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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Political Roundup – Bittersweet “Pollquake” for the left

New Zealand Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern.

Bryce Edwards Analysis: Political Roundup – Bittersweet “Pollquake” for the left

[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] New Zealand politics has been relatively stable for the last nine years. Public opinion hasn’t moved around much at all, even in the face of all sorts of scandal and chaos amongst the politicians. And when volatility hit other countries, New Zealand appeared to be comfortably unmoved. Everything has now changed. The public is suddenly shifting their support around – and on the left that has meant deserting the Greens and jumping on board Jacinda Ardern’s Labour Party. [caption id="attachment_6928" align="aligncenter" width="612"] Labour Party leader Jacinda Ardern. Image courtesy of Jacinda.org.nz.[/caption] Volatility rules Volatility now rules. The latest 1News Colmar Brunton poll exemplifies this – see 1 News Colmar Brunton poll: Greens plummet below five per cent, ‘Jacinda effect’ keeps Labour climbing. This has the Greens going from their highest support three weeks ago, to their lowest support in decades. When was the last time a party lost over two-thirds of its support in a few weeks? It seems the election campaign really is making a difference this year. Previous recent wisdom was that campaigns don’t have a particularly big impact on elections anymore. In the recent past, even though polling might have bounced around a bit in the lead-up to election day, political parties have ended up getting similar support to what they had at the start of the campaign. But, internationally– exemplified by the Corbyn and Trump campaigns – election campaigns have lately turned public opinion around considerably. People nowadays are more open to changing their votes. And the sudden closeness of this campaign has made politics so much more interesting. Last night on RNZ, I said “It is just an election that is so close, I think we’re going to see much more fascination with what’s happening … we’re going to see a higher voter turnout because people like when there’s actually a contest… This is the most dramatic election I think we’ve seen for many decades” – see RNZ’s Poll puts Greens below threshold as Labour surges. Other commentators have been saying similarly things in recent hours: “the ‘Jacinda Effect’ has redesigned the electoral map”; “Ardern’s elevation to the leadership just 17 days ago has electrified the contest”; and “the implosion of support for the Greens has transformed the election campaign”. In fact the Herald’s Audrey Young puts it best, saying that “new leader Jacinda Ardern has managed to make New Zealand politics as gripping as the dramas in the United States and Britain that captured world attention” – see: Julie Bishop may have given Jacinda Ardern an extra lift. Mike Hosking emphasises how close things have become: “So, it’s tight, tighter than most thought, which makes every day, every policy, every announcement critical” – see: National appear to be in some level of trouble. And Toby Manhire draws attention to just how much the latest 1News poll differs from the mid-August poll of 2014: “National now 44%, then 50%; Labour now 37%, then 26%; NZ First now 10%, then 5%; Green now 4%, then 11%; Māori now 2%, then 0.9%; TOP now 2%, then not a twinkle in Gareth Morgan’s eye” – see: Greens are goneburger in new poll which shows English and Ardern level pegging. Although last night’s poll “is only one poll”, the NBR’s Rob Hosking emphasises the new political territory we are now in, saying “in these days of increased global political volatility, [such polls] can swing violently again… And these are – as we have seen from overseas – volatile times. These polls could swing again, with similar statistical violence, in other directions. There is still a long way to go between now and September 23” – see: Poll shock for Greens, wake up for National (paywalled). The Greens’ pollquake Obviously the Green Party bore the brunt of this week’s pollquake. I described their dramatic decline as being due to a “perfect storm” because two factors have been at work – the “Jacinda Effect” and the “Metiria Effect” – which by themselves might not have produced such an extreme slump in the polls: “not only have they had this horrible scandal, it’s happened at a time that Labour is buoyant… People see that Labour is back in the game, that they have a credible leader, and that’s why they’re taking 37 percent of the vote” – see RNZ’s Poll puts Greens below threshhold as Labour surges. See also my interview on TVNZ’s Breakfast: ‘There’s a chance Greens might be wiped out this election’ after sharp poll fall – Bryce Edwards. So why have Green supporters deserted the party they once supported? Audrey Young says: “They are being punished for many things in the past five weeks but disunity is top of the list, or as leader James Shaw calls it, ‘messiness’.” And Mike Hosking argues it’s not only Metiria Turei at fault: “What a catastrophic mistake it will be if the Turei debacle sank the party. It is widely accepted now that James Shaw failed the leadership test. He should have cut her loose; by standing by her he looked weak and he and the rest of them are now paying the price.” Turei herself isn’t quite apologising for her impact on her party. At a public meeting on Monday night in Timaru, she is reported as being “unrepentant”, and saying that although it had been a “sad” few days “she was still confident her decision to discuss her past was the right one” – see Daisy Hudson’s Metiria Turei says admitting benefit fraud was the right thing to do. Turei does, however, say that in hindsight “she would have thought more about the impact on her family before making the announcement.” As for the Greens’ initial polling plummet, Turei maintained that “It was much less than I expected”, and pointed more to other events as causing the damage: “I absolutely expected to see a drop as a result of the resurgence in Labour”. But she is optimistic that the damage wasn’t permanent: “I’ve been really pleased to see the party continue through the campaign, we’ve got fantastic candidates, great leadership in James Shaw, the party is really rallying.” James Shaw is also putting an optimistic spin on things, suggesting that the only way is now up: “This is about as bad as it ever gets” – see Vernon Small’s Green Party out of Parliament, Labour surges in new poll. Shaw is ruling out the possibility of help from Labour: “I honestly don’t think we’ll need it.” Could support for the Greens fall further? It’s possible. First, the Greens have to fight against the “reverse-momentum factor”, in which supporters abandon the party due to the perception they’re no longer a popular or viable option. Second, the psychological effect of the Greens potentially being below the crucial 5 per cent MMP threshold means that some voters will be unwilling to risk supporting a party that might not make it into Parliament. The risk of a “wasted vote” is a significant deterrent for some. Those on the left who want to “change the government’ will now feel safer giving their support to Labour, even if they prefer the Greens. And although many commentators assume that the Greens have a loyal “core vote”, the fate of the Alliance party needs to be remembered. The Alliance went from 10% in 1996 (down from 18% in 1993 under FPP) to around 1% of the vote in 2002. In both cases – although over a much longer period for the Alliance  – resurgent support for Labour and internal divisions were key factors in the catastrophic losses. The focus will now be on whether Labour will activity help or hinder the Greens. Toby Manhire looks at the possibility of an electorate deal: “Does it mean that a Greens-Labour deal in Wellington Central is on the cards? In the Espiner Scenario – named for the RNZ host who mooted it – Grant Robertson would stand aside in the seat for Greens co-leader James Shaw. All going to plan, that would mean the Greens would go in to parliament irrespective of party vote, on the coat-tails exemption-to-the-threshold rule. Both Ardern and Shaw told TVNZ tonight that was not going to happen. Can that position sustain another couple of polls showing similar numbers?” – see: Greens are goneburger in new poll which shows English and Ardern level pegging. In any case, Manhire thinks the Greens will not disappear: “The Greens missing out altogether seems altogether unlikely. But their target now will be considerably more modest, maybe 7%. The challenge will in part be to keep spirits up.” Clearly the Greens will be desperately trying to figure out how to get themselves out of this mess. The most obvious re-orientation would be to focus again on their core reason for being and stated point of difference – the environment. This is exactly what John Armstrong suggests in his column yesterday, published prior to the shock poll – see: Greens in election no-man’s land after Metiria Turei shambles. He argues that the party needs to look seriously at “the very vexed question of the party’s positioning on the political spectrum.” This means, not only re-asserting their environmental focus, but also ditching the party’s alignment with Labour: “Expressing a willingness to at least talk to National post-election would put a whole different complexion on the election. And no party is currently in greater need of such a change in the election’s dynamics than Shaw’s crew.” Here’s Armstrong’s main point: “Labour’s resurgence means there is now only one escape route from the cul de sac in which the Greens are trapped. They need to reposition themselves in the centre of the political spectrum so that if they have the numbers to be a player in post-election talks on government formation, they have the flexibility to engage in serious negotiations with either Labour or National or both major parties.” Finally, what could happen next? Such a volatile campaign could easily produce further surprises and upsets, and so Simon Wilson outlines 10 more things that could change this election campaign.]]>

MIL Video: Message from America Trumps Waterloo – Paul Buchanan and Selwyn Manning

Message from America: Welcome to this the first episode in a four month series titled, Message from America, featuring political and security analyst Dr Paul Buchanan and host Selwyn Manning. This week we cross to Florida to discuss the vibe on the ground and the fallout for President Donald Trump over the race riots in Charlottesville. https://youtu.be/HpKCD5vdM9I Span of questions: 1) Is this Trump’s Waterloo? 2) Is he realy trying to empower and validate the alt-Right? 3) is he a racist? 4) Given that major corporate figures, senior GOP leaders and military commanders have repudiated white supremecism and indirectly in some cases, Trump himself, what does this mean for his presidency and his policy agenda? 5) Is there a crisis of civil-militaryrelations in the making? 6) Are the jobs of General Kelly (Chief of Staff) and Gen MacMaster (NSC advisor) tenable if Trump does not back down on his suport for Rightists? 7) Nazis openly marching in the streets of the US 72 years after they surrendered in Europe–who would have thought it possibel? 8) is civil war in the US imminent or possible? How large is the alt-Right/neo-Nazi/whiote supremacist movement? 9) As a diversion from the mueller investigation into his campiagn connections with Russia the alt-Right dog whistle-turned-into bugle call has backfired. But what about that investiogation? Where is it in terms of results? 10) Is Steve Bannon the puppet master and is his job safe? 11) With trump increasingly isolated and lashing out at members of his own party, is impeachment or resignation possible?]]>

Korea, Iran in with a shot to verse Australia, NZ for basketball crown

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Korean basketballers too hot, slick and tough … Philippines beaten. Video: FIBA Asia Cup

By Jeremaiah M. Opiniano in Adelaide 

Two former Asian champions earned the right to square-off for a finals ticket and possibly an opportunity to beat Australia or New Zealand in the ongoing FIBA Asia Cup in Beirut.

Former Asian Games champion Korea (world number 30) was too hot, too slick and too tough on defense in a masterful 118-86 win over previously unbeaten Philippines in the first quarterfinal yesterday.

Former three-time FIBA Asia Championships titlist Iran then broke the hearts of home fans by beating Lebanon, 80-70 in the second quarterfinal tussle.

The two countries will meet in the upper bracket of the semifinal round Saturday, August 19.

The lower bracket of the semifinal round is yet to be determined with games today pitting long-time FIBA Oceania champions Australia versus reigning FIBA Asia champions China, and New Zealand battling underdogs Jordan.

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Winners of the last two quarterfinals matches will meet in the other semifinal match. Should the Boomers and the Tall Blacks win, only one team from the Pacific will head on to the finals slated Sunday, August 20.

Korea upset New Zealand, 76-75, in during a Group B preliminary round match. And with the way they played against the Tall Blacks and against the Philippines’ Gilas players, the Koreans may enter the finals.

Korea played with a younger batch of players. Its stalwarts in either FIBA Asia or the FIBA World Cup such as guard Yang Donggeun, shooters Cho Sungmin and Kim Taesul and the Moon brothers are have given way to the younger players like centers Oh Sekeun and Kim Jongkyu, and guard Sun Hyungkim.

Iran still has ageless Hamed Haddadi, part of a triumvirate that towed Iran’s title runs in the 2007, 2009 and 2013 FIBA Asia Championships (former name of today’s FIBA Asia Cup). That triumvirate included players who have retired from FIBA play: small forward Samad Nikkahbahrami and Mahdi Kamrani, both former mythical five selections in previous FIBA Asia tournaments.

Given the reformatting of continental tournaments, as well as qualification for the 2019 FIBA World Cup to be held in China, the former Asia and Oceania zones merged into one FIBA zone (Asia).

The merger made Australia the zone’s top team (world number 10), followed by China (number 14) and New Zealand (number 20). Australia, with a line up filled with at least six NBA players, almost won the bronze medal at the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games.

Most of the teams at the FIBA Asia Cup did not field in their best players. Some teams are reserving these players when the FIBA World Cup qualification tournaments, featuring home-and-away games (similar to football), begin this November.

Jeremaiah Opiniano is an Assistant Professor with the Faculty of Arts and Letters at the University of Santo Tomas (UST) in Manila, Philippines.

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Political Roundup: NZ (and Australia) needs better political scandals

Bryce Edwards Analysis: Political Roundup: NZ (and Australia) needs better political scandals [caption id="attachment_14990" align="aligncenter" width="640"] Trans-Tasman rivalry between New Zealand and Australia.[/caption] [caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] The current trans-Tasman citizenship saga doesn’t warrant the level of hysteria coming from politicians in both countries, on both sides of the political divide, or the media coverage that has ensued. It’s a scandal without much substance – it doesn’t illuminate any political principles or ideologies, and therefore doesn’t help New Zealand voters in their decision-making for the upcoming general election. So why does it warrant this Political Roundup column? Because the saga does elucidate what is wrong with modern politics. It helps illustrate why so much of the public is alienated from politics and voting. So-called scandals like this, involving high levels of posturing and disingenuous game playing, mostly serve to convince people that parliamentary politics is rather pathetic. The Australian Government develops a bad case of “The Trumps” The most pathetic reaction in the whole episode has come from the Australian Government, which has wallowed in an overblown example of victimhood, making loud statements about a conspiracy against Australia. Foreign minister, Julie Bishop, has talked ominously about the “foreign power” of New Zealand meddling in their politics. Indeed, Australian Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull accused his Labor Party opponents of plotting “to steal government by entering into a conspiracy with a foreign power”. The best response to this came from the Australian Financial Review’s Laura Tingle: “Talk about losing it. The Barnaby vortex opened and consumed Foreign Minister Julie Bishop in a whirlpool of hysteria and conspiracy theories that would do Donald Trump proud” – see: The day New Zealand conspired to overturn Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Tingle explains in plain language what really happened: “someone in the ALP dared to ask someone in New Zealand to check up on citizenship requirements”. The National Government joins in New Zealand’s National Government also has an interest in exaggerating the saga. Prime Minister Bill English has jumped in: “I can’t remember a time when an MP has done something like that that involves the politics of another country. It’s just another misjudgement about what is actually a serious issue” – see: Anna Bracewell-Worrall’s Bill English condemns Labour’s Chris Hipkins in Aussie citizenship saga. To Gordon Campbell, National is simply running the same line as the Australian Government: “The real conspiracy here isn’t the one between Hipkins and his mates in the Australian Labor Party. It’s the one between the National Party and the Liberal coalition in Australia. In both countries, the two conservative governments have found common cause in running a treasonous conspiracy theory aimed at their respective opposition parties” – see: On why Labour isn’t responsible for Barnaby Joyce. Campbell explains why “our own government has chosen to further that narrative, and make itself an accomplice. Evidently, the National government is similarly desperate for anything that might discredit or derail the Ardern juggernaut”. According to Claire Trevett, Foreign Minister Gerry Brownlee has also used the incident to suggest that if New Zealanders living in Australia lose even more rights there, then Labour would be to blame – which Trevett suggests is an argument without merit – see: Aussies accuse Labour of foul play. And it’s not just National attempting to make political gain out of it. Winston Peters has gone hard against Labour, suggesting that Labour MP Chris Hipkins – as well as Peter Dunne, who has backed him – have sunk to the levels of infamous Australian cricketers, the Chappell brothers: “The hit put on Australian Deputy Prime Minister by the Labour Party and corroborated by a Minister in the National-led government is like an underarm delivery” – see the Herald’s Barnaby Joyce citizenship ‘hit’ compared to underarm cricket. Peters concludes, “This is not how we do things this side of the Tasman. Simply put, it is not cricket.” Chris Hipkins is caught out MP Chris Hipkins was the MP who put in the written question to the Minister of Internal Affairs, which helped spark the whole saga. This is all well covered by Richard Harman in his account, NZ Government kept Barnaby Joyce’s citizenship top secret. Harman points out that Hipkins’ parliamentary questions carried special weight because, “Unlike media questions, there was a formal obligation on Internal Affairs to answer Hipkins’ questions.” National-aligned blogger David Farrar expands on this: “Here’s why Hipkins involvement was important, even though there had been media inquiries also. There is no deadline for DIA to respond to inquiries by foreign journalists. Even if it was a NZ journalist asking, they could take up to four weeks to answer under the OIA. But by having Hipkins ask a parliamentary question, the Minister is obliged to answer within five working days or one week. So Hipkins was able to get Australian Labor the information as much as three weeks earlier” – see: Labour causes rift with Australia. Of course, Hipkins has made a number of statements pleading ignorance of the role he was playing in the saga. For example, Sam Sachdeva reports that “Hipkins said it was his decision to lodge the questions as part of a broader interest in the treatment of New Zealanders living in Australia, and he did not want to affect Australian politics” – see: Accusations of meddling fly in Trans-Tasman barney. Few people seem to accept that Hipkins didn’t know what he was doing. Barry Soper says: “The story doesn’t stack up here because if Chris Hipkins wasn’t told by his fraternal comrades in Australia that the target was Joyce, then he was sucked in. And for a senior politician, that’s inexcusable. It beggars belief that he wouldn’t have asked why they wanted to know” – see: Jacinda Ardern has a John Key moment. Similarly, Mike Hosking reacts: “He argues he didn’t know what the questions were about, or who they were for. Really? So is he saying he just asks questions for the sake of it? You can get him to use his time to fire off any series of questions you like on any old subject going, and he’s not a bloke who asks questions about the questions? Does anyone really believe that?” – see: What the hell was Chris Hipkins doing? Jacinda Ardern looks strong The big winner out of the episode is probably the new Labour leader. By all accounts she has been able to make good use of the “bad news” to show leadership. For example, Gordon Campbell says: “Jacinda Ardern, for her part, has handled the first international flap under her leadership admirably and showed the same sort of steely aplomb that one used to associate with Helen Clark” – see: On why Labour isn’t responsible for Barnaby Joyce. Of course, National was trying to make use of the scandal “as a way to undermine new Labour leader Jacinda Ardern’s inexperience, just two weeks into the job”, according to Tracy Watkins – see: Everyone smeared by trans-Tasman dirt slinging. But it hasn’t’ worked out that way. Watkins gives Ardern top marks for her handling of the situation: “Ardern’s response, however, was straight out of the Helen Clark play book. Clark operated on the golden rule that no one ever lost votes by standing up to the Aussies. Ardern didn’t mince words about Hipkins, whose behaviour she said was completely inappropriate. Ardern even offered to talk to Bishop and talked up the importance of the relationship. But she would not apologise. Labour’s new leader could have had the wind knocked out of her by the force of Bishop’s attack. But she managed to look decisive and unflappable.” In fact, Ardern upped the ante, hitting out at the Australians and accusing them of making “false claims”. She met with the Australian High Commissioner yesterday to “register my disappointment”. And many New Zealanders will her cheer on – see, for example, No Right Turn’s blog post, Ardern stands up for kiwis. Overall, it seems that almost every politician has found a way to try to make the scandal work to their electoral advantage. But voters have not gained any great insight into principles or policies – probably only confirming that politicians love a good political fight to posture over. Finally, the Australian Government’s whole problem can be easily fixed, says Toby Manhire. He suggests New Zealand could establish a new law “so that anyone holding New Zealand citizenship who is successfully elected to the Australian house or senate has that citizenship automatically revoked” – see: Dear Australia. We can fix your politician citizenship crisis. Love, NZ. And all we would want in return is for Australia to “bin all the changes you’ve been stealthily introducing that discriminate against the 600,000-or-so New Zealanders – many born in Australia”.]]>

Australia, NZ slug it out with Asian counterparts for FIBA Asia Cup crown

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Australia and New Zealand face-off against Asia-Pacific counterparts … basketball tournament kicks off. Video: FIBA Asia Cup

By Jeremaiah M. Opiniano in Adelaide

Basketball countries in the rugby-crazed Pacific will try to rule a merged Asia-Pacific regional zone when the quarterfinals of the new FIBA Asia Cup begin today in Beirut, Lebanon.

That is even if many countries in the ongoing continental hoops showcase did not send their best players.

Like Australia. With the merging of the old FIBA Asia and FIBA Oceania zones beginning this year, the world number 10 is tipped to rule the tournament over defending 2015 FIBA Asia champion China (number 14) this August 17th.

The other team that did not send its best players is world number 20 New Zealand. And even if it lost to Korea, 75-76, in Group D preliminary action, the Tall Blacks are primed to make it to the semi-finals.

Owing to changes in the format of FIBA’s international competitions, many countries across the world have opted to keep their players for the home-and-away 2019 FIBA World Cup qualifiers that begin this November 22. The new format for spots in the 2019 FIBA World Cup in China are similar to that of football’s qualification format in the triennial FIFA World Cup.

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Australia sent a crew made up players from its National Basketball League (NBL) led by Rio Olympics veterans David Andersen and Brad Newley. The country has eight NBA players —Patty Mills, Andrew Bogut, Matthew Dellavedova, Dante Exum, Joe Ingles, Thon Maker, Aron Baynes, and 2016 top rookie pick Ben Simmons— who can all form a formidable FIBA World Cup team. (Andersen plays in the French league as Newley returned to the NBL after a stint in the Spanish league).

And even with the NBL players towing the Boomers, Australia breezed past Japan (84-68), Hong Kong (99-58) and Chinese-Taipei (90-50). The Boomers will play a struggling Chinese team, with the latter playing minus former NBA center Yi Jianlian and NBA rookie Zhou Qi.

New Zealand, for its part, still topped Group C (the “Group of Death”) in Lebanon despite the loss to Korea. New Zealand, Korea and host Lebanon all had 2-1 win-loss cards but the Tall Blacks had the superior quotient.

New Zealand thumped Kazakhstan, 70-49 and endured a rowdy hometown crowd to beat Lebanon 86-82.

The Tall Blacks team in Beirut differs from the 2016 FIBA Olympic Qualifying tournament squad in Manila last July 2016. Missing in Beirut include brothers Corey and Tai Webster, center Isaac Fotu, Thomas Abercrombie and Mika Vokuna. Only Shea Ili and Jordan Ngatai are remnants from the Manila squad who are in Beirut.

Adelaide 36er Mitch Creek banners the Boomers’ scoring binge during preliminary play (15.7 pts. per game) as his team balances its offensive arsenals. Meanwhile, Ili of the Wellington Saints (14.7 pts. per game) tows the Tall Blacks offense.

If Australia beats China and New Zealand hurdles Jordan August 17, the two face off in the semi-finals August 19.

But the other topnotchers in two other preliminary groups, Iran (Group A) and the Philippines (B), hope to make it to the Final Four as well.

Two-time FIBA Asia Champions Iran, with former NBA Center Hamed Haddadi and two others left from its previous champion squads, meet Lebanon today.

The biggest surprise is the smallest team, the Philippines. Without its naturalized American Andray Blatche and three-time Philippine Basketball Association (PBA) most valuable player June Mar Fajardo, and with only a week’s practice, Southeast Asia’s only qualifier upset China (96-87) and breezed past Iraq and Qatar to top Group B.

However, an old continental nemesis —Korea— awaits the Filipinos. Korea always breaks generations of Philippine teams in continental meets such as the old FIBA Asia Championships and the quadrennial Asian Games.

The breakthrough came at the 2013 FIBA Asia Championships in Manila when the Philippines upset the Koreans and qualified for the 2014 FIBA World Cup in Spain.

The now FIBA Asia Cup was previously called as the FIBA Asia Championships and the older Asian Basketball Confederation (ABC) Championships. The now FIBA World Cup was then the FIBA World Championship and the World Basketball Championships.

No matter who wins the Beirut conclave, results will not affect the FIBA World Cup Qualification matches. The home-and-away matches will be on November 2017 and on February, June, July, September and November 2018.

Australia is bracketed with Japan, the Philippines and Chinese-Taipei. New Zealand is grouped along with Korea, China and Hong Kong. Iran is the luckiest as it is bracketed with Kazakhstan, Iraq and Qatar.

The FIBA Asia zone offers seven slots for the 32-team FIBA World Cup in China. Australia, New Zealand (Oceania zone), Iran, the Philippines and Korea (Asia zone) played at the 2014 FIBA World Cup in Spain.

Assistant Professor Jeremaiah Opiniano is coordinator of the undergraduate and graduate journalism degree programmes of the University of Santo Tomas (UST) in Manila, Philippines.

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Plans to end violence, improve human rights in West Papua ‘unravelling’

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Shooting protest … body of Yulianus Pigai, killed earlier this month by security forces, delivered to Tigi Subdistrict Police Station by family. Image: Abeth You/Tabloid Jubi

ANALYSIS: By Hipolitus Yolisandry Ringgi Wangge in Jakarta

Reports about the shooting of an indigenous Papuan by police officers early this month in Deiyai district, Papua, have renewed focus on how human rights abuses by security officials in the region remain unaddressed by the government of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

Accounts of what triggered the incident differ, although most suggest it began when workers at a construction company refused to take a near-drowned villager to the hospital. The villager’s relatives and other local residents protested and a scuffle broke out. Police and military officials arrived and, according to an eyewitness, opened fire on the crowd without firing any warning shots. This left one man, Yulianus Pigai, dead, and 16 other Papuans wounded, including children.

Local police claimed Mobile Brigade (Brimob) personnel only used rubber bullets to disperse the crowd. But a relative of one of the injured residents has posted photos on social media of real bullet casings, allegedly used by police.

Despite government pledges to change the approach to the region, violence against indigenous Papuans at the hands of security forces has continued unabated. Hundreds of thousands of military and police officials have been deployed to the region. The government justifies this security presence for three main reasons: The first is to secure so-called national assets, such as the massive Freeport McMoran mine. The second is to respond to the Free Papua Movement (OPM), and other small-scale organisations agitating for independence. The third is to prevent and address horizontal conflict between non-indigenous and indigenous Papuans, and among Papuan tribes.

The shooting has also highlighted the lack of policy coherence of the Jokowi administration. Since Jokowi took over from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2014, the government has initiated several economic policies, including establishing massive infrastructure projects, and implementing a one-fuel price policy, which aim, among other things, to improve economic development in Papua.

On the political front, Jokowi granted clemency to five Papuan political prisoners in 2015. Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono recently reported Jokowi has been quietly releasing dozens more over the past year. In his first nearly three years in power, he has visited the two Papuan provinces far more often than his predecessors. Yet none of these efforts have had much of an impact on the central problem in Papua, which is one of human rights.

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Jokowi does not appear to have any clear design for addressing violations of human rights in Papua, or across the country more broadly. About the same time as the shooting, for example, police officers dispersed a workshop convened by the Indonesian People’s Tribunal on the 1965 violence – a reminder of how quickly Jokowi’s plans for reconciliation for past human rights abuses have unravelled.

Lack of justice
Scholars argue ethno-nationalist protests can gather steam when the government is resistant to holding human rights violators – particularly state security officials – to account through the courts. This lack of justice results in deep trauma for victims’ families and increases public mistrust of the central government. This, in turn, enables political actors to mobilise the people to express aspirations for independence, as has happened in Papua.

There are two basic problems within the government approach to human rights in Papua. First, institutions and approaches are poorly coordinated. This is an old and unresolved problem that the Indonesian government has faced since it initiated structural reforms in the early 2000s. For years, government institutions, in particular, the Coordinating Ministry for Legal, Political, and Security Affairs, the Home Affairs Ministry, the Foreign Affairs Ministry, the National Police (Polri) and the Indonesian Military (TNI), have promoted different and sometimes inconsistent policies to deal with problems in Papua.

Luhut Panjaitan, former coordinating minister for legal, political, and security affairs, formed an integrated working group to find a solution to three of the most concerning human rights cases: the 2014 Paniai shootings, the 2001 Wamena incident, and the 2003 Wasior incident. However, when former General Wiranto succeeded Luhut in 2016, the team was dismissed, and there have been no follow-up activities to address these crucial issues. Wiranto recently claimed the shooting in Deiyai was not a human rights violation.

Further evidence of this inconsistent approach is Jokowi’s 2015 promise to lift restrictions on foreign journalists reporting from Papua. There have still not been any specific policies introduced to implement this directive. Any foreign journalist who wishes to go to Papua must still undertake a complicated application process and follow strict requirements, particularly from security-related agencies and, occasionally, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

A comprehensive human rights policy – not an economic policy – should be the priority for resolving the issues in Papua. Economic policy has been the prescription favoured by every Indonesian president to address problems in Papua. They seem to believe aspirations for independence are simply a function of the poor quality of life of many indigenous Papuans, and improving welfare will lead to these demands fading.

In reality, the situation is far more complex. Papuans’ trust issues with the central government do not stem from poverty. Rather, they result from the insecurity of living with the threat of violence from the security officers who surround them, a massive presence that in itself contributes to trauma. In addition, the stagnation of internal reforms in the police and TNI which might make them better able to deal with low-level conflicts and protests in Papua without violence has made a bad situation worse.

Indigenous Papuans will continue to be killed as long as the central government lacks the political will or capacity to better coordinate national institutions and prioritise human rights issues in Papua.

Hipolitus Yolisandry Ringgi Wangge is a researcher at the Marthinus Academy in Jakarta. His current research focuses on democratisation in developing countries, particularly the role of crucial actors such as the military during democratic transition and consolidation. He has conducted fieldwork in West Papua on the role of Papuan youth in political and cultural identity during the special autonomy era.

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PM O’Neill wins stay order preventing arrest

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Papua New Guinea’s prime minister, Peter O’Neill, has successfully obtained a stay order in the Supreme Court preventing his arrest by police pending a review of the warrant issued on him.

An urgent stay application was filed following Tuesday’s decision by National Court Justice Collin Makail’s ruling that the 2014 warrant of arrest was not reviewable, the PNG Post-Courier reports.

A lawyer representing the Prime Minister, Mal Varitimos QC, appealed the matter after highlighting inconsistencies in the August 8 ruling by Justice Makail.

The trial judge judicially reviewed the three-year old stay orders of the warrant of arrest and dismissed it on the grounds that the orders were not reviewable.

Yesterday, Varitimos submitted that among the inconsistencies, Justice Makail overlooked Supreme Court binding case references relating to the matter.

The binding references relate to former Attorney General Ano Pala’s appeal against his 2014 warrant of arrest, an order by the District Court where the Supreme Court upheld it saying it was reviewable by the National Court.

In a 2014 decision of the five-men bench of the supreme court considering the power, functions, duties and responsibilities of the commissioner of police, it ruled a warrant of arrest was amendable as opposed to Justice Makail’s ruling.

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Arrest warrant challenged
It considered the question of whether the commissioner of police had a sufficient standing to seek leave for judicial review of the decision to use the warrant of arrest that is subject to the current challenge.

The submission by Varitimos was that the binding references were erroneously over-looked and as a result Chief Justice Sir Salamo Injia granted the stay orders.

The PNG Post-Courier also reports police commissioner Gari Baki will be inviting O’Neill for an interview in light of Justice Makail’s ruling on August 8.

“As Commissioner of Police, I welcome the decision of the court as it now paves the way for us to move forward on this matter.

“Since the Court decision I have had consultations with my senior officers on the case and as the Commissioner of Police, myself, to invite the Prime Minister to come in for an interview.

“I want the people of Papua New Guinea to appreciate that this is a very sensitive and delicate matter involving the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea.

“The interview is not a requirement by law but an existing and established protocol the constabulary has engaged over the years for leaders and high profile people,” Baki said.

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NZ government rejects calls for ‘public, unequivocal’ stand for West Papua

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Petition prompted by news of West Papuan arrests at 2016 peaceful demonstrations … rejected by New Zealand government. Image: ABC

Pacific Media Watch reports

New Zealand’s Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee has dismissed a call for the government to make a stand and address the ongoing human rights situation in West Papua.

This comes in response to a 2016 petition spearheaded by West Papua Action Auckland’s Maire Leadbeater which urges the government to take a “public and unequivocal” stand and condemn Indonesia’s arrest and intimidation of peaceful protesters and end the state sanctioned torture and killing of West Papuans.

The committee stated the United Nations Universal Periodic Review process and engagement with Indonesia directly remain the appropriate channels to make New Zealand’s views known on such issues, although it agreed with Leadbeater the “fundamental human rights of freedom of speech and assembly must be upheld”.

Some of the committee also felt the government should support a call for working through the UN alongside Pacific nations to better address the human rights abuses in the Indonesian province.

“We encourage the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade to continue monitoring the human rights situation in West Papua, and to raise any concerns it may have,” the committee said.

But such a position has been criticised as a “business as usual” approach.

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“I am appalled that ministry officials have told the committee that there is doubt about the practice of torture in West Papua.

Torture practices ‘endemic’
“This flies in the face of extensive documentation from numerous human rights, church and academic reports all of which describe the practices of torture as endemic,” Leadbeater said.

Leadbeater’s comments come after the committee’s report revealed The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade feels the killings of alleged separatists by Indonesia are “random acts of violence rather than systematically planned or organised acts”.

The petition, endorsed by several human rights groups, academics and leaders of the Anglican and Catholic Church, also calls for the government to push for the UN special rapporteur on freedom of expression to visit West Papua.

Although the report notes such a visit would be consistent with increased international transparency, it does not appear New Zealand will propel this as the ministry continues to stand by its position which recognises the sovereign integrity of Indonesia and its territorial jurisdiction over West Papua.

Despite ongoing criticism from groups such as West Papua Action Auckland, the ministry states it monitors the human rights situation in West Papua through diplomatic reporting from New Zealand’s embassy in Jakarta and has repeatedly called on Indonesia’s government to grant journalists and NGOs further access to West Papua.

New Zealand has also been criticised for its alleged lacklustre stance regarding calls for West Papua to be included on the UN’s list of nations to be decolonised.

“New Zealand is missing in action while other small Pacific nations such as Vanuatu, Tonga and the Solomon Islands stand up for the West Papuan people and their fundamental rights,” Leadbeater said.

Pacific leads way
The Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Tuvalu and Palau have all called for UN intervention in West Papua while New Zealand has so far remained silent.

West Papua Action Auckland is not taking the report as a defeat, however, and will continue fighting for West Papua’s independence.

The group stated it is now approaching all political parties ahead of New Zealand’s election in September seeking a clear policy statement on whether or not they support West Papua’s quest for self-determination.

“New Zealand’s shameful acquiescence in this horror story in our neighbourhood must end.”

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Who’s to blame for Metiria Turei’s downfall?

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Who’s to blame for Metiria Turei’s downfall?

[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] The fallout from Metiria Turei’s benefit confession is producing some fascinating and revealing analysis and reaction about the state of politics, media, and society.
There is anger and disappointment on all sides and much of the very polarised emotion is directed at determining who is responsible for Turei’s political demise. Below are some of the targets.
[caption id="attachment_8918" align="aligncenter" width="599"] Green Party co-leader Metiria-Turei has resigned as co-leader and from the party’s list.[/caption]
1) Metiria Turei is to blame
There is a case to be made that Turei has been her own worst enemy in this whole mess, and the blame for her departure sits fairly and squarely with her. Herald political editor Audrey Young is exasperated that Turei has continued to avoid apologising and refuses to accept she is in any way at fault: “At no point has she conceded she did the wrong thing, not even politically, not for a second. At no point did she think about the damage she would be doing to Labour or the Greens relationship with Labour. And that lack of self-doubt has led to slow-motion kamikaze mission of a politician, destroying herself and wounding her party. Turei’s supporters had no sense of how their adulation of her attitude serving to divide the country as much as her party. It was a shocking display of being unable to see what damage they were doing” – see: Turei resigns without the slightest concession what she did was wrong.
John Armstrong, writing on the 1News website, is even harder on the Green politician, saying “Few in the world of politics will shed a tear for her in the wake of her decision to quit politics. Not even those of the crocodile variety” – see: Metiria Turei will be remembered, but she won’t be missed.
According to Armstrong, “the glaring gaps in her account of life on the Domestic Purposes Benefit”, as well as her “refusal to divulge details of her living arrangements at the time and her convenient memory lapses”, and the revelation “that she had registered as a voter at the address of the father of her child”, all meant that the “public felt that the wool was being pulled over its eyes”.
He comments on the souring Green-Labour relationship: “The Greens had jumped in the opinion polls at Labour’s expense but the Labour Party got revenge by insisting that Turei could no longer be a Minister in a Labour-Greens Cabinet. The sound of Turei nailing herself on to the cross of martyrdom was replaced by the sound of Labour nailing the lid on her political coffin.”
He believes Turei should have expected the “very toxic and very explosive combination of nastiness” that followed her admission, as her story combined two popular targets: “There are many people who hate beneficiaries. They also hate politicians.”
But his strongest point is this: “Most MPs go to extraordinary lengths to protect their families from the ugly side of politics… In marked contrast, Turei used her family as a political weapon with which to wage her war on poverty.”
This is also the point made by former Act MP, Deborah Coddington – see: Political life is both good and bad for MPs’ children. Coddington says: “Turei is correct, her family doesn’t deserve this pain. But the media didn’t start this; Turei did. She stood up and used her child, her former partner, and her mother, as a vehicle for her narrative when she said she lied to claim more welfare and to ‘debate poverty’. From that point on the public had every right to ask questions (via media) about other authorities Turei may have lied to, what else might be exposed in future, and be given the entire story not selected tidbits Turei has chosen to offer.”
2) The Greens are to blame 
There are some who are sympathetic to Metiria Turei’s plight, but believe the whole scandal was a spectacular own-goal delivered by the party itself. Finlay Macdonald has a thoughtful must-read critique in which he says that the “Greens backroom team should probably quit, too”.
Macdonald argues from the side of the beneficiaries and poor, who he thinks have been poorly served by the Greens’ ill-considered campaign – see: Victims deserve better than Turei’s poorly played hand. He sympathises with Turei’s goals, “But it is one thing to agitate to change the system, and quite another to set yourself up as the embodiment of all that is wrong with that system. If you are going to turn your own personal history into a narrative of social injustice and the case for reform, you had better be very sure your story has a beginning, a middle and an end. It’s called political management 101, and the Greens failed it so spectacularly”.
The Greens needed to have Turei much more prepared than she was: “Turei needed to have explained her entire situation from the outset, anticipated the hard questions and been able to spin them honestly, and perhaps even have already paid back the notional amount owing. The Greens should have known all this.”
Leftwing union activist Mike Treen also makes this point: “the Greens have to bear some of the blame for that. There is no excuse for not seeing what was coming after the announcement and preparing for that with the obvious response that every cent would be repaid. Failure to do so is just stupid” – see: Resignation fever! Who is advising our political leaders?
Here’s Treen’s main point: “An advisor worth their salt would have asked those challenging questions before they were asked in public. Even when an acceptable narrative had been developed, the first thing that needed to be sorted before going public was repaying WINZ. It doesn’t matter whether she thought it was right to lie in the first place or not. To most people, if you are on the public payroll to the tune of $175,000 a year, you can afford to repay money obtained in the past by some form of deceit, justified or not. There is a strange, and unjustified, sense of entitlement to think otherwise. As far as I’m aware to this day she has said she will only pay it back if WINZ ask for it. That is just arrogant and stupid. Now the opportunity to shift the debate to how badly WINZ claimants have been treated is being lost.
3) The Media and “commentariat” are to blame
Most of the leftwing responses to Metiria Turei’s downfall place part of the blame at the feet of the media and political pundits. And certainly there were plenty of political journalists and commentators calling for the then co-leader to resign, and some very hard questions were being asked of her.
Leftwing blogger Steven Cowan sums it up as being down to “the anti-Turei cacophony of the corporate media” – see: The Media war against Metiria Turei. He says “The well heeled members of The Commentariat were tripping over themselves to see who could denounce Metiria Turei and The Green Party the loudest.”
Cowan elaborates: “Turei has been talkback gold. She’s female, Maori, an environmentalist, liberal – and a former beneficiary who fiddled the system. She is fully qualified for a good talkback kicking and kick out they did. It’s been difficult to find anyone from within the corporate media who has actually supported the Green co-leader.”
Young Greens co-convener Meg Williams explains: “She was beaten down relentlessly by the media and commentators, to the point that it became too much for her and her family and she decided to resign for their protection. All this vitriol, all this hate and disgust, because a politician was bold enough to say what needed to be said about poverty and inequality: we are not doing enough” – see: What our politics has lost with Metiria Turei’s resignation.
4) Racism and sexism are to blame
Backward attitudes on race and gender are thought by many of Turei’s supporters to be central to her demise, with accusations of double standards and hypocrisy being levelled at Turei’s opponents and critics. Gordon Campbell says in his column today, “far less is expected of white male politicians than brown female ones” – see: On the Turei finale.
Steve King explains how personal identity and “privilege” can lead to judgement of people like Turei: “I belong to the dominant ethnic group. I am male, and I am middle-class. Everything in our society is geared towards helping me along. My privilege is a consequence of matters of fortune over which I had absolutely no control at all. I had a comfortable upbringing.” And therefore “people like me are tempted to make judgements about people who are not so fortunate as them” – see: Not prepared to criticise from privileged position.
5) It’s all about class
Victoria University of Wellington political scientist Claire Timperley suggests that Turei’s downfall is directly related to being working class and a beneficiary – see: Metiria Turei debate: It’s all about class.
Timperley argues that being poor is what puts people in a situation where following the rules is a luxury: “Beneficiary fraud is a uniquely class-based problem. The only people who are in the position of having to make difficult choices about whether to ‘play by the rules’ and by doing so risk not having the means to support their family are those who are in the poorest group of New Zealanders. The fact Turei lied to the authorities demonstrates the very difficult position many beneficiaries find themselves in.”
Timperley argues that implicit in many of the calls for Turei to resign is the notion that Parliament is not a place for those “who have not experienced the security of a middle-class upbringing.” Therefore, this also raises questions about how representative our democracy is: “Recent commentary has lauded the diversity of the new Labour leadership, focusing on classic markers of identity politics: age, sex, ethnicity and geography – Jacinda Ardern is young and female, Kelvin Davis is Māori and from the North. A characteristic missing from that list is class. Labour has a history of appealing to the working class, although this has eroded in recent years… But if we look around the halls of power, we see very few MPs from working class backgrounds.”
Similarly, see No Right Turn’s Class and Metiria. He says “its all the more apparent when you compare it with Bill English’s housing allowance rort: there, a rich man lied about where he lived and paid lawyers to order his affairs to scam the taxpayer of tens of thousands of dollars. But it was “within the rules” – rules he helped write – so its all OK.”
Similarly, Simon Wilson says “Turei didn’t get any help from lawyers: she was a beneficiary on her own. Poor people take their chances: you steal a loaf of bread and hope you don’t get caught. Rich people, however, employ people to tell them where to find the free bread” – see: The sins of Metiria, Bill and John: sense-checking the fact checkers.
And Lynn Williams argues that the Turei saga “exemplifies and exposes the class divide which the politics of the past 30 years has been all about both opening and obfuscating” – see: “Nobody should steal from taxpayers”.
A class analysis also highlights the differences between Turei and Labour’s new leader: “She has supposedly caused a wave of “Jacindamania” in her first week in the job, emerging as a feminist icon. Yet the feminism she is engaging is superficial at best, as the women she stands for are not the ones who are materially disadvantaged, reflected in her firm position to exclude Turei from a ministerial position should Labour and the Greens work together. She will stand up for women, but just the ones who don’t have to lie to WINZ to receive the benefit to feed their children. Even with this kind of position, Ardern remains clear of the public’s moralising gaze” – see Erica Hye Ji Lee’s Lessons from Metiria Turei’s resignation.
Finally, for a poignant view about the Turei poverty conversation, see Toby Morris’ cartoon on the RNZ website, Turei’s exit no fairytale ending.
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Stay order on PM O’Neill’s arrest dismissed by court

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Papua New Guinea’s prime minister Peter O’Neill may be arrested … stay order dismissed by court. Image: PNG Today

By Nellie Setepano in Port Moresby

Papua New Guinea’s National Court has dismissed stay orders preventing the arrest of Prime Minister Peter O’Neill.

This means police can now execute the arrest on the prime minister.

This comes after a judicial review in relation to the June 2014 warrant of arrest for the prime minister which was dismissed by Justice Collin Makail in the Waigani National Court yesterday.

The former police commissioner Geoffrey Vaki had challenged the legality of the warrant of arrest that was issued by the District Court by chief magistrate Nerrie Eliakim on June 12,  2014.

Despite the judgment made on the dismissal yesterday morning, a second attempt by the prime minister’s lawyer in the afternoon to delay the court orders for 14 days was made but failed.

Justice Makail said it was an abuse of court process and another attempt by the defendant to delay the court process.

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Justice Makail said the defendant has the re-course in the Supreme Court.

Outside the court, director for National and Anti-Corruption, Mathew Damaru said it was now up to the police to issue a warrant of arrest.

Damaru said that the onus was on the police commissioner to act on the warrant and that it was out of respect of the office to leave it to commissioner Gari Baki to act on the warrant.

On June 12, 2014, a warrant of arrest was issued by Eliakim on the application of officers of the National Fraud Squad and Anti-Corruption Directorate.

This was in relation to allegations of official corruption made against the prime minister in relation to monetary benefits for Paul Paraka lawyers.

Loop PNG reports O’Neill’s lawyers will be appealing the National Court’s decision in the Supreme Court.

Nellie Setepano is a reporter with the PNG Post-Courier.

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: The Inevitable split in the Greens

Green Party member of Parliament, Chloe Swarbrick.

[caption id="attachment_14974" align="aligncenter" width="640"] A future face of the Green Party, candidate Choe Swarbrick. Image: Courtesy of chloeswarbrick.co.nz.[/caption]

Bryce Edwards Analysis: The Inevitable split in the Greens
[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] The split in the Green Party over Metiria Turei’s benefit confession and campaign is hardly surprising. The party has always contained an array of very different views and ideologies, which have co-existed under the broad banner of environmentalism. What is surprising is that it’s taken until now for the tensions to boil over. There are splits and deep divisions in every political party, and this one has always been inevitable.
For details of the current divide and the reactions of Green MPs, the best item to read is Isaac Davison’s Greens in crisis: Two MPs quit over Turei. He says the party “has been plunged into unprecedented disarray and disunity”. And for details about the rebel MPs, Kennedy Graham and David Clendon, see RNZ’s The dissenting Greens: Who exactly are they?
Divisions in the Greens
The bitter divisions in the Greens are stressed by Audrey Young in her column, Crisis unprecedented for the Green Party. She says it took a while before the impact of Turei’s benefit bomb was truly felt within the party: “It seemed too good to be true and it was. The apparent solidarity behind Greens co-leader Metiria Turei masked bitter divisions, just like other parties have… Turei’s handling of historic offending has lifted the lid on turmoil in the Greens.”
Young is particularly critical of how the party has handled the departure of MPs Graham and Clendon: “The party establishment moved to contain the fall-out in the way that other parties do – to criticise the two rebel MPs as pretty useless and lazy, which is particularly unfair on Kennedy Graham who works his butt off in strange areas of international law.”
She paints the picture as incredibly serious for the party: “The crisis is unprecedented for the Green Party. At its best it has been the conscience of the Parliament, at its worst its holier than thou preachers. Now it appears like all the rest.”
It’s not only the departing Green MPs who are calling for Metiria Turei to quit. Today, Fairfax political editor Tracy Watkins says its time for her to go: “Green Party co-leader Metiria Turei should resign before she tears the party even further apart. The way the Green Party has flaunted Turei’s benefit fraud admission has polarised New Zealand, and now the party. The ugly infighting has exposed real divisions in the Greens – and those divisions are not just over Turei, but about what the party stands for” – see: Metiria Turei should quit.
The Greens aren’t green enough
Watkins is very critical of Turei, saying her “preening at the attention” is “a big turn off to many” potential Green voters. But her more important criticism is that the Greens aren’t being green enough: “The Greens have for years leveraged off the Green ‘brand’ and all that stands for – sustainability, the environment, clean green New Zealand – while spending much of its time talking about anything but.”
The charge that the Greens have ceased to being a “real environmental party” is central to commentary on the party at the moment. There are certainly tensions in the party about how much focus should be put on social and economic issues versus a concentration on the environment. Newshub’s Lloyd Burr has put this best, with his column, The Greens have lost their way.
Here’s his main point: “Thanks to Metiria Turei, the Green Party is in the midst of an identity crisis. It’s a crisis that cuts to the heart of what the party stands for, and what its priorities are.  Just as importantly, it cuts to the heart of its name: The Greens. The party doesn’t look like the strong, unwavering voice for the environment anymore. It is not focussed on forests and rivers, or climate change, or conservation underfunding, or waste and pollution reduction. It is now a party focussed on fighting for the rights of beneficiaries. It is focussed on legitimising benefit fraud, boosting welfare payments, and removing welfare obligations.”
Burr rightly points out that “The struggle of the environment vs social welfare isn’t new to the Greens – it’s been simmering away in the background for years.” And this tension hasn’t been resolved for the upcoming election, which means “There is a big pool of them who want to prioritise the protection of the environment, cleaning our rivers, combating climate change, and reducing the amount of plastic that ends up in our oceans. These voters may will be put off by the Green Party’s new direction – and they’ll look elsewhere.”
Some similar points were recently made by Shane Cowlishaw in his article, Making the Greens green again. He says “You could be forgiven for wondering if the Greens have forgotten their own name.”
Should the Greens ditch the red politics?
The strongest argument for the Greens going back to being a more focused environmental party are put by Alex Tarrant, who recently wrote that “The Metiria Turei covfefe over the past few weeks has laid one thing bare above all others: The Green Party needs to take a long, hard look at itself and then split or grow up and focus purely on environmental issues. This election and the next more than any before are screaming out for an environment-focussed party to hold the balance of power” – see: The Greens need to split or grow up and focus only on environmental issues.
Tarrant wants to see the Greens focus on pure green issues: “Swimmable rivers, water pricing, criticism of the government’s climate change policy, the rise of electric vehicles, synthetic meat and milk, Trump’s anti-Paris Agreement stance, polluted drinking supplies in rural towns, Auckland public transport. Sure, they’ve made noises on all the above. But what has had them leading news cycles in the lead up to the election campaign? Turei on social welfare, and the Party’s decision to back National’s families package.”
He also points out that Gareth Morgan’s “TOP is quickly making inroads into some of its liberal urban voting base… The best defence would have been for the Greens to be an environment-only party.” And he concludes that “It is time for the Greens to plant some organic fertiliser and grow up.”
There is a chance that Morgan’s TOP will be one of the main winners from the Greens current crisis. In the past TOP has apparently unsuccessfully tried to recruit Green MP Julie Anne Genter, but has had more success with other former candidates – see Henry Cooke’s Greens candidate defects to Gareth Morgan’s TOP party.
Losing Green votes – how low can they go?
The consensus seems to be that the Greens will bleed votes over the current controversy, and Toby Manhire asks how low they might go: “Double figures already feels like a stretch. If they slip below 7% – and that’s entirely plausible; in 2008 they were 6.7%, in 2005 5.3% – the two young women who in many ways represent the future face of the Green Party, Chlöe Swarbrick and Golriz Ghahraman (8 and 9 on the list following Graham’s departure) may not make it to parliament. Mojo Mathers, at 10, would be out. Other young talent such as Jack McDonald and John Hart (12 and 13): toast” – see: The Greens are in disarray, leaving the left resurgence hanging by a thread.
And certainly, the next Green Party caucus is going to look quite different, after the departure of the two candidates. As blogger Pete George points out, the party list will be affected: “In the past the Greens also promoted their principles of gender balance. Of the top 10 on the list, eight are female… If they get the same number of MPs back into Parliament (this now looks unlikely) 9 of 14 will be female, 5 will be male” – see: Green list more dominated by females.
Finally, for the most colourful critique of what’s happening in the party, see Patrick Gower’s Metiria Turei is causing the Greens to self-destruct. He says: “Metira Turei has switched the Green Party into a meltdown mode that it refuses to switch off. The Greens seem to be in pathological denial about the damage that Turei’s benefit fraud admission is doing. If Monday’s double resignation of two senior MPs isn’t enough to send the message ‘enough is enough’, then what is?”
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‘A price they never should have paid’: Hiroshima, Nagasaki victims remembered

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Victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki …. remembered in candlelit vigil 72 years on. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

By Kendall Hutt in Auckland

The estimated 226,000 people who lost their lives in the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been remembered in Auckland.

In a commemoration organised by the Women’s League for International Peace and Freedom (WILPF) Aotearoa, members of the public and nuclear-free activists gathered in the Grey Lynn Community Centre to remember those who died on August 6 and August 9, 1945.

72 years on from the end of World War II, calls for the abolition of nuclear weapons and a halt to militarisation have not waned in efforts by women to bring world peace.

Professor Kozue Akibayashi, the international president of WILPF, led such calls last night.

“It has been my source of energy to be connected to women in many parts of the world who share a similar concern of the usage of power, the masculine idea that puts more importance in the use of force to solve disputes or to gain superiority of others.

“It has been my source of energy to work with women in other parts of the world to bring about a more equal world and to bring gender equality, which we feel very strongly can bring world peace so threats do not exist or nuclear power, because the use of nuclear arms are not justified,” she said.

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Dr Akibayashi, who teaches at Doshisha University’s Graduate School of Global Studies in Osaka, Japan, highlighted the significant number of US bases on the island of Okinawa and the ongoing tensions surrounding the Korean peninsula to reinforce the absence of de-militarisation globally.

WILPF president Kozue Akibayashi … use of nuclear weapons “not justified”. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

International community responsible
“The larger international community is responsible for bringing peace to the region and ending the grave human rights issue in North Korea,” she said.

The US has maintained bases on Okinawa since World War II and 70 per cent of its forces in Japan are centralised on the island in a move Dr Akibayashi described as “colonialism”.

This concentration of forces may have enabled the US to wage wars in Vietnam, Korea, Iraq and Afghanistan, but it has had an adverse effect on Okinawans, she added.

“No year passes by without sexual assault by US soldiers on Okinawans. It’s ongoing and they have the power.

“Their safety and wellbeing has been undermined and destroyed by the presence of the US military.

“They want to live in an Okinawa which is free from military bases and militarism,” she told her audience.

Soka Gakkai International New Zealand youth leader Soumya Puri reflected:

Value of human life
“I find the horrific events that unfolded 72 years ago on August 6, 1945 and August 9, 1945 during the heights of World War II deeply upsetting and forces me to question the value placed on human life and humanity as a whole.

Soumya Puri … events of Hiroshima “deeply upsetting”. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

“The survivors of these nuclear bombs, known as Hibakusha, have shared their stories that clearly illustrate the pains and sufferings they’ve had to endure and overcome to lead a somewhat normal life. It was a price they never should have paid.”

“The bombings at Hiroshima and Nagasaki possess a great reminder that any technological breakthrough or advancement should be used for constructive purposes that pushes the human race forward, which is the ability for everyone to do more than they ever could.

“However, the opposite was achieved with the creation of nuclear bombs as they pose a constant threat to our existence, our most fundamental human right,” he said.

WILPF and its supporters also held a candlelit vigil in the form of a peace symbol to remember the approximately 226,000 people who lost their lives.

Remembering the victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki … candlelit peace symbol. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

Despite the wind and the rain, and thanks to the persistence of the younger generation, the peace symbol remained lit for some time.

The Nuclear Weapon Ban Treaty, signed by 122 countries on July 7, 2017, provides some hope for future generations, although the fight is not over, WILPF Aotearoa president Megan Hutching reflected.

Treaty ‘significant step’
“This treaty is a significant step towards nuclear disarmament, but it is only a step. We all need to be active and continue to work towards complete nuclear disarmament. WILPF would also say complete disarmament, no weapons.

“We hope that this treaty banning the last legal remaining weapons of mass destruction will provide the ethical momentum to banish them to history and for that to happen sooner rather than later.”

A paper crane by Tumanako Zijlstra-Schmidt, eight … “banish nuclear weapons to history”. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.
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‘They get up in the morning, sing their dreams’ – PNG doco explores shaman cult

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Sorcery and magic in Papua New Guinea is something that is celebrated at the same time it is feared.

Every year, hundreds of suspected sorcerers and witches are killed and only in 2013 did the government repeal a law that criminalised the practice.

It is usually a taboo subject and not openly talked about in a region where religion is strong and people are “Christian in one form or another”.

But what about the shamanistic practice of Buai in East New Ireland?

This is the premise of What Lies That Way by New Zealand filmmaker Paul Wolffram.

Premiering at the New Zealand International Film Festival, Wolframm takes his audience on a personal journey to the rainforests of southern New Ireland and inside the spiritual world of the Lak people.

Having spent time with the Lak people in the early 2000’s for his documentary Stori Tumbuna: Ancestors’ Tales and gaining an understanding of their musical and dance traditions, Wolframm returns in 2015 and What Lies That Way for more of a spiritual understanding of this isolated and remote community.

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By undergoing the dangerous initiation process into their Buai shaman cult, which involves fasting for four days and five nights, Wolframm hoped to do so.

Despite being the only white man to undergo such a secretive practice, Wolframm told the audience of last night’s screening in a Q and A session it is in danger.

“There are only four shamans remaining in the Lak region,” he said.

Wolffram explained this is due to the fact young men can now more easily travel outside of the community, where smartphones and internet is readily available.

“Technology is closer.”

But after showing the documentary to the Lak people in May this year, many have expressed their desire to become a shaman too, he said.

Although not allowed to impart the knowledge of his initiation and the psychoactive substances involved to anyone, the Victoria University film lecturer-turned shaman admitted the centrality of Buai is creativity.

“Dreams are songs. For those who have accepted the Buai spirit, they get up in the morning and sing their dreams.”

Touted as the film “by and about magic”, Wolffram hopes the audience will gain an insight into the people of Papua New Guinea and its culture.

“It’s not about me, I’m the vehicle through which the audience will experience this very different way of understanding the world,” he said.

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Report reveals US, Chinese companies linked to PNG land theft, deforestation

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Landowner-turned activist Paul Pavol talks about the widespread land theft and deforestation occurring in Papua New Guinea at the hands of foreign companies. Video: Global Witness.

Major hardware companies in the US and China have been forced to halt sales of exotic wood flooring and review supply chains after a report has revealed potential links to the devastating and illegal logging trade in Papua New Guinea.

This follows a three-year investigation by international NGO Global Witness into the land theft and deforestation at the heart of Papua New Guinea’s controversial land leases.

Their new report, ‘Stained Trade’, reveals how a third of the country’s timber has been illegally obtained by clear-cutting rainforests on land owned by local communities.

US hardware giant Home Depot and its supplier, Home Legend, along with China’s largest flooring seller, Nature Home, are allegedly involved in this trade worth US$15 billion (NZD$20 billion) a year.

Home Depot and Home Legend have stated they have taken all necessary steps and complied with the Lacey Act, a US law which bans the import of illegal wood, but Global Witness claims wood from Papua New Guinea is readily available on US markets in the form of flooring manufactured in China.

“Papua New Guinea’s government has illegally handed over vast tracts of indigenous land to logging companies who are gutting virgin rainforests at breakneck speed. Responsible logging companies should not be dealing in this wood,” Rick Jacobsen of Global Witness said.

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“Tens of thousands of people have been affected. Many who tried to speak out have been threatened, arrested or beaten up by police on the payroll of logging companies.”

Land given away
One of those people is landowner-turned-activist Paul Pavol.

Pavol believes the lease the government used to “give away” his land to logging and palm oil interests involved fraud and forgery.

Despite challenging the move in court, he faces an uphill battle in the face of police intimidation, legal harassment, and a better-funded opponent, Global Witness stated.

“These people say they own the land now, and they do whatever they want. Police came to our community at night. People were scared that they might burn down our houses. That’s the reason we raise our voices. Something’s got to be done to save our forest,” Pavol said.

Global Witness has also called out recently re-elected prime minister, Peter O’Neill, for his involvement in such issues.

“Prime Minister Peter O’Neill has been promising for years to cancel illegal leases, but has failed to follow through. Clear-cutting of forests under the leases is destroying sources of food, water and medicine on which indigenous communities rely.”

Apparent widespread abuse of the land leasing scheme – Special Agriculture and Business Leases – has seen 12 per cent of Papua New Guinea given away to foreign interests for up to 99 years, Global Witness said.

End complicity calls
The NGO has therefore called on US companies selling flooring potentially made from Papua New Guinea’s wood to end their complicity in fueling the theft of indigenous land and deforestation.

“US companies need to take steps to ensure wood products they buy from China are not linked to the abuses of the kind we’re seeing in Papua New Guinea,” Jacobsen said.

According to Global Witness, only half of the ten companies contacted about their potential involvement have responded.

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Reality check on Jacindamania

New Zealand Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern.

Bryce Edwards Analysis: Reality check on Jacindamania

[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignleft" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] It’s wall-to-wall Jacinda Ardern in the news, with a level of hype that suggests she’s already turned the Labour Party’s fortunes around, and National is now on the back-foot. Yesterday’s column – Jacindamania – showed just how much excitement there is about Labour’s new leader.  But amongst the fanfare there are voices sounding a note of caution. Below are the most interesting reality checks on Jacindamania.
[caption id="attachment_6928" align="aligncenter" width="612"] Labour Party leader Jacinda Ardern. Image courtesy of Jacinda.org.nz.[/caption]
1) Veteran political journalist John Armstrong is not inclined to go along with hype, and today he gives the strongest reality check about the meteoric rise of the new Labour leader, saying what “Labour could do with is a lot more caution before casting its new leader as the Wonder Woman of New Zealand politics” – see: Ardern gives Labour a chance, but she has hard choices to make.
Armstrong says the “prevailing wisdom” is that Ardern will win back all those former Labour voters, but there is “little evidence as yet to make such an assumption”. Here’s his main point: “you could have been excused for thinking Labour had just won the general election, rather than indulging in a last-minute exercise in survival. Amidst such euphoria, it is easy to forget the scale of the leap required to bridge the gap between leader and deputy leader. In her prior capacity as deputy, Ardern had run up all of four months’ experience in a senior management position in the party. She has never stamped a particular personal vision on the policies that have emerged from the shadow portfolios she has held during her nine years as an MP. Neither has she shown that she possesses the finely-tuned political instincts of a John Key, a Richard Prebble or, crucially in her case, a Bill English.
Perhaps most important of all, she has never landed a sustained hit which really rattled Labour’s old foe.”
2) Mike Hosking doubts that Ardern is a saviour for Labour, raising questions about her lack of experience, and saying “I am not sure how relatable she is to middle New Zealand – see: Jacinda Ardern would have been better to wait. Hosking also wonders how different she’ll really be to Little: “She’s promising new policy but it will have to be dramatically different than what they’ve already rolled out and judging by her opening comments in her first press conference, it was the same old stuff: closing gaps, more money, an inclusive society”. See also his video: Jacinda Ardern has a credibility issue.
4) National Party blogger David Farrar makes a positive assessment of Ardern, concluding that “Overall the pros clearly outweigh the cons. I think she will do better than Andrew Little” – see: The pros and cons of Jacinda. But Farrar points to some important drawbacks: “Is she ready to be PM? NZ has never elected someone PM who has been a party leader for just eight weeks. She is untested as a leader. Does the public think she can run the country? Running a country is vastly different to running a club of youth wings.” And on economic issues, he asks: “Will the public think her and Grant Robertson will be better economic managers than Bill English and Steven Joyce?” Her electoral track record is also brought up: “She is popular and liked but she did fail to win Auckland Central (a previous safe seat for Labour) in both 2011 and 2014”.
5) Also on the right, Matthew Hooton has long been the most vocal commentator forecasting that Ardern would take over from Andrew Little and lead Labour into the election, but he wasted no time in declaring her not up to the task: “I think she’ll fail. I think she’s an absolute flake but obviously Labour Party caucus knows her better than I do and feels she’s the right person to fill the shoes of Savage and Fraser and Lange and Clark” – see the Herald’s Matthew Hooton: Jacinda Ardern ‘will fail, I think she’s a flake’.
6) While we might expect right wing commentators to express strong reservations about Ardern’s ability to turn her party’s fortunes around, one of the most challenging responses has come from Gordon Campbell, who actually thinks Labour’s situation could worsen under Ardern: “It isn’t entirely beyond the realm of possibility that this episode could mark the end of the Labour Party as a major political force” – see: The Labour leadership change.
Campbell’s main point is that Ardern appears to be just another in a long list of ideologically-centrist leaders who aren’t willing to make radical changes to the party: “All of them tried and all failed to sell the public on a political brand that consisted of loudly bewailing the social outcomes of the market, while quietly embracing its core precepts about how a modern economy should be run. Since Labour appears to lack any appetite for fundamental change (much less any idea of what that might entail) Labour’s political messaging has been almost entirely negative. On the doorstep, Labour candidates have been left promoting a culture of complaint. In this void, Gareth Morgan – so help us –is now seen as the visionary alternative. Even the social spending on health and education that Labour is offering at election 2017 is almost entirely dependent on the surpluses that National’s economic policies have generated. Point being, a lot more than a change of leader is required, longer term. That will have to wait until next year, and beyond. No one will be blaming Jacinda Ardern if she fails to win this election; her immediate job is to lessen the scale of the defeat.”
7) There are plenty of others who might be seen as sympathetic to Labour’s reinvigoration, also pausing before declaring Ardern a “game changer”. For example, University of Otago’s Andrew Geddis has been reported as believing “Ardern must prove she has substance, as at present her new deputy has more credibility” – see Eileen Goodwin’s Leader needs to prove herself: prof. Geddis says: “One of the things about Jacinda that will be raised is what she’s actually achieved… With Kelvin Davis, you can point to a lot of stuff that he’s done… He’s got a lot more gravitas than I think perhaps Jacinda could claim at this moment”.
Furthermore, he says that questions about Ardern’s lack of achievement have a ‘”fair basis in reality”. The article reports that “She had not steered a member’s Bill through Parliament, and nor had she been a leading figure in public debate”. Geddis says: “It’s hard to think of many issues on which she’s been a leading figure to engage the public conversation.”
8) The Dominion Post also says today that Ardern needs to show she has some substance: “she will have to prove her worth. Relying on personal popularity and connecting with younger voters is a start, but it won’t be enough. She has to foot it with English on policy detail that will somehow resonate with the kind of voters her party has not been able to capture at the last three general elections” – see: Talent, temperament and tenacity paramount to leading the country. The editorial adds: “Ardern may have more charisma and a boost in momentum, but there’s more to being prime minister than a feelgood honeymoon period and the platitudes of the past couple of days.”
9) Veteran leftwing activist John Minto says he’s also sceptical whether “Ardern can breathe some life into Labour’s neo-liberal corpse” and argues that her “election, alongside that of Kelvin Davis as deputy, represents a shuffle further to the right” – see: Labour’s last throw of the neo-liberal dice. He worries that Labour is simply making cosmetic change at the expense of getting the party in sync with today’s more radical mood: “Labour believes it has a perception problem so it keeps changing the packaging. But the packaging isn’t the problem. It’s the content of the package that leaves them in a political backwater. Unlike the UK for example where Jeremy Corbyn has performed well as UK Labour leader, Labour in New Zealand has no bold, progressive policies.”
10) Ardern seems to be backtracking on her self-described “democratic socialist” label, with the emphasis now on being a “pragmatic idealist”, and this is concerning leftwing blogger Steven Cowan, who says this term “could mean anything. And this should raise alarm bells given her long held admiration for a ‘Third Way’ exponent like Helen Clark. If Ardern’s intention is to simply ‘cherry pick’ which policies that Labour should emphasise while leaving the logic of market capitalism unchallenged, then this will not be the ‘bold’ Labour she says that she wants. It will not shift Labour from its failed centrist path and present the electorate with a clear political and economic alternative” – see: Jacinda Ardern: Will she swing Labour to the left?
11) Ardern is no Jeremy Corbyn, according to Finlay Macdonald, who says the British Labour has undergone quite a different transformation to Ardern’s Labour Party: “Labour in New Zealand has had no such genuine reckoning. Here, beneath the squabbling over policy and scandal, lies a cosy bipartisan pact never to frighten the horses with talk of higher taxes and full employment” – see: Ardern’s new role: ‘People’s Princess versus Dreary of Dipton’. Even under Ardern, “despite crises in housing, health and the environment, Labour is not perceived as the rightful champion of the dispossessed and disenchanted. Changing that at this late stage will take a fresh approach indeed.”
12) Jane Patterson makes some similar points: “Ms Ardern is now the sixth leader of the Labour Party in nine years, and while she may provide a ‘fresh face’, the party’s problems run deeper. They need to define what they stand for and present a clear vision of what New Zealand would look like under a Labour government, as opposed to the current administration” – see: Ardern a ‘fresh face’, but Labour’s problems run deeper.
13) Jacinda Ardern will be announcing a number of policy changes over the next day or so, and this will be the test for Chris Trotter, who points forward a number of must-do policies to adopt if Labour is to succeed – see: Labour Can Win If … Defining Jacinda’s Political Mission. He is pushing her to be truly radical and authentic: “Labour can win if … Jacinda resists any and all attempts to make her the promoter of policies which clash with her self-definition as a “pragmatic idealist”. If Labour’s so-called “strategists” dismiss the “idealist” half of her descriptive pairing and load Jacinda up with the same highly pragmatic (but utterly uninspiring) policy baggage that drove its poll ratings below 25 percent, then the candle of hope which she has ignited will be snuffed out”.
14) Labour appear to be adopting a new campaign slogan of “Let’s do this!” – see Anna Bracewell-Worall’s ‘Let’s Do This’: Labour’s new campaign slogan? But is their sales pitch going to be successful? Political marketing expert Jennifer Lees-Marshment has some doubts: “In political marketing terms, Labour is more in touch with voters’ concerns than National. They have raised all the right issues and focus on the problems facing ordinary New Zealanders. But their problem is political management. They have not demonstrated that they can do anything about the problems they raise. They have spent too much time talking about National, and too little about their own solutions” – see: Labour’s problem with political management.
And changing leaders could be making this worse: “A change of leadership at this stage shows disunity and lack of political management, and these are all things Labour was weak on already. They needed to plug a hole in their delivery capability, not blow it wide open.”
15) “Beware cries of a Labour miracle” says Tim Watkin, because “While Jacinda Ardern is ‘a young proposition’, she’s not just been pulled from the bullrushes, and while the past 36 hours have seen a remarkable ‘Jacinda Effect’, she’s not the saviour” – see: How the Jacinda Effect changes everything & nothing. Also, rather than moving to the left, Watkin says Ardern needs to take Labour towards the centre: “Labour isn’t suddenly no longer a bit of a mess. The change of leadership has made some things possible again, but it’s far from a slam dunk. The next week and whatever new policy Ardern announces to make her mark is vital. It must appeal to the centre, not the left, of her party.”
Finally, for more cartoons on the new Labour leader, see my new blog post, A History of Jacinda Ardern through cartoons.
Today’s content – All items are contained in the attached PDF. Below are the links to the items online.
Labour Party
Claire Trevett (Herald): Will Jacinda Ardern eat the Greens?
Gwynn Compton (Libertas Digital): Brand Bill vs Brand Jacinda – Game on
Michael Reddell (Croaking Cassandra): A fresher approach for ordinary New Zealanders
Steven Cowan (Against the current): Jacinda Ardern: Will she swing Labour to the left?
No Right Turn: The Jacinda effect
Ben O’Connor and Scott Palmer (Newshub): Public reacts to new Labour leader Jacinda Ardern
Greg Presland (Standard): The big mo #LetsDoThis
Jacinda Ardern’s baby plans
Barry Soper (Herald): Ardern the flip up
Election
Sarah Dowie (Southland Times): Govt is backing the regions
Metiria Turei benefit fraud
Housing
Employment
Life on a benefit
Andrea Black (Let’s talk tax): #WeareallMetiria
Health
Marewa Glover & David Sweanor (Herald): Vaping can make us smoke-free by 2025
Euthanasia
No Right Turn: Pissing on the public
Mental Health
No Right Turn: Not a good look
Education
Stuart McCutcheon and Harlene Hayne (Stuff): Opinion: A university by any other name
Kim Dotcom
Other
Southland Times Editorial: A sororal state of affairs
Anna Bracewell-Worrall (Newshub): Window washers to be banned under new law
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Deported NZ missionary to push for reform on return to PNG

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Set to return to Papua New Guinea … New Zealand missionary Douglas Tennent’s “moral obligation” to push for deportation reform. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

By Kendall Hutt in Auckland

Deported New Zealand missionary Douglas Tennent will hopefully be returning to Papua New Guinea in the next week.

This comes after the court ordered immigration services to issue Tennent a new visa last month which will see him return by or before August 8.

Tennent is scheduled to fly out on Friday, but is not confident his visa will come together in time.

“It doesn’t look like that’s happening,” he says.

Tennent was deported on June 12, 2017, over an alleged breach of visa conditions.

Authorities claim Tennent was deported due to “blatant abuse” of his special exemption/religious worker visa after engaging in “sensitive landowner issues in East New Britain Province”.

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Tennent was deported after some landowners lodged a complaint regarding his involvement in such “sensitive landowner issues”.

‘Just doing his job’
It is believed the complaint comes due to Tennent’s involvement in remedying a special agricultural business lease regarding Malaysian multinational Rimbunan Hijau’s Sigite Mukus oil palm project in West Pomio.

Both Tennent and Archbishop Francesco Panfilo hold firm to the belief Tennent is “just doing his job”, however.

Returning to Papua New Guinea in the coming week will mark a seven week absence from his duties as the administrator for the Archdiocese of Rabaul.

Tennent told Asia Pacific Report this morning the actions of immigration and the acting chief migration officer therefore have put not only himself, but Archbishop Francesco Panfilo under undue stress as the Archdiocese continues to settle disputes.

“The Archbishop is getting very stressed out. He’s had to put off a very much-needed holiday at 75 until I get back.”

“It’s just a matter of picking up the pieces,” Tennent therefore says of negotiations with Rimbunan Hijau.

Tennent’s deportation has also “knocked off track” the giving back of 160 hectares of land to four local communities which was purchased illegally.

‘It needs to be sorted out’
The case was due to be heard in court on July 11, but that never happened due to Tennent’s absence.

“It needs to be sorted out in court and this has had adverse effects on the Kokopo community,” he says.

Despite criticisms he should be suing immigration for damages, Tennent is just looking forward to returning to work.

“The Archbishop and I have decided we’re not in to that. We just want to get back, carry on with the job.”

But Tennent will be making submissions to the Ombudsman, Constitutional Law Reform Commission and immigration calling for a change in the deportation process.

“I don’t want this sort of thing to happen again. If you’ve got a concern about somebody, you go to them firstly and you let them respond. That was not done at all.

“I think we’ve got a moral obligation to try and address that.”

Tennent says he would like to see potential deportees given fair notice around the reason for their deportation and ensure associated evidence is provided to them so they are allowed to respond to the allegations.

He would also like to see careful and thorough investigation carried out by immigration before people are deported and says reasonable time needs to be given for them to sort out their affairs.

“The number of deportations are not large in PNG, so there’s no excuse for not getting them right.”

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O’Neill re-elected PNG prime minister following ‘chaotic’ day in parliament

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Prime Minister Peter O’Neill re-elected amid parliamentary ‘chaos’ … Alliance will take government “to task”. Image: PMO

Peter O’Neill has been re-elected as Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea amid a chaotic day inside parliament.

The tenth sitting of parliament suffered a delay and tensions broke out between Nick Kuman from the People’s National Congress and Lukas Dekena of the PNG party over who was the MP-elect for the Gumine seat, Radio New Zealand International reported.

EMTV’s Your Vote 2017 reported there was “commotion” as both members refused to move from their seat when asked by parliamentary staff to do so.

Dekena was declared on July 28 and Kuman on July 30, so the matter is currently before the court.

Due to such issues and the fact several seats are still to be declared — only 105 of the 111 writs have been returned — Kerenga Kua, MP-elect for Sinasina-Yonggamugl Open, visibly voiced his concerns, urging the Chief Justice to stop proceedings as members of the Alliance and PNC yelled at one another from across the room.

This prompted his Alliance colleagues to stand in solidarity with him before things eventually calmed down as newly elected MPs were sworn in.

O’Neill was the only candidate put forward by PNC after the party was invited to do so by new speaker Joe Pomat (PNC) on advice of the Governor-General, Loop PNG reported.

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PNC holds majority
Pomat beat Allan Marat of the Melanesian Liberal Party 60 votes to 46, while PNC was invited to nominate a candidate for Prime Minister because the PNC coalition had the majority of seats (60), compared to the Alliance’s 47, Your Vote 2017 reported just after 10am.

Both camps had been confident they had the numbers going in today’s sitting.

O’Neill’s appointment marks the end of Papua New Guinea’s tumultuous election period which began in April.

The country’s 2017 general election has been marred with electoral roll issues, shortages of ballot papers, disputed ballot boxes and violence, as reported by Asia Pacific Report.

For those wanting a change of government, the only consolation seems to be the decrease in O’Neill’s majority and the Alliance’s determination to stand by “the cry of the people” following a press conference.

Kua says the Alliance is not a lost cause and O’Neill’s government can expect to be “taken to task” over every policy.

With several seats still undeclared, the make-up of Papua New Guinea’s tenth parliament is still to be cemented.

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Bryce Edwards Analysis: Jacindamania

Bryce Edwards Analysis: Jacindamania

[caption id="attachment_1983" align="aligncenter" width="635"] Labour Party leader, Jacinda Ardern.[/caption]
New Labour leader Jacinda Ardern is promising to run an election campaign characterised by “relentless positivity”. And, so far, there’s been an almost relentlessly positive response to her rise to the top. It appears that Ardern’s extraordinary elevation is going to lift this election campaign out of the ordinary, too. Below are some of the more interesting examples of “The Jacinda Effect” taking hold.
1) Jacinda Ardern dominates the newspaper front pages today – see my blog post aggregating how the media has responded: Media coverage of Jacinda Ardern as Labour leader.
2) Newshub’s political editor Patrick Gower is not afraid of attacking or grilling politicians, but he seems to have been struck by Jacindamania, writing two very positive accounts of the new leader. In his report, Ardern could capitalise on the mood for change, he says “Jacinda Ardern represents one thing that Bill English and National never can – change. And if you can harness change, it is one of the most powerful political weapons there is.”
3) In a second opinion piece, Jacinda’s on fire, National should be frightened, Gower really lets loose, summing up Ardern’s first media appearance like this: “Powerful, composed, eloquent – and actually quite funny.” He adds: “Ardern brings energy…. She has presence. She isn’t anxious – she looks in control. She doesn’t look reluctant – she looks ready. And importantly, Jacinda Ardern has got that valuable political ingredient – vibe. She has got serious vibe. One of her weaknesses was supposedly that ‘she doesn’t want it’. Well, she has got it now – and looks like she really wants it. If National aren’t scared now – they should be. Because if anyone can cause a political ‘youthquake’, it’s Jacinda.”
4) Other political editors also have high praise for Ardern. Fairfax’s Tracy Watkins reports on her power: “I’ve seen her on the campaign trail and it is clear she has the x-factor. At a gathering in New Plymouth she was supposedly the warm up act to Little. But it was clear she was the main event. Ardern had the audience in the palm of her hand – when Little took over he spent 50 minutes talking into a microphone and it was clear he had lost them after the first 10. The people who left that pub that night would have voted for Ardern – but I’m not sure they would have voted for Little. Even the party faithful among them” – see: Can the Ardern factor save Labour?
Watkins believes Ardern and Kelvin Davis “are potential game changers.” She says they “will shake up the political landscape. And they ring the generational changes after three terms of National.”
5) Herald political editor Audrey Young believes that Ardern will inject some dynamism into the election campaign: “Jacinda Ardern will have what the billboard promises: a fresh approach. When people turn on their screens to watch Bill English debate the Labour leader over the next two months, they are now less likely to change channels or scroll away. Bill English vs Andrew Llttle was a gift for the likes of Winston Peters and Metiria Turei. English vs Ardern will inject a level of interest in this election and a fresh hope for Labour to recover some dignity from the result. It is still not inconceivable that Labour could be part of the next Government” – see: Ardern is fresh, impressive and interesting.
6) Audrey Young also suggests that Ardern is going to make National’s re-election more difficult: “Jacinda Arden’s elevation as Labour leader has sent a chill through the National Party in inverse proportion to the sheer radiance emanating from the Labour caucus over the change” – see: Ardern does not need to be Labour’s Joan of Arc. Again, on Ardern’s first media appearance: “Arden’s press conference was a command performance of a competent new leader that stunned most of those watching, and especially those who have believed she was not a woman of substance.”
7) TVNZ political editor Corin Dann was also impressed by Ardern, saying she clearly energises people. He describes the change in leadership as a circuit breaker for the Labour campaign, saying it gets them back in the game as they now have a leader who can communicate their policies effectively – see: “She absolutely convinced everyone she wants the job” – Corin Dann impressed by Jacinda Ardern’s first day in charge.
8) The political editor of The Spinoff website hedges his bets with the pros and cons of the new leadership team, but his pros are worth citing: “Jacinda Ardern is Labour’s greatest hope, a potential breath of fresh air, a vital contrast with the grey familiarity of prime minister Bill English”, and, “the centre-left alternative now looks decisively more diverse and modern than the status quo” – see: Jacinda Ardern and Kelvin Davis: why this is terrible for Labour, and why it is brilliant.
9) Also at The Spinoff, Simon Wilson predicts big things for the new leadership team: “Jacinda Ardern is going to try hope. She’ll keep flashes of the anger, that’s plain enough, but she knows what it really takes: project a warm, winning confidence, make people like you so they want to listen to you, identify with them and inspire them with the belief that you are there for them and have the skills to help them. It’s what Bill English does, and Metiria Turei and Winston Peters too. It’s what John Key did. It’s what Andrew Little couldn’t do. But Jacinda Ardern has already demonstrated that she can” – see: Why Jacinda is the answer and Andrew didn’t understand the question.
Wilson also comments on Ardern’s strong performance at her first press conference: “She reduced the assembled hacks of the press gallery to laughter, several times. She reduced ol’ hatchet man Paddy Gower to something you might almost call adulation. Imagine what that takes.”
10) Veteran political journalist Richard Harman of the Politik website declares that “Ultimately this has made the election more difficult for National to win”, and he reports that National is worried about how to deal with the new Leader of the Opposition: “National fears that any attacks on Ardern, a relentlessly positive person, could be seen as bullying” – see: What will Ardern mean for the Nats. He also notes that Ardern might even steal votes off National: “Whether she will win over National votes is less clear. But during the Mt Albert by-election earlier this year there was some evidence that she picked up votes in National voting parts of the electorate.”
11) Writing just before the leadership change, Newsroom’s Tim Murphy argued why Ardern was the best choice to take Labour into the election – see: Cometh the hour, cometh Jacinda. He makes plenty of arguments in her favour, which include: “She matches Peters too, in being familiarly known by her first name – and being able to flash a smile that could burst a ballot box. She’s urban but not too urban, being from Morrinsville and the University of Waikato. She’s young, having turned 37 last week, but Emmanuel Macron is 39 and vying for leadership of the free world. She’s been an MP for nearly nine years, has claimed a lifetime seat in Mt Albert, and worked under four Labour leaders. She worked as a researcher for Helen Clark before that.”
12) The leftwing blogosphere appears to be highly favourable towards the new leader. And Martyn Bradbury represents this best in his blog post, Why is Jacinda popular and can she turn Labour’s fortunes around? Bradbury puts forward a generational argument in Ardern’s favour: “She’s part of a kinder Generation taught and brought up in a culture that was desperate to be inclusive of others and that ignoring inclusivity was the greatest sin. This is why she is so widely popular. She brings with, she doesn’t talk down to, she is all about getting agreement to move forward because that was how decision making was being taught in our education system. Jacinda is a product of her generation, and because most of the pundits are older than her, they judge her by their own generations combativeness and cynicism. Which is why they don’t get her. I think her skills to quietly bring together and find unoffensive ways to work alongside each other for a common good came incredibly early for Jacinda.”
13) The political commentariat are increasingly using the term “game changer” about Ardern. And that spans the likes of both Chris Trotter and Matthew Hooton – see Anna Bracewell-Worrall’s Jacinda Ardern is a ‘game changer’ – commentators.
14) “The Jacinda Effect” is galvanising Labour’s support base. Isaac Davison reports Labour’s General secretary Andrew Kirton: “We’ve never seen anything remotely like this. It was coming in at something like $700 a minute” – see: New Labour leadership has lifted fundraising and galvanised Maori, Kelvin Davis says. Kelvin Davis also claims that the change of leadership “has brought in more than $100,000 and 600 new volunteers for Labour in 24 hours”.
15) So far the only public opinion polls providing any feedback on how the public feel about the leadership change are online (unscientific) ones. Nonetheless, they suggest that Jacindamania is widespread. The Herald’s online survey says “43 per cent said they would now consider switching their vote to Labour” – see: Labour’s new leader Jacinda Ardern gets a warm welcome from voters. Similarly, on the Herald Facebook site, “Of the 3700 people who responded, 2400 said they would now vote for her, or 65 per cent”. And the Interest.co.nz website also records very positive results for Labour – see: Interest.co.nz readers believe installing Ardern and Davis was the right move and that it’ll help their election chances.
16) Radio talkback land is also apparently positive about Labour’s new line-up. Newstalk ZB’s Mark Dye reports on what he heard from callers yesterday: “if the feedback I witnessed in the four hours of talkback Kerre and I did on the subject on Tuesday is anything to go by, this is a step in the right direction. No more Little, and Ardern in his place has people excited. I know this will upset the policy wonks amongst us, but the populace like warm and personable. As a wonk myself, I hope an approachable demeanour is not the only reason a person chooses to vote for a particular party, but it certainly warms them to it. Time and time again we heard that this is why people liked Key. Ardern has this” – see: Old and worn versus fresh and new.
17) Finally, to see how satirists are dealing with the new leader, see my blog post, Cartoons about new Labour leader Jacinda Ardern.
Today’s content All items are contained in the attached PDF. Below are the links to the items online.
Labour Party leadership
Fran O’Sullivan (Herald): Can Ardern pull bunny out of new hat?
Southland Times Editorial: Labour goes full speed Ardern
Sam Sachdeva and Shane Cowlishaw (Newsroom): Taking stock of Jacinda Ardern’s stocktake
David Farrar (Kiwiblog): The pros and cons of Jacinda
Jennifer Lees-Marshment (Newsroom): Labour’s problem with political management
Tim Beveridge (Newstalk ZB): One fact hasn’t changed for Labour
Tracy Watkins (Stuff): Can the Ardern factor save Labour?
Richard Harman (Politik): What will Ardern mean for the Nats
Eileen Goodwin (ODT): Selection review urged
Gordon Campbell (Werewolf): The Labour leadership change
Greg Presland (Standard): Solidarity forever
Willie Jackson (Daily Blog): Jacinda’s mana shines through
Tim Murphy (Newsroom): What Jacinda Ardern wants
No Right Turn: The big gamble
Daphna Whitemore (Redline): Jacinda – Labour’s most pleasant leader
Russell Brown (Public Address): That escalated quickly …
Martyn Bradbury (Daily Blog): Jacinda Ardern – First impressions as Leader
Emma Hurley (Newshub): Politicians react to Jacinda Ardern
Election
Bryce Edwards (Newsroom): Make NZ vote again
Election – Greens 
Shane Cowlishaw (Newsroom): Making the Greens green again
Election – Labour
Mike Yardley (Press): Does Raf Manji have a prayer?
Todd Barclay scandal
Mental health
Katie Kenny, Laura Walters and Alex Liu (Stuff): Take a walk Through the Maze of New Zealand’s mental health journey
Health
Economy and trade
Michael Reddell (Croaking Cassandra): A radical alternative to macro policy?
Solid Energy
Other
Michael Littlewood (Kiwiblog): Guest Post: The politics of superannuation
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Public interest journalism at a ‘crossroads’, says MEAA

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Desolate newsrooms may become more common … public interest journalism at a “crossroads” thanks to social media. Image: MEAA

Australia’s Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA) says public interest journalism is at a “crossroads” in its submission to the country’s Senate inquiry into the future of the form.

The union for Australian media workers therefore feels it is time for the government to step in and support independent journalism in order to preserve democracy.

“The digital disruption that has transformed the media has shaken everything we knew about out industry.

“There is no certainty. The audience is fragmented,” the MEAA noted in a statement.

The MEAA’s submission details the blow the internet and social media has dealt journalism in Australia, robbing media of its revenue — part of a growing global trend.

A series of recommendations have also been made to the Senate inquiry, namely around increases in funding and the establishment of further protections.

However, the MEAA acknowledges there is no “magic bullet” which will restore the media to its former glory of six years ago.

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‘No going back’
“Digital disruption has and will continue to reshape the industry. There is no going back.”

This may mean the industry undergoes more hardships as improvements are potentially made, the MEAA says.

“It is true that, unless something urgent and comprehensive is done the media will continue to collapse.

“It is time for government to foster, encourage, promise and support the media so that it can continue to function for all Australians.”

The MEAA’s submission to the public interest journalism inquiry comes amid increasing surveillance attempts on the media by the Turnbull government as previously reported by Pacific Media Watch.

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NZ climate change approach must ‘transcend government’, says report

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

By Kendall Hutt in Auckland

Concerns have emerged New Zealand may not meet its obligations under the Paris Agreement if a law on emissions is not enacted and soon.

This is the view of New Zealand’s Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, Dr Jan Wright, which was revealed in her final report ‘Stepping stones to Paris and beyond: Climate change, progress, and predictability’ released this week.

“There is no direct link between New Zealand climate policy and reaching the Paris target,” she says.

“My chief concern in this report is not the level of our targets, but the lack of a process for achieving them.”

Dr Wright therefore believes the government should take a note out of the UK’s book and implement a climate change act which puts emissions targets in legislation and sets up a process for reaching them.

This is because between 1990 and 2015 New Zealand’s emissions have risen by 64 per cent, while the UK’s have fallen by 38 per cent in the same period.

-Partners-

Under the 2015 Paris Agreement, New Zealand’s emissions should be 11 per cent below those of 1990 levels by 2030.

Paris target unreachable
But if the concerns raised in Dr Wright’s report are anything to go by, that target may not be reached.

Dr Wright herself acknowledges our 2030 greenhouse gas target may not be “ambitious enough” so charting a pathway to that target and beyond is the “bigger issue”.

New Zealand’s Paris Agreement emissions target … “not ambitious” according to Dr Jan Wright. Image: Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment.

So what would such a pathway look like?

Firstly, New Zealand’s emission targets would become law, with “carbon budgets” approximately every five years ensuring these targets are met.

An expert body would also be established to provide successive governments objective analysis and advice about how their targets are tracking and what steps could be taken to improve.

But Dr Wright warns this legislation must transcend the current government.

“Support across political parties is vital. Climate change is the ultimate inter-generational issue, and governments change.”

Climate ‘transcends governments’
As a result, Dr Wright sees the implementation of this act being via a “apolitical long-term approach”, which means businesses largely pick up the baton from government.

“Climate change transcends governments and our approach must do the same,” she says.

However, New Zealand currently has no strong policy on emissions or mitigating and adapting to climate change, Dr Wright says.

“Currently, New Zealand has no climate change target in law.”

This is also something climate change minister Paula Bennet herself has acknowledged.

She told The AM Show: “We’re just not quite there. I don’t think the time is right for us to be doing the legislation.”

New Zealand’s climate change policy is seen by some as ad hoc, so much so that a 26-year-old law student took the government to court in June over its climate policy “failure”.

Government ‘shirked responsibilities’
“So far the New Zealand government has shirked its responsibilities, set unambitious and irrational targets, and justified it all by saying we’re too small to make a difference,” Sarah Thomson told Asia Pacific Report.

“I’m young and I’m terrified of a time when I might have to look my kids in the eye and explain to them how we let this happen.”

Currently, the Emissions Trading Scheme is New Zealand’s main policy for making the much-needed transition to a low carbon-economy.

However, with no restrictions on the number of carbon units New Zealand purchases from other countries, New Zealand’s emissions can appear more rosy than they actually are.

13 years shy of reaching its Paris target, the “clean energy revolution” taking place across the globe does not appear to have reached New Zealand’s shores yet, but it could.

A 2013 report by Greenpeace New Zealand ‘The future is here: New jobs, new prosperity and a new clean economy’ reveals New Zealand could have an economy based entirely on renewables by 2050.

New Zealand is already a world leader in geothermal energy, but if the country invested more in smart electricity and smart transport over 25,000 jobs would be created while New Zealand’s carbon footprint would reduce to 1.8 million tonnes.

Clean, green reputation
Currently, 50 per cent of the country’s jobs rely on New Zealand’s “clean, green reputation” while 70 per cent of its exports rely on that same reputation.

If New Zealand makes the switch and invests more in renewable sources, those percentages are sure to climb.

Already, 70 per cent of New Zealand’s electricity needs are met by renewable sources.

“Only a small proportion of New Zealand’s electricity is generated by burning coal and gas,” Dr Wright acknowledges.

Along with the Asian Development Bank, she has recognised the opportunities for more renewable energy in the region.

“New Zealand is rich in geothermal energy, and with the best wind in the world, we have a great opportunity for decarbonising transport.”

Renewable costs decreasing
In a July 2017 report, the Asian Development Bank note: “The rapidly decreasing costs of wind and solar power generated clearly indicates that consumption and production of the future could be driven by renewable energy sources.”

It is, however, difficult to pin down the “when and where” of this transition, they note.

But if New Zealand continues down its current “business as usual” path, the outlook for the country and its neighbours in the Pacific is bleak.

“The scientific understanding, and our daily experience, is that climate change is happening at a faster rate than was appreciated at the time of the Paris Agreement,” the 13 nations of the Pacific Small Island Development States (PSIDS) said in a joint July statement.

Sea levels around the world are expected to rise between 75cm and 1.5 metres by the end of the century and none are more at risk than the low-lying coral atolls and islands of the Pacific.

Already, the people of Kiribati are expected to relocate 200km away to Fiji by 2020 as stories across the Pacific region have emerged of the sea swallowing land.

In Palau, at its peak, high tide is 30cm higher than when the President of Palau, Tommy Remengesau, built his house in 1989.

For Vilimaina Naqalevuki climate change is personal… “we’re going to lose our land, our culture, our identity”. Image: Julie Cleaver/PMC

Sea swallowing land
Remengesau observed such a change four years ago, when seaweed and tidal debris drew ever closer to his home.

In the Torres Strait, the cemetery on Boigu Island faces inundation while roads are being washed into the sea because the seawall is “already failing”.

For the people of Masig Island, there are fears they may have to abandon their ancestral home.

In Vanuatu, the islands of Nguna, Espiritu Santo and Tanna are facing water scarcity, food shortages, and an increase in natural disasters.

As Vilimaina Naqelevuki of the village of Narikoso on Ono Island in the Kadavu Group told the Bearing Witness project: “We’re going to lose our land, we’re going to lose our culture, our identity, if we don’t do anything about climate change at all.”

There are also concerns that even under the Paris Agreement, in which global warming is limited to 1.5 to two degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, the Pacific will not survive.

“For Pacific Island countries, because of our vulnerable ecosystems, we can manage up to 1.5°C, but beyond that we’re going to start losing our ecosystems and livelihood, our resources, and then the survival of our people,” Dr Morgan Wairiu, an expert in food security and climate change with the University of the South Pacific’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD), told Asia Pacific Report.

Professor Morgan Wairiu … beyond 1.5 degrees Celsius the people of the Pacific will not survive. Image: Julie Cleaver/PMC.

‘Decisive action’ call
However, it is important to remember Pacific Island countries are fighting.

As PSIDS themselves note: “Our solemn obligation and responsibility is to ensure that the international community takes immediate and decisive action to address the underlying causes of global climate change.”

Perhaps the greatest evidence of this “solemn obligation” is Fiji’s presidency of COP23 in Bonn, Germany, in November this year.

But the importance of clean energy in New Zealand cannot be more clear, both for the country and the Pacific region.

As Dr Wright asks: “What will our responsibility be towards our neighbours who live on low-lying coral atolls?”

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Former chief justice slams Gamato’s ‘premature’ PM election move

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Papua New Guinea’s Sir Arnold Amet … wrong move legally for Electoral Commissioner to recommend that O’Neill should form government. Image: PNG Blogs

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

A former Chief Justice of Papua New Guinea, Sir Arnold Amet, today condemned the actions of the beleagured Electoral Commissioner in calling on the Governor-General to invite incumbent Prime Minister Peter O’Neill to form a government without the elections counting having been completed.

Commissioner Patilias Gamato took this controversial step with the Governor-General, Sir Bob Dadae, while 23 out of the 111 seats in Parliament were still undeclared.

Sir Arnold, himself an unsuccessful candidate in the elections having stood for Sumkar Open, said the commissioner’s move was “principally wrong and premature”.

“By yesterday afternoon 23 writs had not been returned because counting was still progressing,” Sir Arnold wrote on his Facebook page.

“The Electoral Commissioner had the responsibility to seek a further extension to allow those 23 electorates’ counting to be completed and for their writs to returned first before he determined which party returned the most nominated candidates to advise the GG to issue the letter of invitation.

“As we now understand the nation is grateful to the Ombudsman Commission for the brave and responsible initiative to go to the Supreme Court to obtain the order to extend the return of writs to Monday.”

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From a practical legal perspective, the Supreme Court order meant that the Electoral Commissioner must return all the remaining writs before it is determined which party has the strongest support,” Sir Arnold wrote.

“That may still be PNC [O’Neill’s People’s National Congress]. That is not the issue. The EC had misapplied [his] responsibility and it was wrong and we, the nation, [are] pleased that the OC took the initiative to seek the intervention of the Supreme Court.

Sir Arnold appealed to Gamato to “not keep abusing and misapplying the law”.

Gamato was been widely condemned for the conduct of the elections.

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Keith Jackson: From cusp of defeat, O’Neill’s stunning attempt to ‘steal’ PNG election

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

The headlines variously read “O’Neill ‘invited’ to form government”, “O’Neill gets tap to form government” and “People’s National Congress invited to form PNG government“.

Naive headlines that gave a hint of legitimacy and respectability to what occurred in Papua New Guinea yesterday.

But the day had witnessed the most breathtaking ploy yet in what has been a national election liberally laced with fraud, deceit, bribery, violence and manipulation.

With counting in 23 of the 111 seats still incomplete, Electoral Commissioner Paulias Gamato – already under a cloud for his conduct of the election – advised the Governor-General that Peter O’Neill’s People’s National Congress commanded enough seats to form a government – a palpable lie.

By Friday afternoon PNC had won only one-quarter of the seats declared.

“I certify that the People’s National Congress party has won the largest number of declared seats in the 2017 national election, Your Excellency,” Gamato said, “accordingly I advise that you call on the public officer of the PNC to receive the invitation on behalf of the party.”

-Partners-

As political commentator and prominent blogger Martyn Namorong tweeted: “We’ve essentially witnessed a coup unfold in Port Moresby this afternoon.”

A ‘coup’ to be tested
Of course it was a “coup” that will have to be tested in Parliament – should it be recalled – but the very fact that O’Neill can wear the prime ministerial badge during the period when loyalties are being tested is a ploy to drag wavering members-elect to the PNC and so attempt to consolidate its numbers on the floor of the house.

With the numbers seeming to be very close between the PNC coalition and its newly invigorated and numerically stronger opposition, every vote is important.

But nothing in conventional politics explains what has been O’Neill’s breathtaking attempt to steal an election that was apparently slipping out of his grasp.

Parliament is due to sit next Friday for the formation of government and it has yet to be seen whether a prime minister who has dishonoured many of the conventions and protocols so far will honour one of the most important of all, the ability of an elected Parliament to freely determine who shall govern the country.

“We’re look forward to forming government in the coming days and we believe the PNC has been given a mandate under the laws of this country governing the electoral process,” O’Neill told a media conference.

Electoral Commissioner Gamato, whose performance in this election has been appalling, professed that it was “unfortunate” that so many seats were undeclared.

Meanwhile, the PNG Ombudsman Michael Dick made an heroic effort to preserve democratic values by filing an urgent application for the extension of writs, which the courts granted until Monday.

Registrar outraged
At the time of writing it was uncertain whether the government would comply.

An outraged Registrar of Political Parties, Alphonse Gelu, also called for an extension of time for the return of writs.

But it seemed all in vain; the Governor-General, Sir Bob Dadae, was entertaining Prime Minister O’Neill and besuited cohorts William Duma and Powes Parkop and sharing a glass of celebratory orange juice with them (see top picture).

At the same time, reports SBS’s Stefan Armbruster, violent post-election clashes and gun battles continued in Duma’s backyard in the Highlands and there was an attempted kidnapping of a candidate at gunpoint at Port Moresby international airport by alleged PNC elements.

Mt Hagen is in lockdown and local media have posted footage showing crowds of people fleeing gunfire in the streets. Tensions escalated as results were progressively declared and challenged, Armbruster reported.

While O’Neill was having his faux government sworn in, the growing Alliance of parties  determined to remove him from power said it was confident it would have the support of enough MPs to form a new government next week.

Opposition MPs .. numerically stronger than O’Neill’s PNC and allies. Image: PNG Attitude blog

The coalition includes the next two biggest parties after PNC, National Alliance and Pangu Pati.

Radio New Zealand International said it was unclear how many of the remaining MPs-elect to be declared would attend the crucial first sitting of Parliament.

In Canberra, Australia’s foreign minister Julie Bishop refused to say whether she considered the election free and fair until after “final reports” from four Australian parliamentarians who observed the poll, according to PNG commentators in circumstances that would have left them without much idea of what had transpired.

But Ms Bishop admitted that “Australia provided extensive technical advice and logistical support to PNG’s election authorities”. This included assistance in compiling the catastrophically inadequate and criminally rorted common roll.

Beyond that, there was no substantive comment other than an unintentionally ironic “we will continue to work with PNG to help strengthen its electoral system.”

As Australian reader David Harley‏ tweeted, “Hey @JulieBishopMP how long are we going to ignore these goings on to our north?”

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PNG Ombudsman wins court order to extend electoral writs deadline

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

EMTV News reports on the election writs court order.

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

The Ombudsman Commission has obtained an interim court order to extend the return of the general election writs until 2pm on Monday as uncertainty continued over Papua New Guinea’s new government.

Chief Ombudsman Michael Dick said this was to ensure the remaining seats were returned within legal boundaries to ensure elected MPs could participate in the election of the Speaker and Prime Minister.

The Governor-General, Sir Bob Dadae, today invited incumbent Prime Minister Peter O’Neill to form a government, reports Loop PNG.

But Electoral Commissioner Patilias Gamato recommended that O’Neill be invited on the basis of incomplete writs – only those for 80 seats out of the 111-seat Parliament were presented, although 88 seats are understood to have been declared.

O’Neill’s People’s Congress Party (PNC) won the highest number of seats – 24 elected members. But O’Neill depends heavily on coalition partners to be able to form a government.

-Partners-

EMTV News reports that Chief Ombudsman Dick said Gamato must abide by the court order to hand over all the writs on Monday.

The Chief Ombudsman was accompanied by legal counsel Dr Vergil Narokobi and Ombudsman Richard Pagen.

Chief Ombudsman Dick resssured the electorates whose writs have not yet been returned that this court order would allow their elected members to participate in the first sitting of parliament.

It is unclear when that sitting will take place.

Asia Pacific Report is publishing electoral news from Papua New Guinea’s EMTV with permission.

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Climate change in Asia-Pacific, advocacy journalism in PJR

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Powering a people – The Solar Nation of Tokelau. Image: © Documentary by Ulrich Weisbach, Pacifica Productions

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

Climate change research ranging from Australia and Indonesia to Fiji and Vietnam feature in the latest Pacific Journalism Review in the first publication to focus on media and global warming in the region.

The edition, published next week, is timely as Fiji prepares to co-host the COP23 global climate change summit in Bonn, Germany, in November.

The latest Pacific Journalism Review with a featured cover cartoon by Malcolm Evans.

Canadian media academic professor Robert A Hackett argues for an overhaul of the approach by journalists and media groups to “address the need for public engagement and a sense of urgency in the context of global climate crisis”.

He advocates peace journalism as a component of a strategy for “both journalists and the public to recover a sense of political agency”.

New Zealand investigative journalist Phil Vine, now attached to Greenpeace as a journalist, writes about the dilemmas facing seasoned journalists when joining non-government organisations in an independent media role.

“In order to stem plunging levels of credibility and adapt to the fast changing digital environment while recognising existing biases within traditional reporting, it may be that mainstream media needs to embrace a more inclusive attitude towards so-called ‘NGO journalism’,” he writes.

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Documentary maker Ulrich Weissbach offers a case study on his film The Solar Nation of Tokelau while David Robie and Sarika Chand also file a case study on the “Bearing Witness” climate change collaboration between the Fiji-based University of the South Pacific and AUT’s Pacific Media Centre by postgraduate student journalists.

Staff and researchers at USP’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development and School of Government, Development and International Affairs have contributed several papers in the peer-reviewed edition.

Introducing this edition, Wendy Bacon and Chris Nash write in the editorial about the contribution and demise of the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ), which has been a trailblazer for university based investigative journalism for a quarter century.

Paying tribute to the many journalists who have contributed over the years and the collaboration between ACIJ and PJR, they write: “It is important that the sense of crisis in the journalism profession and the threat of increasing concentration of mainstream media ownership does not overwhelm the many worthwhile initiatives and projects that continue to be undertaken.”

In the journal’s unthemed section, research papers include defamation and the “hazards of relying on the ‘ordinary, reasonable person’ fiction”, news media representations of the “brown” community in New Zealand, and citizen news podcasts and the counter-public sphere in South Korea.

This edition has been co-edited by professors David Robie (AUT) and Chris Nash Monash), Dr Shailendra Singh (USP) and Wendy Bacon (PMC) with associate editor Dr Philip Cass (Unitec).

Full papers from the edition are already available online at the INFORMIT database.

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Rights, cultural activists among winners of Asia’s Nobel Prize

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Then President Benigno S. Aquino III delivers his speech during the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation 2015 presentation ceremony at the Main Theatre of the Cultural Center of the Philippines in Pasay City. Image: Benhur Arcayan/Malacañang Photo Bureau

By Joe Torres in Manila

An Indonesian tribal rights activist, a Sri Lankan woman who has helped civil war victims, and a Japanese man working for the preservation of Cambodia’s Angkor Wat are among this year’s winners of the Ramon Magsaysay Award, considered Asia’s equivalent to the Nobel Prize.

The formal presentations will be made next month.

Indonesian Abdon Nababan has been recognised for “his brave, self-sacrificing advocacy to give voice and face to his country’s indigenous people communities, his principled, relentless, yet pragmatic leadership of the world’s largest tribal rights movement, and the far-reaching impact of his work on the lives of millions of Indonesians.”

Gethsie Shanmugam of Sri Lanka has been recognised for her “compassion and courage in working under extreme conditions to rebuild war-scarred lives” and for her “tireless efforts” in building Sri Lanka’s capacity for “psychosocial support, and her deep, inspiring humanity” in caring for women and child victims of war.

Yoshiaki Ishizawa from Japan will receive the award for “his selfless, steadfast service to the Cambodian people, his inspiring leadership in empowering Cambodians to be proud stewards of their heritage, and his wisdom in reminding us all that cultural monuments like the Angkor Wat are shared treasures whose preservation is thus, also our shared global responsibility”.

From the Philippines, former PEZA director-general Lilia de Lima was recognised for “her unstinting, sustained leadership in building a credible and efficient [economic zone], proving that the honest, competent and dedicated work of public servants can, indeed, redound to real economic benefits to millions of Filipinos.”

-Partners-

Also given recognition was Tony Tay of Singapore for his “quiet, abiding dedication to a simple act of kindness – sharing food with others – and his inspiring influence in enlarging this simple kindness into a collective, inclusive, vibrant volunteer movement that is nurturing the lives of many in Singapore”.

Shaping theatre arts
Also a recipient of this year’s award is the Philippine Educational Theatre Association of the Philippines for its “bold, collective contributions in shaping the theatre arts as a force for social change, its impassioned, unwavering work in empowering communities … and the shining example it has set as one of the leading organizations of its kind in Asia”.

Established in 1957, the Ramon Magsaysay Award is Asia’s highest honour aimed at celebrating the memory and leadership example of the third Philippine president after whom the award is named.

It is given every year to individuals or organisations in Asia who manifest “selfless service and transformative influence”.

Carmencita Abella, president of the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation, said this year’s awardees “are all transforming their societies through their manifest commitment to the larger good. Each one has addressed real and complex issues, taking bold and innovative action that has engaged others to do likewise”.

“The results of their leadership are palpable, generating both individual efficacy and collective hope,” Abella said in a statement.

“All are unafraid to take on large causes. All have refused to give up, despite meager resources, daunting adversity and strong opposition,” she added.

The six awardees will join a community of 318 other laureates who have received Asia’s highest honour to date.

This year’s winners will each receive a certificate, a medallion bearing the likeness of the late president Magsaysay, and a cash prize.

They will be formally conferred the award during formal presentation ceremonies in Manila on August 31.

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Only 10% NZ school leavers ‘Asia-ready’ and just one-third ‘in zone’

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Only 37 percent of New Zealand school leavers believe Asia-related skills and knowledge will be important for the country’s future workforce. Image: Asia NZ Foundation

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

Less than 10 percent of school leavers are “Asia-ready” and only 36 percent are “in the zone” when it comes to Asia readiness, shows new research released by the Asia New Zealand Foundation.

The Foundation’s Losing Momentum – School Leavers’ Asia Engagement report also finds that while 69 percent of senior secondary school students believe Asia is important to New Zealand’s future, only 37 percent believe Asia-related skills and knowledge will be important for the country’s future workforce.

In 2012, when the foundation first surveyed school leavers, 46 percent believed it would be important.

The Losing Momentum report on NZ attitudes towards Asian countries and culture. Image: Asia New Zealand Foundation

High school students studying Asian languages discuss why more students are not taking an interest in learning about Asia and what could be done to raise the numbers.

The survey also reveals 18 percent either “do not believe Asia is important to our future” or “have no interest in Asia or Asian cultures”.

“This is a concerning trend given New Zealand’s present and future – economically, culturally and socially – are tied to Asia,” says Asia New Zealand Foundation executive director Simon Draper.

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“If this continues, our kids will likely miss out on life-changing opportunities brought about by the rise of Asia’s influence and relevance to New Zealand.”

Businesses seeking Asian-related skills
Draper noted businesses were increasingly looking for employees who had Asia-related skills and knowledge – and they are not getting those skills.

“All indicators show Asia will play a critical role in young New Zealanders’ careers, their personal relationships, and their life experiences. Developing Asia-related competencies will be a necessity for their future.”

The survey also shows general knowledge of Asia has decreased. Students scored less than six out of nine on basic Asia questions, a small drop from 2012.

“These trend lines are in the wrong direction. There needs to be a course correction if we want school leavers to thrive in the Asian century,” says Draper.

The survey revealed an urban-rural and socio-economic divide.

Those who feel they know nothing about Asian countries – about one in five students – are more likely to come from the two lowest deciles, are likely to be Māori or Pasifika, and live in a small town or rural area.

“We don’t want a two-tier system when it comes to Asia-readiness. This is a bad outcome and is unfair,” says Draper.

‘Meaningful conversation’
“We hope this report prompts schools, parents, students, educators, officials, and community groups to engage in a meaningful conversation about whether we should formalise learning about Asia in our education system.”

On the positive side, the survey revealed those who said they could not describe anything about any Asian country tended to answer four out of nine Asia-knowledge questions correctly.

“These kids obviously know more than they give themselves credit for and this is similar to what we found in our annual Perceptions of Asia survey released earlier in the year, said Draper.

The research is based on the foundation’s Asia-Readiness Framework and this report is drawn from the foundation’s findings.

Only 3 percent are “passionate” about Asian cultures and 30 percent are “not interested”, according to the research findings. Image: Asia NZ Foundation
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Constable Jimmy dies in PNG elections ambush – ‘being a cop’s no mistake’

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Highlands police colleagues with the body of Constable Glenn Jimmy, shot in an elections ambush at Wabag. Image: EMTV News

By Elizah Palme in Wabag, Papua New Guinea

Duty called for two police officers and other members of Papua New Guinea’s Mt Hagen Mobile Squad 6 (MS 6) last weekend.

It took them out of the Tambul area in the Western Highlands province to provide security for the 2017 national election in neighbouring Enga province.

Obeying their call, constables Glenn Jimmy, Alex Kopa and team served in Enga until fate met them at the front gate of My Kids Inn, Sangurap residential area, last Saturday morning.

These officers started off the new day by preparing to tackle the usual struggles – included the heat, crowd control, monitoring the counting area, officials and unexpected events.

Constable Glenn Jimmy … killed during Papua New Guinean election duties. Image: EMPTV News

Little did they know that day would be a tragic one for the Mt Hagen Mobile Squad 6 and the Royal Constabulary of Papua New Guinea (RPNGC).

Walking out of their camp that morning, Constables Glen Jimmy and Alex Kopa – along with their colleague Constable Mathew Kassap – were hit by a hail of bullets from high-powered M16 rifles fired by Papua New Guineans who did not care about casualties.

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The two gunmen were shot dead after MS6 members reacted quickly.

PNG police detain election scrutineers after a Highlands rampage on Friday. Image: PNG police

Two constables die
However, while being rushed to Wabag General Hospital Emergency Unit for initial treatment before being evacuated by helicopter to Port Moresby, Constables Jimmy and Kopa died. Constable Kasap was left fighting for his life in a hospital in Port Moresby.

The family of late Constable Glenn Jimmy are left only with the memories. Who was Glenn Jimmy and how should we remember him?

Glenn Jimmy, from the Tongai Tribe, Menspi Clan, a small village of Panjin, was the eldest of three siblings.

Jimmy, a Christian, was a person of good character to those who knew him – a leader and God-fearing man.

He was the TSCF president during his time at the Goroka Technical College (2013-2014) prior to joining the police and was an outstanding young man.

Constable Jimmy showed true patriotism in what he did when he made his final posting on Facebook:

“Being a cop it’s not a mistake, no matter what I will always be the servant to the public… if you asleep I’m awake thinking of your wealth for 2moro….and when you enjoying with your loved ones, I’m standing static guard to your properties (boxes) in any weather conditions…no matter how u criticizes us, I will still give the best to serve my citizens of the nation PNG until I leave…I’m 4 U PNG & die as PNG.”

Constable Jimmy’s testimony in the line of duty stands out and has been shared by many of his colleagues.

Jimmy leaves behind his two-year-old son, Simon, wife Hadassah – who is also four months pregnant – and his grieving parents and relatives.

New PNG government? … Coalition leaders Powes Parkop (SDP), incumbent PM Peter O’Neill (PNC), Sir Julius Chan (PPP), and William Duma (URP) show their unity in Port Moresby last night. Image: EMTV News

New PNG government?
In Port Moresby last night, the People’s National Congress (PNC) party announced it had formed a coalition group with independent members of Parliament to form the new Papua New Guinea government.

In a joint statement released to the media, party leaders of the People’s Progress Party (PPP), United Resources Party (URP), Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People’s National Congress (PNC) said the incumbent Prime Minister Peter O’Neill’s party now anticipated being called upon by the Governor-General to form government.

The statement said, “during the past five years, the government has delivered unprecedented growth through the delivery of clear, and targeted policies,” reports EMTV News.

“There have been programs and policies that could have been run with greater efficiency, and lessons have been learnt. The new government will increase its capability to meet the expectations of our people.”

The joint statement signatories were PNC leader Peter O’Neill, PPP leader Sir Julius Chan, URP leader William Duma, and SDP leader Powes Parkop.

This has been the strongest claim to numbers to date, following PNC’s latest declaration of Wake Goi and the potential declaration of Robert Atiyafa for the Henganofi seat, taking the total PNC declared members to 23 in the 111-member Parliament.

Elizah Palme studied chemistry at the University of Papua New Guinea and is current vice-president of Jiwaka Students and Graduates Association Inc.

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Keith Rankin Analysis: What’s happened to Labour Productivity?

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Keith Rankin Analysis: What’s happened to Labour Productivity? [caption id="attachment_14932" align="aligncenter" width="976"] Productivity plummets despite high annual growth. Graph copyright 2017, Keith Rankin.[/caption] Labour productivity is an important economic concept, that should equate to living standards. It is rising labour productivity that makes it possible to remunerate people with rising incomes. Productivity, by definition, is economic outputs divided by economic inputs. Thus labour productivity for a country is its GDP (gross domestic product) divided by some measure of labour input. The chart shows productivity change in New Zealand from 1990, using two different measures of labour inputs. It also shows annual economic growth rates, which are simply annual percentage increases in real GDP. In individual industries, labour productivity growth is a measure of the output (economic value-added) of the industry, divided by the amount of labour employed in that industry. In some industries, productivity growth has been very high, thanks mainly to increased knowledge and connectivity, for the most part expressed through improved technology. Indeed the whole ‘future of work’ debate is predicated on the possible social consequences of forecast rapid rises in labour productivity in the industries that could be most affected by ‘robotics’. Looking at productivity in a single firm or industry is looking at productivity at the ‘micro’ level. However, what affects society most is productivity at the ‘macro’ level. It is possible that, under prevailing institutional arrangements which prevent productivity gains from being properly disseminated throughout the population, productivity gains in some industries actually cause productivity to decline in other industries. Looking at the chart, we see that productivity changes generally have been aligned with the business (GDP growth) cycle. Further, the gaps between economic growth and productivity growth can, for the most part, be explained by faster population growth during periods of economic expansion. When we look at the two different measures of labour productivity, the ‘dark red’ measure includes unemployed labour. (The fulltime-equivalent labour force measure counts each part-time employed and unemployed person as half a labour force participant.) So, at times of rising unemployment – such as the early 1990s – the red measure is typically lower than the blue measure; and at times of falling unemployment the red measure of productivity growth tends to be higher. The ‘light blue’ productivity data for 2009/10 reflects declines in labour inputs rather than growth of output. What is happening in 2017? There’s a sign of something new happening. Productivity appears to have fallen by two percent in 2016/17, despite a high annual economic growth rate of over three percent. There are two important issues that reflect a substantial disconnection between economic reality and orthodox rhetoric. The first issue relates to the growth process itself. Sustainable economic growth is largely a consequence of improved public inputs, such as knowledge and infrastructure. Good growth is a consequence of economic improvement, not a cause of it. Yet we treat economic growth – all forms of growth – as the font of ‘wealth creation’. Governments – blue ones and red ones – want increased labour supply (more workers) as well as productivity growth to generate an accelerated ‘expansion of wealth’. What we see in this chart is a substantial increase of labour supply. While this is partly due to immigration, it is also due to unequipped beneficiaries being increasingly tormented into becoming ‘independent from the state’. The result is that these marginal workers (not the immigrants) are increasingly augmenting the productivity denominator while having minimal impact on measured economic output. The policy of increasing labour force participation rates is undermining the goal of productivity improvement. The second issue relates to the service sector – in particular the precarious personal service ‘industries’. A few examples: liquor supply, touting, hospitality, domestic service, and the (now legal) prostitution industry. A combination of labour‑shedding in traditional industries (industries which are showing productivity gains) and increased cajoling of poor, underskilled, overstressed and undercapitalised people into the labour force, means that the available work in these personal‑service industries must be increasingly shared among an increasing supply of workers offering these services. What does it mean to increase productivity in industries like prostitution? In a country like Germany it would mean satisfying the market with fewer workers – ‘professionalising’ the industry – allowing displaced sex workers to move into ‘other activities’. But in New Zealand, where the only alternative employment opportunities may be in the borderline criminal sectors (eg scams, drugs), ‘independent’ undercapitalised labour force participants have few options other than to overpopulate sectors of diminishing productivity such as prostitution. Rising denominators – falling productivity – in personal services in New Zealand is simply the flipside to rising productivity in agriculture, manufacturing and other labour-shedding activities. In China and India, people wanting employment are migrating from low productivity (especially agriculture) to high productivity industries. New Zealand is starting to see the opposite, a relative and absolute expansion of employment in the inherently low‑productivity personal service activities. In New Zealand, coming off a benefit to become a self‑reliant prostitute is now accounted for as a contribution to one measure of economic success. Beneficiaries becoming prostitutes represents an increase in labour supply. Payment of a public equity dividend – a Universal Basic Income – would enable the benefits of productivity gains realised in some sectors to be dispersed throughout our communities, and would give those displaced workers – and the young people who would otherwise have taken jobs lost through natural attrition – options other than low productivity ethically dubious personal and touting services.]]>

No mercy for Indonesian drug dealers, says Widodo in ‘just shoot’ policy

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Indonesian President Joko Widodo … “no mercy” drug policy announcement mirrors Duterte’s “war on drugs”. Image: Amnesty International

By Dames Alexander Sinaga in Jakarta

President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has ordered law enforcers to shoot drug traffickers to deal with what he called a narcotics emergency facing the country.

“No mercy for foreign drug traffickers. We are currently in an emergency in terms of drug abuse,” Widodo said.

The president spoke after police seized a ton of crystal methamphetamine worth Rp 1.5 trillion ($151 million NZD) in Serang, Banten, on July 13, 2017. The narcotic, locally known as shabu-shabu, was smuggled from China and constitutes the Indonesia’s largest seizure to date, reports the state-run news agency Antara.

Police arrested four Taiwanese men who allegedly attempted to distribute the drugs in the greater Jakarta area. One of them was shot dead while resisting arrest.

Widodo said the police and the Indonesian Military (TNI) were working together to act decisively against drug traffickers.

“Now, the police and the TNI are really firm, particularly against international drug dealers who enter Indonesia. Just shoot them if they even show a little resistance,” he added.

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National police chief General Tito Karnavian was quoted by Antara as saying that drug smugglers were targeting Indonesia because they deemed the country’s law enforcement efforts weak – unlike Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines.

Drug traffickers ‘rampant’
“Drug traffickers have noticed that, apart from the potential market, law enforcement officers may be weak to act. Our laws are considered weak; that causes them to become rampant in Indonesia,” Karnavian said.

He said international drug traffickers have been given a stern warning not to consider Indonesia as one of their main destinations for the illegal drug trade.

“I have ordered the police to crack down and act tough, especially against foreign drug dealers. I have also told officers to act in accordance with their standard operational procedure, which also means shooting them if they resist arrest,” Karnavian said.

Indonesia is not the only Southeast Asian country under threat from the widespread distribution of illicit drugs. The Philippines government under President Rodrigo Duterte declared war on drug pushers last year.

Extrajudicial killings in the Philippines have drawn condemnation from the international community and human rights groups.

Usman Hamid, country director for the United Kingdom-based rights group Amnesty International in Indonesia, said the statements by Jokowi and Tito may result in law enforcement officials on the ground committing unlawful actions, such as extrajudicial killings or summary executions, which constitute gross human rights violations.

“Duterte’s war on drugs is the wrong kind of approach for a democratic country. Indonesia must look for a better approach or best practices from other countries,” Hamid told the Jakarta Globe.

Shoot-on-sight policy
He added that Duterte declared war on drugs after the state imposed martial law with the approval of Congress. The implementation of Duterte’s shoot-on-sight policy violates the country’s constitutional law and other regulations.

Hamid said Jokowi and Tito’s remarks could be regarded as a move to implement martial law in Indonesia. He added that their statements show a lack of understanding of basic norms of human rights and the rule of law.

Jakarta Globe also reports an overdue election bill has finally been approved, which will serve as the legal basis for the 2019 presidential vote.

The bill, which is waiting to be signed into law by Widodo, requires presidential candidates to gain the support of a political party or coalition of parties with 20 per cent of the seats in the legislature as of the 2014 poll.

Candidates can also be supported by parties that won 25 percent of the vote in the election.

However, this has drawn criticism as fears emerge that the new threshold may limit the right to stand for election.

This comes as Indonesians will, for the first time in 2019, choose the legislature and executive on the same day.

Dames Alexander Sinaga is a reporter with Jakarta Globe. 

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Global media freedom summit slams Gulf states, supports Al Jazeera

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

International media freedom conference delegates inside Al Jazeera’s main studio in Doha. The network broadcast messages of support from conference delegates. Image: Joseph M Fernandez/PMC

By Dr Joseph M Fernandez in Doha, Qatar

The international freedom of expression conference in Doha has ended with a strong condemnation of the threats by a group of Gulf states against Qatar and an expression of “total solidarity” with journalists and workers at Al Jazeera and other media targeted by the group.

The conference also issued recommendations on the safety of journalists, media freedoms and on workers rights.

On the safety of journalists the conference expressed concern at the chilling effect of the attacks on journalists and other media workers and on the public’s right to information and freedom of expression.

The Gulf group comprises Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain who recently issued a list of 13 demands including one calling for the closure of the Al Jazeera network and other media outlets including Arabi21, Rassd, Al Araby Al-Jadeed and Middle East Eye.

On media freedoms the conference reaffirmed freedom of expression as a fundamental right enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and called on nations to observe their duty to ensure that legislation designed to address national security and crime concerns do not override source protection laws other than in narrowly defined exceptional circumstances.

It called on governments to legislate to protect the rights of sources.

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It also called on governments to recognise the media’s right to report freely and without interference from government and to allow citizens to access information on their own governments and institutions “in the cause of transparency and accountability”.

The conference acknowledged the vital role played by trade unions in supporting freedom of expression and defending the right of journalists to hold power to account.

On workers rights the conference called on governments to honour Article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to comply with the conventions of the International Labour Organisation.

At the end of the conference, the delegates visited the Al Jazeera network headquarters in Doha in a further show of solidarity with the journalists and workers.

Associate Professor Joseph M Fernandez is head of journalism at Curtin University and also the Australian correspondent for the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders. He is attending the “Freedom of Opinion” conference on the invitation of Australia’s Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance. This is a special commissioned report by Asia Pacific Report/Pacific Media Watch.

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Panguna priest wins Bougainville seat – Alliance claims to have numbers

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Tension is high in Mt Hagen after the declaration of former Public Enterprises Minister William Duma – illegally, claim critics, before the counting of an additional 28 ballot boxes. Video: EMTV News

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

Newcomer Fr Simon Dumarinu has narrowly defeated former Mining Minister Sam Akoitai  in the Central Bougainville Open seat in the Papua New Guinea general election.

The Marist Catholic priest of Deomori in Panguna is from the Social Democratic Party led by National Capital District Governor Powes Parkop.

He polled 7782 votes to beat Akoitai,  who gained 7770 votes after the 19th elimination of sitting member and Communications Minister Jimmy Miringtoro who was running third.

“The declaration of the seat for Central Bougainville did not come easy as the counting started in Arawa Central Bougainville then transferred to Buka for the final count,” reports Aloysius Laukai of Radio New Dawn.

New member for Central Bougainville Open Fr Simon Dumarinu signing the writs after his declaration in the Papua New Guinea general election. Image: New Dawn

“It went through several checks and rechecks and suspensions until counting experts from South Bougainville, led by the Returning Officer for South Bougainville came and assisted.”

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The newly elected member has pledged to work for Bougainville in unity with the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) and the three Bougainville members of the National Parliament.

Speaking after his declaration last night at the United Church in Buka, Fr Dumarinu thanked the Electoral Manager for Bougainville, supporters, counting officials, police, media, all candidates and their supporters.

The North Bougainville Open seat was won by a National Alliance (NA) candidate William Nakin while  the South Bougainville Open seat was retained by Timothy Masiu, also of the NA.

The Alliance teaming up
Meanwhile, Loop PNG’s Glenda Popot reports that the National Alliance, National Party, PANGU Pati and People’s Progress Party are teaming up with several other parties and independent candidates and claim to have the numbers to form the next government.

PANGU Pati Leader Sam Basil met Sir Mekere Morauta, who represents the Independents, and National Party leader Kerenga Kua in Port Moresby to discuss “camping arrangements” for their groups.

The parties in the group, known as The Alliance, are preparing to form the next government. Besides the National Alliance, PANGU and PPP as the major players, other parties include the National Party, PNG Party, Coalition for Reform Party, Melanesian Liberal Party, Melanesian Alliance, New Generation, People’s Movement for Change, THE Party, PNG First and Independents.

The smaller group of parties and Independents combined is expected to contribute more than 20 members to The Alliance in an 111-member Parliament. Only half the parliamentary seats have been decided and the Electoral Commission has extended the writs deadline by four days until Friday.

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RSF condemns media freedom ‘violations’, gag in PNG election

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Martyn Namorong … gagged by the PNG National Court. Image: MN

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned many media freedom violations during the general elections held in Papua New Guinea from 24 June to 8 July, including a gag order on a popular blogger as a result of a complaint by the head of the PNG Electoral Commission.

Journalists who went to cover the elections in the northern province of Madang were kept at bay by the police and the Electoral Commission, said the Paris-based RSF.

In the capital, Port Moresby, the media were barred from filming or taking photos in the city’s main vote-counting centre.

PNG general election … allegations of vote-buying and violence. Image: Torsten Blackwood/AFP/RSF

Amid many reports on social networks of allegations of vote-buying and violence, the authorities also took alarming measures against citizen-journalists, most notably blogger Martyn Namorong after he referred to Electoral Commissioner Patilias Gamato as a “tomato” in one of his many posts criticising the chaotic elections.

As reported by Asia Pacific Report and Pacific Media Watch, Gamato brought a suit claiming that he had been “seriously injured in his character, credit and reputation” in Namorong’s post, which went viral.

Defending his decision to sue, Gamato said: “I don’t look like a tomato, I’m a human being. So that’s defamatory, so I had to take him to court.”

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The National Court, located in the Port Moresby administrative district of Waigani, responded by issuing a gag order, banning Namorong from publishing further “defamatory remarks” on Facebook and Twitter.

‘Duty to inform’
“Journalists and citizen-journalists have a duty to inform the public about what has gone wrong during an election.” RSF said.

“The courts and the authorities must recognise that Martyn Namorong committed no crime and must therefore lift the censorship order imposed on him.”

Gagged Martyn Namorong … ““A country cannot claim to be democratic just because it holds elections,” says RSF. Image: Asia Pacific Report

An international NGO that defends the freedom to inform, RSF added: “A country cannot claim to be democratic just because it holds elections. It must also respect and protect media freedom, which is the cornerstone of every democracy.”

Namorong’s lawyer, Christine Copland, said her client had no chance to speak when the gag order was imposed because court officials said they “could not locate him” to serve the documents, as reported by Asia Pacific Report.

Namorong’s response to the order was to post a photo of himself blindfolded and gagged. After another hearing was scheduled for today, he tweeted: “I am as cool as a cucumber about [the] hearing as my lawyers are no couch potatoes.”

Papua New Guinea is ranked 51st out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2017 World Press Freedom Index.

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Fretilin’s win ‘victory for all’ but coalition will rule Timor-Leste

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Fretilin’s former Prime Minister Dr Mari Alkatiri … “we look forward to guaranteed stability, ongoing development and to bring people out of poverty” in Timor-Leste. Image: Agora Timor

The emergence of opposition parties in Timor-Leste’s parliamentary election this weekend shows growing dissatisfaction with the status quo, reports SBS from Dili.

Former Prime Minister Dr Mari Alkatiri, the current secretary-general of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin), described his party’s win of about 30 percent of the vote as a “a victory for all people”.

“Now we will look forward to guaranteed stability, ongoing development and to bring people out of poverty,” Dr Alkatiri told reporters yesterday afternoon after 92 percent of the vote had been counted.

The party has come out ahead of Timor-Leste’s other major political force – the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) – headed by former president and independence leader Xanana Gusmao, which picked up about 28 percent of the vote, according to official numbers.

However, Dr Alkatiri said his party’s “victory” was also a win for Gusmao’s CNRT, with which they formed a de facto coalition in 2015, ushering in a new era of political unity in a country previously racked by conflict and instability.

Their cornering of about 58 percent of the vote showed an “endorsement” of this stability, said Professor Michael Leach, a Timorese specialist from Swinburne University.

But a reflection of a lower level of satisfaction with the government is the emergence of the newly established People’s Liberation Party (PLP) and the “disenfranchised youth” party Khunto, which picked up about 10.2 and 6.9 percent of the vote respectively.

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Anti-corruption platform
Riding on a platform of anti-corruption, the PLP has called for an end to life pensions for government members and a re-routing of funds from big infrastructure projects into grassroots areas like health, education, water and sanitation.

A key concern has been the country’s over-reliance on oil and gas revenue to fund projects, salaries and services, with fears that unless the economy diversifies quickly, the country will run out of money within 10 to 15 years.

Professor Leach said Khunto had tapped into “disenfranchised youth unable to get a job”.

“They very much pitched their campaign at jobless youth and have done rather well and they will be in parliament more than doubling their 2012 vote,” he said.

Professor Leach said it would be interesting to see where the parliament goes from here.

It is yet unclear whether Fretilin, whose win will mean they get “first bite of the cherry”, will continue their de facto partnership with CNRT or forge new ties.

Another question is whether these emerging parties are offered and accept ministries – making them a less effective opposition.

Votes for the already established Democratic Party remained steady at about 10.2 percent – similar to their 2012 result.

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O’Neill’s government loses ministers, Speaker and deputy PM in PNG vote

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

The Peter O’Neill-led coalition government partners were this weekend counting the cost from a series of defeats in the general election. Image: EMTV News

By Scott Waide in Port Moresby

With time running out before the official end of Papua New Guinea’s elections, partners of the Peter O’Neill-led coalition government are counting the casualties from election results all over the country.

Four senior ministers, the Speaker and the Deputy Prime Minister have all lost their jobs.

The Health Minister is also expected to follow suit.

Housing Minister Paul Isikel was the first to be excluded during second preference counts in Markham Open, losing to Pangu’s Koni Iguan.

Within 24 hours, news came from Tewai-Siassi that political novice Dr Kobie Bomareo had unseated Fisheries Minister and Deputy Leader of the ruling People’s National Congress, Mao Zeming. Bomareo was the third Pangu candidate declared in a space of two days.

Then, in a tight finish, a 30-year-old unknown, Renbo Paita, took down another PNC strongman, Speaker of Parliament Theo Zurenuoc.

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The carnage continued.

Biggest upset
Mining Minister Byron Chan lost the Namatanai seat to Walter Schnaubelt. But in the biggest upset in the New Guinea Islands region, Deputy Prime Minister Leo Dion suffered an embarrassing defeat, beaten in the second preference counts by former MP Nakikus Konga.

Within minutes of Dion’s defeat, Facebook users were posting that the Communications Minister Jimmy Miringtoro had lost the Central Bougainville seat.

As heads of coalition members rolled all over the country, Health Minister Michael Malabag’s political life hung in the balance, slowly stifled by an ever expanding 7000 vote margin separating him from former Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta in the Moresby North West race.

In Morobe, the home province of the Deputy Opposition leader, Sam Basil, voters went to the polls with a vengeance and rejected the PNC in five out of nine seats.

But Pangu ranks are further expected to be bolstered with the possible inclusion of Ginson Saonu who is leading in the Morobe regional count with a 20,000 vote margin separating him from former National Alliance “fullback” Luther Wenge.

The incumbent, Kelly Naru has also become one of many other MPs rejected at the polls. He is bearing the brunt of voter anger after his support of the PNC led coalition during the attempted vote of no confidence motion in 2016.

Serious contender trailing
In the Northern province, PNC’s David Arore, who expected to be a serious contender in the regional seat has been trailing on fourth place.

Arch political rival Gary Juffa, moved rapidly up the ladder within the first three days giving him a commanding 30,000 vote lead ahead of his nearest rival and wife of NCD Governor Powes Parkop, Jean Parkop.

While the losses stung the PNC, their numbers were at the weekend double those of Pangu. Both parties are working to woo independents with Pangu pushing the anti-corruption line while PNC was claiming “government stability”.

Scott Waide is the Lae bureau chief and began his career with EMTV in 1997 as a news and sports reporter and anchor. He has been a media professional for more than 19 years. EMTV News coverage of the PNG elections is being published by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

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Bearing Witness 2016: A Fiji climate change journalism case study

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Pacific Media Centre

Figure 1: Daku village, Tailevu, Viti Levu, at low tide surrounded by mangroves: Tackling climate change resilience. Image: Ami Dhabuwala

David Robie, Pacific Media Centre

Friday, July 21, 2017

Abstract

In February 2016, the Fiji Islands were devastated by Severe Tropical Cyclone Winston, the strongest recorded tropical storm in the Southern Hemisphere. The category 5 storm with wind gusts reaching 300 kilometres an hour, left 44 people dead, 45,000 people displaced, 350,000 indirectly affected, and $650 million worth of damage (Climate Council, 2016). In March 2017, the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) launched a new 10-year Strategic Plan 2017-2026, which regards climate change as a ‘deeply troubling issue for the environmental, economic, and social viability of Pacific island countries and territories’. In November, Fiji will co-host the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP23) climate change conference in Bonn, Germany. Against this background, the Pacific Media Centre despatched two neophyte journalists to Fiji for a two-week field trip in April 2016 on a ‘bearing witness’ journalism experiential assignment to work in collaboration with the Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD) and the Regional Journalism Programme at the University of the South Pacific. This article is a case study assessing this climate change journalism project and arguing for the initiative to be funded for a multiple-year period in future and to cover additional Pacific countries, especially those so-called ‘frontline’ climate change states.

Bearing Witness project grant from the Research and Innovation Office, Auckland University of Technology.

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Why Pacific and Māori communities are rising up for a free West Papua

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ANALYSIS: By James Borrowdale in Auckland

Like apartheid South Africa, I kept hearing. For a long time, the horrors behind the curtain thrown up by South Africa’s racist government weren’t widely known in this country. It wasn’t until the 1981 Springboks tour that the small band of activists, who had all the time been committed to the cause, were able to turn that affair into a nation-splitting episode—and to put increased international pressure on the regime.

West Papua hasn’t had its Springbok tour yet; it is often called the world’s forgotten occupation.

Indonesia has held formal control over West Papua since 1962’s New York Agreement granted the South East Asian superpower the former Dutch colony, with the promise of a fair vote on self-determination by 1969. That never arrived: 1969’s Act of Free Choice, in which just 0.2 percent of the population voted—under extreme duress—determined that West Papua was to remain part of Indonesia, a country with which it had no linguistic, cultural, or racial links.

Oceania Interrupted during an “artistic intervention”. Image: Sangeeta Singh/Oceania Interrupted

Ever since, the repression of the indigenous population has been ruthless. The figure of 100,000 people killed by Indonesian security forces is commonly cited, but estimates run as high as 500,000. Mass killings of Papuans in the tribal highlands in the 1970s met the criteria for genocide, the Asia Human Rights Commission reported.

And the brutality continues: a 2016 report conducted by the Archdiocese of Brisbane titled We Will Lose Everything contains reports of atrocities committed throughout 2015, including extrajudicial executions, torture, and firing on peaceful protestors. Methods of torture, another report claims, include rape, slashing with bayonets, and electrification.

Clearly, something horrific is happening—and has been for a long time—in the South Pacific. New Zealand’s response? Successive governments, perhaps wary of aggravating an important trading partner, have refused to dispute Indonesia’s territorial borders. The media hasn’t done much better—VICE NZ was one of just a handful of outlets (including the Pacific Media Centre) to cover a visit to New Zealand by Benny Wenda, the leader-in-exile of the West Papuan independence movement and a man twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, earlier this year.

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He’s a man with a fascinating tale to tell—a childhood spent on the run in the bush, horrors witnessed, arrest, escape, a life-long commitment to the cause of his people. And it’s a story that is percolating at some political level, with 11 New Zealand MPs across four parties now signatories of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua declaration.

Where in the media?
Where, then, I wondered, were the profiles in the Saturday newspapers, the coverage on Sunday-night current-affairs shows?

Benny Wenda (centre) and Dr Pala Molisa (to his left) with Ngāti Whātua members at Ōrakei Marae, Auckland Image: Clare Harding/Free West Papua

Dr Pala Molisa, of Victoria University’s School of Accounting and Commercial Law, is a long-time supporter of West Papuan independence. Addressing why the New Zealand media is reluctant to take on the story of the subjugation of an entire people, happening so close to home, he says, means confronting an “uncomfortable thing”.

“It shouldn’t be too controversial [to say] today that black and brown lives, when you look at the patterns—socioeconomic, police shootings, mass-incarceration—are devalued when compared to white lives.”

Molisa is from Vanuatu, a country that also had to fight for its independence from colonial rule. He bemoans how dependent Pākehā awareness is upon coverage in established media: “Most of our educated Pākehā population is highly reliant on mainstream media. As long as [West Papua is] kept out, that’ll affect the amount of participation.”

Professor David Robie, director of the Pacific Media Centre and editor of the Asia Pacific Report, has, as a journalist, been reporting on West Papua since the early 1980s, and finds the lack of interest “puzzling”. A veteran journalist (“I think I’ve got a reasonable handle on what is international news”), he wonders why the majority of the press has for so long largely ignored West Papua.

“It has so many elements that have resonance with New Zealand—indigenous issues, land issues, development issues. And in the past we’ve had an affinity with the people of the Pacific, going right back to the nuclear-free policies, which were very intertwined in Polynesia with indigenous self-determination.”

Pacific Media Centre’s Professor David Robie speaking at an “open access for journalists in a free Papua” during World Press Freedom Day events in Jakarta in early May. Image: Bernard Agape/West Papua media

Momentum gathering
In the wider Pacific, at least, there is some momentum gathering. In March this year, seven nations—Vanuatu, Tonga, Tuvalu, Palau, Nauru, the Marshall Islands, and the Solomon Islands—addressed the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, raising concerns about human rights abuses in West Papua.

“Within their suffering we see our own.”

Māori, too, have been vocal about West Papua. When Wenda visited Auckland, he was welcomed onto Ōrākei Marae by Ngāti Whātua. Wayne Pihema, a Ngāti Whātua Board Trust member who helped organise the hui, says shared experiences of colonialism motivated the invitation to Wenda to speak.

“We’ve got somewhere in our genetic history a memory of that kind of experience… We can relate to people in West Papua as being part of the Pacific and being indigenous Pacific people like us. Within their suffering we see our own.”

Oceania Interrupted is an Auckland-based group of Pacific and Māori women who use visual and performance art to raise awareness of the suffering of West Papuans. The group, which has included women from as many as 13 different Pacific ethnicities or nations, has staged 10 of the 15 “artistic interventions” it plans to hold—15 years being the mandatory prison sentence for raising the West Papuan Morning Star flag within the Indonesian-occupied territory.

Leilani Salesa … “an ideological commitment” to West Papua in Pacific solidarity. Image: Sangeeta Singh/Oceania Interrupted.

In a similar fashion to Pihema, spokesperson Leilani Salesa calls the group’s duty to West Papua an “ideological commitment”, one borne of a sense of Pacific solidarity. “The ocean is what binds us together, the ocean is our sea of islands… the ocean is what our ancestors conquered.”

Salesa, though, highlights the role that Pākehā activists have played in raising awareness, singling out veteran campaigner and writer Maire Leadbeater: “If it wasn’t for her, I wouldn’t know who I know and what I know.”

Māori, Pacific groups taking the lead
I put it to Leadbeater that Māori and Pacific groups within New Zealand are now taking the lead, something she said was “amazing”.

“I see it in the context that the interest in West Papua has extended so much through the Pacific recently. Communities here are linking up with really strong movements in the Solomons and Fiji, and to some extent in Tonga and Samoa, and so on. It’s really important people here are getting engaged because they are in touch with their families in those countries, and it’s those countries that are actually taking action at the moment—it’s not New Zealand, unfortunately.”

While it’s great, Leadbeater says, that impetus comes from Māori and Pacific communities, it’s important there is wider—and whiter—support. “Look at the tino rangatiritanga movement in this country: it’s always had strong allies in the Pākehā community, hasn’t it? And that’s always been important to the success of campaigns.”

“The anti-apartheid activists would’ve felt like they were just spitting into a cyclone…you just need to keep having faith.”

She remains upbeat about the effect protest and public opinion have on government action, citing her previous research that, she says, proves the government is attuned to public opinion on Indonesian activity, especially as it has related to atrocities committed in East Timor and, to a lesser extent, in West Papua. “You think the government is not taking any notice, but they do have to take account of public opinion and the stronger it gets the more they have to take notice. [But] you can’t expect people to identify with an issue they’ve hardly ever heard of.”

Molisa, too, is optimistic. “What gives me faith, to put it in that historical perspective, is that this is in the early stages, and the anti-apartheid activists would’ve felt like they were just spitting into a cyclone. If you look at the long arch of history, that tells you that you just need to keep having faith because these sorts of things have a way of building in ways you can’t expect.”

James Borrowdale is an Auckland-based writer for VICE. This article is republished with the permission of VICE NZ and the author.

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In Timor-Leste, more power-sharing likely but election hard to pick

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

ANALYSIS: By Dr Michael Leach in Dili

Twenty-one parties will contest 65 parliamentary seats and decide who governs Timor-Leste in national elections this Saturday.

In a population with a median age of just under 19 years and a voting age of 17, a fifth of Timor-Leste’s 750,000 registered voters will be participating for the first time. This is just one of the factors making the exact composition of the new Parliament, and the complexion of the government, hard to pick.

The current government was formed in extraordinary circumstances in early 2015, when former independence movement leader and prime minister Xanana Gusmão handed the prime ministership to an opposition Fretilin figure, Rui Araújo.

Best seen as a power-sharing executive rather than a formal government of national unity, this de facto “grand coalition” between Timor-Leste’s two largest parties – the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) and Fretilin – was a remarkable development. As recently as 2012, bitter tensions had existed between the two parties.

Power-sharing executives are not uncommon in the Pacific region, and generally award ministries to any parties winning a significant number of seats. They tend to facilitate political stability, but they can also reduce the accountability of government to Parliament by incorporating all significant parties into the executive government.

The fact that the smaller Partido Democrático, or PD, kept its ministries when its formal alliance with CNRT ended in 2015 suggests that this is an emerging informal feature of the East Timorese political system. Its dynamics are likely to influence the result of this month’s election.

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Members will be elected under Timor-Leste’s proportional system, with voters selecting a party rather than individual candidates. Each party registers a list of 65 candidates in order of election, giving party leaders substantial power over candidates anxious to appear high on the list.

Progressive features
But the system also allows for progressive features, like the requirement that every third candidate be a woman, which has given Timor-Leste one of the highest percentages of female MPs in Asia-Pacific, at 38 percent.

The system isn’t strictly proportional. To get any of its candidates into Parliament, a party needs at least 4 percent of the vote, up from 3 percent in 2012, which effectively awards a bonus to parties that clear the hurdle.

The 4 percent might be a substantial barrier, but the large number of parties participating in the election attests to the relative ease of party registration and political participation. This feature reflects Timor-Leste’s relatively open society and pluralist culture, which saw it ranked as the most democratic country in Southeast Asia in The Economist’s 2016 Democracy Index.

The March election to the presidency of Fretilin’s Francisco “Lú-Olo” Guterres appeared to solidify the de facto accord between the major parties, with Gusmão’s endorsement helping Guterres draw some 60 percent of the national vote. The figure suggests that voters like the power-sharing arrangement between CNRT and Fretilin, which could continue beyond this election, though not necessarily in the same form.

Seeking to challenge the major parties, immediate past president Taur Matan Ruak and his new Partidu Libertasaun Popular (Popular Liberation Party – PLP) have focused on basic health and education spending rather than the megaproject-led development favoured by the government.

The PLP vocally opposes the unpopular life pensions for politicians, and has also raised allegations of patrimonialism and the growth of “money politics” in awarding government contracts.

While these issues have the clear potential to resonate in the electorate, the present government’s success in maintaining political stability and reducing political conflict within Timor-Leste’s political elite remains a major electoral asset.

History of conflict
In a country with a long history of conflict and memories of the 2006–07 political crisis, this factor alone undoubtedly means that CNRT and Fretilin will remain highly competitive. Irrespective of which major party comes first, their ability to coexist will remain central to political stability in Timor-Leste.

Nevertheless, the PLP and other smaller parties will take encouragement from recent polls suggesting that far fewer people are happy with the direction of the country than three years ago, including just 50 percent of those under 25, down from 80 percent in 2014. While anti-corruption campaigns have rarely swayed votes in the way spending programmes can, alternative development visions focused on basic development indicators may resonate in communities where infrastructure spending programmes have provided few benefits to date.

The parties’ electoral campaigns have played to their respective strengths. Xanana Gusmão’s personal legitimacy and popularity as the former resistance commander remains the cornerstone of the CNRT’s appeal. Though the party also includes extremely competent and senior ministers, including minister of state Agio Pereira, the CNRT has been criticised for being little more than a political vehicle for Gusmão and entirely reliant on his charismatic legitimacy – a perception reinforced when a new PM was not chosen from within the party, and again when the party decided not to field a presidential candidate.

In fact, posters featuring the wider CNRT team of ministers were dropped in the early weeks of the parliamentary campaign in favour of images of Gusmão alone. The current party slogan, “Vote for our future,” suggests continuity with earlier CNRT campaigns focused on rapid modernisation through government-led infrastructure spending, in line with Gusmão’s Strategic Development Plan.

For its part, Fretilin’s parliamentary campaign seems the most modern and professional, reflecting its status as the most disciplined and well-established of the East Timorese parties. With the slogan “For a more developed Timor-Leste,” Fretilin’s campaign materials promise improved outcomes in education and health using images of East Timorese making a “plus” sign with crossed fingers.

Because resistance credentials remain central to political fortunes in Timor-Leste, the loss of the party’s most senior Falintil veteran, Lú-Olo, who can’t campaign actively as president, has been notable.

Fretilin’s social media campaign has been at pains to counter suggestions that the current government represents a coalition with CNRT, reiterating their view that prime minister Araújo and other ministers participate in the current government as individuals. The party says that it remains committed to working with Gusmão after the election in the interests of stability, but that formalised cooperation with the CNRT more broadly is a different proposition.

Tough decisions necessary
It is by no means clear that Fretilin would again accept ministries if it finished in second place, though it acknowledges that tough decisions may need to be made in the interests of national stability.

For the PLP, the focus on Taur Matan Ruak as leader draws on two sources of symbolic strength: his legacy as the final commander of Falintil during the resistance era, and his more immediate presidential legacy as the closest thing to a national opposition leader from 2015. Ruak attacked the government in Parliament over accountability issues in early 2016, and vetoed the initial version of its budget; his relationship with Gusmão has yet to recover from this episode.

Supported by a host of younger Western-educated East Timorese from Dili’s intelligentsia, the PLP campaign represents a transitional point between an older mode of resistance legitimacy and generational change. Campaign rallies have focused on opposing discrimination, criticising the vast expenditure on “megaprojects,” and urging the greater focus on basic health, education and agriculture spending frequently recommended by Dili’s civil society organisations.

Reflecting its position at 12th place on the national ballot, the PLP has talked of using “Vitamin 12” to combat corruption. More controversially, it backs obligatory military service, though it argues this is best seen as a nation-building programme of public works projects and employment creation.

Unlike the large setpiece rallies of CNRT and Fretilin, which see supporters (known as “militants”) trucked in from elsewhere in the district, the PLP has focused on smaller rallies at the posto, or subdistrict, level. The smaller scale reflects its smaller budget, and the idea that it is running a grassroots campaign.

At rallies, the party points out that millions have been spent on the south-coast Tasi Mane petroleum project while the locals still have poor educational and health outcomes, and that – despite the brand new south-coast highway – the more important road from the southern town of Suai to Dili remains poor.

The PLP also campaigns against the new “unelected leaders” of the exclave of Oecusse – a clear dig at Fretilin’s leadership of the Special Social Market Economy Zone project in the Oecusse district, known as ZEESM.

Ruak has been joined onstage at rallies by some important characters, including well-known Falintil veteran “L4” and one of Fretilin’s early leaders, Abílio Araújo, who was later expelled from the party.

Different implications
PLP sources privately estimate winning between 10 and 20 seats, though local political commentators assess the likely range more modestly at between five and 15. Either way, these low and high estimates have very different implications. At the low end, the PLP would at least represent a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition. At the upper end, it would become a potential coalition partner.

Many have written off the PD, the CNRT’s former alliance partner, but what little polling exists in Timor suggests its support is alive and well – if somewhat diminished by the untimely death of leader Fernando “Lasama” De Araújo in 2015, and by the rise of the PLP, which draws on some of the same clandestine youth resistance networks and associated imagery.

The PD’s profile was boosted by the surprisingly sound performance of António da Conceição in the presidential campaign in March, in which he received the backing of the PLP. By contrast, the fourth party in the current parliament, Frente Mudansa, appears to be in considerable trouble after one of its key figures, Jorge Teme from the exclave of Oecusse, threw his lot in with the PLP.

With an outright majority for any one party unlikely, and in the absence of reliable polling, local commentators have been looking for reasons why the major-party vote shares from 2012 (CNRT 36 percent, Fretilin 30 percent) might change in 2017. Some point to growing popular dissatisfaction with the direction of the country, arguing that it opens space for the PLP to gain seats.

But it is also possible that new entrants like the PLP will take votes from smaller parties, which together received 20 percent in 2012, and were excluded by the hurdle requirements. Others argue that the political value of stability will prevail, and that there is a real chance of a “business as usual” result.

Reinforcing this sense, the election campaign has been very sedate, and even dull, with the most interesting question being how well the PLP can perform.

For Fretilin, positive comments by José Ramos-Horta about the role of Mari Alkatiri and Lú-Olo in stabilising East Timorese democracy in recent years have been welcomed by the party and highlighted in social media. More recently, Ramos-Horta has made the same comments about Gusmão, and has also encouraged Ruak to reconcile with him.

Fretilin’s stewardship
At the district level, the impact of Fretilin’s stewardship of the ZEESM project will be interesting to watch in Oecusse, as will the CNRT vote in the district of Covalima, where the massive Tasi Mane project is closely associated with Gusmão’s party.

It is too early to say whether the “build it and they will come” approach to attracting private investment has been successful. Certainly, the rapid development of new infrastructure has resulted in some high-quality bridges and roads, but it has also created resentment and displacement in local communities governed by older customary land use practices. These two district votes will therefore offer an interesting mini-analysis of the local reception of ambitious development plans.

Overall, the key question for July 22 is whether the CNRT and Fretilin can withstand the challenge from the former president’s PLP, and what sort of reconstituted cross-party government would follow. While the March presidential poll suggested a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition, it also raised the real possibility of a “business as usual” outcome in the parliamentary elections, at least in terms of seats.

The nature of any arrangement between the major parties may, however, change considerably. Meanwhile, the PLP and other parties have had another four months to campaign widely and expand their national vote. Sources inside the PLP expect to do well in Ruak’s home district of Baucau, where the personal vote is strong, in the populous Western town of Maliana, and in Oecusse.

With a new Fretilin president already installed, a key question will be the identity of a new prime minister in the event that CNRT and Fretilin return to some form of power-sharing arrangement. While it seems likely that a new PM would come from CNRT, no one in Dili seems sure who this might be.

Obvious candidates include Agio Pereira and state administration and justice minister Dionísio Babo-Soares. Certainly, it seems clear that Gusmão himself no longer desires the role, happy to direct the government from the Ministry of Planning and Strategic Development.

For its part – assuming it is unable to form government – the PLP will need to decide if it will accept ministries if they are on offer, and thus effectively join a power-sharing executive. Or will it act as an unfettered parliamentary opposition? The poor relations between Gusmão and Ruak suggest that ministries are not likely to be on offer immediately, though this might be somewhat more likely in the event that the biggest party is Fretilin, where relations are more cordial.

‘Hugging it out’
Either way, given the capacity of the East Timorese leadership to “hug it out” over apparently insoluble grievances, this issue may confront the PLP sometime in the life of the next government.

For East Timorese society in general, the 2017 elections represent an important transitional moment, with a full fifth of the electoral roll voting for the first time. These new voters don’t remember the Indonesian era, nor necessarily the political crisis of 2006–07.

The election has also seen the welcome rise of domestic political commentary for an international audience, written by an increasingly confident and well-informed East Timorese commentariat.

Despite these shifts, a generational transition of power from the “1975 generation” of leaders seems further away than five years ago. The last two years have seen a stronger reassertion from the older generation of leaders, including Gusmão and Alkatiri, of the need for patience among younger political leaders – a notable change in tone from the “transitional” rhetoric of 2012.

The promised transition to younger leaders at the Fretilin party congress didn’t occur, and Gusmão himself has remained firmly in control despite moving from centre stage. While the key roles of prime minister and chief justice are indeed filled by the younger generation, as the major parties point out, the 1975 generation remains the key power-holder behind the scenes.

For Australia, there appears to be little prospect of a change in direction in the foreign policy positions that unite the major East Timorese parties, including the determination to demarcate maritime boundaries between the neighbouring states. Both parties to the current Timor Sea conciliation process in The Hague privately report substantial progress in recent negotiations, though numerous difficult issues remain to be addressed.

On balance, the likelihood that Canberra will face a substantially different government in Dili after July 22 seems low.

Dr Michael Leach is professor of politics and international relations at Swinburne University of Technology, Victoria. This article is republished from Inside Story with permission of the author.

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Indonesian nun offers lifeline to refugees who fled Timor-Leste

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Holy Spirit Sister Sisilia Ketut with a group of women to whom she loaned money to start small businesses in Atambua, Western Timor. Image: ucanews.com

By Konradus Epa in Atambua, Indonesia

Rostiana Bareto experienced tough living conditions as a refugee when she and her family settled in Atambua, western Timor, on the border with Indonesia.

Despite the fundamental challenge of making ends meet, 49-year-old Bareto and her husband decided to stay and avoid the political instability back home.

More than 250,000 people fled Timor-Leste or were forcibly transferred west following violence that escalated around an independence referendum, August 30, 1999.

The initial attacks on civilians by anti-independence militants expanded to general violence throughout the country.

Many returned to Timor-Leste after the declaration of independence in 2002. But about 100,000 people chose to continue their lives in East Nusa Tenggara province, including 60,000 people in Belu regency.

Since her arrival, Bareto, now widowed, has not received any assistance from the government, causing great frustration for her family and many others living in similar conditions.

Their lives began to change when they met Holy Spirit Sister Sesilia Ketut. Seven years ago the nun gave Bareto some money to start her own cloth-weaving business. Working in a group of widows she learned to weave and cook, and make bags, rosaries, flowers and wallets, which were then sold to markets.

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Weaving every day
“Every day our job was weaving and we never stopped, although the products were sold at a cheap price,” said the mother of six.

Rostiana Bareto, a former East Timorese refugee, weaves and Holy Spirit Sister Sisilia Ketut. Bareto’s daughter stand behind her in Atambua, western Timor. Image: ucanews.com

Now, more than 300 widows – whose husbands either died before or after the 1999 conflict – are receiving help from the 59-year-old nun.

Sister Ketut said she decided to work with the widows because she felt moved by their suffering in the early days when they first sought shelter in western Timor.

To help those in Belu regency, Sister Ketut established the Forum for Women and Children in 2000. The forum continues its operations today providing aid to the people in cooperation with non-government organisations such as the Jesuit Refugee Service, UNICEF and Save the Children.

They provide critical support services to domestic violence and rape victims and deliver much-needed education.

Lourdes Clara Dedeus, 23, a former refugee from Timor-Leste who became a volunteer for the forum in 2013 said she helped Sister Ketut because of her noble service to the people.

“I was educated by the nun,” Dedeus said and now she accompanies the nun in helping victims of domestic violence and rape.

Trained in business
According to Sister Ketut, besides helping the widows, she also trains other former refugees in business and education and helps them to reconnect with their relatives back home.

Each year, she offers loans with low interest to more than 30 former refugees. Sadly, only a few people succeed, while others spend the money on parties and other non-essentials.

“Most of them cannot return the money,” she said. “So there’s a need to train them in business.”

In the early years, many children born to former refugees had no access to school in the settlement areas. This inspired the nun to establish early childhood education and development services. “We started the school under trees because there were no facilities,” she said.

When Save the Children joined the fold in 2010, a school house was constructed. Now there are two schools that accommodate more than 60 children.

Yosep Benediktus Lake, chairman of a school committee, said each family has five to eight children and most of them do not go to school.

“The sister has helped the children free of charge but many parents were unaware of the importance of education for their children,” he said.

Reconnecting in Timor-Leste
Every year, dozens of former refugees return to Timor-Leste, and since 2000 the nun has facilitated the return of more than 400 people to their homeland.

“We accompany them until they reunite with their families and they are welcomed with custom rituals and parties,” she said.

But lately, the number of those repatriating to Timor-Leste has decreased due to the high US$384 (NZ$520) fee for administration costs and the long waiting times for passports to be issued.

Bishop Dominikus Saku of Atambua gave high praise, saying “I see her service is good for the former East Timorese refugees and I support her.”

Bareto, who is the head of a community unit, said the local government has also expressed its gratitude to Sister Ketut for her extensive work and commitments to the former refugees.

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€4.5m plan to build El Niño resilience in FSM, Marshall Islands and Palau

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

During an El Niño Southern Oscillation, the pressure over the eastern and western Pacific changes, causing the trade winds to weaken. This leads to an strong, eastward counter current of warmer waters along the equator. Map: Google Earth

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

The European Union and the Pacific Community have signed an agreement to build resilience to future El Niño-related droughts in the Federated States of Micronesia, Republic of Marshall Islands and Republic of Palau.

At the end of 2016, the EU confirmed its decision to mobilise €4.5 million (NZ$7 million) from the European Development Fund (EDF) global reserve for the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Republic of Palau to build resilience for future El Niño events.

This is in recognition of the severe impacts of the 2015–2016 El Niño-related drought in the three Northern Pacific countries, especially in the outer islands, when disruptions to agriculture, tourism and industrial production caused severe economic losses, many households faced food and water shortages, and the provision of health and education services was severely impacted on.

The Head of Infrastructure and Natural Resources at the Delegation of the EU for the Pacific, Jesús Lavina, said: “The EU is committed to support the Pacific countries to face the negative impact of climate change. Extreme events, such as the 2015-2016 El Niño, severely affected the Pacific region: the EU works together with partner governments and regional organisations to answer in a timely manner their urgent needs.

“The European Union North Pacific Readiness for El Niño project is a clear example of EU commitment that covers a large range of EU-funded actions to strengthen resilience and promote climate change adaptation and mitigation measures.”

The Pacific Community (SPC) is implementing the project and is preparing to hold consultations with the North Pacific countries to design activities that will build resilience to future droughts in the water and agriculture sectors.

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The Director-General of the Pacific Community, Dr Colin Tukuitonga, said: “We are very pleased to help build capacity in the three Northern Pacific countries to strengthen resilience and readiness for future El Niño-related droughts, which past experience has shown caused so many hardships for all residents, both those living in towns and those in rural communities.”

The 2015 – 2016 El Niño event was one of the most severe on record, comparable with the 1997-1998 and 1982-1983 events, and impacted millions of people around the world including in most of the Pacific Island countries.

According to the Australian Bureau of Meteorology, the tropical Pacific Ocean is in a neutral phase with neither El Niño or La Niña expected to influence the climate this year.

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NZ protesters bring ‘human face’ to suffering of Manus, Nauru refugees

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By Kendall Hutt in Auckland

Forty minutes of solidarity marked New Zealand’s stand with refugees imprisoned in Australia’s offshore detention centres across the Pacific today.

More than 60 people stood outside Australia’s Auckland consulate to protest over more than 1000 refugees stuck in limbo in processing centres likened to open-air prisons.

“The Australian government’s policies are inhumane, so we want to highlight the human. That the impact of Australia’s ill-treatment of people seeking asylum and refugees amounts to torture, but remind people that these refugees are humans too,” said Margaret Taylor, Amnesty New Zealand’s activism support manager.

“We’re humans standing out here to put a human face to the torture and highlighting how inhumane Australia’s policy is.”

Amnesty New Zealand’s Auckland spokesperson Meg de Ronde told Asia Pacific Report before the protest this morning:

“We’re sending a clear message to the Australian government that after four years the offshore detention centres have to close.

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“The men, women and children who are on Manus and Nauru have to be evacuated now. We have more than 8000 New Zealanders who believe human rights abuses need to end,” de Monde said.

Two girls have a warm welcome for refugee children. Image: Megan Hutt/PMC.

8000 signature petition
In Wellington, more than 40 people also stood in solidarity while a petition with more than  8000 signatures was delivered to the Australian High Commission in a sister event also organised by Amnesty International New Zealand.

Since 2013, Australia has controversially and forcibly deported asylum seekers who have attempted to arrive in the country via boat to Manus and Nauru islands.

Therefore for four years, Amnesty International says, some of the “most vulnerable people in the world” have been subject to human rights abuses – physical abuse, sexual assault, poor living conditions – at the hands of Australia’s government.

De Ronde says the purpose of this morning’s protest was to ensure Australia has not forgotten the human rights abuses it is carrying out in its own backyard.

“We hope they’ll hear New Zealanders haven’t forgotten that for four years Australia’s been holding people on Manus and Nauru, people that have a right to be resettled and have a right to flee and seek safety.”

It is Australia’s reported human rights abuses which drew people of all walks of life to the protest.

Armed with placards calling for the closure of Manus and Nauru’s centres, the group of men, women and children silently protested outside the consulate while passing motorists tooted their horns in a show of support.

‘Ridiculous’ detention centres
Alex O’Connor of Lush Cosmetics said it was “ridiculous” detention centres even existed.

“I think it’s just ridiculous they still have these detention centres when there’s all these human rights abuses happening.

“I also think it’s just ridiculous that people don’t have access to basic human rights when they’re fleeing war-torn areas.”

Marika Czaja is so disappointed in Australia’s refugee policy she intends to return her citizenship papers.

“I’m going to say ‘no thank you’. I don’t want to be part of it, not in my name.

Australian citizen Marika Czaja … “not in my name”. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

“I’ve got no option but to protest. One of the more powerful countries in the world is boasting how it took in half a million or so refugees after World War II and now they can’t take in a few thousand. It’s just despicable. I really haven’t got the words to explain how I feel about it all,” Czaja said.

The youngest protester was four-year-old Atlas Geronde.

‘Issue for everyone’
His father, Edwin Geronde, said the detention centres on Manus and Nauru were an “issue for everyone”.

“We feel for what it must be like for people with children stuck in some of these concentration camps and I think everyone needs to understand that it could be them one day too, so they’ve got to stand up against what’s going on.”

Echoing earlier calls by Amnesty New Zealand executive director Grant Bayldon, Geronde called on New Zealand to condemn Australia’s actions and remain firm in its commitment to resettle 150 refugees a year – a commitment Australia is currently reluctant to indulge.

Edwin Geronde and his five-year-old son Atlas … “this is an issue for everyone”. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC.

“New Zealanders – neighbours of Australia – need to stand up in this region as the voice of what needs to be done.

“I hope the Australian government understands that they’re out of step with the rest of the world and what they’re doing is simply wrong and it’s against international law.”

Takapuna Grammar students Alba Garcia and Anna Jacobs were also some of the protest’s younger participants.

They told Asia Pacific Report the proximity of the issue to New Zealand was “shocking”.

Close to home
“It has just kind of shocked everyone how close it is to home,” Jacobs said of her school’s Amnesty Club.

“Everyone needs to be aware of it because it’s not very far away from us,” Garcia added.

But in calling for the closure of Manus and Nauru on the streets of Auckland today, de Ronde thanked protesters for not forgetting the islands’ refugees, but also encouraged them to make New Zealand politicians and political parties more aware of the issue.

“Ask our Prime Minister, our government in this election year to carry these messages.”

Joining hands in solidarity may have marked the end of the protest today, but with Broadspectrum’s contract up in October – the company responsible for administering the offshore processing system – protest to these centres is sure to continue, Amnesty said.

Krishna Narayanan, a food science student with the University of Auckland, is certain widespread protest will continue until Australia reverses its policy on Manus and Nauru detention.

“Refugees are just locked up and they feel incredibly isolated and depressed. They escaped war and tried to come to a place of safety, but they’re not safe.”

My message to those inside the Australian consulate here and Australia’s government is accept refugees or at least let other nations accept them.

“Don’t cover this up.”

Protesters join hands, link arms in a show of solidarity. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC ]]>