12 indoor and 16 outdoor exhibits and there are 120 shows in all with the Open Program straddling the city’s cafes, streetscapes and buildings.
One volunteer, Sarah Masters, tells me she volunteers because of “reciprocity – if you want a vibrant art culture, it is about supporting that where you live”.
I find the volunteers offer interesting snippets of information about the show, or the building, or can identify an obscure object that catches your eye. They are the heroes of this regional arts scene and a key to nurturing and sustaining the cultural heart of this city.
The Linda McCartney Retrospective and The Ballarat International Foto Biennale run until 9 January 2022. Bookings are advised.
Lisa French does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
An Auckland councillor says he is astounded by the lack of cultural awareness shown by the authorities towards Māori and Pacific communities this far into the pandemic.
Manukau ward councillor Fa’anana Efeso Collins said covid-19 has become a Māori and Pacific outbreak, and South Auckland in particular is bearing the brunt.
He said calls over the past year for Māori and Pacific representatives to be at the decision-making table had been largely ignored.
Collins said those designing the response seem to have little knowledge of the communities, and it was showing.
“[We should have] people who are on the ground who understand our communities — right from the very beginning our request was that they be around the table that makes the decisions.
“And so these decisions are so far detached and disconnected from the realities on the ground.”
Fa’anana said the fact the government’s process for dealing with people in self-isolation was not practical was a glaring example.
On Friday a man in his fifties died in a Mount Eden apartment block after discharging himself from hospital on Wednesday.
And a 40-year-old man died while self-isolating in Manukau on Wednesday.
The cause of death has not been determined in either case, but the Health Ministry said the deaths were being considered as part of a wider systemic review it was carrying out with Auckland district health boards (DHBs).
“You know, the Ministry of Health says everyone gets sent an email. I think it’s time to get real — none of us read emails.
“And so I think that’s the level of lack of intelligence that perhaps we’re seeing from the Ministry of Health because they’re not on the ground, they don’t understand our communities.”
Battling the Health Ministry “Fa’anana said health reforms cannot come soon enough.
Fa’anana’s criticisms come as Whānau Ora is battling the Health Ministry in court to try get access to personal data on unvaccinated Māori released to them.
The organisation wants to use the data for directing campaigns to increase vaccination rates among Māori.
The ministry has agreed to provide some of the data sought. It agreed to supply individual’s vaccination status for previous clients of Whānau Ora services, and anonymous vaccination status data to street level, to show unvaccinated areas in communities.
While the ministry has so far refused to hand over the full personalised data, after a High Court ruling this week it agreed to work with Whānau Ora to identify places where “outreach to Māori is most needed”, and to identify what data sharing was needed in those cases.
South Auckland health workers going door-to-door Manurewa-Papakura ward councillor Daniel Newman said the ministry’s vaccination campaign had fallen short and left too many people vulnerable to the virus.
He said the government’s failure to set vaccine targets for Māori was already having consequences, and that is showing in hospitalisation statistics.
In his ward, frontline healthcare workers have resorted to door-to-door visits in an effort to reach vulnerable and vaccine-hesitant residents.
However, that could potentially expose them to people who are infectious with the virus and are isolating at home, he said.
He called on the government to protect healthworkers by letting them know where people are isolating at home with covid-19.
“It’s really important that we stay safe, because not only do we need to protect our own health, but we can’t become conduits for covid-19 ourself.
“The important thing for us is that we have enough scale that we have the ability to get to enough people as soon as possible.”
He said the door-to-door approach was necessary: “We’re in a race against covid-19 which is seeding in those streets, we need to get people protected before they become unwell.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Church minister Suiva’aia Te’o says proactive communication, compassion and clear information have led to a fully vaccinated congregation.
Like most churches operating under level three and four rules, the Sāmoan Methodist Māngere Central church livestreams services on Facebook and holds Bible studies and prayer meetings over Zoom.
To keep the young people engaged they run Kahoot! quizzes and online talent shows.
But when lockdown rules lift, the congregation will be able to confidently worship in person — because all 120 of them are already double-vaccinated.
The church’s Reverend Suiva’aia Te’o says no edict or mandate was imposed by her or anyone else. Rather, she made sure everyone was given clear and relevant information, and then members of the congregation got the vaccinations of their own volition.
“One Sunday I gave a brief talk about why they should take it. My thinking was if everybody understands why, then they can make a decision for themselves,” she says.
Te’o was motivated to promote the vaccine after attending a talk organised by Pacific health provider South Seas for church ministers in South Auckland. She says the crux of her message to the congregation was to do it for the “love of family”.
‘We breathe the same air’ “We all live in the same world and we breathe the same air,” she says. “The delta variant can spread so easily, and so I reminded them it was about the safety of their families, the safety of the community and the safety of the church.”
She also recruited the support of her church’s youth group leaders, including Māngere College student Gardinea Lemoa.
“We have youth meetings every Friday and so I’ve just been encouraging them to get vaccinated and to get their friends and family vaccinated as well,” says Lemoa.
“We’ve also been making up memes so they could post things on their social media accounts.”
Te’o is well aware that some Christian leaders are calling the covid-19 vaccine the “mark of the beast” and a sign of the end times, but she’s got no time for such attempts to stoke fear.
“I know they say that’s what they believe, but I don’t agree. I think it’s just an excuse and they need to get vaccinated.
“We have got this remedy, and I’m convinced it has been developed with God-given wisdom and knowledge by professionals so we can be safe.”
86% of eligible Pacific population Before this weekend 86 percent of the eligible Pacific population have had their first dose, compared to 89 percent of Europeans and close to 100 percent of the Asian population.
Around 50,000 Counties Manukau District Health Board residents still need to get their second dose in order to reach the 90 percent double-vaccinated threshold. It’s a marker the Auckland and Waitematā DHB populations need about 15,000 and 40,000 doses respectively to reach.
“It is encouraging to see so many community-led initiatives happening now. But these should have been resourced from the beginning,” he says.
“Instead, the first big mass vaccination event was held at [higher learning institution] Manukau Institute of Technology (MIT). It was great that they got 16,000 people vaccinated then, but it actually made things worse in some ways, because they barely vaccinated any Māori or Pacific people.”
He says when local organisations like churches are empowered to take the lead, mistrust and misinformation become less of a hurdle to overcome.
“Now we have Pacific providers taking ownership we are finally seeing a lot more acceptance and uptake of the vaccine.”
Quickly got on board Te’o says though her congregation quickly got on board with the vaccination rollout, many have still found lockdown challenging.
“I thought with this lockdown it would be quiet for us, but it’s not – there’s more and more Zoom meetings and more work. It’s been a hard time, the world is changing a lot for so many of us and there’s a lot of uncertainty.
“We’ve been providing food parcels for some families and some have needed small monetary grants to help with paying the power or other bills.”
But one thing she is confident about, given all her congregation is vaccinated, is that when they do get back to in-person services they’ll all have that extra layer of protection.
Local Democracy Reporting is a public interest news service supported by RNZ, the News Publishers’ Association and NZ On Air. Asia Pacific Report is a partner.
Police stopped a climate change march in Suva today and forced activists to remove their banners.
They also warned demonstrators against making social media posts about the event.
Priests, church workers and youth had gathered at My Suva Park to march as part of worldwide Day of Climate Action protests against governments failing to act more urgently at the global COP26 conference in Glasgow, Scotland.
Organised by the Columban Society of the Roman Catholic church, the march also coincided with the church’s Season of Creation.
Marchers carried banners calling for reduced carbon emissions and an end to global warming.
The same message was delivered at COP26 by Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama.
Police allowed the crowd about 100 to walk to the nearby Pacific Regional Seminary, where an event was held.
However, they refused permission for a public gathering at My Suva Park and forced activists to remove their banners.
Social media criticism of police Social media postings criticised the police action.
“Every weekend [a] protest takes place here in Auckland by the anti-vaccine people, not in numbers but in thousands. Police are present there but [none] are arrested or told to stop and leave. It is their right and freedom to express and voice out.
“What is the danger in there. Why so much of dictatorship rule. It was a peaceful march. Marches were also staged in Glasgow during the summit, nobody were turned away.
It is [a] way for the people to express their views.”
Another poster said: “Fijian officials need to realise that Fiji will be one of the few countries in the world that will be swallowed up by the ocean due to climate change.
“Fiji needs to do these marches to show the large countries [which] are guilty of polluting our atmosphere that Fijian Lives Matter.”
Papua New Guinea — a country faced with a depressed economy and its public health system on the brink of total collapse due to the covid-19 pandemic sent a 62-member delegation to Europe to attend the COP26 Climate Change conference at a cost of a whooping K5.8 million (NZ$2.03 million).
The Post-Courier was told the initial budget for PNG’s participation in the climate change conference was put at K20 million for 82 people.
However, this was brought down to K5.8 million, but the National Executive Council approved only K3 million and reduced the number of delegates to 62 people.
Prime Minister James Marape stayed in PNG and appointed his Minister for Environment and Conservation, Wera Mori, to head the delegation to Glasgow.
Mori, when contacted by this newspaper to justify the cost, referred us to the NEC.
Apart from Mori, other MPs on the trip are Oro Governor Gary Juffa, Member for Moresby North West Lohia Boe Samuel, Member for Talasea Francis Maneke, Vice-Minister for Works and Member for Anglimp-South Waghi Joe Kuli, Member for Kairiku-Hiri Peter Isoaimo and Member for Rai Coast Peter Sapia.
The money was spent on airfares, accomondation and allowances and the delegation requested from the Finance Department in total K800,000 for airfares and K620,000 for accommodation for 10 nights.
Furthermore, travel allowances for the special envoy, the six other MPs with their officers was at US$500 to US$600 per day and at today’s exchange rate, this works out to about K2500 to K3000 a day.
Travel allowance rates For the public servants, the current rate for travel allowance is at US$300 (K1500) per day and accommodation between US$200 – US$250 (K600 – K1250) per day, depending on the rate charged by the hotels they are booked in to stay.
According to our findings, the actual cost of the trip would have been K1.32 million.
The delegates travelled in three groups and the round trip — Port Moresby, Singapore, Doha and Glasgow — and back cost K19,000 on business class for the envoy and the MPs and K12,980 for the others on economy class.
The Post-Courier was told the first 20 travelled on PX 009 on October 23, the next 20 on the 24th and the rest on the 25th.
Attempts to get the full list of the delegation as well as an official response on the exorbitant cost from the Prime Minister’s office and the departments of Finance, and Foreign Affairs and Office of Environment and Climate Change were unsuccessful.
PNG’s Kundu London High Commissioner was also sent questions relating to PNG’s participation and the costs, but this newspaper was advised all media responses must be channelled through the Foreign Affairs Secretary Elias Wohengu.
This is the second international conference on Climate Change PNG has participated in as a country.
‘Corruption at its best’ After the COP15 conference held in Paris, France, in 2015, the then Environment Minister, Sir John Pundari, went public and condemned the conduct of some members of the government delegation to that conference.
In his criticism, Sir John particularly talked about the attendance of members of the delegation, noting that some went missing, others turned up late while others left early for home.
At that time, Sir John said he was very disappointed that even his fellow ministers who were part of the government delegation quickly disappeared.
He said then that “getting airline tickets and allowances to attend international meetings, and to show up for a day or two, then spend the rest of the time in other places was corruption at its best, and must never be encouraged”.
Over the last two weeks, the Post-Courier asked Sir John twice to comment on the COP26 trip but he referred the newspaper to the Prime Minister’s office instead.
By PNG Post-Courier reporters. Republished with permission.
October 2021 was a horror month for Facebook as the headlines screamed “Facebook under fire” which started with the social media behemoth suffering an outage for several hours.
bowing to the will of state censors in some countries;
allowing hate speech to burgeon in other countries;
ignoring fake accounts that may influence voters and undermine elections;
allowing the antivaccine message to proliferate; and
having algorithms that fuel noxious behaviour online.
Add to that, a major impending problem of capturing a young audience who are flocking elsewhere and turning their backs on the oldest social media platform which was founded in 2004 by Harvard students Mark Zuckerberg, Eduardo Saverin, Dustin Moskovitz, and Chris Hughes.
Even so, its success as the leading platform is undeniable with it announcing a $9 billion quarterly profit in October with a massive 3 billion users.
It was the access to smartphones when they were offered in the Pacific and technology that drove Facebook’s popularity to largely receptive devotees. The uptake of the social media platform in French Polynesia (72.1 percent penetration by 2020), Fiji (68.2 percent, Guam (87.8 percent), Niue (91.7 percent), Samoa (67.2 percent) and Tonga (62.3 percent) made it a no-brainer for Sue Ahearn, founder of the highly credible The Pacific Newsroom page to use the platform.
Measured success The success of The Pacific Newsroom page can be measured by the site garnering in excess of 40,500 members most of who can participate actively by contributing to the page.
Ahearn is no stranger to the Asia-Pacific region. An Australian journalist for more than 40 years, 25 at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), who originally hails from Martinborough in New Zealand, she was drawn to set up the page primarily because of misinformation that tends to flourish in the Pacific news.
“It came to me about four years ago when the ABC cut back on all of its coverage of the Pacific, and I could see there was a big gap there,” she says.
“The ABC was only providing a small service and there was a lack of interest in most of the Australian media. You could see the technology was changing, how the information was flowing from the region was changing.’’
The apathy for a thirst for Pacific knowledge has had a profound effect on insularity in the media, especially in Australia and New Zealand, although the Public Interest Journalism Fund is attempting to address that in some way in New Zealand.
“I wish I knew, Sean Dorney, Jemima Garrett and all of the Pacific journalists just can’t fathom why is there so little interest in our region among the Australian media,’’ says Ahearn.
“It doesn’t make sense. There tends to be three or four journalists that cover the region and try to convince news outlets to run their stories or send reporters, and that has become very difficult.”
Only Pacific correspondent based in Pacific Natalie Whiting of the ABC and the recipient of the Dorney-Walkley Foundation grant 2021 is the only journalist from Australasia who is based in the Pacific. She is stationed in the Papua New Guinean capital of Port Moresby.
“In New Zealand, that’s not a problem and New Zealand does good coverage of the Pacific. New Zealand has a much closer relationship with the Pacific,” Ahearn says.
However, Michael Field in Auckland, a page administrator and a veteran of the Pacific who went to journalism school with Ahearn, had qualms about the coverage out of New Zealand.
“The thing that really bugs me is that only Radio New Zealand (RNZ) seems to be doing Pacific news. For example, you’d pick up the (New) Herald and see who’s covering the hurricane out in Fiji only to see it is a re-run of a RNZ story,” says Field.
“It bothers me. The Herald should have had a different angle on the story, RNZ a different angle, The Dominion Post would be different and there would be work for stringers in the Pacific. Now that is not the case because RNZ takes up everybody else’s work and runs it that way,
“I guess that is the reality of it now, but it seems the voice of the Pacific these days is state radio.
“Call me old fashioned, but I’d be too embarrassed to run a story quoting another media organisation, and if you had to do it you’d do it grudgingly. We are starting to fail in the coverage of the region,” he says.
Success stirs amazement The success and growth of The Pacific Newsroom as an organic, quasi news agency akin to Reuters, Agence France Press (AFP) or Australian Associated Press (AAP) in a tiny way, has caught Ahearn by amazement.
“I am surprised because we have a lot of engagement, some stories get 80,000 or 90,000 engagements so there is a lot of interest in it, and I think it fills a huge niche.
She speaks about the talanoa concept of The Pacific Newsroom.
“It’s like a town square where people can meet, share stories and talk about what is happening. Michael (Field) and I spend an enormous time on this project and we’re basically volunteers, we’re not being paid or making any money from it,” she says.
Nor would she entertain the thought of applying for funding either in New Zealand or Australia, preferring instead to maintain their editorial independence.
“Mike and I have discussed this, and we think one of the main attractions of our site is it is not monetised, that it is a voluntary site, there are no advertisements on it, we try and keep it independent, and we are both at the stage in our lives where we’re not working fulltime in the media,” Ahearn says.
“We’ve got time to spend doing this as a public interest, we really enjoy doing it too, it’s a lot of fun.
Many great stories “There are so many great stories in the Pacific that need to be amplified to the world.
“Things are happening with technology and it’s giving a much stronger voice to the Pacific whether it’s on climate change or fishing or other important issues and that is why it is going to get stronger and stronger,” Ahearn says.
Among the stories that gained the site momentum was the University of the South Pacific (USP) having its vice-chancellor and president Professor Pal Ahluwalia at the centre of controversy during his first term when Fiji government and educational officials tried to oust him from office in the so-called USP saga, eventually unceremoniously deporting him in a move widely condemned around the Pacific.
“The big story which moved us along was the USP saga last year, for quite political reasons which had to do with the players, we were leaked all the reports and people could see if it got a certain amount of information on Pacific Newsroom that things might happen, and it did,” Field says.
“More recently we’ve had the same with the Samoan elections where a number of players wanted to be interviewed directly; the former Prime Minister (Tuila’epa Sa’ilele Malielegaoi) seemed to have some misinformed view that we are more powerful than we are. We cope with that so it is constantly moving thing.”
“The libel laws, it’s another tension and another thing we’ve got to watch. We watch it like a hawk (as moderators) and that is not to characterise the particular audience we’ve got,” Field says.
‘Shooting your mouth off’ “Shooting your mouth off seems to be regarded in much of the Pacific as a God-given right — ‘why you trying to stop me from saying this’, we just delete people now. We tried saying to people right at the beginning we didn’t need expletives, swear words and all that stuff, and we were going to take them down.
“It is learning experience, moderating a site like Pacific Newsroom can be hard, depressing work and sometimes there’s a lot of people that sort of feel they have to say something even though it is a complete nonsense, and it is hard yakka that sort of stuff,’’ Field says.
On the flip side of it were the tangible rewards that make it all worthwhile.
“I can remember one particular point where we were tracking a superyacht that was tripping around Vanuatu, Fiji, Tonga; there were people from quite remote village areas of these countries that would send us pictures saying, ‘here is a picture of the yacht that has just passed my village ‘. Whereas back in the day you tried to get a shortwave radio operator to tell you what happened three weeks after the event.
As for the credibility of the site, Field declined an approach from a major mainstream New Zealand media company that sought copyright and permission to use the material that was published.
Then there was the young journalist from another mainstream media company who asked Field for a contact in relation to a Vanuatu story, telling Field that they all shared their contacts in the newsroom. Needless to say, he went away disappointed and empty-handed.
Ancient settler societies Just how well The Pacific Newsroom is regarded in the Pacific is summed up eloquently by history associate professor Morgan Tuimaleali’ifano of the USP who tells it with a Pacific panache.
“Apart from Australia, New Zealand, Tokelau, Hawai’i, Guam, American Samoa, West Papua, Rapanui, and the French territories (New Caledonia, Uvea and Futuna, Tahiti), the nature of independent and self-governing Pacific societies is that they are ancient settler societies steeped in conservatism,” Tuimaleali’ifano says.
“While their constitutions have absorbed Western influences, imperial laws, Christianity, fundamental freedoms/rights, monetary capitalism, they remain steeped in ancient systems of governance based largely on hereditary hierarchies.
“Two worlds co-exist with the constitutional democratic model heavily influenced by kinship patterns of thought and behaviour. Within kinship hierarchies, there exists diverse governance structures and no two villages share the exact governing structure,” he says.
“Equally important are the constitutions and parliamentary legislation. These law-making institutions together with the judiciary are constantly evolving as they must with changing circumstances and best practices.
“It is within these social dynamics that journalism provides the Fourth or Fifth Estate to maintain an even keel on the Pacific’s growth as a viable region of nation-states.
“The Pacific Newsroom plays a vital role, of mirroring the changing Pasifika people needs and commenting on sensitive matters that many may find unsavoury difficult and overwhelming to articulate within ultra-conservative societies.
‘Without fear or favour’ “Without fear or favour, The Pacific Newsroom and its sister networks provide a critical service for a multi-faceted Pasifika struggling to reconcile and reshape a new consciousness for Pasifika.
“These include the enduring issues of regional identity and solidarity and unity within the context of relentless ideological and geopolitical power plays.”
As associate professor and head of journalism at USP Shailendra Singh in Suva, who continues to strive to keep his students well abreast in journalism under draconian media laws in Fiji, says:
“It is indeed a success story, due to a large following, because of media restrictions in Fiji. Users from Fiji especially feel more comfortable expressing themselves on this page.
“The page is prudently and professionally moderated, so it is respectable. The page uses information from credible news sources. (Independent sources like Bob Howarth on Papua New Guinea and Timor-Leste; former Vanuatu Daily Post publisher Dan McGarry; current Pacific Island Times publisher Mar-Vic Cagurangan; and photojournalist Ben Bohane, until he returned to Australia from Vanuatu; as well as David Robie‘s Asia-Pacific Report which is a huge contributor to the page).
“I promote USP journalism students’ work on Pacific Newsroom. It is exemplary of how Facebook can support democracy.”
A vital source of information in the covid era. You get a cross-section of news and views on one platform. It is definitely the most popular virtual “kava bar” in the Pacific.
Tonga’s only suspected covid-19 case has tested positive when he took his third test today in Nuku’alofa.
The latest result came after the person was tested positive last week and tested negative on Monday this week.
The Health Ministry chief executive Dr Siale ‘Akau’ola said today the person had recorded a very weak positive result which likely reflected a historical infection.
He described the second positive result as “weaker than the first weak positive result”.
Dr ‘Akau’ola said the result showed what appeared to be a fragment of dead virus from old infections.
He said the ministry discussed the result with a team from the World Health Organisation (WHO) this morning.
He said there was a lot of “technicalities in the case”.
‘Not infectious’ “We believe the person is not infectious,” he said.
Dr ‘Akau’ola said the result meant there was no need to panic.
“It is not a new virus and the ministry is highly confident about it.
“The virus is shedding.”
He said the machines Tonga was using for the tests “are very sensitive”.
“Whenever they detected a fragment of a virus they will show it as positive”.
Dr ‘Akau’ola was speaking during a press conference this afternoon attended by the Prime Minister and a team of government officials.
The patient has been transferred to a special quarantine facility in Mu’a after he arrived at the kingdom from Christchurch last Wednesday on a flight carrying 215 people.
They had four contacts in New Zealand — all of whom returned negative tests.
A second person with covid-19 who was isolating at home has died in New Zealand, the Ministry of Health has confirmed.
In this afternoon’s covid media briefing, where it was revealed there were 163 new community cases of covid-19 today, Director of Public Health Dr Caroline McElnay said St John Ambulance attended a call this morning after an emergency call to an address in the suburb of Mount Eden and found a person dead on arrival.
The man in his fifties is understood to have been recently treated in hospital.
“Health authorities in Auckland are working with the police and ambulance crew to review the circumstances around the death,” Dr McElnay said.
Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson said it was his understanding the dead man was admitted to hospital on Monday and discharged himself from the hospital on Wednesday.
He said there had been phone contact with them on Wednesday and Thursday.
“I am confident in the system. Obviously when we introduce a new system like self-isolation we need to continully monitor it and that’s happening,” he said.
Looking at wider system “Between the Ministry of Health and the Auckland regional public health, they’re looking at both these specific incidents, but also at the wider system.
“It’s important to note there are still enquiries going on about the cause of death at the moment and we’ve just got to all make sure we allow that to occur.”
Robertson said before it was decided that a person could self-isolate, there was a public health assessment of issues like the circumstances of someone’s accommodation.
A medical assessment also determined the person’s suitability as a candidate for self-isolation.
“We’re not in a position at the moment to be able to say what the cause of death was for either patient,” Roberston said.
Dr McElnay said the coroner would look at both deaths.
Meanwhile, a covid-19 case fled a Hamilton MIQ facility this morning by removing a section of fencing and jumping into a waiting car, but were stopped by police a few minutes later.
It was one of two attempts to flee a MIQ facility in the past day, with another covid-19 case running away from the entrance to the Holiday Inn at Auckland Airport last night.
They were also caught within five minutes.
In a statement, Joint Head of MIQ Brigadier Rose King said every single event like this was “extremely disappointing”.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
With Cleo Smith safely returned to her family, and charges laid against her alleged abductor, much of the media’s focus has now turned to the question of how police can best piece together the details of what exactly happened to her during the 18 days she was missing.
Child psychologists have described how, with appropriate questioning techniques, a four-year-old can indeed recall and describe detailed memories of their recent experiences. But what about the questioning of the relevant adults, whose recall might also not be perfect, or who might be unwilling to volunteer the necessary information?
Movies and television shows often show police using tough, aggressive questioning techniques on suspects. But the evidence suggests a calm, measured and open approach can help interviewers collect the best information with which to build a prosecution.
Perhaps surprisingly, that means the techniques used to compile evidence from Cleo herself may not be all that different from an interview with an adult witness, or even with Terence Darrell Kelly, the 36-year-old man now charged with her abduction.
Building the case
Child interviewing techniques are based on research about memory and cognition. Creating a safe and comfortable space for the child will help them recall crucial details, and every care is taken to avoid “contaminating” the evidence by asking leading questions. Asking if a child saw “some dolls” when the child has previously only mentioned “some toys” would introduce new information into the child’s narrative, making it hard for them to be sure what they have remembered rather than what was suggested to them.
Young children such as Cleo are also still learning language skills, so the interview questions must also take account of their level of linguistic development. In a question that uses the passive voice, such as “was the dog attacked by the man”, children younger than about seven years will struggle to figure out who is doing the attacking and who is being attacked. Their answers to these types of question can be very unreliable. Multi-part questions (“who was there and what were they wearing”) and forced-choice questions (“was the car white or grey?”) are also problematic.
Of course, some of these considerations apply equally to adults.
The best-practice models of police investigative interviewing are those developed in the United Kingdom during the 1990s, called “cognitive interviewing”. This approach involves five phases, known by the mnemonic “PEACE”:
Preparation and Planning – assembling all the available information and preparing an appropriate strategy and questions. This happens before the interview begins.
Engage and Explain – the first part of the interview, which involves building rapport and explaining the purpose and format of the interview.
Account – the main body of the interview, in which the interviewee has an opportunity to give their narrative, and interviewers ask questions for further detail.
Closure – confirming the information collected with the interviewee, and providing further information and support.
Evaluation – after the interview is complete, the interviewers assess the information gathered, the quality of the interview, and the next steps.
This approach emphasises the use of open questions, such as “tell me everything that happened on the night Cleo went missing – even little things you think aren’t important”.
The second part of this question is designed to counter people’s natural tendency not to include lengthy and detailed descriptions in response to questions in ordinary conversation.
Police interviewing puts a strong emphasis on the elicitation of a free narrative at the start of the interview, and at any point where new information is sought. All possible effort must be made to encourage the suspect to tell their own story in their own words, before probing questions are used to clarify the details and prepare for the strategic presentation of evidence.
Closed questions with a limited range of possible answers, such as “who were you with?” or “what was he wearing on his head?”, and yes/no questions such as “did you go to Cleo’s tent?” are regarded as last-resort options.
Adults vary enormously in their language abilities, and a skilled interviewer will adapt their vocabulary, grammar and questioning style as appropriate. This might mean asking simpler questions, but also using a similar level of informality, and the same terminology, that the interviewee uses. This can build rapport and promote clear communication, which is especially important in relation to taboo topics such as body parts, or other idiosyncratic words like names.
Some interviewees might also have special communication needs, which might require a language interpreter or support person to be present.
Television and movie convention tells us that police interviewing is forceful and even coercive, particularly in strongly emotional cases such as an alleged child abduction.
This trope is based on the real-life Reid technique, widely used in the United States since the 1960s. Not dissimilar to the proverbial “good cop, bad cop” routine, this approach aims to put extreme pressure on any subject deemed uncooperative or untruthful, before offering sympathy and understanding if a confession seems to be forthcoming.
Unsurprisingly, researchers have raised concerns that this technique generates high rates of false confessions.
According to a growing weight of evidence, it’s now clear the best way to interview an adult, even someone accused of child abduction, is to draw on the same principles that underpin child interviewing.
To achieve the best results – that is, a judicial verdict based on fair and just processes and high-quality evidence – investigators will use interviewing techniques that avoid police “contamination” of the evidence, and focus instead on reliable, narrative-based contributions from the suspect.
When the stakes are high, the principles of investigative interviewing established by the UK Home Office offer the best guidance. The focus is on respecting the interviewee’s rights, gathering high-quality, unbiased and reliable information, and following due process in the hopes of maximising the chances of securing a conviction if appropriate.
Georgina Heydon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society and NATSEM, University of Canberra
RBA/The Conversation
The Reserve Bank has used Friday’s quarterly assessment of the economy to declare that lockdowns have “delayed but not derailed” Australia’s recovery.
It says economic activity probably contracted 2.5% in the three months to September, but the December quarter (the one we are in now) will regain most of what was lost, leaving the economy recovering much as it would have were it not for the mid-year lockdowns.
Taken together with last year’s descent into recession and quick bounce back it paints a picture of a W-shaped recovery, even on what the Bank has graphed as its “downside” scenario.
Reserve Bank GDP forecasts
As a sign of emerging confidence it points to an increase in the number of people prepared to change jobs because they are looking for something better or different.
It says this is partly a bounce back from the start of the COVID recession when workers appeared to put plans they might have had to change jobs on hold.
Reasons people left jobs in past three months
The Bank is concerned about property markets at home and abroad.
It says the possible collapse of the large and highly leveraged Chinese developer Evergrande might “lead to a significant slowdown in the Chinese economy”.
Average home prices have reached fresh highs in most Australian cities.
Median Australian home prices
It says while interest payments have declined by around one percentage point of disposable income since March 2020 because of lower interest rates, the financial system faces risks associated with high and rising household indebtedness.
While it says mortgage rates will climb, and while financial market pricing implies quite rapid increases in the Bank’s cash rate, it doesn’t expect to lift the rate until 2024 (which is the year after Governor Philip Lowe’s term is due to end, raising the prospect of him completing his seven-year term without once lifting rates).
Implied market cash rate forecasts
The Bank has consistently said it will “not increase the cash rate until actual inflation is sustainably within the 2–3% target range”.
It has also said it is not enough for inflation to be merely forecast to be within the range, creating a high bar for action.
Although at 2.1% over the year underlying inflation is the highest it has been since 2015, it is still towards the bottom of the Bank’s target band.
Inflation weaker than it seems
And the rate reflects some temporary factors. Some of it is due to the rebound in petrol prices as demand has picked up as people have returned to work, something that won’t continue.
The Bank expects underlying inflation over the course of 2022 to be 2.25%. Although well above the previous forecast of 1.75%, it is below the mid point of its target.
It doesn’t expect inflation of 2.5% until 2023, suggesting no rate hike until then.
The labour market outlook is little changed from the Bank’s August statement. It expects unemployment to fall to a historic low 4.25% by the end of 2022 and then to 4% in 2023.
Even then, in 2023, it expects only modest wage growth of 3%, doing little to support the sustainably higher inflation it says it would need to see before it lifts rates.
John Hawkins is a former economic forecaster in the Reserve Bank and Treasury.
The Fair Work Commission’s ruling that Australian farm workers paid piece rates to pick fruit and vegetables must now get a base wage of $25.41 an hour is long overdue and absolutely necessary.
In theory, anyone working in Australia should be paid a minimum wage. But piecework payments, by which workers are paid solely on what they produce with no guarantee of a minimum rate, have lingered on as a common practice in the agricultural sector.
As the commission’s ruling notes: “A substantial proportion of the seasonal harvesting workforce are engaged on piece rates and more than half of the seasonal harvesting workforce are temporary migrant workers. These characteristics render the seasonal harvesting workforce vulnerable to exploitation.”
Piecework arrangements needn’t be exploitative. It depends on the rates – whether they’re enough to make a living in a bad season, when fruit is scarce. By law, they should be. In practice they haven’t been. The Fair Work Commission has acknowledged and sought to address this. It’s about time.
Underpayment is an open secret
The Horticulture Award, which covers farm fruit and vegetable pickers, does set minimum weekly and hourly rates. But it also permits full-time, part-time or casual employees to make a piece-rate agreement with their employee.
Such agreements must be entered into “without coercion or duress”, and the agreed rate is meant to “enable the average competent employee to earn at least 15% more per hour than the minimum hourly rate” set in the award.
In 2017 the National Temporary Migrant Work Survey found wage theft common for migrant workers. Of 4,322 participants in the survey, 46% earned no more than $15 an hour, while 30% earned $12 a hour or less. Wage theft was prevalent across a range of industries, but the worst paid jobs were in farm work. Of the migrants working as fruit and vegetable pickers, 31% earned $10 per hour or less, while 15% earned $5 an hour or less.
A 2019 study by Unions NSW and the Migrant Worker Centre
in Victoria found similarly grim results. Of 1,300 migrant workers surveyed, 78% reported being underpaid at some point, and 34% on piece rates had never signed an agreement. The lowest piece rates reported were from grape and zucchini farms, where respondents reported earning as little as $9 a day.
Just ask any backpacker working in the sector if they know anyone who has been ripped off. It’s not exactly a secret. I’ve picked fruit myself and experienced it firsthand.
A particularly vulnerable workforce
It is worth noting that not all migrant farm workers have been equally vulnerable.
The Seasonal Worker Program, for workers from nine Pacific nations and Timor Leste, has been more tightly regulated, and generally successful in avoiding the sort of exploitation described above. In 2019 this program offered about 12,000 visas. Stephen Howes of the Development Policy Centre has argued the program could be expanded to more than 100,000 places.
Far more vulnerable to exploitation have been those on the more laissez-faire Working Holiday Maker Scheme – better known as the backpackers’ visa. This visa requires 88 days of farm work to stay in Australia for a year, and a further 180 days to stay for a second year. The evidence is that many accept being underpaid for those periods as a cost of staying in Australia.
Newly arrived Australian residents, particularly refugees, are also at risk, due to unfamiliarity with working rights and entitlements.
If piece rates are set at a fair level, and the agreement is truly voluntary, such payment can be win-win – good for the farmer and an opportunity for a motivated worker to earn better money than just working for a flat minimum rate.
A lot of my career has involved working abroad in places where the poor and unconnected have no hope of getting ahead. Researching on Australian agriculture I’ve often been touched by the stories I’ve heard of experienced pickers, who plan to keep picking to save enough money to buy land of their own. They tend to be fierce and hard-working. You don’t want to get between them and the good fruit.
But not everyone is an experienced picker able to look out for their own interests. That is why a base rate is essential.
The problem with the piecemeal rate provisions in the the Horticulture Award was that clause 15.2(i) stated:
Nothing in this award guarantees an employee on a piecework rate will earn at least the minimum ordinary time weekly rate or hourly rate in this award for the type of employment and the classification level of the employee, as the employee’s earnings are contingent on their productivity.
The Australian Workers Union applied in December 2020 to have this clause struck out and replaced with a provision setting a minimum hourly rate for piecework. This application was supported by the United Workers’ Union, the Australian Council of Social Service, and the state governments of Queensland, Victoria and Western Australia.
The application was opposed by the Australian Fresh Produce Alliance, the Australian Industry Group and the National Farmer’s Federation.
In its decision on October 3, the Fair Work Commission said while some pieceworkers earn significantly more than the target rate for the “average competent employee”, the totality of the evidence “presents a picture of significant underpayment of pieceworkers”.
The best way to look at this is the Fair Work Commission closing a loophole.
It was already the responsibility of employers to pay piece rates high enough to allow competent workers make 15% more the minimum wage. Rather than thinking of this ruling as imposing an “extra cost” on farmers, it should been seen as putting in place a mechanism to ensure compliance with law.
A base rate takes the prospect of vulnerable workers getting paid $3 an hour off the table. That’s not asking for a lot.
Michael Rose does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This simple but powerful statement is the reason for the Yoo-rrook Justice Commission’s mandate to reveal, record and analyse the systemic injustices experienced by Victorian First Peoples since colonisation.
Named from a Wamba Wamba word meaning truth, the Yoo-rrook mandate will take three years from 2021-24. This is a significant step for truth-telling in Victoria.
Truth-telling commissions are formal bodies tasked with discovering and revealing past wrongdoings in the hope of resolving conflict and repairing relationships.
Yoo-rrook’s strategic vision is for a transformed Victoria. A Victoria based on truth and justice, grounded in First Peoples’ enduring spirit, cultures and self-determination.
As any other royal commission, Yoo-rrook will have broad powers to hold public hearings, compel evidence and make recommendations to the Victorian government as to what should change.
The commission’s letters patent is the legal document from the governor-general setting up the Yoo-rrok’s royal commission. This document essentially gives instructions to Yoo-rrook about how to inquire into the experience of past and present systemic injustices for Victorian First Peoples.
The letters patent details a wide-ranging set of obligations that can be summarised as:
establishing an official record of the impact of systemic injustice on the First Peoples of Victoria from colonisation to the present
developing a shared understand among all Victorians on the impact of these systemic injustices, as well as the diversity, strength and resilience of First Peoples
determining the causes and consequences of systemic injustice and make recommendations for system reform and changes to laws, policy and education.
The commission’s findings also aim to support the founding of a new relationship between First Peoples, the state, and the people of Victoria, inclusive of informing Treaty negotiations.
Establishment of the Yoo-rrook Justice Commission
An historical first for Australia, a truth-telling commission was an agreed action of the Victorian government and the First Peoples’ Assembly of Victoria.
The First Peoples’ Assembly was established in 2019 and is the elected representative body of Traditional Owners and other Victorian Aboriginal people.
This is a crucial step in the realisation of the Advancing the Treaty Process with Aboriginal Victorians Act 2018.
Yoo-rrook began in May with the appointment of five commissioners. Independently selected from 64 applicants, we are:
Chairperson: Professor Eleanor Bourke (Wergaia/Wamba Wamba)
Dr Wayne Atkinson (Yorta Yorta/Dja Dja Wurrung)
Sue-Anne Hunter (Wurundjeri/Ngurai illum wurrung)
Distinguished Professor Maggie Walter (Palawa)
Professor the Honourable Kevin Bell AM QC (non-Indigenous)
Yoo-rrook employs a human rights framework aligned to the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. To ensure the priority of First Peoples’ voices and knowledge, this framework is enacted through a methodology that weaves together First Peoples knowledge systems, worldviews and Western methods of scientific analysis. This methodology ensures an approach that respects Victorian First Peoples values and culture.
The commission’s terms of reference are extensive.
The instructions to inquire into historical systemic injustices perpetrated against First Peoples include (among other areas):
cultural violations, such as denial of First Peoples’ law and lore by colonial state authorities and systems
theft and misappropriation of land and culture
dispossession and displacement of Aboriginal peoples, families and children
massacres, wars and killings
unfair policies and practices in areas such as labour, the justice system, child protection and welfare, and health care
The findings of the royal commission’s inquiry into these areas will be the basis for the official record, and more details will come.
Priority #1: Sovereignty over knowledge
Yoo-rrook is the first Aboriginal-led royal commission. It is also the first in which the foundational evidence is First Peoples voices, stories and knowledges. The commission has now determined four strategic priorities for its first year.
To maximise participation, Yoo-rrook’s first strategic priority has been to build strong foundations to bring about trust that First Peoples’ voices will be heard, and the commission’s processes are conducted in a culturally appropriate way.
Despite the COVID-19 lockdowns of the last six months, the commissioners and commission staff have consulted (mostly online) with Traditional Owner groups and many Aboriginal community-controlled organisations across Victoria.
Yoo-rrook is instructed to uphold the sovereignty of First Peoples over their knowledge and stories. This will be done through the Indigenous data sovereignty principles, which is the right of First Peoples to own, control, access and possess their respective data.
This means the First Peoples who provide evidence to Yoo-rrook will maintain ownership of their respective data, determining how their information is treated with regards to confidentiality and accessibility.
This is significant because with past royal commissions, evidence has been available to the public. This is not always in First Peoples’ best interest.
Priority #2: Culturally appropriate ways of collecting evidence
Yoo-rrook’s second strategic priority is to focus on formal evidence collection from Elders and those who are unwell.
The commission is acutely aware of First Peoples unease toward formal processes such as these. So, culturally safe systems have been developed.
For example, the commission is accepting evidence in relation to the experience of historic and ongoing systemic injustice in a myriad of ways. These include individual witness statements, group testimony and testimony through cultural means, such as ceremony, dance and art. Evidence can also be given confidentially and on Country, with ongoing support for social and emotional wellbeing in place.
Priority #3: Creating a public record of systemic injustice
The third strategic priority is to develop a comprehensive picture of systemic injustices against First Peoples as part of the official record of what happened in Victoria.
This will be done via the compilation and interrogation of existing knowledge sources. This work has begun with the collection of official records, academic studies and legislative materials.
Priority #4: Reviewing the criminal justice system
The fourth priority is to review current reform processes in criminal justice and law enforcement.
The task of the Yoo-rrook Justice Commission is intimidating and the timeframe is short. Yoo-rrook is required to deliver an interim report in June 2022 and a final report in June 2024.
It is the only truth-telling commission anywhere authorised to scrutinise First Peoples’ experiences of systemic injustices, past and present, arising from colonisation.
That Yoo-rrook has been initiated in Victoria should be a matter of pride for all Victorians. The commission is setting a national and global precedent. Because Yoo-rrook is the first, it assuredly will not be the last.
The world is watching.
If you are interested in reaching out to the commission, you can do so here.
Maggie Walter is a Commissioner with the Yoo-rrook Justice Commission and also Distinguished Professor of Sociology (adjunct) University of Tasmania and receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Minderoo Foundation
Professor the Hon Kevin Bell AM QC is also the Executive Director of the Castan Centre for Human Rights Law in the Faculty of Law at Monash University.
Eleanor Bourke, Sue-Anne Hunter, and Wayne Atkinson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
For scientists, energy is not really a thing and so it isn’t made of something else, in the way a house is made of bricks.
Energy is more like a capacity. A capacity is an ability to do something.
Energy and work
Think of a musician: they have the capacity to play an instrument. A painter has the capacity to paint.
Energy is the capacity for something to do work.
Something does work when it exerts a force on another object, pushing the object to move in a particular direction.
What does that mean? Well, imagine someone throws a ball to you and you hit it with a bat. When the bat hits the ball, it changes the ball’s speed and direction.
Energy is the capacity the bat has to change the direction of the ball. When the bat is swinging, it can change the direction of any ball it hits.
When you swing the bat, you put energy stored in your muscles into it. The harder you swing, the more work the bat can do, so the more energy it carries.
Types of energy
There are many ways for something to do work, so there are different kinds of energy.
We have already encountered one: the swinging of the bat. This is called kinetic energy. It is the energy something has because it is moving.
Another kind of energy is potential energy. Potential energy is the capacity something has to do work because of its position in relation to other objects.
This means putting things in certain places gives them energy.
Here’s a fun example: imagine putting a bucket of water on top of a door that is half open. When someone walks through the door, the bucket will fall on their head.
Because the bucket is on top of the door, it can fall. And when it falls, it can do some work. Not only will it soak whoever walks through the door, but it will also hit them on the head.
So the bucket has the capacity to do work just because it is put on top of the door, and not because it is moving. That capacity is the bucket’s potential energy.
Einstein’s famous equation
The famous physicist Albert Einstein made an equation about energy, which you may have seen before: E = mc ².
In this equation, the E is for energy, the m is for mass (which is roughly how much matter, or physical stuff, is in something), and c means the speed of light.
What the equation seems to say is that energy equals mass times some number. So then, isn’t energy made of something after all?
Not quite, because some things with no mass can still have energy. For example, light. We know it has energy because we catch light’s energy in solar panels, and turn it into electricity.
There’s a more complicated version of Einstein’s equation that shows how energy is related to mass and momentum.
One important thing to know is that light moves very fast. Because the amount of energy in something depends on how much mass it has multiplied by the square of the speed of light, that means a little bit of matter carries a lot of energy!
Light travels almost 300 million metres in a single second, which means one kilogram of mass is equivalent to almost nine quintillion joules of energy! That’s a 9 with 18 zeroes after it: 9,000,000,000,000,000,000.
The trick is unleashing that capacity. That’s actually how nuclear bombs (and nuclear power) work: they unlock the energy captured in matter to produce an enormous effect.
University of Canberra Professorial Fellow Michelle Grattan and Director of the Institute for Governance & Policy Analysis Dr Lain Dare discuss the week in politics.
They talk about how Scott Morrison fared at the G20 Summit and the Glasgow Climate Conference, in a trip dominated by the spectacular row with the French over the cancellation of their submarine deal. On the sidelines of the G20 French President Emmanuel Macron labelled Scott Morrison a liar and the PM responded with some very undiplomatic leaking.
Now back home, Morrison will try to “move on”, with a campaigning trip through NSW and Victoria in the coming week.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Still : Andrew Glouberman, a character in the Netflix’s animated comedy Big Mouth watches a condom demonstration from mother.
Animation and character design allow us to hold a mirror up to society. We get to see humanity, warts and all, and understand the complexity of what it means to be human. But this reflection of ourselves ties back to a very old artform: the ideas of masking our real selves in the festivity of the Roman Catholic concept of Carnival.
One of the strongest contemporary adult animated shows right now is Big Mouth, the nuanced, lewd, coming-of-age series on Netflix. The show investigates the complex, awkward and often taboo experiences of pubescent teens: cultural identity, sexual identity and inclusivity, social media, pornography, periods, masturbation, anxiety and depression.
Through the use of carnival, Big Mouth tells complex stories about what it means to be a teenager with a monster-verse of shoulder angels. Shoulder angels (or representations of our conscience) have traditionally been a small angel or devil, representing good or bad.
Big Mouth draws on a rich history of adult animation while also making the genre entirely its own.
Disarming the viewer through play
Animation allows us to disassociate from reality and create a visual dimension to explore ideas: the drawings act as a mask through which viewers engage in a form of role playing, hidden identity and a sense of play.
Masks have been an important part of many cultures from the Tengu Matsuri mask, Junkanoo masks, Dinagyang masks, Dia de los Muertos masks, Venetian carnival masks, to the masks of the Hindu Gods.
Carnival was traditionally a Christian celebration in the last three days before Lent, where the sumptuary laws – the restraint on consumption and luxury – were suspended. During this time, people could wear a mask and break from the conventional rules of society, their identity, hierarchies and become other-than-self.
Like the Carnival, the Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin’s notion of Carnivalesque is a literary device used to assist people in unshackling themselves: using a mask to explore the complexities of experience without consequence.
In animated form, Carnivalesque utilises four techniques: laughter, bodily excess, Billingsgate (or vitriolic language) and inversions of normal social roles. Big Mouth employs a range of these elements in the character design and dialogue to engage the audience in social commentary.
From family fare to adult sitcoms
The animated sitcom has been evolving since the middle of the last century, and with it questions of what is “appropriate” for viewers. Betty Boop first appeared in 1930s. Drawing influences from burlesque, the lewd nature of the show was highly criticised. Soon, censorship would play an important role in limiting sexually suggestive content.
From 1934 to 1968, animation was self-censored by the Hays Code: a set of guidelines preventing profanity, suggestive nudity, excessive violence and sexual content. This gave rise to the closed morality tale built around the nuclear family and patriarchal structure presented in The Flinstones (1960-66) and the The Jetsons (1962-63).
In 1989, The Simpsons moved animated content into the adult frame, each episode dealing with a particular cultural and moral issue.
With the advent of cable television, cartoons could move even more firmly into the adult realm. We saw the rise of absurdity in Beavis and Butt-head (1993-2011) and Family Guy (1999-) and the introduction of crude language and sexual innuendo in South Park (1997-). 2001 saw the launch of US cable network Adult Swim, with its suite of adult-focused content.
Even in this age, Big Mouth is not without its critics. It is often vulgar and has been criticised for sexualising puberty too much. Critics have asked: has it gone too far? Is this really how these issues should be explored?
At the heart of good animation is character design, with strong characters translating the human experience – goals, mannerisms, habits and worldviews – into moving abstract versions of ourselves. Animation manipulates the character to give a drawing life. We view the characters in the carnival as if they could be our experiences.
In Big Mouth, chemicals and inanimate objects become personified, allowing the show to explore complex topics.
Maury and Connie are “Hormone Monsters”, who become the internal conversation around the rushes of chemicals influencing teen decisions. Tito the Anxiety Mosquito and Depression Kitty introduce the way mental illness can feel and operate. Gratitoad and other characters explore the positivity we experience together, and eats anxiety. Pam the Sex Pillow and the Shame Wizard present ways we feel in response to other people.
In the new fifth season we are introduced to Lovebugs and Hateworms. All of these characters help communicate the relationship we have with our experiences.
Breaking taboos
Big Mouth creator Nick Kroll has described how using animation allows them to tell stories which they “might not be able to discuss” in live action shows starring actual teens or tweens. A character like a hormone monster or shame wizard, he says:
gives us a lot of latitude to have these more complicated discussions and delve into the subjects kids are dealing with.
Growing up is never easy, but visualising complex ideas can enhance our shared experience. Watching a coming-of-age show as an adult allows us to reflect and better communicate the complex experience of puberty.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Researcher, Climate Council, and Research Fellow, Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University
EPA
The first week of the United Nations climate talks in Glasgow are drawing to a close. While there’s still a way to go, progress so far gives some hope the Paris climate agreement struck six years ago is working.
Major powers brought significant commitments to cut emissions this decade and pledged to shift toward net-zero emissions. New coalitions were also announced for decarbonising sectors of the global economy. These include phasing out coal-fired power, pledges to cut global methane emissions, ending deforestation and plans for net-zero emissions shipping.
The two-week summit, known as COP26, is a critical test of global cooperation to tackle the climate crisis. Under the Paris Agreement, countries are required, every five years, to produce more ambitious national plans to reduce emissions. Delayed one year by the COVID pandemic, this year is when new plans are due.
Pledges made at the summit so far could start to bend the global emissions curve downwards. Credible projections from an expert team, including Professor Malte Meinshausen at the University of Melbourne, suggest if new pledges are fully funded and met, global warming could be limited to to 1.9℃ this century. The International Energy Agency came to a similar conclusion.
This is real progress. But the Earth system reacts to what we put in the atmosphere, not promises made at summits. So pledges need to be backed by finance, and the necessary policies and actions across energy and land use.
A significant ambition gap on emissions reduction also remains, and more climate action is needed this decade to avoid catastrophic warming. Achieving necessary emissions reductions by 2030 will be a key focus of the second week of the Glasgow talks, especially as global emissions are projected to rebound strongly in 2021 (after the drop induced last year by COVID-19).
For its part, Australia contributed virtually nothing to global efforts in Glasgow. Alone among advanced economies, Australia set no new target to cut emissions this decade. If anything, this week added to Australia’s reputation as a member of a small and isolated group of countries – with the likes of Saudi Arabia and Russia – resisting climate action.
Global momentum: What did major powers bring to Glasgow?
Since the last UN climate summit we’ve seen a worldwide surge in momentum toward climate action. More than 100 countries – accounting for more than two-thirds of the global economy – have set firm dates for achieving net-zero emissions.
Perhaps more importantly, in the lead up to the Glasgow summit the world’s advanced economies – including the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Japan, Canada, South Korea and New Zealand – all strengthened their 2030 targets. The G7 group of countries pledged to halve their collective emissions by 2030.
Major economies in the developing world also brought new commitments to COP26. China pledged to achieve net-zero emissions by 2060 and strengthened its 2030 targets. It now plans to peak emissions by the end of the decade.
This week India also pledged to achieve net-zero by 2070 and ramp up installation of renewable energy. By 2030, half of India’s electricity will come from renewable sources.
The opening days of COP26 also saw a suite of new announcements for decarbonising sectors of the global economy. The UK declared the end of coal was in sight, as it launched a new global coalition to phase out coal-fired power.
More than 100 countries signed on to a new pledge to cut methane emissions by 30% by 2030. More than 120 countries also promised to end deforestation by 2030.
The US also joined a coalition of countries that plans to achieve net-zero emissions in global shipping.
But this week the developed world fell short of fulfilling a decade-old promise – to deliver US$100 billion each year to help poorer nations deal with climate impacts.
Fulfilling commitments on climate finance will be critically important for building trust in the talks. For it’s part, Australia pledged an additional A$500 million in climate finance to countries in Southeast Asia and the Pacific – a figure well short of Australia’s fair share of global efforts. Australia also refused to rejoin the Green Climate Fund.
Missing the moment: The Australian Way
While the rest of the world is getting on with the race to a net-zero emissions economy, Australia is barely out of the starting blocks. Australia brought to Glasgow the same 2030 emissions target that it took to Paris six years ago – even as key allies pledged much stronger targets.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison arrived with scant plans to accompany his last-minute announcement on net-zero by 2050. The strategy, which comprised little more than a brochure, failed to provide a credible pathway to that target and was met with derision across the world.
On the way to Glasgow, at the G20 leaders meeting in Rome, Australia blocked global momentum to reduce emissions by resisting calls for a phase out of coal power. Australia also refused to sign on to the global pledge on methane.
Worse still, Australia is using COP26 to actively promote fossil fuels. Federal Energy Minister Angus Taylor says the summit is a chance to promote investment in Australian gas projects, and Australian fossil fuel company Santos was prominently branded at the venue’s Australia Pavilion.
The federal government is promoting carbon capture and storage as a climate solution, despite it being widely regarded as a licence to prolong the use of fossil fuels. The technology is also eye-wateringly expensive and not yet proven at scale.
The closing stretch
Week one in Glasgow has delivered more climate action than the world promised in Paris six years ago. However, the summit outcomes still fall well short of what is required to limit warming to 1.5℃. Attention will now turn to negotiating an outcome to further increase climate ambition this decade.
Vulnerable countries have proposed countries yet to deliver enhanced 2030 targets be required to come back in 2022, well before COP27, with stronger targets to cut emissions.
This week, the United States rejoined the High Ambition Coalition, a group of countries from across traditional negotiating blocs in the UN climate talks. Led by the Marshall Islands, the group was crucial in securing the 2015 Paris Agreement.
In Glasgow, this coalition is pressing for an outcome that will keep the world on track to limiting warming to 1.5℃.
But significant differences persist between the US and China. Many developing countries want to see more commitment to climate finance from wealthy nations before they will pledge new targets. Can consensus be reached in Glasgow? We’ll be watching the negotiations closely next week to find out.
PODCAST: Buchanan + Manning on COP26 plus New-Gen Attack Drones
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A View from Afar – In this podcast, political scientist Paul Buchanan and Selwyn Manning discuss two issues: the evolution of new generation attack drones; and the COP26 meeting in Glasgow this week. Specifically, Buchanan and Manning unpack:
Whether Geopolitics has railroaded a broad-based consensus of climate interventionism
Why Russia and China abandoned the Cop26 multilateral forum?
How mostly developed nations state the take away agreements help address climate change, and how Greenpeace and many other environment groups say fundamental problems remain with how developed nations address the climate change challenge.
ALSO: We discuss the latest in the evolution of high-tech militarised attack drones. What can we now expect to see? And, how will countries defend themselves against AI driven attacks?
You can comment on this debate by clicking on one of these social media channels and interacting in the social media’s comment area. Here are the links:
Threat.Technology placed A View from Afar at 9th in its 20 Best Defence Security Podcasts of 2021 category. You can follow A View from Afar via our affiliate syndicators.
After COVID emerged, it didn’t take long for clinicians and scientists to notice the SARS-CoV-2 virus affects children and adults very differently.
One of the earliest studies, from March 2020, reported 40–50% of infected children suffered cough and fever, but they had much milder symptoms than adults.
Subsequent information from health authorities noted children were less likely to develop severe disease and rarely died from COVID.
However, clinicians found a very small number of children, despite having mild or even no symptoms initially, developed an inflammatory reaction about four weeks after infection.
In May last year, doctors reported the very first cases of 18 children with hyperinflammatory shock, resulting in one death. Most of the patients tested negative for SARS-CoV-2 but positive for antibodies, suggesting they had been infected previously.
This prompted the World Health Organization, and health bodies in the United Kingdom and United States, to define the condition as multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children (MIS-C) or paediatric inflammatory multisystem syndrome temporally associated with SARS-CoV-2 (PIMS-TS).
What are the symptoms?
Since there is no diagnostic test, the conditions are defined by fever and elevated inflammatory markers in children with current or recent SARS-CoV-2 infection or COVID exposure within four weeks before the onset of symptoms.
Clinical presentation for organ dysfunction includes abdominal pain, vomiting, diarrhoea, skin rash, conjunctivitis, red cracked lips and, in severe cases, hypotension (low blood pressure) and shock.
MIS-C is rare. According to data from European primary care records, South Korean claims and US claims and hospital databases, MIS-C was seen in fewer than 0.1-0.3% of people in the 30-day period following the diagnosis of COVID-19.
A US study found a similar incidence of MIS-C at under 0.05%. This study also found the incidence of MIS-C was higher among Black, Hispanic or Latino, and Asian or Pacific Islander persons compared with white persons.
The studies were conducted before the Delta variant became dominant, so further research is required to update the incidence of MIS-C after infection with Delta.
What causes it?
The cause of inflammation underlying MIS-C is not well understood.
Patients with MIS-C were initially reported to show features similar to Kawasaki disease, which causes swelling (inflammation) in the walls of medium-sized arteries, particularly the coronary arteries in children.
However, children with MIS-C are generally older (mostly school-aged) than patients with Kawasaki disease (mostly younger than five years of age) and presented with intestinal involvement and heart attack.
Researchers compared immune cells and immunoregulatory molecules in healthy children, children with Kawasaki disease enrolled in the study before COVID, children infected with SARS-CoV-2, and children presenting with MIS-C. The analysis revealed the inflammatory response in MIS-C differs from those of severe acute COVID and Kawasaki disease.
Importantly, the investigation discovered the abnormal production of antibodies in patients with MIS-C that recognise endothelial cells (which line blood vessels) and immune cells. In cases of MIS-C, the antibodies react to the body itself – this means they interfere with normal physiological functions and promote inflammation.
Once they are generated, autoantibodies grow step-by-step via interactions between immune cells lasting for weeks. This aligns with the fact MIS-C starts about four weeks from the initial SARS-CoV-2 infection.
Scientists still need to formally establish whether autoantibodies contribute to how MIS-C begins, or the patient’s deterioration when they have the syndrome.
How is it treated?
Scientists are still working on understanding MIS-C, so there is no specific therapy for it.
Paediatric clinicians with expertise in intensive care, immunology and rheumatology, infectious diseases, haematology, and cardiology have developed suggestions, consensus and guidance for managing MIS-C.
Patients are treated with corticosteroids and intravenous immunoglobulins, which have anti-inflammatory effects.
Therapies are also being tested that block molecules involved in inflammation – such as cytokines, proteins that help cells communicate.
The Delta variant is more contagious than previous strains. Transmission at schools and early childhood education and care services in New South Wales occured at a rate five times higher than the ancestral COVID strains of 2020.
US figures report 148,222 child COVID cases in the first week of October. Children represented 24.8% of the total weekly cases (children, under age 18, make up 22.2% of the US population). So the increase in infections in children pose a significant risk of more MIS-C.
Vaccines will reduce the risk
To prevent infection and reduce the risk of severe illness caused by infection, the Australian Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) granted provisional approval for COVID vaccination in children aged 12 years and over.
The TGA has also said Pfizer can apply for provisional approval of its COVID vaccine for children 5-11 years of age.
In later September, Pfizer and its German partner BioNTech announced the results of 2,268 children aged 5-11 who received one-third the amount of vaccine given to adults and adolescents. The results demonstrate the vaccine is safe and produces a significant immune response in young children. The US Food and Drug Administration has authorised the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID vaccine for emergency use in children 5-11 years of age.
MIS-C is rare in children and vaccination will further reduce its incidence. Nevertheless, it is still a major risk for children infected with SARS-CoV-2 and should not be overlooked.
If a child experiences a SARS-CoV-2 infection, even with mild or no symptoms, but after a few weeks, begins a fever with one of the following symptoms – stomach pain, vomiting, diarrhoea, bloodshot eyes, skin rash, dizziness or lightheadedness – they should be given immediate medical attention.
Di Yu receives funding from The University of Queensland, The National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), Bellberry Limited and Eureka TechIN.
Young people across the world have taken to the streets again, demanding decision-makers at COP26 listen to the science. But if science is to live up to these expectations, a fundamental rethinking of research ethics in light of the climate and ecological crises is needed.
We are proposing a move from a negative ethics focused on avoiding harm to a positive research ethics. These new ethics are needed to guide the global scientific community in relation to civil society and politics during the climate and ecological crises.
According to the “do no harm” imperative, researchers have a responsibility to avoid hurting humans or animals directly involved in their research. But what does “do no harm” mean in the midst of climate and ecological crises?
The “do no harm” principle should thus be broadened in two ways:
it should include humans, animals and ecosystems that are traditionally not considered part of the research process, but can be negatively affected by it
it should better account for the long-term, indirect or unintended consequences of research projects or new technologies.
But if averting the climate crisis requires the complete transformation of society within ten years, is it enough for research to “do no harm”? Inspired by post-colonial approaches to research ethics, we suggest moving beyond this negative principle and towards a positive, regenerative science.
This science would actively contribute to the project of regenerating society and ecosystems. It would be motivated by an analysis of the suffering already taking place and acknowledge historical responsibilities and power relations.
The principle of integrity asks researchers to follow rigorous protocols, disclose conflicts of interest, refrain from manipulating data, and abstain from plagiarism. But can science be rigorous if it overlooks environmental variables?
Some disciplines ignore the predictions of IPCC reports, as well as indications of mass extinction and ecosystem collapse. They also struggle to reflect the complex and delicate interconnection between humanity and nature in their practical recommendations.
For example, by focusing heavily on GDP growth, mainstream economics portrays our planetary habitat mostly as a resource to use or exploit. The idea of geoengineering also largely rests on an understanding of our life-support systems as a set of disconnected pieces that can be engineered.
Ultimately, “integrity means wholeness”. It implies acknowledging that we are parts of a fragile and interconnected web of life, which we need to preserve.
Researchers should thus account for ecological dimensions in their analyses. They should also interrogate the conception of the humanity-nature relationship that implicitly underpins their work.
Take responsibility
According to the “responsibility” principle, research should be relevant to society and communicated to the public. But in a climate crisis, findings can be so dramatic, their implications for society so huge and controversial, that the word “responsibility” takes a new, heavier meaning.
Others are tempted to adjust their research to political demands. An example is the inclusion of unrealistic amounts of “negative carbon emissions” in climate models to satisfy policymakers. This was criticised for unintentionally providing a scientific cover-up for climate inaction.
scientists should remain humble as to what science can achieve. This means acknowledging the limits to our knowledge of an infinitely complex world, as well as the slow pace and unpredictable consequences of technological development.
From words to deeds
The research ethics sketched here need to be further developed. They can then be incorporated into global guidelines for individual researchers, but also for governments, universities and funding agencies.
Academic research will be at the heart of any solution to the climate and ecological crises. Embracing this responsibility and facing these existential threats requires much more from universities than the adoption of sustainability plans.
Emma Elfversson receives funding from the Swedish Research Council and the Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development (Formas). She is a member of the Swedish Green party (Miljöpartiet).
Helen Avery receives funding from the Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development (Formas).
Alexandre Wadih Raffoul, David Fopp, and Ryan Carolan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Just 2% of the Great Barrier Reef remains untouched by bleaching since 1998 and 80% of individual reefs have bleached severely once, twice or three times since 2016, our new study reveals today.
We measured the impacts of five marine heatwaves on the Great Barrier Reef over the past three decades: in 1998, 2002, 2016, 2017 and 2020. We found these bouts of extreme temperatures have transformed it into a checkerboard of bleached reefs with very different recent histories.
Whether we still have a functioning Great Barrier Reef in the decades to come depends on how much higher we allow global temperatures to rise. The bleaching events we’ve already seen in recent years are a result of the world warming by 1.2℃ since pre-industrial times.
World leaders meeting at the climate summit in Glasgow must commit to more ambitious promises to drastically cut greenhouse gas emissions. It’s vital for the future of corals reefs, and for the hundreds of millions of people who depend on them for their livelihoods and food security.
Coral in a hotter climate
The Great Barrier Reef is comprised of more than 3,000 individual reefs stretching for 2,300 kilometres, and supports more than 60,000 jobs in reef tourism.
Under climate change, the frequency, intensity and scale of climate extremes is changing rapidly, including the record-breaking marine heatwaves that cause corals to bleach. Bleaching is a stress response by overheated corals, where they lose their colour and many struggle to survive.
If all new COP26 pledges by individual countries are actually met, then the projected increase in average global warming could be brought down to 1.9℃. In theory, this would put us in line with the goal of the Paris Agreement, which is to keep global warming below 2℃, but preferably 1.5℃, this century.
However, it is still not enough to prevent the ongoing degradation of the world’s coral reefs. The damage to coral reefs from anthropogenic heating so far is very clear, and further warming will continue to ratchet down reefs throughout the tropics.
Most reefs today are in early recovery mode, as coral populations begin to re-build since they last experienced bleaching in 2016, 2017 and 2020. It takes about a decade for a decent recovery of the fastest growing corals, and much longer for slow-growing species. Many coastal reefs that were severely bleached in 1998 have never fully recovered.
Each bleaching event so far has a different geographic footprint. Drawing upon satellite data, we measured the duration and intensity of heat stress that the Great Barrier Reef experienced each summer, to explain why different parts were affected during all five events.
The bleaching responses of corals differed greatly in each event, and was strongly influenced by the recent history of previous bleaching. For this reason, it’s important to measure the extent and severity of bleaching directly, where it actually occurs, and not rely exclusively on water temperature data from satellites as an indirect proxy.
We found the most vulnerable reefs each year were the ones that had not bleached for a decade or longer. On the other hand, when successive episodes were close together in time (one to four years apart), the heat threshold for severe bleaching increased. In other words, the earlier event had hardened regions of the Great Barrier Reef to subsequent impacts.
For example, in 2002 and 2017, it took much more heat to trigger similar levels of bleaching that were measured in 1998 and 2016. The threshold for bleaching was much higher on reefs that had experienced an earlier episode of heat stress.
Similarly, southern corals, which escaped bleaching in 2016 and 2017, were the most vulnerable in 2020, compared to central and northern reefs that had bleached severely in previous events.
Many different mechanisms could generate these historical effects, or ecological memories. One is heavy losses of the more heat-susceptible coral species during an earlier event – dead corals don’t re-bleach.
Only a single cluster of reefs remains unbleached in the far south, downstream from the rest of the Great Barrier Reef, in a small region that has remained consistently cool through the summer months during all five mass bleaching events. These reefs lie at the outer edge of the Great Barrier Reef, where upwelling of cool water may offer some protection from heatwaves, at least so far.
In theory, a judiciously placed network of well-protected, climate-resistant reefs might help to repopulate the broader seascape, if greenhouse gas emissions are curtailed to stabilise temperatures later this century.
But the unbleached southern reefs are too few in number, and too far away from the rest of the Great Barrier Reef to produce and deliver sufficient coral larvae, to promote a long-distance recovery.
Instead, future replenishment of depleted coral populations is more likely to be local. It would come from the billions of larvae produced by recovering adults on nearby reefs that have not bleached for a while, or by corals inhabiting reef in deeper waters which tend to experience less heat stress than those living in shallow water.
Future recovery of corals will increasingly be temporary and incomplete, before being interrupted again by the inevitable next bleaching event. Consequently, the patchiness of living coral on the Great Barrier Reef will increase further, and corals will continue to decline under climate change.
Our findings make it clear we no longer have the luxury of studying individual climate-related events that were once unprecedented, or very rare. Instead, as the world gets hotter, it’s increasingly important to understand the effects and combined outcomes of sequences of rapid-fire catastrophes.
Terry Hughes receives funding from The Australian Research Foundation.
Sean Connolly has received funding from the Australian Research Councilfor research including effects of climate change on coral reefs, and he currently receives funding from the Mark and Rachel Rohr foundation for work on climate resilience in the Tropical East Pacific.
Editor’s Note: Here below is a list of the main issues currently under discussion in New Zealand and links to media coverage. You can sign up to NZ Politics Daily as well as New Zealand Political Roundup columns for free here.
Health Ministry Chief Executive Dr Siale ‘Akau’ola says the ministry had not responded to allegations made on social media to protect the privacy of a suspected covid-19 patient.
He said the ministry had been very careful not to release any information that might identify the person.
He said the patient should have been advised not to release any information.
Dr ‘Akau’ola said information had been released through various channels, which had caused problems.
Prime Minister’s concerns During yesterday’s press conference a journalist asked why the patient was allowed to contact other people on his mobile phone.
He said this was why there were concerns in the social media that the government should take the situation seriously because what had been leaked from the MIQ included information that was unreliable.
He asked Prime Minister Pōhiva Tuʻiʻonetoa to make a firm decision on the claim.
In his response, Tuʻiʻonetoa said he had just received a message on his mobile phone and was disappointed with what had been revealed in it.
The Prime Minister did not go into details on what he had received, but it appeared it was a video clip which had been widely shared on Facebook purporting to show the patient talking to what appeared to be family members on a mobile phone while the conversation was being recorded on another phone.
Serious accusations In that conversation serious accusations were made against the government, including claims that it was lying to the public when it said the patient had been taken to the Mu’a MIQ on Saturday.
The patient said he had been taken on Monday.
During the conversation the patient said he had tested negative, but the ministry kept on telling the public the test was positive.
Dr ‘Akau’ola said two tests must be carried out to confirm a negative result. The patient’s second test would be today.
Kaniva News reported yesterday that Dr ‘Akau’ola had said the patient had returned a weak positive result and had now tested negative.
The Prime Minister said: “I have listened to it (the recording of the conversation) and I did not like the attitude of their conversation and it said the patient was taken to Mu’a MIQ,” the Prime Minister said.
Tu’i’onetoa asked the meeting for his officials to clarify when the patient was taken to the MIQ.
“I want to confirm that,” he said.
Respect for the patient The Minister of Health and her CEO were looking at each other before the CEO apologised to the Prime Minister and the conference, saying it was true the patient was taken on Monday not Saturday as he was advised, because of some paper work issues.
The CEO said the ministry highly respected the patient.
“We wanted to protect his identity,” Dr ‘Akau’ola said.
“He is carrying a huge burden and the people’s concerns as well.
“As I look at it there was a weakness as he should have been given proper counselling advice for him not to release any information.
“However, we learnt from this”, the CEO said.
Family members This morning some family members of the patient were concerned that some posts on Facebook targeted the patient’s paternal side.
The posts included one which said the problem was that the family should not have released the identity of the patient to the public because it would backfire on them.
Another said the whole family could be stigmatised by the situation, something that is extremely common in Tonga.
It said some families or clans were stigmatised with “kilia”, the Tongan word for leprosy, in the past. Nowadays it was a stigma that people used to identify those families whenever there was any dissatisfaction with them.
Critics in Fiji are concerned about climate change hypocrisy at the COP26 Leaders Summit this week. Fiji Times contributor Ajay Bhai Amrit was moved to comment about the problem of the government’s “gas guzzler” vehicle fleet.
Bula readers! First and foremost, this article is not a criticism of the government and its policies. It is more of an observation on how officials can rectify and improve themselves because if we, the public, cannot voice our opinions and suggest changes then who can?
The hot topic this week is about the huge contingent of 36 people that Fiji has sent half way around the world to Glasgow, Scotland.
This is to be part of the COP26 summit and the many discussions on climate change that major counties such as the US, UK, Canada, Australia, Germany and France and so on will hopefully discuss and agree to principle points and further reduce harmful emissions to the environment globally.
This topic brings issues closer to home as I am seeing a worrying trend of our government leaders splashing out on massive gas guzzling vehicles with full black tinted glass, which quite frankly looks a little embarrassing in a country where we basically all know each other.
I have witnessed time and again these huge beasts of vehicles being left with engines running, both consuming fuel and polluting the environment as they wait for the occupants to arrive.
Government entourages have a huge fleet of the most uneconomical big 4X4 luxury vehicles available with not one hybrid or electric vehicle, or even a small engine vehicle, in the fleet for the ministers or even assistant ministers.
This is a sad sight to see as the world moves in one direction towards a greener environment and it seems our leaders are moving in another direction towards more excess and luxuries.
Environmental luxury warriors Unfortunately, you have to ask yourself what type of example does this set for our so-called environmental warriors who will fly in luxury half way around the world to represent us.
The Environmental Protection Agency estimates that vehicles cause about 75 percent of the carbon monoxide pollution in the US alone.
The science doesn’t lie, when each gallon of fuel you burn creates 20 pounds of greenhouse gases, which is roughly six to nine tons of greenhouse gases each year for a typical vehicle.
To make things worse the average hardworking Fiji citizen who drives let’s say a Toyota Prius or other similar hybrid vehicle makes approx 99/km of CO2 emissions, compare that with our government ministers’ Toyota Prados and Land Cruisers which can make up to a whopping 300/km of CO2 emissions. This is very sad indeed to see.
I am the first to put my hand up and say, after much deliberation, I decided to purchase a big eight-seater Toyota Land Cruiser for my family of six and sometimes eight when my elderly parents visit as it can accommodate eight people and the only legal form of transport I can use to carry that number of people.
The government on the other hand is using our public funds to totally disregard any environmentally friendly options and has actually purchased and leased the biggest, most expensive, vehicles with the largest engines to pollute the environment even more.
These vehicles are equipped to carry many passengers but sadly usually only carry the driver and minister.
A huge flying fleet To add to this, these are not just one or two vehicles, but a huge fleet of them flying around Suva and other towns and villages Fiji wide, sometimes speeding along with screaming lights flashing away.
For the life of me I still don’t know why they do this.
I don’t want to be critical, but just imagine if the powers that be in government decided for once to follow their own guidelines and maybe purchase a more modest and fuel efficient substitute, millions upon millions of dollars would have been saved plus millions of pounds of harmful greenhouse gases would have been avoided.
And the environment would be much less polluted and we would certainly commend them for this.
Would it be too much to ask to introduce smaller fuel efficient hybrid vehicles to their fleet for the ministers and senior officials to show their commitment to their polices?
There are so many fuel efficient vehicle options available.
Where I live, we constantly see governments huge 4×4 vehicles screeching around with their fully tinted windows, and also entourages of them storming in and out of Suva with little or no regard to the pollution and impact it has on the environment.
Willing to be inspired I am willing to be inspired by any one of the ministers who will give up gas guzzling vehicles which they have been cruising around in for the last eight plus years for a smaller hybrid efficient vehicle.
I will be the first to congratulate them for practising what they preach. Finally there is a very inspiring four way test that all Rotarians try and abide by. These are:
Is it the truth?
Is it fair to all concerned?
Will it build goodwill?
Will it be beneficial to all?
Unfortunately, when it comes to the government hierarchy and their passion for large expensive gas guzzling and environmentally damaging vehicles, I am embarrassed to say that they have failed every one of the four-way test completely and miserably.
Ajay Bhai Amrit is a freelance writer. Fiji Times articles are republished with permission.
West Papua indigenous independence leaders today launched “Green State Vision” at the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, pledging to take decisive action to address the climate emergency and the impact of natural resource extraction in an independent West Papua.
Restoring guardianship of natural resources to indigenous authorities, combining Western democratic norms with local Papuan systems; and
‘Serving notice’ on all extraction companies, including oil, gas, mining, logging and palm oil, requiring them to adhere to international environmental standards or cease operations.
In June 2021, a panel of international legal experts, co-chaired by Professor Philippe Sands QC, drafted a definition of ecocide intended for adoption by the International Criminal Court (ICC).
West Papua is half of the island of New Guinea, home to the world’s third largest rainforest after the Amazon and the Congo. West Papua is rich in natural resources, including one of the world’s largest gold and copper mines — the Freeport Indonesia mine at Grasberg — and extensive sources of natural gas, minerals, timber and palm oil.
West Papua was a Dutch colony until 1961. The Indonesian military seized control in 1963.
The people indigenous to the provinces are Melanesian, ethnically distinct from the people of Indonesia. West Papua continues to be unlawfully occupied by Indonesia. Indonesia is currently the world’s largest exporter of palm oil.
West Papuans have contested Indonesia’s occupation for more than half a century, with Indonesian forces repeatedly accused of human rights violations and violent suppression of the independence movement.
In 2020, the ULMWP announced the formation of its Temporary Constitution and Provisional Government, with exiled leader Benny Wenda as interim president.
He will be a keynote speaker at the COP26 Coalition’s Global Day for Climate Justice rally tomorrow.
A “March Against Climate Colonialism” will be held on Sunday, November 7, starting at 1:30pm at 83 Argyle Street, Glasgow.
Benny Wenda, interim president of the ULMWP and provisional government, said: ‘We are fighting for stewardship of one of the planet’s largest rainforests, a lung of the world.
“The international climate movement and all governments serious about stopping climate change must help end Indonesia’s genocide of the first defenders in West Papua. If you want to save the world, you must save West Papua.”
Joe Corré, founder of Agent Provocateur, said: “This is a critical step towards protecting one of the world’s largest rainforests from catastrophic destruction caused by the illegal Indonesian occupation.
“The Indonesian government and military, supported by BP, are using violence, intimidation and murder to silence the indigenous inhabitants.”
Jennifer Robinson of Doughty Street Chambers said: “The unlawful occupation of West Papua by Indonesia is facilitating the destruction of one of the world’s most important rainforests.
“Ensuring West Papua’s right to self-determination will also ensure the protection of the environment and the climate by allowing the Indigenous custodians of the land to take back control, protection and management of their resources.’
Several times this week, protesters have forced Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern to abandon events aimed to support the COVID vaccination rollout.
Over the past few weeks, thousands have gathered, in breach of COVID restrictions and public health measures, to protest against lockdowns and vaccination mandates. The PM has described such protests as “obviously illegal” and “morally wrong”.
But so will penalties for intentional breaches of COVID orders as amendments come into effect this month. A person who intentionally fails to comply with restrictions could face fines of up to NZ$12,000 (up from $4,000) or six months in prison. The maximum fine for failing to wear a mask where it is mandatory rises to $4,000 (from $300).
The importance of protests
Protesting is part of Aotearoa’s identity. New Zealanders have protested against poverty, war, nuclear weapons, gender inequality and the loss of Māori land and customary rights. Several protests — including those against the 1981 Springbok tour — have divided the nation.
Although there is no specific right to protest in law, protesting is a manifestation of rights to freedom of movement, association and peaceful assembly. Globally, these rights are protected by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and the ensuing framework of human rights treaties. In Aotearoa New Zealand, the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 guarantees these rights.
But despite the legal underpinnings of the right to protest, specific protest actions must be in accordance with the law. They must not be unduly disorderly, violent or unsafe.
The restrictions on the right to protest can be seen in the criminalisation of certain conduct. For example, if someone behaves offensively in a public place, they could face a $1,000 fine. Indecent or obscene words can cost up to $500.
The fine could go to $2,000 and three months in prison if the behaviour becomes disorderly by acting or encouraging others to behave in a riotous, threatening or violent manner.
Threatening a police officer, or committing an actual assault, could result in a $6,000 fine or six months in prison. Common assault on other citizens carries the same penalty. Causing wilful damage to property could cost a protester up to $2,000, the same as graffiti. Obstructing a public road without the correct authority can result in a $1,000 fine.
Even excessive noise or burning the national flag, if done in a particularly offensive way intended to dishonour it, could have repercussions for the protester.
Limits on crowd sizes
COVID rules also currently restrict the right to peaceful assembly. These restrictions have been justified by the need to protect public health, which is recognised in international law. However, any such restrictive measures must be specifically aimed at preventing disease.
While New Zealand’s alert level 4 was very strict, alert level 3 is a little more liberal. Currently, Aucklanders are still expected to stay home, with exceptions for those who can’t work from home. Most events can’t proceed, except for ten-person gatherings at weddings, civil unions, funerals and tangihanga.
From next week, when restrictions are expected to ease further, Aucklanders will enjoy the freedom of larger outdoor gatherings of up to 25 people. Some shops will also reopen.
The question now is how authorities should respond to growing protests, some of which may involve illegal activity, in terms of breaching the above orders. The guiding principles for the police are that they must act to ensure public support and confidence, remain independent and impartial and act professionally, ethically and with integrity.
In Australia, some COVID protests have gotten out of hand and police responded with rubber bullets, tear gas and pepper spray. With very few exceptions, this approach is absolutely wrong. The guiding principle must be maximum restraint in the use of force when confronting protests.
The emphasis must be on de-escalation of tense and volatile situations. The decision to intervene should only be taken at the highest level of the police force, when there is no other means to protect the public order from an imminent risk of violence.
This is not to say those who break the laws should not be brought to justice. They should — but after the event, not during it. Although rules may be broken, non-aggressive crowds of protesters should not be unnecessarily dispersed.
The current tactic of identifying those who break the rules and bringing them to justice later for their illegal activity is correct and appropriate for a country that values the importance of protests, as well as law and order.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Clouds have been objects of reverie and wonder throughout human history, inspiring art and imagination, and of course warning of extreme weather events.
Clouds are also central players in Earth’s climate. They move water around the globe, reflect sunlight and interact with radiation emitted by the Earth, and in so doing can both cool and warm the planet.
How clouds react as the planet heats up is a matter of serious concern. As the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report reiterates, we sit on the brink of a precipice in terms of our ability to slow or halt the global heating humans are causing.
Climate scientists study clouds closely, but translating scientific findings into forms that catch the public imagination is not always an easy task. Our new film, Path 99, uses satellite imagery and the tools of art and science to show clouds in a spectacular new light.
Satellites, clouds and invalid data
Remote sensing satellite data is produced by a very large multinational effort, and it makes an immense contribution to our knowledge of the world. Meteorology, geoscience and climate science all rely on satellite data.
But we can gain even more from this data if we explore it via the creative arts. When we bring knowledge to life through imagination and feeling, we can create new ways of experiencing, understanding and responding to our planet.
Path 99 – which launches next week at the New Zealand International Film Festival – uses satellite images of clouds over Australia to highlight the importance of clouds to climate. Designed to be viewed on the domed screen of a planetarium with an enveloping electronic soundtrack, it combines art, science and Earth.
We used data from two satellites, America’s Landsat 8 and Japan’s Himawari 8, made available by Geoscience Australia and the Digital Earth Australia program, and the Bureau of Meteorology.
Landsat 8 is an Earth observation satellite mainly used for monitoring environmental conditions at ground level. Its orbit takes it over the poles while the planet spins beneath it, which means it can view the entire globe over the course of a 16-day cycle of 233 orbits or “paths”. The track running down the centre of Australia is path 99, hence the film’s title.
For geoscientists, clouds are an obstruction to the view of the land from orbit. They use software to comb through satellite data pixel by pixel, identifying and removing clouds and other atmospheric noise to obtain clear images.
At any given time, clouds cover around two-thirds of Earth, so what the scientists sift out creates a vast archive of “invalid data” – a multi-year record of incredible cloud formations.
Our project focuses on this “invalid data”, showing the clouds, cloud shadow and gauzy fragments of land that are deemed unusable for scientific Earth observation.
A scientist’s waste can be an artist’s treasure. Projects like ours, combining art and science, show what can be gained when we look at the aesthetic qualities of the objects of scientific enquiry from a more human-centred perspective.
Clouds in a new light
Landsat 8’s sensor records what is known as “multi-spectral” imagery. This is data recorded in “bands” that isolate specific parts of the electromagnetic spectrum, from visible light to the near infrared.
Scientists use the infrared bands to study plants and water. When we used them to render clouds, we discovered startling colours, textures and forms.
The dramatic shift in colouration that results from mapping the infrared bands into the visible spectrum, turning shades of white and grey into highly coloured tableaux, translates clouds into something radically unexpected.
Scientifically speaking, the coloured images reveal the remarkable spectral complexity of clouds, in terms of which wavelengths of sunlight they reflect and which they absorb. The variations in colour reflect wide ranges of cloud temperatures, densities, and heights, as well as the presence or absence of dust and other aerosol particles.
Tracing vapour
The Himawari 8 satellite sits in a geostationary orbit high above a point on the equator just north of Papua New Guinea. Its field of view allows it to record multi-spectral images of much of the Asia-Pacific region every 10 minutes, including several infrared bands used to track gases and other particles in the atmosphere.
In the video clips shown in this article, Path 99 uses bands designed to show the transport of water vapour around the planet. This allows us to see Australia’s clouds in their wider context, as part of the massive circulations that distribute thermal energy around the Earth.
Heads in the clouds
As modern human existence increasingly transforms the Earth, its atmosphere and climate, we need new ways to understand, represent and address this impact.
Cloud behaviours are vital clues to the extent of the changes in climate and weather. Now more than ever, we should all have our heads in the clouds.
This project has been produced with the support of Geoscience Australia and Digital Earth Australia, and with the assistance of resources from the National Computational Infrastructure (NCI) which is supported by the Australian Government.
Christian Jakob receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Dugal McKinnon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Cunneen, Senior Lecturer in English and Literacy Education, Student Success and LANTITE coordinator, University of Canberra
At the start of each university year, we ask first-year students a question: how many have been told by their secondary teachers not to use Wikipedia? Without fail, nearly every hand shoots up. Wikipedia offers free and reliable information instantly. So why do teachers almost universally distrust it?
Wikipedia has community-enforced policies on neutrality, reliability and notability. This means all information “must be presented accurately and without bias”; sources must come from a third party; and a Wikipedia article is notable and should be created if there has been “third-party coverage of the topic in reliable sources”.
Wikipedia is free, non-profit, and has been operating for over two decades, making it an internet success story. At a time when it’s increasingly difficult to separate truth from falsehood, Wikipedia is an accessible tool for fact-checking and fighting misinformation.
Why is Wikipedia so reliable?
Many teachers point out that anyone can edit a Wikipedia page, not just experts on the subject. But this doesn’t make Wikipedia’s information unreliable. It’s virtually impossible, for instance, for conspiracies to remain published on Wikipedia.
Less frequently edited articles on Wikipedia might be less reliable than popular ones. But it’s easy to find out how an article has been created and modified on Wikipedia. All modifications to an article are archived in its “history” page. Disputes between editors about the article’s content are documented in its “talk” page.
To use Wikipedia effectively, school students need to be taught to find and analyse these pages of an article, so they can quickly assess the article’s reliability.
Is information on Wikipedia too shallow?
Many teachers also argue the information on Wikipedia is too basic, particularly for tertiary students. This argument supposes all fact-checking must involve deep engagement. But this is not best practice for conducting initial investigation into a subject online. Deep research needs to come later, once the validity of the source has been established.
Still, some teachers are horrified by the idea students need to be taught to assess information quickly and superficially. If you look up the general capabilities in the Australian Curriculum, you will find “critical and creative thinking” encourages deep, broad reflection. Educators who conflate “critical” and “media” literacy may be inclined to believe analysis of online material must be slow and thorough.
Yet the reality is we live in an “attention economy” where everyone and everything on the internet is vying for our attention. Our time is precious, so engaging deeply with spurious online content, and potentially falling down misinformation rabbit holes, wastes a most valuable commodity – our attention.
Wikipedia can be a tool for better media literacy
Research suggests Australian children are not getting sufficient instruction in spotting fake news. Only one in five young Australians in 2020 reported having a lesson during the past year that helped them decide whether news stories could be trusted.
Our students clearly need more media literacy education, and Wikipedia can be a good media literacy instrument. One way is to use it is with “lateral reading”. This means when faced with an unfamiliar online claim, students should leave the web page they’re on and open a new browser tab. They can then investigate what trusted sources say about the claim.
Wikipedia is the perfect classroom resource for this purpose, even for primary-aged students. When first encountering unfamiliar information, students can be encouraged to go to the relevant Wikipedia page to check reliability. If the unknown information isn’t verifiable, they can discard it and move on.
In the future, we hope first-year university students enter our classrooms already understanding the value of Wikipedia. This will mean a widespread cultural shift has taken place in Australian primary and secondary schools. In a time of climate change and pandemics, everyone needs to be able to separate fact from fiction. Wikipedia can be part of the remedy.
Rachel Cunneen has received grants from the ACT Education Directorate; The University of Canberra and the US Embassy (Aust).
Mathieu O’Neil has received grants from the ACT Education Directorate; The University of Canberra and the US Embassy (Aust). He is affiliated with the Digital Commons Policy Council.
Here’s a story from the Bible. As far as I know, it’s the first reported instance of the branch of economics known as “implementation theory”.
It’s from the First Book of Kings, Chapter 3, starting at Verse 16.
Two women came before King Solomon with two babies, one dead and one alive.
Each claimed the live boy was her son, and the dead boy belonged to the other.
Then the king said, “Bring me a sword.” So they brought a sword for the king. He then gave an order: “Cut the living child in two and give half to one and half to the other.”
The woman whose son was alive was deeply moved out of love for him and said to the king, “Please, my lord, give her the living baby, don’t kill him!”
The other said, “neither I nor you shall have him, cut him in two!”
Then Solomon gave his ruling:
Give the living baby to the first woman. Do not kill him; she is his mother.
Implementation theory asks the following question: given a social objective, can we design a game or “mechanism” whose predicted outcome is desirable?
If you think that sounds broad, you are right. A social objective could be almost anything: what public goods to provide, whom to elect, what our environmental or defence policy should be, how to pay for things.
Solomon pioneered “implementation theory”
This suggests a tantalising possibility. Maybe some central authority, a “mechanism designer” like King Solomon could construct a series of questions for the parties involved that would lead us to the best outcome for society.
Solomon might have begun the practice, but the formal study of it began with another wise person, Eric Maskin, in 1977. He went on, three decades later, to win the Nobel Prize for his work.
Maskin spoke about “social choice functions”. A social choice function is a sort-of formula that takes as an input all the relevant attributes of the people in a society and gives as an output the best social choice.
You could envisage one where the output was the best environmental policy and the best way to pay for it and the input was all the views in society.
But Maskin discovered that only certain types of problems can be solved this way.
It’s less easy than Solomon made it look
Among the problems that cannot be solved this way are those where decisions have distributional consequences, such as whether to build a road which will leave some people better off and and some people relatively worse off.
Another problem is while a mechanism might implement a desirable outcome, it might not be the only desirable outcome. In the language of economics, it might be an equilibrium, but not the only equilibrium.
Later economists have helped. John Moore and Raphael Repullo showed that by allowing for sequential rather than simultaneous announcements by players, it is possible to resolve both of these limitations: We are able to implement any social choice function as a unique equilibrium. Wow!
But there’s progress
If that sounds too good to be true it kind of is. With co-authors, I have shown that sequential mechanisms might not properly work if there is even a tiny amount of incomplete information shared between the players.
Ernst Fehr, Mike Powell and Tom Wilkening have shown that a lot depends on what is observable.
In an attempt to get social choice functions with sequential announcements to work, I and others have proposed a new type of mechanism that is impervious to incomplete information and to some departures from rationality.
I am not saying we can construct mechanisms to solve all public policy questions.
What I am saying is the work done so far provides important lessons.
People need incentives to reveal their private information. If we expect people to provide information needed for making better public policy, we need to make it in their interests to reveal it.
For policy to be robust it needs to be simple. Complicated policy (just like complicated implementation mechanisms) can be “gamed” to deliver the wrong result.
We should be modest about what a central Solomon-like authority can do. Central rulers can be powerful, but they often have less information than what is dispersed in society, and have to respect the decision-making processes of others.
Editor’s note: This has been Richard Holden’s 300th contribution to The Conversation.
Richard Holden is president-elect of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.
More famous men are wearing dresses: from actor Billy Porter on the red carpet to singer-songwriter Harry Styles on the cover of Vogue. They have prompted much commentary, both positive and negative, leading fashion commentators to ask if frocks might become a regular part of men’s sartorial landscape.
The trend signifies a return to ancient sartorial norms, when more androgynous clothing was accepted and, indeed, required.
Such clothes were not “dresses” as we understand them today: the dress is a garment that has become indelibly “feminine”. But could skirts and dresses become mainstream garb for 21st century men beyond these celebrity trailblazers?
Our contemporary construct of masculinity is, of course, relatively recent. Until the early 20th century, boys and girls wore dresses until boys were “breeched” (put into breeches or “short trousers”) at around seven years old.
Pink was a manly colour, and it was almost impossible to tell boy and girl toddlers apart.
Before the 15th century, much clothing for men and women was fairly androgynous, particularly outside Europe – where in many cultures this continues today.
Japanese kimono are robes with only subtle hints at gender difference. In parts of North Africa, the jellabiya – a long, loose robe perfect for the warm climate – is worn daily by men and women.
Ancient Egyptian men, including pharaohs, wore the schenti, a wrap skirt similar to a kilt. This garment was so practical and versatile it remained popular for over 2,000 years.
Ancient Greece and Rome saw universal wearing of the tunica, a simple gown that was shorter and looser for men, but constructed the same way for both sexes.
The elite wore longer chiton and toga, which could be more elaborately accessorised to indicate the wearer’s gender. In these societies, the higher a man was on the social ladder, the longer his gown.
Divided garments (not then known as “trousers”) were generally worn only by soldiers and the working class. To ancient Greeks and Romans, leg coverings were more representative of the barbarian than powerful, civilised men.
From 800 AD, bifurcated (divided, two-legged) styles slowly emerged in the Christian world, propagated by the medieval emperor Charlemagne as a way of linking physicality and aggression with new European concepts of “manliness”. Such garments later came to symbolise (male) control and authority.
This was a gradual process, however. In medieval Europe, men and women wore long, layered clothing and tunics until the slow advent of tailoring in the 1400s. Even armour, the most “macho” of male attire, could still feature a metal “skirt” pleated similarly to contemporary tunics.
From the 15th century on, shorter tunics took hold for men, beneath which they could wear hose or stockings and, later, breeches.
Aside from brief outlier trends, (for example the lampooned and short-lived “petticoat breeches”) men’s hemlines continued to move north.
The advent of stockings and a codpiece and, until the 1820s, relatively tight-fitting pants for men, acted as a non-verbal reminder of their political and economic power.
although dressed, are […] immediately connected with parts which are not, and which decency strictly conceals from view.
Repression of expression
Women fought for a long time to wear trousers, making discreet strides in the adoption of bloomers as underwear in the 19th century. While gradually accepted as trouser-wearers in the early 20th century (and in the professional realm from the late 1960s), the same freedom of clothing choice has not been given to men.
For women, wearing trousers represented physical freedom, making certain jobs – and therefore, financial freedom – easier. Men do not have that same need, in a practical sense, to adopt dresses.
Arguably, a dress does not make any aspect of life easier, but it does allow an individual to express themselves in different ways. Restricting this suggests repression of far more than physical movement.
It could be argued that since the 18th century, (in the west at least), men have played second fiddle to women in terms of glamour and excitement in clothing. Contrary to popular belief, it was generally women who imposed what we now see as extravagant and restrictive sartorial customs, such as the cage crinoline. For many women, fashion was the one area of life over which they had some control.
During the 19th century, an era famously described by psychologist Carl Flugel as the “great male renunciation” of brilliant fashion, men had eye-wateringly little choice of garments compared to women. The monopoly of the (male) suit has perhaps been a result of this one-sidedness. Promoting dresses for men could redress the imbalance.
Fitting dresses to men
If dresses are to become a genuine part of menswear once again, we need first to establish what differences, if any, there will be with women’s. How will the fit be determined? How will they be worn?
This is not necessarily the same as producing androgynous or gender fluid clothes. It is about dresses that will allow men, who wish it, to still feel masculine – as trousers can make women feel feminine.
While fashion slacks were often made to conform to a woman’s body (putting aside utilitarian and wartime uniforms) there seem to be very few dresses made exclusively for the male physique.
Billy Porter’s velvet tuxedo gown worn to the 2019 Oscars was an exception. A hybrid male and female garment, it used black to create a link to contemporary womenswear, and men’s traditional evening wear. Crafted by designer Christian Siriano, it consisted of a tuxedo-style bodice with voluminous, ballgown skirt.
This dress was elite rather than mainstream fashion, created exclusively for Porter. Styles’ ethereal Gucci number on the Vogue cover is likewise hardly accessible to the everyday consumer, demanding a high level of confidence to pull off.
The same can be said of frocks and frock-spirations chosen by Carl Clemons-Hopkins at the 2021 Emmys and Queer Eye’s Jonathan Van Ness at the Creative Arts Emmys in 2018.
As Oscar Wilde put it when discussing women’s dress reform in the 1880s:
If the divided skirt is to be of any positive value, it must give up all idea of being identical in appearance with an ordinary skirt … [it must] … sacrifice its foolish frills and flounces.
Perhaps men’s dresses should aim for that same end: not to masquerade as anything else, but to take on a life of their own as new, separate garments.
A viable option?
Examples such as Porter’s and Styles’ frocks prompt intrigued debate. Other examples of men wearing dresses are usually associated with transvestism or those undergoing gender reassignment.
Huge progress over the past few decades has made their visibility and acceptance far more widespread, along with gender fluid and queer identity becoming a regular part of the fashion landscape, thanks to designers such as Harris Reed, Telfar Clemens and Charles Jeffrey Loverboy. Each, in their own way, are creating and championing fluid fashion, showing the world how it can be done.
However, we are not yet at the point where most men would consider a dress a viable option, or where a man wearing a dress would not provoke assumptions around sexuality or gender identity. We also seem to be at a crossroads in terms of how men in dresses are received by different communities.
A controversy arose earlier this year when cisgender man, the rapper Kid Cudi, performed on Saturday Night Live wearing a dress intended to pay tribute to Kurt Cobain.
In 1993, Cobain had boldly donned a similarly patterned, but shorter frock on the cover of The Face magazine, attracting considerable backlash.
In 2021, wearing a fuller, longer, more classically “feminine” style, Cudi was met largely with praise. However, some commentators – particularly those from the LGBTQI community – felt his choice was nothing but a “costume” worn by a performer.
Some pointed out that what was a publicity stunt for him amounted to a “life and death” decision, for which trans people have been severely bullied. The reality is that however casually a man might wear a dress, and whatever his motivations for doing so, the choice is fraught with political, emotional and social ramifications. It will be commented on and judged, positively or negatively.
Earlier this year, singer Post Malone’s stylist Catherine Hahn put the singer in a dress, another tribute to Cobain.
The success of this outfit inspired her to create “a unisex dress that could be worn every day. To work, to school, to skateboard in, or on a date.” The result is a calf-length, oversized plaid shirt that recalls 90s grunge styles and certainly offers a fun, fresh, casual option for men.
However, it is still unisex, rather than aimed specifically at men. Its shirt-like cut makes it a familiar, non-threatening segue for those wishing to experiment with dresses. This style is the closest we have seen to a potentially mainstream, workable male frock option.
Dresses are likely to remain a novelty for many men, a defiant show of bravery and individuality akin to the female pioneers of the rational and aesthetic dress movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Mind you, during this pandemic, there has been a surge in male skirt designs by the likes of Burberry and Stefan Cooke.
Many of these take inspiration from the traditional “man skirt”, the kilt. But longer, calf-length, pleated and A-line examples have been championed too. More men may have felt comfortable experimenting with a skirt or dress during the privacy of lockdown.
The year 2020 was a seismic shift in life as well as fashion. But given the highly gendered and ingrained nature of clothing codes, it seems unlikely we will see men’s dresses go mainstream anytime soon.
Lydia Edwards does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When Scott Morrison fronted the travelling media at a stopover in Dubai on his way home, he looked drained. Here was a man in need of a steaming hot bath, and a big political reset.
He’s presumably had the opportunity for the former; he and his advisers will be mulling over the latter for a long while yet. It’s not an easy assignment, especially when it involves issues of integrity.
The “character” question is important in politics. In recent political history, it was part of the downfall of then Labor leader Mark Latham, who had appeared a strong prospect in the lead-up to the 2004 election.
Morrison has long been regarded as a slippery political player. The imbroglio with the French, in which Emmanuel Macron branded him a liar and he responded with a leaked Macron text, has further tarnished Morrison’s personal reputation – even accepting Australians won’t be inclined to side with France.
Labor is banking on these events playing into the negatives about Morrison that are already in some voters’ minds. Anthony Albanese said: “The only thing that the prime minister has accomplished on this trip is proving that he can’t be trusted”.
To adapt a line from Morrison’s climate policy mantra, the issue is not the “if” or “when” he needs to move forward, but the “how”.
With next year’s election rushing towards him, Morrison personally is no longer a clear asset for the government, as he was in 2019. It may be that, if the Coalition wins another term, it will be more in spite of him than because of him.
The Coalition normally wants “trust” to be a part of its pitch to voters. But how to do this, when the tag “liar” has been pinned onto its leader?
It’s difficult, although not impossible on the history. Immediately before he called the 2004 election, John Howard’s integrity had been freshly disputed in a hangover from the 2001 “children overboard” affair. That didn’t stop him making “trust” the centrepiece when he announced the poll. “Who do you trust to keep interest rates low?” he asked.
“Trust” can operate at more than one level. A voter might regard a leader as someone loose with the truth, but still trust him or her over the alternative to manage the economy or national security. It becomes a matter of which “trust” issue weighs more heavily with the electorate.
On the economic front, this government can expect to have a strong story for its election pitch. The September-quarter numbers, when they come, will show the economy having gone backwards because of the lockdowns, but the quarters that follow are looking good.
Reserve Bank Governor Philip Lowe said this week: “As vaccination rates increase even further and restrictions are eased, the economy is expected to bounce back relatively quickly”. Growth of 3% is forecast over 2021, with 5.5½% and 2.5% over the following two years. Lowe did add the obvious uncertainty – “the possibility of a further setback on the health front”.
The government can argue that, in economic terms, it sustained the community through the pandemic and therefore can be trusted on economic management.
But it may regard the “trust” ground in general as too treacherous, especially as linking “trust” and “politicians” raises a horse laugh in the community these days. “Who do you regard as more competent to manage the economy?” might avoid the hazards of having Morrison campaigning on “trust”.
The prime minister no doubt would like to rope in “national security” as a pillar of his election pitch and he would have thought the trilateral AUKUS agreement with the United States and the United Kingdom provided the ideal platform.
But, important as AUKUS is, relying on it in political terms has become more problematic. Not only does that take Morrison back to the fracas with the French, but there are increasing questions over the much-vaunted promise of nuclear-powered submarines.
All we have is an 18-month consultation process for these boats. We don’t know whether the design would come from the US or the UK. We do know the first sub wouldn’t appear for nearly two decades.
Given the Coalition’s abysmal performance over most of its term on submarines, some of the initial shine has gone off this deal, although it retains the public support of Labor.
More generally, Labor is sticking close to the government on security issues, denying it a fight.
Ironically, the issue that was predicted to cause Morrison trouble on his trip – the government’s lacklustre commitment on climate policy for COP26 – turned out to be the least of his problems.
Australia’s policy didn’t impress, but that was overshadowed by the more general and important disappointments at the conference.
So, the political strategists will now be asking, where does this leave the climate issue for the election?
Still potent, one would guess, but lacking some of the sharpness it had before Glasgow – both because that focal point will have passed and because the conference, which is still running, isn’t as ground-breaking as many hoped.
Labor would be savvy to position its climate policy as somewhat more ambitious than Morrison’s but not too much more.
On the government side the Nationals, having reluctantly climbed on board for net-zero in 2050, are already feeling heat in Queensland. They need the government to pull out all stops to announce soon the trade-offs they were promised.
Morrison’s troubles strengthen the case for him to wait until May for the election and launch it off the back of an April budget.
Treasurer Josh Frydenberg pointed on Thursday to an expected pre-poll budget. Asked on Sky to confirm there’d be a budget before the election he said, “Well, the prime minister’s spoken in those terms”.
This would be the third election in a row that effectively started with a budget. That worked for Morrison in 2019; it didn’t go so well for Malcolm Turnbull in 2016, when he lost a swag of seats.
A budget – if received well – can usefully frame the campaign. If the economic outlook is rosy, as it looks like it may be, a pre-election budget can emphasise that. It can be used to put new policy in the most positive light (the wrinkles may only emerge later).
Another budget would give more prominence to Frydenberg, which would be an advantage if Morrison is tracking as damaged.
An April budget could also be a challenge for Labor, potentially forcing it into a more reactive position.
But while the arguments are strong for using a budget as the campaign’s start, there can be risks – one of them being that if there’s a sudden change of circumstances the government can’t delay – it has run out of time. And as Morrison’s trip showed so graphically, politics is always about the unexpected.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
So the Parrot, as H. G. Nelson called him, has been pushed off his perch, Sky News having refused to renew his contract.
Over 36 years, Alan Jones became one of the most powerful, divisive and socially destructive voices the Australian media has ever produced.
At the same time, in rating terms, he became a phenomenon. In April 2020, he achieved his 226th ratings win in the Sydney breakfast time slot, a performance that has never been equalled and probably never will be.
It was an accomplishment built on three foundations. He was articulate in the red-blooded language of conservative outrage that his listeners felt but could not put into words. He had an unerring instinct for the issues that would inflame them, and he persuaded them that he was their champion in the corridors of power.
His broadcasting career began in 1985 when he joined Radio 2UE in Sydney as its mornings host. He moved to the breakfast shift in 1988 and soon took it to number one.
In 2001, he moved from 2UE to 2GB, taking a large slice of his audience with him and making that station number one in the Sydney breakfast market, a position it has recently regained after slipping briefly when Jones left in May 2020.
For a long time, he was politically untouchable.
In 1999, he was caught up in what became known as the cash-for-comment scandal. His evidence to the ensuing Australian Broadcasting Authority inquiry was dismissed by the counsel assisting, Julian Burnside, QC, as defying belief.
Politically, he remained untouched. Within a few weeks, he was hosting an event for John Howard, who was then prime minister, and in 2001, he was dining with the Labor premier of New South Wales, Bob Carr, to discuss government policy.
The following week, Carr dispatched his police minister-designate, Michael Costa, to Jones’ home to discuss law-and-order policy.
For his part, Howard used Jones’ program to reach that audience segment known as “Howard’s battlers”, occupants of what Jones called Struggle Street, of which Sydney’s western suburbs have a plentiful number and where Jones rated strongly.
To the extent he was able to put the issues of this audience directly to the likes of Howard and Carr, Jones was indeed a voice for the otherwise voiceless in the corridors of power. Whether this had any effect on voting intentions is another question.
Author and social researcher Rebecca Huntley has written that after 15 years of research, she had not found Jones to be any more influential with voters than ABC Radio or The Sydney Morning Herald. She concluded:
For a long time at 2GB, he was commercially untouchable, too.
In 2005, he was found by the Australian Communications and Media Authority to have breached the radio code of practice by inciting violence against people of Middle Eastern ethnicity in a series of incendiary broadcasts leading up to the race riots at Cronulla Beach that year.
The ACMA characteristically decided it was sufficient to enter into a “dialogue” with 2GB.
In 2012, he said Julia Gillard, who was then prime minister, should be put in a chaff bag, taken out to sea and dumped. At about the same time, he made a speech to the Sydney University Liberal Club in which he said Gillard’s recently deceased father had “died of shame” at the lies her daughter told.
In the aftermath of this, social media pressure on big advertisers such as Harvey Norman, Big W and Mercedes-Benz was so intense that Jones’ employer, Macquarie Radio, suspended all advertising on the show to take the pressure off them.
In 2019, Jones told Scott Morrison, who had by then become known as the “2GB prime minister”, to shove a sock down the throat of New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. Jones was outraged Ardern had said Australia would have to answer to the nations of the Pacific on climate change.
This time, advertisers boycotted the Jones show in droves, costing 2GB an estimated 50% of the show’s revenue.
Macquarie Radio was getting sick of him. In addition to these advertising losses, in 2018, he had cost the network $3.75 million in a defamation action brought against it by four brothers whom Jones had wrongly accused of causing the deaths of people in Grantham, near Toowoomba, during the Queensland floods of 2011.
In May 2020, he retired from 2GB, but was snapped up Sky News amid great fanfare for a personal nightly spot at 8pm.
His ratings were poor. He routinely came fourth behind other Sky-at-Night luminaries such as Andrew Bolt, Paul Murray and Peta Credlin.
The COVID-19 disinformation he routinely spread on the program was a factor in Sky’s being suspended by YouTube for seven days in early August.
Shortly before that, Sydney’s Daily Telegraph had dropped his column, which he had also used to spread COVID disinformation.
Whatever his talents, and however impressive his record, he has been a canker on Australian democracy.
Finally he seems to have run out of platforms, not because of the harm he has done to the social fabric but because he is no longer rating well and bringing in big advertising dollars.
That is the way it was always going to end.
Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In the ‘Perfect Storm’ article, the author (Sarah Zhang) says: “Fears of a bad flu season first began in the early fall, after public health officials noticed a worse-than-average flu season in the southern hemisphere”. And “this year’s vaccine was only 10 percent effective against the problematic H3N2 strain in Australia”. (This was the strain of influenza associated with the 1968 Hong Kong flu pandemic; refer to Fifty Years of Influenza A(H3N2) Following the Pandemic of 1968.) For Australia, see 2017 influenza outbreak, from Victoria’s Department of Health, showing in a chart how much worse the 2017 event was than the 2009 Swine Flu pandemic. And see: What Australia’s bad flu season means for Europe, North America, by Susan Scutti, CNN, 14 September 2017.
(Note also, Flu Season 2017-2018: A Look at What Happened and What’s to Come, by Laurie Saloman, 28 June 2018 [Contagion Live website]. This looks forward to a “universal vaccine”; indeed the January 2020 Netflix documentary series Pandemic, which featured that idea, was most likely inspired by the 2017/18 event.)
Here are my charts for Australia and New Zealand. Australia had an estimated 2,500 deaths over and above a normal flu season in 2017, and at least 5,000 more excess deaths that year than in its covid first covid year of 2020. That flu epidemic, in July 2017, represented New Zealand’s stark mortality peak in the period since 2015. (In New Zealand, July 2019 and July 2021 also represented seasonal mortality highs; 2019, like 2017, also featured a nasty influenza.)
To understand the spread of the 2017 global influenza epidemic, it is instructive to look at the seasonal mortality chart for Greece. We see that 2017 was very bad there for excess mortality in January, June and August. And Italy was bad in January and August. Greece may have been the main transmission channel of this flu strain into Australia, given Australia’s large Greek communities. And, at a time of considerable travel between Australia and southern Europe, this flu strain seems to have fed back into Europe around August 2017. In Italy in particular, this flu outbreak was strong in both December 2016 and December 2017. Italy will have been one of the routes through which this festering epidemic reached the United States.
This resurgence of H3N2 influenza seems to have begun in south and central Europe, with some countries there having a particularly bad 2016/17 flu season: in addition to Greece, there was Austria, Switzerland, France, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Germany. In some of these countries – Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Finland (plus United Kingdom and Netherlands) – the 2017 flu returned with a vengeance in early 2018, peaking about two months after the United States peak. The lethal H3N2 strain circumnavigated the world, from December 2016 to March 2018.
It is looking like the post-2020 Covid19 mortality outcomes in the countries mentioned (and, of course, some other countries) reflects these countries’ prior influenza experiences. After being badly (and twice) hit by the H3N2 global epidemic, Sweden went through two winters of minimal flu. Then it was initially hit particularly badly by Covid19, with death rates being concentrated among people aged over 85, the chief casualty cohort for influenza. Germany, which had a very bad flu experience in 2018 (and also a significant is not substantial experience in 2019) was hit much less by Europe’s first wave of Covid19. Greece, the only European country to have a substantial influenza experience in January and February of 2020, was barely hit at all by covid’s first European wave; whereas Italy, with a very light flu experience in early 2020, was very hard hit by Covid19.
In general, it looks like an unusually light influenza season in Europe in 2019/20 opened the door to Covid19; immunity to respiratory infections would have been lower than usual for March, and there were many older people alive in early March 2020 who would have already died had there been an average or above-average flu season.
A species – whether a micro species, or a macro species like humankind – moves quickly into an empty spaces. That’s ecology. Once one species moves in, it tends to shut the door on would-be competitors aiming for that same space. The BBC reported “University of Glasgow scientists say it appears cold-causing rhinovirus trumps coronavirus” on 23 March (How the common cold can boot out Covid).
My sense, also, is that endemic (seasonal) covid – as it will be in the future – will be nothing like as bad as the next global influenza epidemic will be. The Americans are correct to place as much emphasis on getting seasonal ‘flu jabs’ as they do on getting regular ‘covid jabs’. We in New Zealand are likely to be woefully unprepared for either covid or flu in the winter of 2022. (For priority New Zealanders to get biannual covid revaccinations in May 2022 before winter sets in, they will need to get their first revaccination before the end of this month.)
The global influenza epidemic of 2016 to 2018 was a particularly nasty assailant across the economically developed world of temperate latitudes. New Zealand’s health officials should not dismiss, as relatively trivial, the possibility of another similar flu event. (The danger sign will be another ‘good year’ like 2016, in which mortality was unusually low.) 2017 may have been New Zealand’s worst epidemic experience of a respiratory virus since 1918. Influenza vaccines are partially effective, sufficiently effective that they should be made available in 2022 to an extent similar to their availability in the United States this year.
Partially effective vaccines are not the only ways to get a degree of protection from a respiratory viral outbreak. It looks like infection from one respiratory virus may give some protection against another. It’s for that reason that I do not think we will face a major influenza outbreak next winter, or even the winter after that. I will still be taking my annual influenza vaccines, though.
(And I will regard myself unvaccinated from Covid19 if I cannot get biannual coronavirus immunisations when I am due; I guess I should prepare myself to self-isolate from March 2022, just in case the government still has not rolled out covid revaccinations by then.)
Conclusion
The 2016-2018 global influenza epidemic was a beast. Not only did it trigger many deaths, it also made many more people so sick that they felt like they would die. We should not play down our awareness of our seasonal flu events, some of which will be particularly severe. We should not overreact to them either. Even the 1918 flu ‘event’ – worse than the Covid19 pandemic – in itself had little impact on the subsequent unfolding of history. By contrast, our nations’ government-led responses in 2020 – through dramatic restrictions on mobility, the unprecedented peacetime reach of government power in liberal democracies, and the polarisation of political belief systems taken to new post-war levels – will have much more impact on future history than the virus on its own could ever have had.
PS
TVNZ’s Seven Sharp programme yesterday evening featured an interview with Professor Graham le Gros, in which this issue of lost immunity to influenza, and the possibility of a winter twindemic in 2022, were the main themes.
Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.
Being taken and removed from one’s family is a significantly traumatic event for any child. It disrupts their entire world.
Children are dependent on their families and attachment figures for their sense of security and support. Sudden loss of these important relationships can result in fear, a sense of abandonment and confusion. Children left alone can become withdrawn and depressed and have little understanding of why this has happened to them.
There can be long-term effects, such as memories of the fearful experience, sleep disruption and anxiety. Some children will have difficultly rebuilding their sense of security and trust.
As a child psychiatrist who’s researched trauma, I’m interested in how we can ensure such children recover.
Family members, the media and the public also need to avoid certain actions or behaviours that could re-traumatise the child.
How can the child recover?
The first priority after finding the child is to immediately re-establish a sense of safety and stability, and to reunite them with their family.
The most important thing is to avoid intrusive, probing questioning straight away as this can be frightening and distressing. It’s a normal response for the child to try and not think about what they’ve just been through.
They will take their own time before they’re able to share details of their experiences, and will need considerable support and care to do this.
Intrusive questioning may re-traumatise the child. For survivors of trauma, being asked to focus on their memories and experiences of fear can be distressing and bring back the terror of the experience, particularly if they’re not ready to think about the events.
Police forces have skilled interviewers who understand and avoid this when recovering a child, and perform the interviews gradually.
There are open questions about any other sort of trauma Cleo may have experienced, but for now we don’t have any information on this. We might never know all the details and we need to respect the family’s right to privacy.
Some children might benefit from counselling, particularly if they have severe anxiety symptoms or have been held for a long time.
Children held for a long time often become dependent on their captor for survival, as they adapt to their situation and attempt to survive. It’s a very strange and traumatising position for the child to be in and may take a long time to recover from.
Over time, it’s important for attachment figures such as parents and carers to allow children to express fears in a gentle way.
The response to trauma varies considerably. Some children tell parents or carers a lot about the experience at first. Others may disclose small details little by little over time, while some may not speak about details for months or years.
Parents or carers need to let the child speak at their own pace and be guided by the child’s level of anxiety. The aim is to give the child a safe space to speak to trusted people who can support them.
When they do start talking about their experience, adults must listen carefully and validate their feelings. Adults should reassure the child that he or she is safe now. It’s not a good idea to probe.
We don’t know what the long-term consequences for Cleo will be. This will depend on what she’s been exposed to, which we don’t know yet. And we don’t always get a sense of closure – this isn’t as important as working on the best way to support her recovery.
The media should avoid premature comment and speculation on what might have occurred. The media currently have no idea what kind of person the suspect is and shouldn’t speculate on his behaviours and motives.
It’s also not helpful for the media to focus on extreme ideas about risk to children at the hands of predatory offenders.
As the public, we shouldn’t speculate about the circumstances either or prejudge those involved. Police are methodical and thorough in their work and will need time to piece together the story of what may have happened.
The local community, and many members of the public, are likely to be anxious and fearful. A missing child strikes at the core of our desire to care for children. This may have negative impacts on community trust and relationships.
If this was random act, there’s the potential for ongoing fear. And it’s potentially more scary than the stereotypes we think of, such as a planned attack by a ring of perpetrators. A random attack is harder to make sense of, terrifying and unsettling.
Parents need support, too
Cleo’s parents, and any parents in a similar situation, have been through a horrendous ordeal.
They have the vital role of helping a child feel safe again, so they also need support to do this.
All parents may feel increased anxiety about child safety in the face of this event. Children may also hear about Cleo’s experience and worry this could happen to them. Fear is contagious when such a traumatic event impacts a community.
If parents are worried about their child showing trauma or anxiety symptoms, they should speak to GP who can refer to a psychologist or psychiatrist if more support is needed.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Louise Newman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Virgin birth – which involves the development of an unfertilised egg – has preoccupied humans for aeons. And although it can’t happen in mammals, it does seem to be possible in other animals with backbones (vertebrates), such as birds and lizards.
A recent paper led by researchers from San Diego Zoo in the United States reports two fatherless male chicks raised in a program to save the Californian condor from extinction. Could the species be restored by a single surviving female?
Sexual reproduction is fundamental in all vertebrates. Normally it requires an egg from a female to be fertilised by a sperm from a male, so each parent contributes one copy of the genome.
Violation of this rule, as for the fatherless condor chicks, tells us a lot about why sexual reproduction is such a good biological strategy – as well as how sex works in all animals, including humans.
How the fatherless chicks were identified
The magnificent California condor, a type of vulture, is the largest flying bird in North America. In 1982 the species declined to a population of just 22 individuals, sparking an ambitious captive breeding program led by San Diego Zoo which has seen numbers start to grow.
With so few birds, the team had to be careful not to choose parents that were closely related, as a lack of genetic variation would produce less vigorous offspring and steepen the slide to extinction.
The researchers conducted a detailed genetic study of the birds to avoid this, using DNA markers that were specific for condors and which varied between individual birds. They collected feathers, blood and eggshells from nearly 1,000 birds over 30 years.
By analysing these data, they established parentage, confirming that half the DNA markers in each chick came from a female and half from a male, as you’d expect. They continued to follow the fates of hundreds of captive-bred chicks in the colony, and after releasing them into the wild.
But there was something unusual about two male chicks, as detailed in the recent paper. These chicks, which hatched several years apart from eggs laid by different females, had DNA markers that all came from the female parent. There was no trace of markers from the male she’d been paired with.
Virgin birth
The development of unfertilised eggs is called “parthenogenesis” (from Greek words that literally mean “virgin creation”). It’s quite common in insects and other invertebrates like aphids and starfish, and can be accomplished by several different mechanisms. But it’s very rare in vertebrates.
There have been reports of parthenogenesis in fish and reptiles that were housed without males. In Tennessee, a lonely female Komodo dragon held in captivity for many years gave up on finding a mate and produced three viable offspring on her own. So did a female python and a boa, although these parthenogenic offspring all died early.
Some lizards, however, have adopted parthenogenesis as a way of life. There are female-only species in Australia and the US in which females lay eggs carrying only combinations of their own genes.
Parthenogenesis also happens in domesticated chickens and turkeys raised in the absence of a male, but the embryo usually dies. There are only a few reports of fatherless male turkeys that made it to adulthood, and just one or two that produced sperm.
How does it happen?
In birds, parthenogenisis always results from an egg cell carrying a single copy of the genome (haploid). Eggs are made in the ovary of a female by a special sort of cell division called meiosis, which shuffles up the genome and also halves the chromosome number. Sperm cells are made by the same process in the testis of a male.
Normally an egg cell and a sperm cell fuse (fertilisation), incorporating both parents genomes and restoring the usual (diploid) number of chromosomes.
But in parthenogenesis, the egg cell is not fertilised. Instead, it achieves a diploid state either by fusing with another cell from the same division — which is normally jettisoned — or by replicating its genome without the cell being divided.
So rather than getting one genome from the mother and a different one from the father, the resulting egg only has a subset of the mother’s genes in a double dose.
Fatherless birds will always be male
Condors, like other birds, determine sex by Z and W sex chromosomes. These work in the opposite way to the human XX (female) and XY (male) system, in which the SRY gene on the Y chromosome determines maleness.
However, in birds males are ZZ and females are ZW. Sex is determined by the dosage of a gene (DMRT1) on the Z chromosome. The ZZ combination has two copies of the DMRT1 gene and makes a male, whereas the ZW combination has only one copy and makes a female.
Haploid egg cells receive either a Z or a W from the ZW mother. Their diploid derivatives will therefore be ZZ (normal male) or WW (dead). The reason WW embryos can’t develop is because the W chromosome contains hardly any genes, whereas the Z chromosome has 900 genes which are vital for development.
Fatherless chicks must therefore be ZZ males, as was observed.
Why virgin birth fails
Is it possible an endangered bird species such as the condor could be resuscitated from a lone female survivor, by hatching a fatherless male chick and breeding with it?
Well not quite. It turns out parthenogens (fatherless animals) don’t do so well. Neither of the two fatherless condors produced offspring of their own. One died before reaching sexual maturity and the other was weak and submissive – making it a poor prospect for fatherhood.
In chickens and turkeys, parthenogenesis produces either dead embryos or weak hatchlings. Even female-only lizard species, though they seem robust, are generally the product of a recent blending of two species which messed up meiosis and left them no other option. These species don’t seem to last long.
Why do parthenogens do so poorly? The answer goes to the core of a fundamental biological question. That is: why do we have sex at all? You’d think it would be more efficient for the mother’s genome to be simply handed down to her clonal offspring without bothering about meiosis.
Variation is key
But the evidence says it’s not healthy to have a genome consisting entirely of the mother’s genes. Genetic variation is all-important in the health of an individual and its species. Mixing the gene variants from male and female parents is vital.
In diploid offspring with two parental genomes, good variants can cover for mutants. Individuals that inherit genes only from the mother may have two copies of a maternal mutant gene that weakens them – without a healthy version from a male parent to compensate.
Variation also helps protect populations from deadly viruses, bacteria and parasites. Meiosis and fertilisation provide many rearrangements of different gene variants, which can baffle pathogens. Without this added protection, pathogens could run amok in a population of clones, and a genetically similar population would not contain resistant animals.
So the ability of condor females to hatch chicks without a father is unlikely to save the species. On the bright side, human efforts have now led to hundreds of females – and males – flying the Californian skies.
Jenny Graves receives funding from the Australian Research Council
The role played by University of Sydney Professor Edward Holmes in the COVID pandemic is already the stuff of legend. His decision to tweet the genome of SARS-CoV-2 on January 11 2020, making the data freely available to everyone, sparked urgent work in labs around the world to develop a test and a vaccine.
Within days, the first diagnostic tests were available, and that weekend, scientists at Moderna and Pfizer are reported to have downloaded the genome and set to work on their mRNA vaccines, bringing a new technology to medicine in record time.
But it is the deeper story I find most exciting. It is a story of excellent, painstaking research over many years, as the scientific community developed an understanding of genomics and virus behaviour, built a record of genetic sequences, and developed techniques to intervene at the tiniest scales.
This foundational work meant that when the pandemic struck, science was ready. Reports began to appear of a novel coronavirus causing illness in the Chinese city of Wuhan at the end of December 2019; Holmes’s tweet detailing the full genome of the virus was posted less than a fortnight later.
It is also a story of scientific expertise and confidence. While most of the world was coming to terms with the concept of a coronavirus, Holmes and other experts realised immediately what they were dealing with, and knew their first obligation was to share the information so researchers and their industry colleagues could go to work.
And it is a story of collaboration. As Holmes has pointed out, he would not have had the genome to share without deep scientific relationships. That day, he was on the phone with a colleague in China, Zhang Yongzhen, who held the genome information, and another in Edinburgh, who helped prepare the data for release.
A prizewinning effort
The lessons for scientific endeavour are clear, and Holmes is now the deserved recipient of the Prime Minister’s Prize for Science, presented at a virtual event last night.
The pandemic has demonstrated the vital importance of global research collaborations and open sharing of findings, which makes science faster, more efficient and more accurate.
More than 400,000 papers have been written on COVID. Their open publication has allowed the development of vaccines and therapeutics at breakneck speed, saving millions of lives. The pandemic has highlighted the benefits of making research findings openly available for researchers, policy-makers, educators and others, and I am now championing an open-access approach for Australia.
One of the welcome aspects of the Prime Minister’s Science Prizes is the recognition it gives to great science teaching, which plays a crucial role in inspiring our young people to start on that path towards a scientific career. This year’s awards celebrated the work of Scott Graham, who has inspired students at Barker College in Hornsby, NSW, to study agriculture, and Megan Hayes, a STEM specialist at Mudgeeraba Creek State School in Queensland.
Four other scientists were recognised at the awards, all of whom demonstrate the drive that underpins great science and propels its practitioners to find ways to benefit the community.
Professor Sherene Loi, a medical oncologist at Peter MacCallum Cancer Centre, was recognised for her world-leading breast-cancer research that led to the development of a biomarker that is now routine in breast-cancer diagnosis in many countries.
Dr Keith Bannister, a research engineer with CSIRO Space and Astronomy, modified the CSIRO’s Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder radio telescope to increase the detection rate of “fast radio bursts”. These mysterious bursts of intense energy from distant galaxies last just milliseconds but can release as much energy as the Sun emits in decades.
Bannister designed and built a system to preserve the data from the CSIRO’s radio telescope, and to track the source of the bursts.
Associate Professor Michael Bowen, at the University of Sydney, discovered a molecule with potential for treating brain disorders and tackling the opioid epidemic. This has led to a world-first clinical trial, now starting in Australia.
Also at the University of Sydney, Professor Anthony Weiss was recognised for developing and commercialising a natural “squirtable” skin-repair product, based on the protein that gives human tissue its elasticity. A spin-off company he founded has now been sold to one of the world’s largest biopharmaceutical companies for A$334 million.
The achievements of these scientists are so important to Australia, as are the efforts of the many researchers and technologists who sit behind them doing foundational work that builds over years, and collaborating in teams to tackle the difficult problems that are part and parcel of scientific discovery and impact.
Their achievements give me confidence we will solve today’s great challenges as we place science at the heart of efforts to tackle climate resilience, respond to the pandemic, and build the high-tech industries of the future.
Cathy Foley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Employees of the National Capital District Commission (NCDC) have challenged the legality of the “no jab, no job” policy imposed by NCDC on Port Moresby with a lawsuit.
Lawyer George Kaore, representing the NCDC Workers Association, appeared before Deputy Chief Justice Ambeng Kandakasi to seek certain interim orders at the National Court in Waigani.
City manager Bernard Kipit, Governor Powes Parkop and NCDC were named as defendants in the case.
Kaore said the NCDC employees filed the case for the court to enforce the rights of the workers pursuant to section 41 of the Constitution (Prescribed Acts) and section 48 of the Constitution (Freedom of Employment).
He said the covid-19 vaccination should not be mandatory in the workplace.
However, Justice Kandakasi advised Kaore to provide to the court a list of NCDC workers who were vaccinated and those who were not vaccinated.
Justice Kandakasi also told Kaore to provide a list of the non-vaccinated NCDC staff who had taken a covid-19 test.
‘Basic information’ not provided Justice Kandakasi said such basic information was not provided by the plaintiffs to the court.
After considering submissions from the parties, he ordered the National Executive Council (NEC), Health Minister Jelta Wong, and the National Pandemic Response Controller David Manning to be added as defendants to the case.
The court ordered the government through NEC, Wong and Manning to provide a copy of the National Covid-19 Pandemic Response plan, the strategic implementation plan and all relevant details about the covid-19 awareness, contact tracing and isolation.
Justice Kandakasi said the case by the NCDC Workers Association would be heard together with the case filed by the Human Rights Advocacy International.
The Human Rights Advocacy International filed the case in the National Court claiming that the “no jab, no job” policy implemented by some government agencies, private companies and public statutory institutions was unconstitutional.
The case has been adjourned to November 16.
Charles Moiis a reporter for The National newspaper. Republished with permission.
New Zealand’s Ministry of Health has reported 139 new community cases of covid-19 today, with 64 people now in hospital with the coronavirus.
In a statement, the ministry said two of the new cases were in Waikato and one was in Northland, with the remaining cases were all in Auckland.
The Northland case — which takes the total number of cases in the region to 15 – is a close contact of the two previously reported Taipa cases and has been isolating at home.
The two new cases confirmed in the Waikato overnight are both from Hamilton, and are known contacts of previous cases.
The ministry said 72 of today’s cases were still to be linked. There have been 452 unlinked cases in the past 14 days.
There were also three new cases reported at the border.
Five of the 64 cases in hospital are in intensive care.
The person tested positive for covid-19 on October 24 and had been self-isolating in Manukau.
The ministry said the cause of death was unknown and the coroner would determine whether it was due to the virus or something else.
It said today it was aware of speculation that the death was vaccine related, “but we can confirm it was not”.
“The Northern Region Health Coordination Centre and the Ministry will undertake an incident review of the public health and clinical oversight of this person with independent input.”
There have now been 3871 cases in the current outbreak.
There were 26,999 vaccine doses administered yesterday, including 6659 first doses and 20,340 second doses. The ministry said 89 percent of New Zealanders had now had their first dose and 77 percent were fully vaccinated.
“Getting vaccinated will help to stop people from becoming seriously ill from Covid-19 and will save lives,” said the ministry.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
The recent announcement of a new Ministry for Disabled People is a watershed moment for people living with disabilities in Aotearoa New Zealand.
It comes none too soon, as COVID-19 has affected disability communities badly. Lockdown, particularly at levels 3 and 4, has put many disabled people in a nefarious catch-22. The very measures put in place to protect them are also often responsible for exacerbating their health conditions.
In our research we document the views of young New Zealanders with central nervous system disorders such as celebral palsy, chronic pain or illness, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Our findings show repeatedly that young people with disabilities would like to have a greater voice in determining policies and services — and in identifying what their needs actually are.
Throughout the pandemic, the government has emphasised the need to protect the vulnerable, including those with underlying health issues and disabilities. But, overwhelmingly, the messaging has been to non-disabled people about the needs of the disabled population. Very little space has been made for the voices of the vulnerable.
Disability rights activists and scholars have long argued people with disabilities are as limited by society’s perceptions of their impairments as by the impairments themselves.
They are often restricted from being fully able to participate in their own care because society takes being able-bodied for granted. Curbs on pavements that don’t allow for easy wheelchair access are just one obvious example.
During the pandemic, it has become evident how social priorities further disable people with disabilities. Some of the provisions necessary for large-scale lockdowns — such as remote learning and working from home — are the very same disability activists have spent years, if not decades, campaigning for.
When the abled-bodied required these services, there was widespread mobilisation to shift education, corporate and other working environments and conferences online.
Another evident gap is the impact of long-term lockdowns on health and well-being. There is now a well-documented backlog of healthcare provision, including in physiotherapy, occupational therapy and surgeries. While this has widespread implications for all New Zealanders, it is particularly detrimental to individuals with disabilities who often rely on such services more urgently.
One of the young people we spoke with suffers from a central nervous system disorder that causes severe body-wide chronic pain and generalised weakness on her right side. She said the delay in treatments such as physiotherapy has made her physical conditions much harder to bear while also causing her to worry about possible long-term deterioration.
Others mentioned repeated delays of care for chronic pain. Appointments were sometimes put off for more than three months.
The consequences included not only ongoing physical pain but also not being able to take part in activities like exercise, drawing or gaming. Previously, such activities helped take the edge off living through lockdown.
Towards a new normal
Our interviews and online observations also revealed lockdowns have doubled the mental health burden for many disabled youth, adding to or intensifying existing issues on top of other disabilities.
Their social media posts frequently note frustration over the suspension of regular services. Some wonder if they can’t access care because they aren’t currently “manic or psychotic” enough. One said there seemed to be a widely held assumption people can somehow “put crisis aside during lockdown”.
Many we spoke to were also unaware of the reinstatement, in late October, of health services including physiotherapy, occupational therapy and dental therapy in regions currently under alert level 3 restrictions. This suggests better communication is needed.
We are not suggesting lockdowns are not justifiable. But their cost should be more openly discussed and better managed. We also need to hear from a range of people, including those in whose name these measures are being promoted.
Hopefully the new Ministry for Disabled People will be an avenue for this kind of engagement.
But these changes must permeate more broadly as part of looking at ways we can all be protected from COVID while also trying to mitigate disadvantage falling too heavily on those who are already struggling.
Any much-vaunted “return to normal” must include a rethinking of what normality is. The previous status quo required significant improvements, particularly for the disabled community. Let’s hope the new normal includes and values the complexity of individuals with disabilities.
Susanna Trnka is the Principal Investigator on a Marsden project on youth and wellbeing, funded by the Royal Society of New Zealand. The grant also funded Luca Muir’s research.
Luca Muir is a disabilities rights activist and a graduate student in social anthropology at the University of Auckland.
As the world shifts to renewable energy and fossil fuel industries close down, what will happen to the local workforce, communities and businesses that depend on them?
This week, at the global climate summit in Glasgow, business, government, and civil society leaders discussed how a “just transition” can help address the social challenges ahead. The term “just transition” is about prioritising decent work and quality jobs for displaced workers as coal mines, oil refineries, power plants and more, are rapidly phased out.
But, as we explain in our recent research paper, the idea of a just transition needs to expand. Many new mines will be required to meet demand for minerals used in clean energy infrastructure. And these mines may come with enormous impacts, including new forms of inequality, social exclusion, and impacts on land and natural resources.
If we fail to balance the social impacts of climate change with responsible climate action, we risk substituting one kind of harm for another – and this would be a disaster of another kind.
Justice in the energy transition
The world will need vast amounts of minerals and metals for clean technology, including iron ore for wind and solar power infrastructure, copper for electrification systems, and nickel for battery storage.
The mines for these energy transition minerals are likely to be deeper, lower grade, more energy and water-intensive, and built on Indigenous peoples’ lands. They will produce more mine waste and more hazardous tailings (mining residue).
Installing new renewable energy projects, such as solar and wind farms, will also cause social and environmental impacts. These projects need large areas of land, which can limit the rights of Indigenous peoples.
The International Energy Agency predicts the combined revenues from critical minerals will overtake fossil fuels before 2040. Given this soaring demand, governments will be under pressure to attract investment, and approve new mines.
This will seriously test community consultation and processes for obtaining free, prior and informed consent from Indigenous peoples.
Big new mines also carry the potential to leave costly mining legacies. The historical problem of environmental clean-up and abandoned mines is an issue worldwide, as mined rocks can seep acid and heavy metals into waterways for decades. Building more mines would add to this problem.
We’ve already seen big impacts from mining energy transition minerals in, for example, Australia. At McArthur River, Traditional Owners continue to oppose the environmental and social impacts of lead and zinc mining to the nearby township of Borroloola, including the leaking of potentially harmful contaminants and smouldering waste rock.
Some countries are scrambling to secure the materials they need to transition their energy systems. China for instance has a monopoly on the production of rare-earth elements, such as neodymium, which are essential for renewable technologies like wind turbines and electric vehicles.
The uncertainty in the supply of these minerals could trigger new geopolitical conflicts, putting the era of open competition on global commodities markets under pressure. This could reduce transparency, and further increase human rights risks in supply chains.
A just transition must work to avoid these kind of sacrifice zones in remote mining communities and along global supply chains in the name of climate action.
The roundtable at Glasgow this week was a milestone, as it put the full scope of a just transition on the COP agenda. In opening the roundtable, former Irish president and climate justice campaigner Mary Robinson said the energy transition should uphold human rights, gender equality and the rights of workers everywhere.
Likewise, Sharan Burrow, General Secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation, said climate action should enable workers and communities to thrive with new jobs in a socially inclusive green economy. This underpins calls for a Green New Deal across the world.
It’s taken decades to get the social impacts of climate change on the global agenda. Now, we must put greater focus on the social impacts of climate action.
The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights is an important place to start. This is an essential instrument to help all companies – mining, renewable technology and finance – take responsibility for their social and environmental impacts.
The principles require businesses to conduct human rights due diligence to avoid harming workers, local communities and people further down the renewables supply chain. This requires companies to understand where they may infringe on the rights of others, and act on these findings.
This is similar to the idea of climatising human rights, where powerful parties are held legally accountable for their climate impacts and actions.
The European Union is considering mandatory human rights due diligence laws, compelling businesses to assess the social and human rights impacts of climate action whether they’re extracting minerals or building renewable energy projects. This would be an important step towards climatising human rights.
These initiatives provide a platform for change. What’s missing is real action to carry them forward and achieve justice across all aspects of the energy transition.
That’s why tracking progress will be vital. The World Benchmarking Alliance has launched a just transitions assessment tool, and its findings were damning. It showed high-emitting companies are not using their influence to protect people, manage social impacts and advocate for a just transition.
This needs to change, urgently, as increased rates of extraction under the stress of climate change will create new patterns of harm.
This story is part of The Conversation’s coverage of COP26, the Glasgow climate conference, by experts from around the world.
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Deanna is chief investigator of an ARC Linkage grant on public-private inquiries in mining; member of the International Council of Mining and Metals independent expert review panel; and trustee and member of the international advisory council for the Institute for Human Rights and Business. She is Director of the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining (CSRM) at The University of Queensland (UQ). CSRM conducts applied research with communities, governments, and mining companies.
Nick Bainton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.