Analysis by Keith Rankin.
[caption id="attachment_7318" align="aligncenter" width="985"]
Governments defuse world’s money mountains.[/caption]
This week’s chart looks at private-sector surpluses and public-sector deficits in the global economy.
IMF data for combined world government balances (deficits for most countries most of the time) was available in 2011, and only for the 2000s’ decade. For the 1980s and 1990s, and the 2010s so far, I have used a regression technique.
(First I estimated ‘general government’ balances from 1994 based on the general relationship between combined advanced economies and emerging Asian economies with the global economy. Second, I used these estimates to establish ‘multiple regression’ relationships with USA, UK, Japan and France to extend my estimates for global government balances back to 1980.)
The ‘private sector’ is defined here as every party in the global economy other than governments. Because every deficit transaction must be matched by a surplus transaction elsewhere, the private sector balances are calculated as a simple mirror image of the government balances. I have used the ‘colours of the Spanish flag’ (see my Money, Flow and Debt; Evening Report 25 July 2015), with gold representing accumulations of private sector unspent money and red representing annual accumulations of government liabilities.
The important question is to establish which sector – private or government – behaves in a more autonomous fashion, and which sector largely accommodates to the choices made in the other. Economic neoclassical orthodoxy – the orthodox interpretation of market behaviour – has for a long time assumed that government financial behaviour is autonomous, and that government deficits ‘crowd out’ the private sector, denying the private sector opportunities to ‘grow the economy’ through the investment of its liabilities (ie investment of debt and equity capital).
The chart shows the unmistakable signature of money hoarding in the private sector in years following financial crises, which were also years of high global unemployment: 1982, 1988, 1992, 2001/02, 2008/09. The only alternative explanation is that governments suddenly got very greedy in these years; but, if this was the case, these would be years of very low unemployment, as governments competed with private firms for scarce labour.
The most plausible general interpretation is that, for the whole period, financial behaviour in the private sector is largely autonomous – determined by many individual firms and households making decisions informed by their interpretations of the circumstances that they face. It is not plausible to see in this chart a process of private businesses perpetually thwarted by financially rampant governments. Rather, the private sector’s natural mode of operation is to save significantly more than it invests, resulting in the accumulation of ‘hoards of gold’.
Government deficits are a necessary offset to these golden hoards. Government debt is the saviour of liberal capitalism, not its nemesis. Indeed the main cause of unemployment can be understood as the resistance by governments to borrow more from the private sector than it does.
If the world economy (output of goods and services sold) grows at three percent a year, then global government debt-to-GDP levels remain stable, and government deficits cannot be argued (even by the most rabid opponents of government deficit spending) to be a threat to the world economy. Further, this deficit spending by governments generates much of what world economic growth there is, creating both infrastructure and aggregate demand. Without it, the capitalist world economy would collapse.
Both neoliberals – who despise government spending – and others (such as Keynesians) agree that the perfect chart would be zero balances; the most boring chart imaginable. The challenge is to get us – private households and businesses – to spend (including genuine investment spending) our incomes and pay our taxes, allowing the world economy to tick over in a sustainable manner without governments having to borrow very much.
In the chart above, the red is a consequence of the gold. The long-run solution is for us in the private sector to stop accumulating ‘gold’, and allow the government deficits (the red) to fall in consequence.
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BEFORE Parisian car engineer turned-designer Louis Réard named the sexy two-piece swimsuit he created a “bikini” in 1946, it was the name of an obscure Pacific atoll in the Marshall Islands, lost among more than 1100 islets in the trust territory, now an independent republic.
And Bikini Atoll was the Ground Zero for 23 US nuclear tests in the Pacific – out of some 67 conducted over the next dozen years in the Marshall Islands.
Last year the 
































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Over the course of Margaret’s life, the equal pay movement won real advancements for women in New Zealand. Not just the legislation in 1960 ending pay discrimination in the public service, but legislation in 1972 outlawing it in the private sector as well.
But for all the advancements she and her fellow campaigners had been able to make, when Margaret died earlier this year, just 2 days short of her 88th birthday, she died knowing there was so much work still to be done.
Right now, according to the New Zealand Income Survey, the gender pay gap in New Zealand is almost 10%. On the mean weekly full time wage the gap is a full 18.4%.
Margaret Long worked for many years in the Department of Statistics. She knew that numbers don’t lie. On equal pay, the numbers aren’t good.
According to the World Economic Forum’s Annual Report, in just the last year alone, New Zealand has dropped from 7th in the world to 13th when it comes to closing the gap between men and women. A 9.9% gender pay gap means a woman would have to work an extra 28 days per year to keep up with her male counterpart’s salary.
That’s like finishing the race, then saying to half the runners “you have to do another lap”.
This pay gap persists even in Government departments. The Human Rights Commission’s 








