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Guide to the classics: A Room of One’s Own, Virginia Woolf’s feminist call to arms

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Gildersleeve, Associate Professor of English Literature, University of Southern Queensland

I sit at my kitchen table to write this essay, as hundreds of thousands of women have done before me. It is not my own room, but such things are still a luxury for most women today. The table will do. I am fortunate I can make a living “by my wits,” as Virginia Woolf puts it in her famous feminist treatise, A Room of One’s Own (1929).

That living enabled me to buy not only the room, but the house in which I sit at this table. It also enables me to pay for safe, reliable childcare so I can have time to write.

It is as true today, therefore, as it was almost a century ago when Woolf wrote it, that “a woman must have money and a room of her own if she is to write fiction” — indeed, write anything at all.

Still, Woolf’s argument, as powerful and influential as it was then — and continues to be — is limited by certain assumptions when considered from a contemporary feminist perspective.

Woolf’s book-length essay began as a series of lectures delivered to female students at the University of Cambridge in 1928. Its central feminist premise — that women writer’s voices have been silenced through history and they need to fight for economic equality to be fully heard — has become so culturally pervasive as to enter the popular lexicon.

Julia Gillard’s A Podcast of One’s Own, takes its lead from the essay, as does Anonymous Was a Woman, a prominent arts funding body based in New York.

Julia Gillard: the title of her new podcast references Woolf’s book. Brendan Esposito

Even the Bechdel-Wallace test, measuring the success of a narrative according to whether it features at least two named women conversing about something other than a man, can be seen to descend from the “Chloe liked Olivia” section of Woolf’s book. In this section, the hypothetical characters of Chloe and Olivia share a laboratory, care for their children, and have conversations about their work, rather than about a man.

Woolf’s identification of women as a poorly paid underclass still holds relevance today, given the gender pay gap. As does her emphasis on the hierarchy of value placed on men’s writing compared to women’s (which has led to the establishment of awards such as the Stella Prize).


Read more: Friday essay: science fiction’s women problem


Invisible women

In her book, Woolf surveys the history of literature, identifying a range of important and forgotten women writers, including novelists Jane Austen, George Eliot and the Brontes, and playwright Aphra Behn.

In doing so, she establishes a new model of literary heritage that acknowledges not only those women who succeeded, but those who were made invisible: either prevented from working due to their sex, or simply cast aside by the value systems of patriarchal culture.


Read more: Friday essay: George Eliot 200 years on – a scandalous life, a brilliant mind and a huge literary legacy


To illustrate her point, she creates Judith, an imaginary sister of the playwright Shakespeare.

What if such a woman had shared her brother’s talents and was as adventurous, “as agog to see the world” as he was? Would she have had the freedom, support and confidence to write plays? Tragically, she argues, such a woman would likely have been silenced — ultimately choosing suicide over an unfulfilled life of domestic servitude and abuse.

In her short, passionate book, Woolf examines women’s letter writing, showing how it can illustrate women’s aptitude for writing, yet also the way in which women were cramped and suppressed by social expectations.

She also makes clear that the lack of an identifiable matrilineal literary heritage works to impede women’s ability to write.

Indeed, the establishment of those major women writers in the 18th and 19th centuries (George Eliot, the Brontes et al), when “the middle-class woman began to write” is, Woolf argues, a moment in history “of greater importance than the Crusades or the War of the Roses”.

Male critics such as T.S. Eliot and Harold Bloom have identified a (male) writer’s relation to his precursors as necessary for his own literary production. But how, Woolf asks, is a woman to write if she has no model to look back on or respond to? If we are women, she wrote, “we think back through our mothers”.

A vintage snapshot of T. S. Eliot and Virginia Woolf taken in 1924. Wikimedia Commons

Read more: #ThanksforTyping: the women behind famous male writers


Her argument inspired later feminist revisionist work of literary critics like Elaine Showalter, Sandra K. Gilbert and Susan Gubar who sought to restore the reputation of forgotten women writers and turn critical attention to women’s writing as a field worthy of dedicated study.

All too often in history, Woolf asserts, “Woman” is simply the object of the literary text — either the adored, voiceless beauty to whom the sonnet is dedicated or reflecting back the glow of man himself.

Women have served all these centuries as looking-glasses possessing the magic and delicious power of reflecting the figure of man at twice its natural size.

A Room of One’s Own returns that authority to both the woman writer and the imagined female reader whom she addresses.

Stream of consciousness

Virginia Woolf in 1927. Wikimedia Commons

A Room of One’s Own also demonstrates several aspects of Woolf’s modernism. The early sections demonstrate her virtuoso stream of consciousness technique. She ruminates on women’s position in, and relation to, fiction while wandering through the university campus, driving through country lanes, and dawdling over a leisurely, solo lunch.

Critically, she employs telling patriarchal interruptions to that flow of thought.

A beadle waves his arms in exasperation as she walks on a private patch of grass. A less-than-satisfactory dinner is served to the women’s college. A “deprecating, silvery, kindly gentleman” turns her away from the library. These interruptions show the frequent disruption to the work of a woman without a room.

This is the lesson also imparted in Woolf’s 1927 novel To the Lighthouse where artist Lily Briscoe must shed the overbearing influence of Mr and Mrs Ramsay, a couple who symbolise Victorian culture, if she is to “have her vision”. The flights and flow of modernist technique are not possible without the time and space to write and think for herself.

A Room of One’s Own has been crucial to the feminist movement and women’s literary studies. But it is not without problems. Woolf admits her good fortune in inheriting £500 a year from an aunt.

Indeed her purse now “breed(s) ten-shilling notes automatically”.

Woolf was lucky enough to possess a purse that bred ten-shilling notes. Wikimedia Commons

Part of the purpose of the essay is to encourage women to make their living through writing.

But Woolf seems to lack an awareness of her own privilege and how much harder it is for most women to fund their own artistic freedom. It is easy for her to advise against “doing work that one did not wish to do, and to do it like a slave, flattering and fawning”.

In her book, Woolf also criticises the “awkward break” in Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre (1847), in which Bronte’s own voice interrupts the narrator’s in a passionate protest against the treatment of women.

Here, Woolf shows little tolerance for emotion, which has historically often been dismissed as hysteria when it comes to women discussing politics.

A Room of One’s Own ends with an injunction to work for the coming of Shakespeare’s sister, that woman forgotten by history. “So to work, even in poverty and obscurity, is worthwhile”.

Such a woman author must have her vision, even if her work will be “stored in attics” rather than publicly exhibited.

The room and the money are the ideal, we come to see, but even without them the woman writer must write, must think, in anticipation of a future for her daughter-artists to come.

An adaptation of A Room of One’s Own is currently at Sydney’s Belvoir Theatre.

ref. Guide to the classics: A Room of One’s Own, Virginia Woolf’s feminist call to arms – https://theconversation.com/guide-to-the-classics-a-room-of-ones-own-virginia-woolfs-feminist-call-to-arms-145398

Government will reform insolvency system to improve distressed small businesses’ survival chances

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Morrison government will make sweeping changes to the insolvency system to improve the chances of saving small businesses hit by the pandemic.

The reforms – which are described as the most significant for three decades – will cover three quarters of businesses currently subject to insolvency, almost all of which have less than 20 employees.

The measures include:

  • a new process for restructuring debt for incorporated businesses with liabilities under $1 million

  • moving from a one-size-fits-all “creditor in possession” model to a more flexible “debtor in possession” model – allowing eligible small businesses to restructure debts while remaining in control of their enterprise

  • a rapid 20-business day period for the development of a restructuring plan by a small business restructuring practitioner (SBRP), followed by 15 business days for creditors to vote on the plan

  • a simplified liquidation process for small businesses which will be quicker and cheaper

  • measures to ensure the insolvency sector can respond effectively to increased demand.

The COVID crisis has put new pressures on the insolvency system, and highlighted problems that were there already.

More businesses are in financial distress, and the one-size-fits-all arrangement doesn’t take account of the varying complexities of businesses. The current high costs and lengthy procedures can stop distressed small businesses engaging early when their chances of survival are better.

The government says the present requirements around voluntary administration are more suited to large, complex company insolvencies than to small businesses.

The new process would streamline the role for, and powers of, the small business restructuring practitioner compared with the role played by an administrator in a voluntary administration.

The government earlier provided some relief to help shield financially distressed businesses – and the numbers of companies going into external administration have been running at lower rates than last year. But the assistance expires at the end of December.

Reserve Bank Governor Philip Lowe recently warned of a wave of business failures, saying: “There will be insolvencies. There will be bankruptcies. There will be some businesses that will not recover. That’s the harsh reality of an economic downturn that’s the worst in 100 years.”

The government has looked to overseas practice, notably reforms in the United States, as well as recommendations from the Productivity Commission in framing its changes.

There will be safeguards to prevent misconduct, and protections for creditors’ interests.

The new system requires legislation. It is due to start January 1.

Treasurer Josh Frydenberg said the reforms “are a critical part of our economic recovery plan and will help to boost business confidence and dynamism across the economy by allowing viable businesses to survive as our economy rebuilds.

“The government’s new reforms draw on key features of the US Chapter 11 bankruptcy process allowing small businesses to restructure their debts while remaining in control of their businesses,” he said.

ref. Government will reform insolvency system to improve distressed small businesses’ survival chances – https://theconversation.com/government-will-reform-insolvency-system-to-improve-distressed-small-businesses-survival-chances-146774

NBN upgrades explained: how will they make internet speeds faster? And will the regions miss out?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thas Ampalavanapillai Nirmalathas, Group Head – Electronic and Photonic Systems Group and Professor of Electrical and Electronic Engineering, University of Melbourne

The federal government has announced a A$3.5 billion upgrade to the National Broadband Network (NBN) that will grant two million households on-demand access to faster fibre-to-the-node (FTTN) internet by 2023.

The plan may go as far as to upgrade the FTTN services to fibre-to-the-premises (FTTP), but this wasn’t made entirely clear in communications minister Paul Fletcher’s announcement.

He said the upgrade would involve expanding current FTTN connections to run along more streets across the country, giving more people the option to connect to broadband speeds of up to one gigabit per second. Improvements have also been promised for the hybrid fibre coaxial (HFC) and fibre-to-the-curb (FTTC) systems.

Altogether the upgrades are expected to give about six million households the higher broadband speeds. But how will the existing infrastructure be boosted? And who will miss out?

Getting ahead of the terminology

Let’s first understand the various terms used to describe aspects of the NBN network.

Fibre to the Premises (FTTP)

FTTP refers to households with an optical fibre connection running from a device on a wall of a house directly to the network. This provides reliable high-speed internet.

The “network” simply refers to the exchange point from which households’ broadband connections are passed to service providers, such as Telstra, who then help them get connected.

In a FTTP network, fibre optic connectors in the back of distribution hub panels connect homes to broadband services. Shutterstock

Fibre to the Node (FTTN)

The FTTN system serves about 4.7 million premises in Australia, out of a total 11.5 million covered under the NBN.

With FTTN, households are connected via a copper line to a “node” in their neighbourhood. This node is connected to the network with fibre optic cables that transfer data much faster than copper cables.

With FTTN systems, the quality of the broadband service depends on the length of the copper cabling and the choice of technology used to support data transmission via this cable.

It’s technically possible to offer high internet speeds when copper cables are very short and the latest data transmission technologies are being used.

In reality, however, Australia’s FTTN speeds using a fibre/copper mix have been slow. A FTTN connection’s reliability also depends on network conditions, such as the age of the copper cabling and whether any of the signal is leaking due to degradation.

Illustration of fibre optic cables.
Fibre optic cables can use pulses of light for high-speed data transmission across long distances. Shutterstock

Fibre to the Curb (FTTC)

The limitations of FTTN can be sidestepped by extending fibre cables from the network right up to a curbside “distribution point unit” nearer to households. This unit becomes the “node” of the network.

FTTC significantly improves data transmission speeds. This is because it services relatively fewer households (allowing better signal transmission to each one) and reduces the length of copper cable required.

Hybrid Fibre Coaxial (HFC)

The NBN also uses coaxial cables instead of copper cables in many areas. These were first installed by Optus and Telstra in the 1990s to deliver cable broadband and television. They have since been modernised for use in the NBN’s fibre network.

In theory, HFC systems should be able to offer internet speeds of more than 100 megabits per second. But many households have been unable to achieve this due to the poor condition of cabling infrastructure in some parts, as well as large numbers of households sharing a single coaxial cable.

Coaxial cables are the most limiting part of the HFC system. Expanding the length of fibre cabling (and shortening the coaxial cables being used) would allow much faster internet speeds. The NBN’s 2020 corporate plan identifies this as a priority.

The minister today said the planned upgrades would ensure all customers serviced by HFC would have access to speeds of “up to” one gigabit per second. Currently, only 7% of HFC customers do.

Mixing things up isn’t always a good idea

Under the original NBN plan, the Labor government in 2009 promised optical fibre connections for 93% of all Australian households.

Successive reviews led to the use of multiple technologies in the network, rather than the full-fibre network Labor envisioned. As a result, many households have not been able to upgrade their connection because of limitations to the technology available in their neighbourhood.


Read more: The NBN: how a national infrastructure dream fell short


Also, many businesses currently served by FTTN can’t access speeds that meet their needs. To avoid internet speed hindering their work, most businesses need a minimum speed between 100 megabits and 1 gigabit per second, depending on their scale.

Currently, no FTTN services and few HFC services can support such speeds.

Moreover, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s NBN monitoring report published in May (during the pandemic) found in about 95% of cases, NBN plans only delivered 83-91% of the maximum advertised speed.

The report also showed 10% of the monitored services were underperforming and 95% of these were FTTN services. This makes a clear case for the need to upgrade FTTN.

Who will benefit?

While the NBN’s most recent corporate plan identifies work to be done across its various offerings (FTTN, FTTC, HFC, fixed wireless), it’s unclear exactly what each system stands to gain from today’s announcements.

Ideally, urban and regional households that can’t currently access 100 megabits per second speeds would be prioritised for fibre deployment. The expanded FTTN network should also cover people who are struggling to access reliable broadband across regional Australia.

Bringing fibre cabling to households in remote areas would be difficult. One option, however, would be to extend fibre connections to an expanded network of base stations in regional Australia, to improve the NBN’s capacity for fixed wireless connectivity.

These base stations can “beam” signals to nearby premises. Installing more stations would mean fewer premises covered by each (and therefore better connectivity).

Regardless, it’s important the expansion happens quickly. Many NBN customers now working and studying from home will be waiting for a much-needed boost to their internet speed.


Read more: How to boost your internet speed when everyone is working from home


ref. NBN upgrades explained: how will they make internet speeds faster? And will the regions miss out? – https://theconversation.com/nbn-upgrades-explained-how-will-they-make-internet-speeds-faster-and-will-the-regions-miss-out-146749

Is fast-tracking funds to Foxtel the best way to support the media during COVID?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Johan Lidberg, Associate Professor, School of Media, Film and Journalism, Monash University

According to an ABC report, government funds were fast-tracked to Foxtel during the coronavirus pandemic.

This news will raise eyebrows, as the media — like so many industries — tries to survive the pain and disruption brought by COVID-19.

Why are some outlets missing out when others have their requests prioritised?

The Foxtel fast-track

The background to these latest Foxtel funds is a $30 million grant, controversially awarded to the subscription broadcaster in 2017.

This was to

support the broadcast of underrepresented sports on subscription television, including women’s sports, niche sports and sports with a high level of community involvement and participation.

At the time, media reports noted the government did not adequately explain why it had given the funds to Foxtel.

Fast-forward to April 2020 and COVID-19 was wreaking havoc in the media sector. The federal government announced a support package for the media, but Foxtel missed out.


Read more: That was the news: a sad farewell to the ABC’s 7:45am bulletin


However, as the ABC reported, after a letter from Foxtel chief executive Patrick Delany, the TV service quickly received $17.5 million.

This included bringing forward $7.5 million of taxpayer money already granted to Foxtel. In July 2020, a further $10 million was awarded to Foxtel, with the same opaque justification as the 2017 grant.

The ABC was able to report the process behind these developments following a Freedom of Information (FOI) request.

Foxtel supported as national broadcaster struggles

The Foxtel funds came amid yet another round of cost-cutting and job losses at the ABC. In June, the ABC announced 250 job losses to deal with an $84 million budget shortfall.

ABC logo against colourful light backdrop
The ABC recently announced 250 job losses. www.shutterstock.com

As of this week, the iconic 7:45am radio bulletin no longer features in Australians’ morning routines as a result of the cuts.

Meanwhile, regional media outlets have been particularly hard hit during COVID. We have also seen recent job losses at News Corp (who is a part owner of Foxtel) and Channel 10.

What support have media companies had during COVID?

The government announced a COVID-support package for the media in April.

This included $41 million in rebates for use of the broadcasting spectrum, targeted at commercial television and radio broadcasters.


Read more: The government’s regional media bailout doesn’t go far enough — here are reforms we really need


A $50 million Public Interest News Gathering program was also announced to support public interest journalism delivered by commercial television, newspaper and radio businesses in regional Australia.

Is this the best use of taxpayer funds?

The reports of the fast-tracked funds to Foxtel beg the question, where is public money best spent? On the public broadcaster so it can maintain its crucial services (with another bushfire season around the corner) — or on a subscription-based commercial broadcaster?

When you consider the different support packages the Morrison government has launched as part of its pandemic response, there is one glaring omission — support for the national broadcaster.

The ABC is the most trusted media brand in the country. But instead of supporting it, to help us get through the pandemic, the Coalition continues to bleed it. This is the polar opposite to its support of News Corp-owned Foxtel, a relationship the government seems much more comfortable with and clearly prioritises.

Not enough information

When considering whether Foxtel deserves its funding, it would be useful to see a government-issued summary of how it used the first $30 million.

We have seen some reporting (again via FOI requests) of how the initial $7 million was used to boost sports coverage. But given this is taxpayers’ money, best practice would be open and transparent government reporting on how the funding is utilised.

It would also be useful to have an explanation of why the extra funds were provided now.

Unfortunately, information access and openness has not been the Morrison government’s forte.

We have seen a number of cases where the FOI process has been contrary to the spirit of the Freedom of Information Act, which holds that as much information as possible should be made available to the public.

Open filing cabinet, with paper files
The Australian government has been criticised for the high rate of FOI refusals. www.shutterstock.com

The blocking of FOI requests over Energy Minister Angus Taylor’s attack on Sydney Lord Mayor Clover Moore is one recent example.

The recent requests to the Morrison government about Foxtel is another. According to the ABC, more than half of the hundreds of pages released were blacked out and 80% of the rest had substantial redactions. Communications Minister Paul Fletcher’s chief of staff, Ryan Bloxsom, was one of the FOI decision makers and justified the extensive redactions in this way:

I do not consider it would inform debate on a matter of public importance or promote effective oversight of public expenditure.

This is not just out of line with the aims of the FOI Act, it means Australians remain ill-informed about how and why tax payer money is being spent. Our public discourse is worse of for it.

This makes funding public interest journalism even more important — especially in the regions where coverage of courts and local councils is the engine room of our democracy.


Read more: Funding public interest journalism requires creative solutions. A tax rebate for news media could work


ref. Is fast-tracking funds to Foxtel the best way to support the media during COVID? – https://theconversation.com/is-fast-tracking-funds-to-foxtel-the-best-way-to-support-the-media-during-covid-146759

Reserve Bank ‘dallies with indolence’ instead of helping government pursue full employment: Paul Keating

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Former prime minister Paul Keating has launched an extraordinary attack on the Reserve Bank, accusing it of having “one of its dalliances with indolence”, and describing it as “the Reverse Bank”.

Keating, who was treasurer in the Hawke government and once boasted of having the Reserve Bank in his pocket, said the bank’s job was “to help the government meet the task of full employment” and it was failing in this.

He accused its officials of being “the high priests” of incrementalism.

His outburst, in a statement issued on Wednesday, followed a speech this week by the bank’s deputy governor Guy Debelle who canvassed the pros and cons of options for further monetary policy action if the bank’s board decided it was needed.

These included buying bonds further out along the curve, foreign exchange intervention, lowering rates without going into negative territory, and moving to negative rates.

Keating labelled Debelle’s contribution “meandering thoughts”.

“Knowing full well that monetary policy can now no longer add to nominal demand – something that now, only fiscal policy is capable of doing, the Reserve Bank is way behind the curve in supporting the government in its budgetary funding measures,” Keating said.

“For a moment, it showed some unlikely form in pursuing its 0.25% bond yield target for three year Treasury bonds and a low interest facility for banks.

“But now, after 600,000 superannuation accounts were cleared and closed down, with 500,000 of those belonging to people under 35 – a withdrawal of $35 billion in personal savings, and further demands arising from the employment hiatus in Victoria, [Debelle] yesterday strolled out with debating points about what further RBA action might be contemplated.”

Keating said that in his office when he was treasurer, the bank was nicknamed “the Reverse Bank”, because it was too slow raising rates in the late 1980s and too slow lowering them in the early 1990s – which gave Australia “a recession deeper than it would have otherwise had”.

As treasurer he’d “worn the cost of the bank’s indolence in the task of smashing inflation”. And as a measure of his giving the bank more discretion, as prime minister he’d worn the “great political cost” of the bank’s rate rises.

“As history has shown, when a real crisis is upon us the RBA is invariably late to the party. And so it is again,” Keating said.

The bank’s act had two objectives – price stability (not a problem at the moment) and full employment, Keating said.

“The Act says the Bank and the government should endeavour to agree on policies which meet that objective – in this case, employment.”

The bank “should be explicitly supporting the government so the country does not experience a massive fall in employment”, hitting particularly younger workers.

But instead of that, Debelle “conducts a guessing competition on what incremental step the Bank might take to help,” Keating said.

“These are the high priests of the incremental. Making absolutely certain that not a bank toe will be put across the line of central bank orthodoxy.

“Certainly not buying bonds directly from the Treasury – wash your mouth out on that one – what would they say about us at the annual BIS meeting in Basel?

“Not even ambitiously buying sufficient bonds in the secondary market, like the European Central Bank or the Bank of Japan.”

He said the bank should “shoulder the load. And in a super-low inflationary world, that load is funding fiscal policy. Mountainous sums of it.

“In an economic emergency of the current dimension that means putting the orthodoxy into perspective and doing what is sensibly required.”

Like other central banks, the Reserve Bank “has become a sort of deity, where lesser mortals might inquire, however respectfully, what the exalted priests might be thinking or have in mind for their prosperity or the country at large,” Keating said.

“The Governor and his deputies do not wear clerical collars and black suits. But that is the only difference in their comport and attitude.”

ref. Reserve Bank ‘dallies with indolence’ instead of helping government pursue full employment: Paul Keating – https://theconversation.com/reserve-bank-dallies-with-indolence-instead-of-helping-government-pursue-full-employment-paul-keating-146768

Daniel Andrews has flagged a quicker easing of Melbourne’s restrictions. But cases are still in the ‘red zone’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary-Louise McLaws, Professor of Epidemiology Healthcare Infection and Infectious Diseases Control, UNSW

Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews flagged on Wednesday that metropolitan Melbourne’s restrictions could be eased further than initially planned on Monday September 28.

The 14-day average of daily new cases has fallen to 29.4. This is below the 30 to 50 required for the second step of the roadmap out of restrictions, planned for 11:59pm this Sunday.

Andrews wouldn’t confirm which restrictions will be eased, but from an outbreak-management perspective, we should be cautious about easing anything too quickly.

It would be a huge shame to see Victorians’ pain and sacrifices undone, and I hope the restrictions will be eased early based on epidemiological advice, rather than mounting political pressure.

Fortnightly average still in the ‘red zone’

The 14-day case average of 29.4 is based on the new cases announced each day, though sometimes cases are reclassified later on. According to my corrected data, the new case average is 30. Either way, it’s a vast improvement compared with the peak in early August when 14-day average reached over 460.



Nevertheless, the current figure is still in the “red zone” of more than 100 cumulative cases in the past fortnight, where cases can spiral out of control if restrictions are eased too suddenly.

Ideally, the most significant easing of restrictions would only happen when the 14-day average hits the “green zone” of fewer than five cases, which is currently planned for October 26.


Read more: New South Wales on a knife edge as cumulative coronavirus case numbers spiral into the ‘red zone’


It’s risky to relax too soon, because there are still many “mystery cases” for which the source of infection is unknown. Victoria’s Deputy Chief Health Officer Allen Cheng confirmed these mystery cases are currently spread across 18 local government areas. He said:

Most of those are still in the areas where we are concerned […] Each local government area has a relatively small number of cases and I guess it does reflect that there has been community transmission out there.

These areas include Casey in Melbourne’s southeast, and Brimbank and Hume in the city’s northwest.

I would be very cautious about easing restrictions ahead of schedule when there are still mystery cases. There is likely still some community transmission that is yet to be detected by contact tracers.

Cheng added, however, that if the number of mystery cases continues to decline, this would give confidence there has been minimal further community transmission.

The early easing of restrictions could be justified if the new cases are within known risk groups and we are confident that the risk has been contained.

People walking through a Melbourne street wearing masks.
It’s risky to relax restrictions too soon. James Ross/AAP

Curfew to stay

Andrews confirmed he wouldn’t yet budge on the nightly curfew, which has been subject to intense questioning by journalists and commentators, and criticism from some members of the public.

From an outbreak-management perspective this is the right approach. The curfew has several aims, one of which is to restrict the movement of younger people. Younger people have been disproportionately COVID-positive during Victoria’s second wave. Younger adults tend to be more socially connected, have more daily contacts with one another, and often work at several workplaces. All these factors increase the chances of acquiring and transmitting COVID-19.


Read more: COVID-19 cases are highest in young adults. We need to partner with them for the health of the whole community


Aged care still a risk

There’s an ongoing risk to Victoria’s case numbers from residential aged care. If the virus continues to circulate in aged care, it poses a risk to residents and staff, and might also escape to the wider community via infected staff.

Aged-care homes must provide adequate personal protective equipment. There have been concerns among staff that surgical masks are not enough to prevent contracting COVID-19. The World Health Organisation does recommend a surgical mask and face shield, but this requires a minimum safe airflow change in rooms to prevent exhaled infectious particles from hanging in the air and causing airborne spread.

Scientists believe most transmission occurs through droplets, but poorly ventilated environments might explain the increased risk of airborne spread in confined spaces.

COVID-19 cases in aged care remain a problem. Daniel Pockett/AAP

Read more: Is the airborne route a major source of coronavirus transmission?


Most residential aged-care facilities will not be able to meet the safe level of room airflow of 40-80 litres per second per resident.

Therefore, in situations where airflow is not adequate, surgical masks should be replaced with respirator masks, such as N95 or P2 masks, to prevent staff acquiring the virus at work.

It’s likely that transmission in aged care homes will continue if this issue isn’t addressed. The issue of poor airflow could also apply to other workplaces like abattoirs, factories and shared office spaces. Going forward, they too should consider the risk of airborne spread.

ref. Daniel Andrews has flagged a quicker easing of Melbourne’s restrictions. But cases are still in the ‘red zone’ – https://theconversation.com/daniel-andrews-has-flagged-a-quicker-easing-of-melbournes-restrictions-but-cases-are-still-in-the-red-zone-146756

Our toxic legacy: bushfires release decades of pollutants absorbed by forests

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cynthia Faye Isley, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Environmental Science, Macquarie University

We know forests absorb carbon dioxide, but, like a sponge, they also soak up years of pollutants from human activity. When bushfires strike, these pollutants are re-released into the air with smoke and ash.

Our new research examined air samples from four major bushfires near Sydney between 1984 and 2004. We found traces of potentially toxic metals sourced from the city’s air — lead, cadmium and manganese — among the fine particles of soil and burnt vegetation in bushfire smoke.

These trace metals were associated with leaded petrol — which hasn’t been used since 2002 — and industrial emissions, which include past metal processing, fossil fuel burning, refineries, transport and power generation.

This means bushfires, such as the those that devastated Australia last summer, can remobilise pollutants we’ve long phased out. The health and other effects may not be fully understood or realised for decades.

An infographic showing how forests soak up pollutants and then release them in fires.
How bushfires can resurrect pollutants years after they were emitted. Pb is lead, Cd is cadmium, Mn is manganese, and TSP is ‘total suspended particulates’ Author provided

Analysing air samples

We chose four major bushfires — which occurred in 1984, 1987, 2001-2002 and 2004 — because of their known impact on air quality across Sydney. The New South Wales government collected air samples every sixth day on filters over that period and archived them, which meant we could study them years later.

We analysed these air samples during the bushfire periods and compared them to the months either side of each event.


Read more: California is on fire. From across the Pacific, Australians watch on and buckle up


As expected, air pollution levels were higher during bushfires periods, in terms of total suspended particles and fine particles (“PM10”, which are particles 10 microns or less in size).

Using statistical analyses, we separated the source components of the particles: those from natural soils and those originating from human-sourced pollutants. We found the concentration of the human-sourced pollutant component — containing lead and cadmium — doubled during bushfire periods.

Pollution of the air with cadmium is associated with mining, refining, burning fossil fuels, and even from household wastes. But the source of lead pollution has a more complicated story.

Average levels of metals and particles in Sydney’s air before, during and after bushfires.

A story written in lead

Isotopes are variants of an element, such as lead. Different lead “isotopes” have different atomic masses.

Our study measured lead isotopes in the air samples to “fingerprint” the pollution sources.

The data show that the source of the lead ranges from natural origins derived from the weathering of rocks to those from leaded petrol emissions.


Read more: Explainer: what is an isotope?


Leaded petrol started being phased out in 1985 due to environmental and health concerns, and hasn’t been used in vehicles since 2002. Much smaller amounts are still used in AVGAS — the fuel used to power small piston aircraft engines.

As a result, lead levels in Sydney’s air decreased dramatically from 1984 to 2004. At the same time, the lead isotopes in the air changed.

The lead used in NSW petrol predominantly came from the mines at Broken Hill. Broken Hill lead has a very different isotopic signature to the lead found in Sydney’s main bedrock, Hawkesbury Sandstone. This corresponds to previous research showing ash from Sydney trees contained Broken Hill lead.

In 1994, lead in Sydney’s air was closer to the Broken Hill lead signature. By 2004, the lead isotopes in air resembled natural Sydney rocks. But during bushfires in 2001-2002 and 2004, the lead that was released started to look more like Broken Hill lead again.

This shows that the forests had absorbed leaded petrol emissions over the 70 years it was used and stored them. When the forests went up in flames, the lead was remobilised along with smoke and other bushfire particles.

What does that mean for our health?

Breathing in bushfire smoke is a serious health risk. Bushfire smoke resulted in more than 400 excess deaths during the devastating 2019-2020 bushfires.

A huge plume of smoke coming from a forest
The concentrations of toxic metals aren’t high enough to be a health risk. Shutterstock

Recently, the focus of air quality and health research has shifted to very fine particles: “PM2.5”. These are particles 2.5 microns or smaller that can penetrate deep into our lungs. During the Black Summer bushfires of 2019-2020, PM2.5 levels reached 85 micrograms per cubic metre of air over 24-hours, more than three times the Australian air quality criteria of 25 micrograms per cubic metre.

While our study shows that potentially toxic metals were more elevated in the atmosphere during bushfires, the concentrations were not likely to be a health risk. The main risk is from the total concentration of fine particles in the air, rather than what they are made of.


Read more: To reduce disasters, we must cut greenhouse emissions. So why isn’t the bushfire royal commission talking about this?


The concentrations of the trace metals measured during the four major bushfires in our study were below Australian and World Health Organisation criteria. The period of increased exposure was also very limited, further reducing risk.

Nevertheless, it’s important to minimise exposure to all chemical contaminants. This is because many, such as lead, have no safe lower exposure limit and the effects are often proportionately greater at the first and lowest exposure levels.

A lingering legacy

It’s not just Australian forests that have a lingering toxic legacy. In Ukraine and Belarus, radioactive materials from Chernobyl have been released during bushfires.

And as global knowledge of the damaging effects of pesticides grew, we stopped using them. Yet we still find them far from civilisation in the frozen Arctic, waiting to be released when the ice melts.

Metals such as lead, copper, manganese and uranium continue to be mined and processed in Australia. The most significant environmental and health impacts are felt by the immediately surrounding communities, particularly children, as contaminants in the air deposit on surfaces and are later ingested.

Globally, the recycling of lead batteries continues to contaminate communities and environments, particularly those in low to middle income countries.

Yes, our modern lifestyles depend on these metals and other toxic chemicals. So, we must mine, use and dispose of them with great care, because once in the environment, they do not go away.


Read more: How bushfires and rain turned our waterways into ‘cake mix’, and what we can do about it


ref. Our toxic legacy: bushfires release decades of pollutants absorbed by forests – https://theconversation.com/our-toxic-legacy-bushfires-release-decades-of-pollutants-absorbed-by-forests-145542

More neurotic, less agreeable, less conscientious: how job insecurity shapes your personality

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lena Wang, Senior Lecturer in Management, RMIT University

With unemployment at its highest rate in three decades, almost a million Australians are experiencing the anxiety of being out of work. Even more are underemployed, and more still holding on to jobs for now, not knowing if that will last.

If you feel secure in your job, you are lucky. Because the psychological fallout of job insecurity can last a lifetime.


Read more: Winding back JobKeeper and JobSeeker will push 740,000 Australians into poverty


Many studies have shown the association between employment and psychological and physical well-being. A meta-analysis of 104 empirical studies by behavioural researcher Frances McKee-Ryan and colleagues argues the evidence is “strongly supportive of a causal relationship” between unemployment and mental health.

The effect of job insecurity, however, has been less researched, even though such insecurity has long been an issue for many in contract-based, casual and gig economy jobs; and it will affect many more as the threat of artificial intelligence and automation looms.

Our large-scale study, tracking the experience of more than a thousand Australians over nearly a decade, suggests job insecurity over a prolonged period can actually change your personality. And that could make a significant difference to your life and well-being decades down the track.


Read more: Hunger, lost income and increased anxiety: how coronavirus lockdowns put huge pressure on young people around the world


How we tracked personality changes

Personality is often assumed to be stable and enduring. A growing body of research, however, shows how personalities evolve over time. For example, on average self-confidence, warmth, self-control and emotional stability tends to increase as we age, with the greatest change being between the age of 20 and 40.

Studies like ours are investigating how work experiences shape personality over time. Previous studies, for example, suggest more autonomy at work can increases a person’s ability to cope with new and unpredictable situations. A demanding and stressful job, on the other hand, can make someone more neurotic and less conscientious.

To explore the possible personality effects, we used data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey, a national survey that collects information from a large and representative sample of Australians each year. The survey tracks the same people as far as is possible, which enables researchers to look at how individual changes over time. Respondents are asked (among other things) how secure they feel their job is, as well as questions relating to personality traits.

Demanding and stressful work can make someone more neurotic and less conscientious. Shutterstock

We analysed nine years of data from 1,046 Australians working in a range of occupations and professions. Every four years (years 1, 5 and 9) participants completed a well-established personality measure, asking them to describe their characteristics against adjectives such as “talkative”, “moody”, “warm”, “orderly” and “creative”.

These adjectives reflect where people sit in relation to five key personality traits: neuroticism (or emotional stability), extraversion, openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness.


Five key personality traits
Shutterstock

In our modelling approach, we examined how participants’ chronic job insecurity in preceding years (i.e. during years 1-4 and 5-8) predicted their personality change after this experience (i.e. during years 1-5 and 5-9). We controlled for other job characteristics (such as job autonomy and demands) to establish the specific impact of chronic job insecurity.

Effects of chronic job insecurity

Our analysis showed that workers who experienced job insecurity over several consecutive years became less emotionally stable, less agreeable and less conscientious.

1. Reduced emotional stability

Understandably, chronic job insecurity can cause us to become anxious, tense, irritable and depressed.

Job insecurity itself is already worrying, and when this goes on for a long time, it can make us feel we are trapped in that situation, unable to escape.

As a result, we are likely to become more depressed and neurotic over time with obvious impacts on our personal and family relationships, as well as our professional relationships.

2. Reduced agreeableness

Agreeable people are big on sympathy, cooperation and helping others. They’re the ones really good at building harmonious social relationships.

But when a potential threat hangs over us for an extended period of time, chronic job insecurity can shift our focus to be more on ourselves instead of on others.

This can really affect our standing as a positive and likeable team member at work, or the home.

3. Reduced conscientiousness

Research shows that when we’re constantly worried about the continuity of our jobs we are likely to become less motivated to put in effort, set goals and achieve goals in a reliable way.

This is bad news for those of us trying to keep motivated through tough times. It’s also bad news for who we work for. Maintaining productivity and motivation will be a massive challenge for many mangers.

What this means for personality growth

The three personality traits affected most severely by chronic job insecurity are those most associated with healthy personality growth.

As we age and mature, we generally become more emotionally stable, more agreeable and more conscientious. Our research shows chronic job insecurity can stunt this emotional growth, interrupting the healthy mellowing of our personalities.

How to save your ‘self’

None of this is very cheery. But the good news is that, apart from worrying about it, there are things you can actually do.

The first step is to “know thyself” and be aware of the pitfalls, then to cultivate a growth mindset by accepting change and being open to new opportunities.

Human beings have a natural tendency to perceive uncertainty in negative terms, which helps explain why we are prone to falling into a vicious cycle induced by unemployment and job insecurity. But such negative thinking can be mitigated through conscious awareness and deliberate practice.


Read more: Struggling with the uncertainty of life under coronavirus? How Kierkegaard’s philosophy can help


Focus on things you can control. Look for solutions rather than dwell on problems.

Be willing to learn new skills or take on new tasks. Research has shown that being proactive in managing your career, such as plotting a career plan, actively building a network of contacts for career advice, and talking with peers and boss about future opportunities, all help to cope with insecure work conditions.

Also important is to look out for each other. Support from colleagues, family and friends has been found to help build resilience and confidence, mitigating the potential negative spiral of job insecurity on personality in the long run.

ref. More neurotic, less agreeable, less conscientious: how job insecurity shapes your personality – https://theconversation.com/more-neurotic-less-agreeable-less-conscientious-how-job-insecurity-shapes-your-personality-146019

‘Like trying to find the door in a dark room while hearing your relatives scream for help’: Tasmania’s whale stranding tragedy explained

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Olaf Meynecke, Research Fellow in Marine Science, Griffith University

A desperate rescue effort is underway after hundreds of long-finned pilot whales (Globicephala melas) became stranded in Macquarie Harbour on Tasmania’s west coast.

Yesterday, more than 250 pilot whales were reported to have stranded, with one-third presumed dead. And this morning, rescuers found another 200 pilot whales stranded up to ten kilometres away from the first group — most are likely dead.

This brings the total number of stranded pilot whales in Tasmania to more than 450, and it’s believed to be the biggest ever recorded in the state. The Greens are calling on federal Environment Minister Sussan Ley to launch a national response.

The rescue mission aims to refloat the pilot whales that appear to still be in reasonable health. But their behaviour hampers rescue efforts: many pilot whales re-strand themselves to be with their family. This event likely means a number of generations of the local population will be lost.


Read more: Do whales attempt suicide?


How did they become stranded?

Despite its name, the long-finned pilot whale is actually a large oceanic dolphin. They cover vast areas of the Southern (Antarctic) Ocean, reaching between four and six metres in length and weighing up to one tonne.

Stranded pilot whales
Around 450 pilot whales are stranded in Tasmania. AAP Image/The Advocate Pool, Brodie Weeding

They are well adapted to deeper oceans where they hunt for various species of squid in depths of between 600-1,000m, using echolocation to find their prey. Echolocation is a way of using sound to navigate in complete darkness.

They generally spend most of their lives offshore and it’s not well understood what conditions drive them close to shore, and to enter shallow embayments.

Some theories suggest food shortages are to blame, or changes in electromagnetic fields that disorient them. They may also be following a sick or distressed pod leader. And in some past cases strandings were related back to active sonar from ships and naval sonar interrupting their echolocation.


Read more: What causes whale mass strandings?


But once in shallow waters, it’s difficult to swim back out. As these whales mostly navigate with echolocation it’s not possible for them to use sonar effectively in shallow and muddy embayments.

It’s extremely distressing for the whales, a lot like trying to find the door in a dark room while hearing your relatives scream for help.

In fact, the stress is what many die from in the end. Other causes of death are overheating from sun exposure and drowning if they can’t move their bodies up to breach the surface in shallow water.

The rescue efforts

There are a number of strategies to refloat whales. In Macquarie Harbour, rescuers are using slings to tow the whales to deeper water, before releasing them.

Other options include multiple people pushing them off the beach during high tide into deeper water.

Eight people surround a whale in shallow water.
People power can make a big difference. AAP Image/The Advocate Pool, Brodie Weeding

In this case, albeit potentially dangerous for the helpers, people power can make a big difference. After all, time is of immense importance for success, and to stop more whales beaching.

However, chances of survival plummet with long exposure to sun and extended periods of stress. What’s more, Macquarie Harbour is relatively remote and difficult to access, further complicating rescue efforts.

Dying together

But the biggest obstacle rescuers face is the whales’ social bonding. Long-finned pilot whales are highly intelligent and live in strong social units.

So when dealing with mass strandings, it’s important to realise the emotions and bonding between the whales are very likely beyond what humans can feel. One well-documented example of their emotional depth is the pilot whale seen carrying its dead calf for many days.

Mother pilot whale grieves over her dead calf.

This makes the stranding process extremely complex, as it unfolds over several hours to several days — the whales don’t all strand at the same time.

We know from killer whales, which also have strong social bonding, that if a close member of the group strands, others will attempt to join to die together.


Read more: We need to understand the culture of whales so we can save them


The situation for pilot whale pods can be similar, but more complex as a result of having much larger pods. Pilot whale pods have multiple sub-units, which can consist of friends as well as family and they don’t have to be genetically related.

Social units get mixed up when they’re in shallow bays. This means individuals can become disconnected from their social units before the actual stranding occurs, causing stress and confusion prior the beaching.

Fewer pilot whales in the gene pool

There are an estimated 200,000 long-finned pilot whales in the Southern Ocean and Antarctica, but mass strandings like this can have a profound impact on sub-populations.

In Tasmania alone, 1,568 long-finned pilot whales have stranded between 1990 and 2008 in 30 stranding events.

Many similar sad events occured in New Zealand: hundreds of long-finned pilot whales stranded in 2018 and 2017, and the majority died.

Two stranded whales on the beach
Typically, very few whales survive mass strandings. AAP Image/Tasmania Police

To make matters worse, studies suggest the long-finned pilot whales in the Southeastern Pacific have low genetic diversity. There are similarities between this species found in Chile and New Zealand, but with surprisingly distinct differences between New Zealand and Tasmania.

Considering they can live up to 50 years and the fact only few survive when multiple generations strand, such events not only destroy entire generations but also remove them from the gene pool.

This puts local populations at further risk. Inbreeding is one consequence, but the biggest problem is their decreasing general fitness and ability to adapt to changes.

How to help

In the past, significant numbers of stranded whales have been successfully released, making it worth the effort. For example, in one of largest mass strandings in New Zealand in 2017, volunteers helped about 100 whales refloat, and made a human chain to try to stop them restranding.


Read more: It’s time to speak up about noise pollution in the oceans


Still, such events are likely to be more frequent in the future due to changing ocean conditions and increasing human activity such a noise pollution, commercial squid fisheries and deep sea mining.

Climate change shifts ocean currents as sea temperature rises. And with this, squid availability will change. A lack of food offshore can cause stress and drive them closer to shore.

We can help the whales not only by actively supporting rescue organisations such as ORRCA, but also by helping reduce carbon emissions, foster sustainable fisheries, reduce plastic pollution and advocate for marine sanctuaries.

ref. ‘Like trying to find the door in a dark room while hearing your relatives scream for help’: Tasmania’s whale stranding tragedy explained – https://theconversation.com/like-trying-to-find-the-door-in-a-dark-room-while-hearing-your-relatives-scream-for-help-tasmanias-whale-stranding-tragedy-explained-146674

Schitt’s Creek: the TV show has been showered with Emmys but is it worth the hype?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Sparkes, Senior Lecturer (Media Studies and Production), University of Southern Queensland

This year’s Emmy Awards saw some surprising and not so surprising moments. Perhaps the most astonishing event was the Canadian-produced comedy Schitt’s Creek winning seven major awards, including best comedy series, director and writing.

Schitt’s Creek started airing in 2015, wrapping up earlier this year. The show revolves around the ultra-rich Rose family who, after being defrauded by their business manager, are left with only one asset: a backwater little town called Schitt’s Creek, which Johnny (Eugene Levy) bought his son David (Dan Levy) as a joke in 1991.

Faced with financial ruin, the Roses move to this town, where their privileged attitudes come into conflict with the parochial residents including the motel’s manager Stevie Budd (Emily Hampshire) and the town’s mayor, Roland Schitt (Chris Elliott).

Critics and fans did not totally embrace the show in its first season, with a rating of 64% on Rotten Tomatoes and 73 out of 100 on Metacritic. But subsequent seasons have certainly grown on audiences.

Personally, I’m not so enamoured with the show, but have some theories as to why it won in so many categories.

Helped along by a cliche …

This “fish out of water” premise is basically a cliché in script writing circles. There’s not a lot of originality here.

TV shows about rich people getting poor or poor people getting rich have been well covered. Think of The Beverly Hillbillies (1963), Diff’rent Strokes (1978-86), The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air (1990-96), The Good Life (2007), and Bless this Mess (2019). Then there are the movies such as Trading Places (1983), Overboard (1987) and Academy Award winner The Artist (2011).

There is not a lot to explore in this genre nowadays, it’s just a device to get the characters into a situation from which comedy can derive.

By using this framework for the series, the jokes about misunderstandings between the spoilt and aloof Rose family and the down-to-earth locals almost write themselves.

This juxtaposition makes conflict easy. From a writing point of view, there’s not a lot of hard work here, so I’m amazed Daniel Levy won the comedy writing award considering his competition was the complex storytelling of The Good Place (2016-20) or The Great (2020–).


Read more: Kantian comedy: the philosophy of The Good Place


When you consider Levy won the award for the final episode of Schitt’s Creek, you begin to question whether it was actually for that episode or really an acknowledgement for the whole series.

TV still
A classic fish out of water story. CBC

The stars of the show, Eugene Levy and Catherine O’Hara, are well regarded as comedy royalty.

Levy has always been a character actor, playing small parts in comedy films and series until he really came to be noticed in American Pie (1999) and as part of the ensemble cast of the Christopher Guest’s mockumentary comedies Waiting for Guffman (1996), Best in Show (2000) and A Mighty Wind (2003).

Even though he’s been acting since 1970, this is really his first lead role. He beat some of Hollywood’s most notable TV actors to win the Emmy for best actor in a lead comedy series, including Michael Douglas and Ted Danson.

TV still
O’Hara and Levy came to Schitt’s Creek after long, respected careers. CBC

O’Hara, who won the Emmy for lead actor in a comedy series, has also acted in character roles most of her career, including opposite Levy in the same Guest mockumentaries. Schitt’s Creek is her first leading role in a television series.

The Emmys they won were not so much for one series, but for a lifetime of comedy achievement.

… and weak competition

Ultimately, though, it was a weak year for TV comedy nominations.

Among the nominations for best comedy, most of the series were either well worn (Curb Your Enthusiasm has been running for 20 years), relatively new players (The Kominsky Method (2018-)), or just haven’t fired the imaginations of audiences (Insecure (2016–) and The Marvelous Mrs Maisel (2017–)).

Many were also very specifically issue-based comedies, which don’t usually attract wide audiences. The Marvelous Mrs Maisel has a strong feminist storyline while Insecure deals with the Black female experience.

Schitt’s Creek — like the name implies — plays it broad and is much more accessible to a mainstream audience.

TV still
Schitt’s Creek plays it broad — and accessible. CBC

In an awards event, this show becomes seen as being more worthy because it has been on for a number of seasons without wearing out its welcome, it has broad and popular appeal, and it doesn’t try to confront audiences with “issues”. It becomes the safe choice.

While the show does sparkle in later seasons with some good writing, it feels like Schitt’s Creek was given the awards more for the accumulation of a body of work rather than a stand alone episode or season. Especially since it had not won a single Emmy in any of its previous five seasons.

Some shows (and actors) don’t get the award for being brilliant, they get it for just being around for a long time, like a comfortable pair of slippers. You get used to them, and you like them being there.

Basically, you reward them because they don’t end up giving you the Schitt’s.


Read more: ‘Schitt’s Creek’ and ‘Letterkenny’ are love letters to rural Canada


ref. Schitt’s Creek: the TV show has been showered with Emmys but is it worth the hype? – https://theconversation.com/schitts-creek-the-tv-show-has-been-showered-with-emmys-but-is-it-worth-the-hype-146681

COVID-19 and small island nations: what we can learn from New Zealand and Iceland

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Murdoch, Dean and Head of Campus, University of Otago, Christchurch, University of Otago

Despite being at opposite ends of the Earth, Iceland and New Zealand have many similarities. Both are small island nations, heavily reliant on tourism and currently led by young female prime ministers.

Both countries have also been commended for their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, characterised by science-informed policy and a high degree of public trust.

At the moment, Iceland and New Zealand have some of the lowest COVID-19 deaths per capita among OECD countries (2.83 and 0.51 per 100,000 population, respectively, compared with an OECD average of 24.01 per 100,000).

Both have been rated in the top 14 safest countries in the world for COVID-19.

But since the first cases were identified in each country in late February 2020, the two nations have taken different pathways in their COVID-19 responses. What lessons can we learn from their journeys so far?

New Zealand‘s strategy

A silhouette of New Zealand
Filip Bjorkman

New Zealand is one of the few countries to openly declare a COVID-19 elimination strategy. This involved a progressively strengthened contact-tracing and isolation system, with early and stringent use of shutdowns and border controls.

A nationwide shutdown was instigated on March 26 soon after community transmission was first demonstrated in the country and before any deaths had occurred. Alongside the shutdown, the border was closed to all but New Zealand citizens and residents.

A 14-day quarantine in managed facilities was implemented for all new arrivals. These border controls have continued to today despite the huge impact on the tourism industry.


Read more: Research shows Māori are more likely to die from COVID-19 than other New Zealanders


New Zealand‘s “go hard and go early” strategy proved to be more effective than most had anticipated. The country moved back to its lowest alert level on June 8, after only seven weeks of shutdown.

A new cluster emerged

On August 11, after more than 100 days with no community transmission of COVID-19, a cluster of cases not linked to other known case was detected in Auckland. This outbreak is still being contained and no source has yet been identified.

A medical person reaching into a car window to carry out a COVID-19 test on the driver.
NZ resumed testing after a new cluster outbreak. AP Photo/Mark Baker

The response from the government was immediately to reinstate stay-at-home orders in Auckland, raise the alert level for the rest of the country, and further tighten systems at the border and in quarantine and isolation facilities.

Key to management of this resurgence was the use of rapid genome sequencing and a new requirement for mask use when travelling on public transport.


Read more: Genome sequencing tells us the Auckland outbreak is a single cluster — except for one case


Iceland’s strategy

A silhouette of Iceland
Filip Bjorkman

In contrast to New Zealand, Iceland’s strategy involved no shutdown period, no official border closure to non-residents, and negligible use of managed quarantine facilities.

The aim instead is to mitigate infection so it does not overwhelm the health-care system, and to keep the numbers as low as possible. As in New Zealand, there is a new requirement for wearing face masks when travelling on public transport and where physical distancing is difficult.

The cornerstone of Iceland‘s response has been easy access to COVID-19 testing and mass screening, alongside quarantine and contact tracing. This was enabled by a public-private partnership between the Icelandic health authorities, the National University Hospital of Iceland and local biopharmaceutical company deCODE Genetics.

At one stage, Iceland was performing more tests per head of population than any other country.

Testing for new arrivals

As Iceland became free of community transmission of COVID-19 in mid-May, pressure grew from the tourism industry and other stakeholders to reduce the 14-day quarantine policy for new arrivals into the country.

In response, a controversial new border screening program was implemented on June 15. This required all incoming travellers to be tested once for COVID-19 on arrival and then urged to self-quarantine until results came back, usually within 24 hours.

As a consequence, tourism in June and July exceeded all expectations in Iceland.

But increasing community transmission, with several clusters arising from travellers who had tested negative on arrival prompted a stepwise tightening of the border system.

Since August 19, all incoming travellers have had to undergo mandatory self-quarantine, during which they need to return two negative COVID-19 tests at least five days apart.

The change to this two-test strategy proved to be a wise move, as 25 (20%) of the 126 active infections in inbound travellers were detected only by the second test.

Science, trust and adaptability

Although they adopted different strategies, both Iceland and New Zealand demonstrate the importance of decisive, science-informed decision-making and clear communication involving regular public briefings by senior officials.


Read more: COVID-19 is not the only infectious disease New Zealand wants to eliminate, and genome sequencing is a crucial tool


As a consequence, high levels of public trust have been recorded in both Iceland and New Zealand although this has varied through the pandemic.

The prominent role of scientists, the use of multi-institutional collaborations as part of COVID-19 response strategies, and the willingness to adapt to new knowledge have also been key features for both countries.

Only time will enable a full assessment of each country‘s COVID-19 strategy. More than ever, the global community needs to learn from each other’s experiences, avoid dogmatism and be adaptable in our national responses as we navigate a path out of this pandemic.

ref. COVID-19 and small island nations: what we can learn from New Zealand and Iceland – https://theconversation.com/covid-19-and-small-island-nations-what-we-can-learn-from-new-zealand-and-iceland-145303

Bougainville president-elect Ishmael Toroama – rebel, peacemaker, farmer

ANALYSIS: By Keith Jackson

Ishmael Toroama built his reputation as a bold fighter and later a commander in the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA) in its struggle to close the Panguna copper and gold mine and gain independence for Bougainville from Papua New Guinea in the 10-year civil war of the 1990s.

Later, in 2001, he became a signatory of the Bougainville Peace Agreement under the auspices of which last year’s referendum on Bougainville independence recorded a huge vote in favour of the province’s separation from PNG.

But in more recent years, Toroama, from Central Bougainville, returned to what his family has done for generations – peacefully grow cocoa.

In this capacity he once told a journalist that he had a dream: “One day I’d like to be able to buy a bar of Amataa chocolate – with a focus on the flavour.”

And now he stands on the threshold of becoming the next president of Bougainville. A Bougainville which itself may be standing on the threshold of independence.

Bougainville Presidential Count Update
21st Elimination – Tuesday afternoon
47,145 – Ishmael Toroama
29,896 – Simon Duraminu
20,953 – Peter Tsiamalili
20,107 – Thomas Raivet

Toroama, whose body bears the scars of many hard fought battles, joined the BRA in its early days and according to one story was the first BRA guerrilla to obtain an automatic weapon from the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF).

In a journal article ‘The Gangs of Bougainville’ by Stan Starygin, Toroama was portrayed as a ‘Rambo’ . He came to wider attention in the documentary film, The Coconut Revolution, which sought to portray the BRA as a band of convivial guerrillas in pursuit of self-reliance and a return to a traditional lifestyle.

Field commander
Toroama did not take long to become a prominent ‘field commander’ in the BRA and later succeeded the BRA’s first ‘chief of defence’, Sam Kauona, who happens to be an eliminated candidate in the current election.

As journalist Dominic Rotheroe wrote in an article in The Independent (The Green Guerrillas, 13 September 1998) Toroama is nothing if not a very strong and intimidating man:

“Ten minutes further into this training patrol, a mock ambush is launched and Ishmael Toroama hurtles into the bush, M-16 blazing, while his soldiers blast the jungle with a mix of captured M-l6s, rejuvenated Second World World War guns, and home-made rifles. This may be to keep the ‘boys’, as everyone calls the BRA, on their toes. But the tear gas is purely for us, a short sharp dose of Bougainville reality.

“Ishmael is fond of dishing out such medicine. Later, as he accelerates his battered 4×4 Hi-lux truck along a track more hole than road, he admits that on these training exercises he attacks his men with live ammunition.

“‘Ever hit any?’ I ask. ‘Oh yes.’ ‘How many?’ ‘Twelve.’ ‘Twelve! Seriously injured?’ ‘Er, one yes, very.’ It is training like this that has turned the BRA into such an effective fighting force. There are no half-measures here.”

But Jesus was to come into Toroama’s life when, during a skirmish with PNG government forces in 1997, he was critically wounded by a rocket-propelled grenade.

Rotheroe wrote:

“Jesus has come into Ishmael’s life in a big way. The big man is ‘no longer proud to be a fighter’. Inside his house a picture of Rambo is now dwarfed by a flock of evangelical posters. He tells us how Jesus appeared to him after he was wounded. ‘He said to me, you are an inch from death now. Follow me, because I am the Lord.’ And this he did; when the war ends, he says, he would like to become a preacher.”

Peace agreement
Well, this did not happen. First Toroama helped negotiate the peace agreement, then took the lead in subsequent reconciliations, next benefited greatly from selling scrap mine equipment from Panguna and later returned to the family tradition of cocoa farming.

During this post-war period, Toroama and his group not only expanded their activities by dismantling and selling scrap metal from Panguna but by offering ‘protection services’ to local businesses and visitors.

Starygin writes that during the disarmament process endorsed by the peace agreement, “Toroama presented himself as an agent of peace”.

Toroama’s role was accepted by the international peace brokers who worked with him on the disarmament process and he acquired status by tapping the largesse they brought to Bougainville, becoming the virtual master of ceremonies at peace and reconciliation events.

This role, Starygin says, “went beyond the use of his celebrity to bring disputants together and grew to include event management by Toroama’s gang and those businesses in which Toroama ‘had an interest’ which, in turn, became the main conduits for AusAid and UNDP’s reconciliation dollars.”

Starygin writes:

“Toroama’s BRA-days notoriety, his role in the peace process, the magnitude of his post-crisis ‘economic activity’ and the possession of weapons and loyalty of the men who carry them have made Toroama a viable political force in Central Bougainville. Toroama has not won an election yet but it is not for want of trying.

“He is no underdog and has come a solid second in the last two elections, although the voters each time preferred a civil servant with a record of service to Toroama. Encouraged by his numbers and undeterred by defeat Toroama has announced his candidacy for President of Bougainville for the 2015 election.”

Distant second
He finished a distant second to John Momis (who in that election received more than 51,000 votes to Toroama’s 18,466) but now, five years on, it seems that his political ambition is about to be fulfilled.

Ishmael Toroama – fighter, rebel leader, peace broker, scrap metal dealer, security boss and coca farmer – now seems likely to be fifth president of Bougainville.

We can only surmise from his background that he is well experienced and that he is a formidable man.

But we don’t yet know how this personal history will transition into how he will perform in the role of a significant Melanesian political leader.

What we do know is that Toroama has been an independence fighter, that a majority of the Bougainville people want independence, that the Papua New Guinea government has shown no support for this and that the epic question of Bougainville independence is one that is up for answering.

What we do suspect is that, although Ishmael Toroama has shown himself to be a shrewd operator, there is no proof of any illegality or corruption in his varied and volatile career.

That is an important consideration given that corruption in Bougainville, as it is in PNG, has been a problem of mounting concern.

We do indeed live in interesting times.

Keith Jackson is a retired educator, school publications editor and communications lecturer and consultant in Papua New Guinea who has managed radio stations in Rabaul and Bougainville and was head of policy and planning in the National Broadcasting Commission at independence in 1975. He has also worked in development and communication roles for UNESCO in Fiji, Indonesia, India, Maldives and the Philippines. He began his PNG Attitude blog in 2006. Pacific Media Centre articles are republished with permission.

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Video: Selwyn Manning talks with Barbara Sumner about her new book and why adoption laws must change


Video we cross LIVE to author and film-maker Barbara Sumner to discuss her new book Tree of Strangers.

But first, in this book, Barbara has laid bare her own life experiences to illustrate why New Zealand’s 65 year-old adoption laws must be fixed.

It’s a beautifully written story of a child’s journey through the early years to motherhood, to adulthood. It reveals how Barbara was always aware that her identity was denied her, of how she tried to answer the unanswered questions of who she was, who she is. It’s sometimes sad, it’s wonderful, it’s often tragic, it’s intimate, it is brave. And, this book has a purpose. Legislative reform.

So join us at 8pm tonight (Wednesday September 23) to hear from Barbara about this most important work – about her commitment to make sure any new laws on adoption place children and adults (who were adopted) at the forefront of positive change.

HIGHLY RECOMMENDED: You can buy Barbara Sumner’s book Tree of Strangers via her website BarbaraSumner.nz (both hard copy and digital).

INTERACTION: Remember, if you are joining Evening Report via social media (SEE LINKS BELOW), you can make comments and include questions. We will be able to see your interaction, and include this in our LIVE shows.

You can interact with the LIVE programme by joining these social media channels. Here are the links:

And, you can see video-on-demand of this show, and earlier episodes too, by checking out EveningReport.nz

Ziena Jalil: Why ticking the diversity boxes keeps missing the mark

COMMENT: By Ziena Jalil

Diversity was in the spotlight last week. Te Wiki o te Reo Māori and Te Wā Tuku Reo Māori were embraced throughout organisations and homes. We also had the annual Diversity Awards NZ celebrating the organisations championing diversity and inclusion in workplaces.

Tellingly, most award recipients talked about ensuring our workplaces are representative of our society.

Having diversity at the table is an excellent and important start, but just as with Te Wiki o te Reo Māori, if our engagement ends there, we lose the full potential diversity and inclusion offer.

Research shows that diverse teams are more creative, innovative, resilient and empathetic. They are more productive and profitable. Shareholders and customers are starting to vote with their wallets too – requiring organisations to embrace diversity and inclusion.

Across New Zealand, our organisations are becoming more diverse due to changing demographics. The latest census data shows almost 40 percent of Kiwis identify as Māori, Pacific or Asian; and more than 55 percent in Auckland.

More than half of us identify as female, a quarter of us weren’t born here, and a quarter have disabilities. We also have an aging population.

But diversity without inclusion is meaningless.

Typical approach
The typical approach to diversity is to record the number of people in each diversity box, including: gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, physical ability, age, beliefs, socio-economic background, and education.

And we are seeing more and more organisations reporting in this way.

In many of my roles throughout my career, I have been the youngest, the only ethnic Indian, and migrant from the Pacific, a religious minority, and one of few women. That’s a few boxes I tick.

And yet I have been told that had I identified with the rainbow community and had a disability, I would be a better poster child for diversity.

We are in such a hurry to put people in boxes, we miss the intersectionality that arises as a result of the multiple forms of diversity they represent. We also fail to see that people have the potential to bring a lot more to the table than ticks in boxes.

A few years ago, a high-achieving Māori woman recalled to me her early experiences on boards. One of her board chairs would seek input from the males at the table and ignore her.

The reporting metrics would have shown a Māori woman on that board, but her knowledge, skills and experience were underutilised.

Tick box exercises
Sadly, such tick box exercises are still prevalent today. If anything, perhaps even more so as appointment panels are under more pressure now to ensure teams are diverse.

A tick box approach to diversity and inclusion also perpetuates stereotypes. By having a token Māori, or Pacific or Asian person at the table, we expect them to represent the views of entire communities. This ignores the huge diversity within Pacific and Asian communities.

We also forget that while we may identify with an ethnicity and its cultural values, our education, socio-economic background, life and work experiences all mean that our views are not going to be representative of everyone in our community. The same applies for people who identify with disabilities or gender minorities.

Just as we need all of us for diversity to exist, the responsibility for harnessing the value of diversity and inclusion lies with all of us too – not only those who are considered diverse, which is often minorities. While it is important leaders set the tone, the onus is on each of us to learn about those different from ourselves – whatever dimension that difference may take.

Step in someone else’s shoes for a day. Covid-19 and the lockdowns magnified some of these differences. Consider that 90 percent of the newly unemployed as a result of covid-19 have been women.

Consider that Māori and Pacific people are more likely to end up in unemployment statistics than other communities.

Consider older colleagues unable to work because they were vulnerable or immunocompromised. Contrast those worried about how to put food on the table with those who complained about missing their regular coffee fix.

Business claims
Many businesses claim they seek to maximise diversity, but their systems promote similarity. Recruiting practices emphasise hiring from historically reliable sources.

Job ads give cues which help attract or turn off certain candidates. Selection practices often tend to choose candidates based on what’s worked in the past.

Within an organisation, dominant cultures tend to subsume all others. This is also reflected in approaches to performance and pay reviews, and promotions, which mean minorities and women continue to stagnate and plateau.

Diversity and inclusion cannot be a one-off exercise. Organisations need strong, sustained and inclusive leadership and culture. A culture where all people feel respected and valued, and not viewed as ticks in a box.

Ziena Jalil is an independent director, strategic consultant, and diversity and inclusion advocate. This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre with the author’s permission and was originally published by Stuff.

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Bryan Bruce: Poll dancing in NZ election – the choice is clear

COMMENT: By Bryan Bruce

I’ll be honest, it was a long day yesterday so I only watched the first 10 minutes of the Leader’s debate in the New Zealand general election 2020 last night.

What I saw confirmed the view I expressed some weeks ago that in Judith Collins National have chosen someone who will save their party from oblivion. The rise of ACT in the latest and the appearance of the New Conservative Party, however, I think indicates the political Right is splitting.

The choice between the major parties who want to form the next government now does seem pretty clear.

NZ ELECTIONS 2020 – 17 October

If you want to pay less tax and have welfare cuts – in short unrepentant neoliberalism and a less caring society that panders to the wealthy – then a National /Act coalition will be what you are hoping for.

On the other hand, if you want the wealth of our country to be shared more equally and see the government driving the marketplace in the post-covid economy rather than big business and big money – then a Labour /Green coalition is what you will want to see once all the votes are in.

A Labour alone government? On current polling it could happen but it would be against the history of MMP voting in our country.

NZ First? You can’t write them off just yet but it seems at this stage that Winston Peters will not be in the position of kingmaker.

I think this is also true of the smaller parties – even if one of them managed to get a candidate elected I doubt they would find themselves in the kingmaker role.

Bryan Bruce is an independent filmmaker and journalist. The Pacific Media Centre is publishing a series of occasional commentaries by him during the NZ election campaign.

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The new Australian citizenship test: can you really test ‘values’ via multiple choice?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alex Reilly, Professor, University of Adelaide

The Morrison government has announced plans to revamp the Australian citizenship test. From November 15, there will be new test questions on “Australian values”.

What does this new, “clear focus” on values involve? And what is the best way to assess values?

How do you become a citizen?

According to the 2007 Australian Citizenship Act, you can become an Australian citizen “by conferral” if,

  • have been a resident for four years, with at least one as a permanent resident
  • have a basic knowledge of English
  • have an adequate knowledge of Australia and the responsibilities and privileges of Australian citizenship
  • are likely to reside in Australia or maintain a close and continuing association with Australia, and
  • are of good character.

Since 2007, the English language and “knowledge of Australia” requirements have been established via a “citizenship test”. According to the Department of Home Affairs, applicants between 18 and 59 need to sit the test.


Read more: Is the Australian citizenship test failing ‘Team Australia’?


The test is multiple choice, with 20 questions in English. An applicant must get 15 correct to pass.

It is based on a booklet that includes information on “Australia and its people”, “Australian democratic beliefs, rights and liberties” and a crash course on government and the law. The updated booklet now includes a section on “Australian values”.

How is the test changing?

Last week, acting Minister for Immigration and Citizenship Alan Tudge announced an increased focus on “values”.

Acting Immigration Minister Alan Tudge at a press conference
Acting Immigration Minister Alan Tudge wants more focus on ‘Australian values’. James Ross/AAP

Tudge says this will require potential citizens to understand Australian values like freedom of speech, mutual respect, equality of opportunity, the importance of democracy and the rule of law.

We are asking those who apply for citizenship to understand our values more deeply before they make the ultimate commitment to our nation.

The increased focus requires applicants to get all five test questions on values correct. Applicants also still need to score at least 75% overall.

Why have a test?

Those in favour of a citizenship test argue the burden of having to pass the test gives citizenship greater gravitas. It promotes citizenship as a “privilege” and not a right one acquires through long-term residence.

But the idea that citizenship should be difficult to achieve is a recent phenomenon in Australia.

Prime Minsiter Scott Morrison at a citizenship ceremony in Canberra.
Australian citizenship is not automatic. Mick Tsikas/AAP

In the 1980s and 90s, the federal government ran campaigns to encourage permanent residents to become citizens, so they could fully participate in Australia’s civil and political life. In 1984, the Australian Citizenship Amendment Act reduced the English language requirement for citizenship from “adequate” to “basic”, while applicants over 50 years were exempted from the language requirement.

In 1994, a parliamentary inquiry also recommended the widespread promotion of citizenship.

However, in the 21st century, amid concerns over international terrorism, there has been an emphasis on citizenship as a privilege. In 2015, the Abbott government commissioned Liberal MPs Philip Ruddock and Concetta Fierravanti-Wells to lead a national consultation on citizenship. As their report states,

Overall there remains a strong view in the community that Australian citizenship is a concept worth valuing and certainly worth protecting. While we strongly encourage migrants to become citizens, it is not something that should be earned too easily or given away cheaply.

Can you test values?

Tudge’s press release says the new test will have “more meaningful questions that require potential citizens to understand and commit to our values”.

The booklet provides six pages of information on our values, which includes statements such as, “Australians value ‘mateship’. We help each other in times of need”. And, “in Australia, the lawful actions of the police should be supported.” It also notes, “it is important to learn to speak English.”

This is an example of a practice question on values:

Which of these statements best demonstrates Australian values about freedom of expression?

a) everyone can peacefully express their opinions within the law

b) people with different views from me need to keep quiet

c) only approved topics can be discussed.

There are significant reasons to doubt the usefulness of these questions as part of the criteria for citizenship.

Firstly, identifying the correct answer does not necessarily say anything about a person’s actual values. Most people can spot examples of freedom and equality, regardless of whether they are committed to them.

Secondly, if people get an answer wrong, it is likely to say more about their English comprehension than their values.


Read more: Australian values are hardly unique when compared to other cultures


Having said this, there is a role for civics education for citizens and prospective citizens alike. Discussing and comparing values and identifying where they differ across nations and cultures is valuable for the formation of a coherent political community. It is the reduction of these complex questions to a multiple choice test that is the problem.

Permanent residents already have Australian values

When it comes to the values of citizenship applicants, the government should take comfort in the fact that they have already lived and contributed to the community for at least four years.

Crowds at NRL match on Sunshine Coast.
Australia has had a citizenship test since 2007. Darren England/AAP

In 2014, the government also tightened the “character test” for permanent residents, making their deportation mandatory if they have been sentenced to imprisonment for a year or more.

Since last year, it has also had legislation before parliament to make it even easier to fail the character test over certain “designated offences”, including sexual assault and aggravated burglary.

So, there are safeguards in place.


Read more: Forcing Australia Day citizenship ceremonies on councils won’t make the issue go away


Applicants for citizenship are already entitled to live in Australia permanently. They demonstrate their commitment to Australian values through participation in work and community activities, sending their children to school, and obeying the law.

These are more effective ways to demonstrate Australian values than through correctly answering multiple choice questions.

The changes to the citizenship test are a public relations exercise, consistent with the Coalition government’s use of citizenship as a mechanism of exclusion.

Perhaps it is not surprising these changes have been announced at time of great uncertainty, when external threats loom large, both across and beyond our borders.

ref. The new Australian citizenship test: can you really test ‘values’ via multiple choice? – https://theconversation.com/the-new-australian-citizenship-test-can-you-really-test-values-via-multiple-choice-146574

5 things the pandemic has revealed about the Australian psyche

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jayashri Kulkarni, Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

The COVID-19 pandemic has spawned some of the most dramatic changes to Australian life in recent memory. We’ve had to adapt to a vastly different way of life to curb the spread of the virus, featuring unfamiliar challenges such as social distancing, mask wearing, and limits on gatherings and travel.

As Victorians in particular begin to emerge from “lockdown 2.0”, it’s timely to reflect on what can be learned from living through a pandemic, particularly the psychological experiences. Indeed, the pandemic has exposed some truths about human behaviour and the mind.

1. Australians are largely law-abiding people

As a nation, we tend to think of ourselves as happy-go-lucky “larrikins”. This term is meant to describe our supposedly relaxed nature, irreverence, egalitarianism and self-deprecating sense of humour.


Read more: An obedient nation of larrikins: why Victorians are not revolting


But during this pandemic, most of us have diligently followed the public health rules such as social distancing, wearing masks and observing curfews. Although we might fancy ourselves as having a laconic disregard for rules, the truth is we are a law-abiding nation when it really counts.

A mural of Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews in Melbourne
As Australians, we like to think we’re all a bunch of larrikins with little regard for authority. But most of us have duly followed the public health rules. James Ross/AAP

2. Women have been affected more by COVID-19

Many surveys show there are increased levels of anxiety, depression and deliberate self-harm in women compared to men during the pandemic.

There’s also been “an increase in women presenting to mental health services who are at risk of or experiencing family violence” in Australia, according to the Women’s Mental Health Alliance.

The pandemic has underscored the inequalities between men and women in Australia. These pressures include an increased burden on women coping with the role of home-based education of children; women as the majority of frontline health-care workers facing daily job pressures and risks of COVID-19 infection; and women making up a large part of the casual workforce facing increasing economic stress and the uncertainty of future employment.


Read more: More help required: the crisis in family violence during the coronavirus pandemic


3. We’re social animals

As highlighted by COVID-19 restrictions, prolonged social isolation can erode our sense of reality, self-worth and creativity. Reduced contact with other people can cause rapid acceleration of mental ill-health. The long-term health impacts of isolation are comparable to those of cigarette smoking and obesity.


Read more: Lonely in lockdown? You’re not alone. 1 in 2 Australians feel more lonely since coronavirus


Humans have evolved to live in groups with close and regular physical, emotional and verbal contact.

We rely on social connections to develop new ideas and solve problems, to achieve a wide variety of goals by working together and for external validation of us as worthy individuals.

A group of people socialising
Enforced isolation during the pandemic has reminded us of a key human need we’ve taken for granted — we need social connections to thrive. Shutterstock

4. Adaptation and resilience are among the greatest human resources

As a nation we have been able to quickly and flexibly develop online teaching curricula, carry out many businesses from home and change our way of socialising. We’ve also rapidly changed many of our research programs to respond to the pandemic and potentially provide testing innovations, a vaccine, and new ways to provide mental health support.

We’ve been able to do this because humans possess cognitive skills that enable us to change our culture and adapt to it. Indeed, many researchers have speculated humans might be the most flexible and adaptable species.

Part of this is our ability to be resilient. Resilience reflects the ability to maintain a stable equilibrium in a situation of threat or loss. Basically, to get back up after being knocked down.

5. We need to cultivate our mental health, not just avoid mental illness

Generally in Australia we’re used to an action-packed approach needed to fight crises such as bushfires and wars. But during this crisis we’ve began to recognise the important of other coping skills. These include self-reflection, using virtual ways to connect with others, and openly discussing our mental health.

Self-reflection helps to build emotional self-awareness, which in turn leads to a better understanding of one’s emotions, strengths, weaknesses and driving factors.

We’re developing a greater awareness of the importance of good mental health. Just as we would maintain our physical health, we need to actively support our mental health, even if we don’t have a mental illness.


Read more: What are the characteristics of strong mental health?


ref. 5 things the pandemic has revealed about the Australian psyche – https://theconversation.com/5-things-the-pandemic-has-revealed-about-the-australian-psyche-146215

Our new model shows Australia can expect 11 tropical cyclones this season

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Magee, Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Newcastle

Tropical cyclones are considered one of the most devastating weather events in Australia. But they’re erratic — where, when and how many tropical cyclones form each year is highly variable, which makes them difficult to predict.

In our new research published today, we created a statistical model that predicts the number of tropical cyclones up to four months before the start of the tropical cyclone season from November to April.


Read more: Storm warning: a new long-range tropical cyclone outlook is set to reduce disaster risk for Pacific Island communities


The model, the Long-Range Tropical Cyclone Outlook for Australia (TCO-AU), indicates normal to above normal tropical cyclone activity with 11 cyclones expected in total, Australia-wide. Though not all make landfall.

This is above Australia’s average of ten tropical cyclones per season, thanks to a climate phenomenon brewing in the Pacific that brings conditions favourable for tropical cyclone activity closer to Australia.

La Niña and tropical cyclones

As we’ve seen most recently with Tropical Storm Sally in the US, tropical cyclones can cause massive damage over vast areas. This includes extreme and damaging winds, intense rainfall and flooding, storm surges, large waves and coastal erosion.

Australian tropical cyclone behaviour is largely driven by the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) — a global climate phenomenon that changes ocean and atmospheric circulation.

“La Niña” is one phase of ENSO. It’s typically associated with higher than normal tropical cyclone numbers in the Australian region. And the Bureau of Meteorology’s weather and climate model indicates there’s a 95% chance a La Niña will be established by October this year.


Read more: Explainer: El Niño and La Niña


Around ten tropical cyclones occur in the Australian region every season, and about four of those usually make landfall.

Historically, La Niña has resulted in double the number of landfalling tropical cyclones in Australia, compared to El Niño phases. An “El Niño” event is associated with warmer and drier conditions for eastern Australia.

During La Niña events, the first tropical cyclone to make landfall also tends to occur earlier in the season. In fact, in Queensland, the only tropical cyclone seasons with multiple severe tropical cyclone landfalls have been during La Niña events.

Severe Tropical Cyclone Yasi, one of the most intense tropical cyclones to have hit Queensland, occurred during a La Niña in 2011. So did the infamous Severe Tropical Cyclone Tracy, which made landfall around Darwin in 1974, killing 71 people and leaving more than 80% of all buildings destroyed or damaged.

Debris in the aftermath of Cyclone Tracy
The aftermath of Cyclone Tracy, December 1974. AP

While naturally occurring climate drivers, such as La Niña, influence the characteristics of tropical cyclone activity, climate change is also expected to cause changes to future tropical cyclone risk, including frequency and intensity.

Australian tropical cyclone outlooks

Tropical cyclone outlooks provide important information about how many tropical cyclones may pass within the Australian region and subregions, before the start of the cyclone season. Decision-makers, government, industry and people living in tropical cyclone regions use them to prepare for the coming cyclone season.


Read more: I’ve always wondered: how do cyclones get their names?


The Australian Bureau of Meteorology has led the way in producing tropical cyclone outlooks for Australia, usually a couple of weeks before the official start of the tropical cyclone season.

But with monthly guidance up to four months before the start of the season, our new model, TCO-AU, is unmatched in lead time. It considers the most recent changes in ENSO and other climate drivers to predict how many tropical cyclones may occur in Australia and its sub-regions.

A satellite image of Cyclone Damien in WA.
Tropical Cyclone Damien as it crosses the coast of Western Australia’s Pilbara region, February 8, 2020. (AAP Image/Bureau of Meteorology

As a statistical model, TCO-AU is trained on historical relationships between ocean-atmosphere processes and the number of tropical cyclones per season.

For each region, hundreds of potential model combinations are tested, and the one that performs best in predicting historical tropical cyclone counts is selected to make the prediction for the coming season.

So what can we expect this season?

September’s TCO-AU guidance suggests normal to above normal risk for Australia for the coming tropical cyclone season (November 2020 – April 2021).

With an emerging La Niña and warmer than normal sea surface temperatures in the eastern Indian Ocean, 11 tropical cyclones are expected for Australia. There’s a 47% chance of 12 or more cyclones, and a probable range of between nine and 15.

For the Australian sub-regions, TCO-AU suggests the following:

  • above normal activity is expected for the Eastern region (eastern Australia) with four cyclones expected. Probable range between three and six cyclones; with a 55% chance of four or more cyclones

  • normal activity is expected for the Western region (west/northwest Western Australia) with six cyclones expected. Probable range between five and eight cyclones; 39% chance of seven or more cyclones

  • below normal activity is expected for the Northern region (northwest Queensland and Northern Territory) with three cyclones expected. Probable range between two and five cyclones; 37% chance of four cyclones or more

  • below normal activity is also expected for the Northwestern region (northwest Western Australia) with four cyclones expected. Probable range between three and six cyclones; 45% chance of five cyclones or more.

TCO-SP – Long-range Tropical Cyclone Outlook for the Southwest Pacific/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Guidance from TCO-AU does not and should not replace advice provided by the Australian Bureau of Meteorology. Instead, it should be used to provide a complementary perspective to regional outlooks and provide a “heads-up” in the months leading up to the start of and within the cyclone season.

Regardless of what’s expected for the coming cyclone season, people living in tropical cyclone regions should always prepare for the cyclone season and follow the advice provided by emergency services.


Read more: Advanced cyclone forecasting is leading to early action – and it’s saving thousands of lives


ref. Our new model shows Australia can expect 11 tropical cyclones this season – https://theconversation.com/our-new-model-shows-australia-can-expect-11-tropical-cyclones-this-season-146318

Angus Taylor’s tech roadmap is fundamentally flawed — renewables are doable almost everywhere

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Diesendorf, Honorary Associate Professor, UNSW

The Morrison government on Tuesday revealed the five low-emissions technologies it will prioritise for investment. The so called “technology roadmap” offers scant support for renewable energy, for reasons that do not stand up to scrutiny.

The technologies at the centre of the roadmap are:

  • clean hydrogen
  • energy storage
  • low-carbon steel and aluminium
  • carbon capture and storage
  • soil carbon.

Federal energy minister Angus Taylor said proven technologies such as solar and wind “are not the focus of the roadmap”.

Over the past week or so, Taylor has sought to justify the government’s lack of support for renewable energy. This includes saying two-thirds of Australia’s emissions now are produced “outside the electricity grid” – implying renewable energy has little role to play beyond the power sector. But I believe that claim is misleading.

Wind turbines against a blue sky.
Renewable energy is not a focus in the roadmap. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas

Renewables are versatile

The graph below, based on official data, shows the sources of Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions in 2018. It reveals 82% of the national total stems from energy emissions. This does not just include electricity generation, but non-electrical heating, transport, and emissions from extracting, moving and using fossil fuels (or fugitive emissions).

Almost all these emissions can be avoided by renewable energy, such as by:

  • using electric heat pumps (such as reverse cycle air conditioners), solar hot water, and geothermal and solar thermal for heating

  • replacing gas and coal with renewable energy for heating in industrial processes

  • a transition to electric vehicles plus cycling and walking.

Technologies to support these uses are already commercially available.

Renewable electricity cannot directly replace fossil fuel use in activities such as air and sea transport, and industrial processes such as steel-making. But with a bit of development, it can be used to produce “green” hydrogen and ammonia, which promise to decarbonise those areas.

Hydrogen is not the emissions reduction panacea Taylor seems to suggest it is. However, together with energy efficiency, green hydrogen could substitute for Australia’s non-energy industrial emissions (6.4%) together with those from air and sea transport (about 5%).

Hydrogen: a trojan horse?

The roadmap prioritises “clean” hydrogen. This does not just refer to hydrogen produced using renewables — the government says hydrogen can be produced cleanly with coal and gas if resulting carbon is captured and stored. In fact, the plan claims fossil fuel-derived hydrogen “might be the lowest cost clean production methods in the short-term”.

Carbon capture and storage is an expensive, energy-wasting technology. Despite federal governments having spent more than A$1.3 billion on the technology, a commercially viable plant has not come to fruition.


Read more: Earth may temporarily pass dangerous 1.5℃ warming limit by 2024, major new report says


The government will also establish Australia’s first regional hydrogen hub, at a cost of A$70 million, to “scale-up demand and take advantage of the advancements in this low emissions, high powered source of energy”.

Almost all the proposed locations are close to coal mines or gas field, suggesting the government is preparing to wager big on hydrogen from fossil fuels.

In fact, the government’s plans on hydrogen (and associated steel and aluminium production), as well as carbon capture, may all lock in fossil fuel use for decades. This outcome is completely at odds with what’s needed to address the climate emergency.

A steelworks
Steel made from renewables-derived hydrogen will substantially reduce emissions. AAP

Renewable energy: a market failure

The Morrison government says solar panels and wind farms “are now clearly commercially viable and have graduated from the need for government subsidies”. The roadmap classifies renewables as mature technologies, giving them low priority.

The government intends only to invest in such mature technologies “where there is a clear market failure, like a shortage of dispatchable generation, or where these investments secure jobs in key industries.”


Read more: Morrison government lays down five technologies for its clean energy investment


But an existing market failure means the future of wind and solar farms is by no means assured. Congestion on transmission lines is limiting renewables growth. More infrastructure is urgently needed to connect renewable energy to the grid, and transmit it where required.

Federal funding is also needed urgently to help the states create renewable energy zones, as recommended by the Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO). These areas would involve the coordinated development of grid infrastructure, such as transmission lines, in places with big renewable energy potential.

Yet the government package doesn’t prioritise these essential measures – and markets will not build them.

A solar farm
The government must invest more to integrate renewable energy into the grid. AAP/Lukas Coch

Reason to hope

Amid the economic downturn brought on by COVID-19, there were high hopes the Morrison government would invest in a green-led recovery. While its roadmap contains a few bright spots, such as a focus on energy storage, overall it is not the emissions-busting plan Australia needed.

But there is reason for hope. In the absence of federal government leadership on emissions reduction, others are stepping up with ideas. The Million Jobs Plan, for example, envisages investment in zero-emissions technologies that could create more than a million new jobs in Australia over five years. The plan, by think tank Beyond Zero Emissions, has been backed by Atlassian co-founder Mike Cannon-Brookes and senior business leaders. Other groups have proposed similarly promising plans.

The government’s latest energy plans are a failure of logic. An economic recovery that moves Australia far beyond fossil fuels is the way forward environmentally, socially and economically.


Read more: ‘A dose of reality’: Morrison government’s new $1.9 billion techno-fix for climate change is a small step


ref. Angus Taylor’s tech roadmap is fundamentally flawed — renewables are doable almost everywhere – https://theconversation.com/angus-taylors-tech-roadmap-is-fundamentally-flawed-renewables-are-doable-almost-everywhere-146352

Coronavirus disrupted my kid’s first year of school. Will that set them back?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Rouse, Senior Lecturer, Early Childhood Education, Deakin University

Students in the first year of school to Year 10 have been learning remotely in Victoria. It’s estimated first-year students (known as prep in Victoria) in areas that have been under lockdown for some time have missed around 12 weeks of classroom schooling in terms two and three.

These first year students will also be one of the first groups to return to face to face classes when restrictions start easing in Melbourne. In other states when restrictions lifted, students in the first years of school, and the most senior years, were the first to go back.

This recognises the first year is important for children’s education. It provides the foundations for literacy, numeracy and socialisation, which all matter for lifelong success.

Given the disruption in 2020 to this important year of school all across Australia — particularly in Victoria — some school leaders have expressed concern over disadvantaged students, such as those living in households where English is a second language, and suggested children repeat the year in 2021.

Parents may be concerned about how this year’s disruption has affected their kids. But how worried should they really be?

Parents should remember that while remote school may look different to “normal” school, children are still being taught; they are still learning and many are still actively engaged in the curriculum. Teachers are still teaching, developing lessons and engaging with children in their learning.

Here are four other things to keep in mind.

1. Parent engagement matters as much as learning at school

Research shows parents’ engagement is one of the most important influences on children learning. Children’s educational outcomes improve not only when parents are actively engaged in their learning, but also when parents are genuinely interested.

So, simply asking your children how their day went and what they learnt can enhance their outcomes.

Remote schooling has highlighted inequities in the way children access education. This is particularly so for children who may not be confident English speakers, or families who have limited access to technology at home. But those aren’t the only tools necessary for success.


Read more: How to help your kids with homework (without doing it for them)


Home resources also include parents who are interested, supportive and committed to their child’s learning. And being confident in English isn’t mandatory either. Education departments encourage multilingual parents to speak their own language to the child as much as possible, as this actually enhances their English skills and helps with memory and attention.

2. Kids don’t start school as a blank slate

The importance of the early years of a child’s education (from birth to eight) is well documented. When children enter the first year of formal schooling, they do not begin as a blank slate.

Across Australia, around 90% of children starting school have already attended preschool. They start school with a range of skills and abilities — including having learnt independence, how to develop relationships and how to acquire new knowledge — that significantly contribute to their later school success.

3. It’s not what kids know that matters

More important than what children know is how they engage as learners. Children’s social and emotional competence is a significant measure of later school success. Having a positive attitude towards learning, a positive sense of self, strong emotional well-being and strong social competence are key indicators for effective learning.

Legs and feet of child paying hopscotch.
Children start school already having a range of skills and abilities they need for success. Shutterstock

Rather than focusing on what academic learning kids may have missed, parents and teachers can support children to develop these positive dispositions.

4. Other factors affect learning

Nobody knows exactly how children’s learning and success will have been affected by the disruption to schools over 2020. There are, however, studies investigating how children’s learning was affected when school was disrupted due to natural disasters.

A 2019 study looked at the effects of school disruptions due to bushfires in Australia. It found a reduction in expected gains in Year 3 to 5 NAPLAN scores in schools affected by the bushfires. But a 2016 study into long-term effects on academic success for children who went through the Christchurch earthquake found increased school disengagement had no bearing on poorer academic performance.

These findings need to be considered in context. In both situations, children experienced trauma associated with being displaced, the loss of family and friends, and homes and schools destroyed. Trauma is linked to poorer educational outcomes.

We know many children are currently experiencing levels of trauma due to what they are seeing and hearing in the media, whose parents may have lost jobs, or whose family has been impacted by the illness. For these children, trauma may have affected their learning during the remote learning period.


Read more: Why every teacher needs to know about childhood trauma


However, given the findings from these previous events, when children do return to the classroom, they will be returning to an environment in which they feel safe and connected. It is important for teachers to recognise these children may have experienced trauma and to create a supportive classroom environment.

When contemplating whether your child should repeat their foundation year, it is important to not focus on what they haven’t achieved.

Instead, focus on their dispositions for learning, their self-confidence, and their emotional well-being, as these will be better predictors of their ability to catch up.

ref. Coronavirus disrupted my kid’s first year of school. Will that set them back? – https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-disrupted-my-kids-first-year-of-school-will-that-set-them-back-145845

What are manufactured home estates and why are they so problematic for retirees?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lois Towart, Lecturer in Property Economics, University of Technology Sydney

Some operators have predicted manufactured home estates will be the most popular type of retirement living in the near future, surpassing retirement villages.

But enthusiastic development of manufactured home estates as retirement communities is creating future problems for the older Australians who call them home. As explored in recently published PhD research in New South Wales, these home estates are often situated in locations affected by flooding and bushfire, and as the residents own the relocatable home, they bear the cost of these hazards.

What is a manufactured home estate?

Manufactured home estates evolved from caravan parks and have a similar business model. The operator owns the land and rents individual dwelling sites to residents who then purchase a relocatable home and pay a fortnightly/monthly rental to the operator. Rental returns to operators are very attractive, with listed operators openly extolling the financial performance of these investments.

Under NSW state planning legislation, where the research was conducted, manufactured home estates can be developed on land where caravan parks are permitted, including rural land, flood affected land and other hazard affected land. Such land is generally available at a cheaper price compared to sites zoned for residential uses. The result is medium density housing occupied by older Australians in locations where similar permanent residential development would not be permitted.

For example, an agglomeration of seven manufactured home estates, all or partially operated as retirement housing, are located around Anna Bay in the Port Stephens area. The two manufactured home estates most recently established were on rural land where development approval for caravan park had been received. This was then converted to development approval for a manufactured home estate. Neither property had been operated as a caravan park.

Four of these manufactured home estates around Anna Bay are wholly or partially on flood-affected land (see map below). This in turn restricts the development of permanent residential housing, yet these sites can be developed with manufactured home estates.

In other states, similar interaction between local and state government planning have facilitated the establishment of these estates on sites where caravan parks are permitted.

Map showing housing estates in flood affected regions.
Manufactured housing estates in flood affected regions. Author provided., Author provided

Why this is such a problem

Manufactured home estates situated on hazard affected lands create problems for residents as they own their relocatable home and bear the cost of any damage. In the event of flooding or bushfire, residents could lose their homes unless insurance was available and affordable.


Read more: Vertical retirement villages are on the rise, and they’re high-tech too


The proliferation of manufactured home estates in many coastal and rural locations, similar to Anna Bay, creates challenges for local governments. Such locations are distant from retail, commercial and community amenities, resulting in increasing populations of older people in locations away from required services.

Few of these locations have long-term strategic and infrastructure plans to accommodate medium density housing, let alone housing for older people. Residents without private transport have difficulty accessing services and amenities. As they age in place, their level of mobility can be expected to decline, highlighting the shortcomings of these locations.

Once they have moved in, residents may not be able to afford to relocate if they need to. Manufactured home estate living is promoted on the basis of its affordability, as the purchase price of relocatable homes can be lower than nearby permanent residential housing.

Many manufactured home estates are affordable, incoming prices in the region were as low as A$100,000 for a second-hand dwelling (advertised on Gumtree at the time of my research), with most around $350,000 to $450,000. However, prices can be much higher, with a new dwelling in a Port Stephens estate being advertised for $660,000. While I was undertaking my research in Port Macquarie, participants reported to me prices in excess of $800,000.


Read more: Retiree home ownership is about to plummet. Soon little more than half will own where they live


Many retirees can anticipate remaining in a manufactured home estate for 20 years or more. After 20 years, a relocatable home has minimal value, leaving residents with few assets with which to access residential aged care, if needed. When the total cost of house purchase and site rental for 20 years is compared with living in conventional residential housing, manufactured home estates living is less affordable.

Not all manufactured home estates are in hazard affected locations, but their ability to be located on sites where caravan park permission has been received creates a planning loophole.

This loophole has arisen through the interaction of local government planning controls with NSW State Environmental Planning Policies. Following rejection of a development application for a manufactured home estate at the local government level, operators are able to get approval at the state level.

The result is concentrations of older Australians living in hazard affected locations from which they may not be able to afford to leave.

ref. What are manufactured home estates and why are they so problematic for retirees? – https://theconversation.com/what-are-manufactured-home-estates-and-why-are-they-so-problematic-for-retirees-145752

‘If JobSeeker was cut, the unemployed would be picking fruit’? Why that’s not true

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Davidson, Adjunct Senior Lecturer, UNSW

I’m not sure which does the most harm: the cut of A$150 per week in JobSeeker payments due this Friday or the sudden and coincidental volley of media reports about unemployed people refusing jobs, including fruit picking.

This narrative is jarring when there are 19 people unemployed or underemployed for every vacancy and only 3% of employers report that they are recruiting but can’t find enough applicants.

Are unemployment payments really that cosy since they almost doubled in April from $282.85 to $557.85 a week?

$557.85 a week for a single adult is around 80% of the full-time minimum after-tax wage of $669 per week, and a good less again as a proportion of what most entry level jobs pay, because most pay more than the minimum wage.

Five studies conducted in the United States where unemployment payments were lifted US$600 per week during the coronavirus crisis found no evidence they were discouraging people from finding jobs.

Some were making 70% more than they did while in jobs.

Unemployed workers would generally prefer to be in paid work, and in any event are usually required to search for it.

There are other reasons not to pick fruit…

Fruit pickers are often underpaid cash-in-hand.

Growers representatives have told a parliamentary inquiry that when JobSeeker payments were doubled, many workers collected their final cheques and went home.

But temporary migrants and young locals are often underpaid in such jobs.

Squeezed by powerful customers, employers with thin margins and a ready supply of labour have grown used to offering very low wages cash-in-hand.

In piece-work like picking where pay is tied to output, there’s no legal requirement to pay minimum wages.

A labour hire firm recently complained people weren’t taking up their offer of “at least $500 per week” to pick strawberries.

$500 is two-thirds of the minimum wage.

It’s not just the pay that discourages people from taking up crop picking: they need to be fit and able to travel for what’s often a short period of paid work.

This won’t work for many people on Jobseeker, including the quarter with disabilities, the third aged 45 or over, and the 10% caring for children.


Read more: Unemployment support will be slashed by $300 this week. This won’t help people find work


There are ways to reduce under-payment and high turnover in such jobs.

Reducing our reliance on temporary migrants would be a first step.

Otherwise, employers won’t compete fairly to attract workers, and local workers will remain wary.

More direct contact between the employers and unemployed people and less reliance on labour hire firms would help build trust.

…and other reasons not to work more days

Jobseeker tops up the wages of many part-time workers.

It is cut by 50c for every dollar earned above $53 per week, then 60c for every extra dollar earned up to $128 per week, before cutting out completely for a single adult on $544 per week.

Former social security official David Plunkett calculates that before COVID and the effective doubling of JobSeeker, a worker on it gained a net $100 to $200 for working one to three days a week at the minimum wage, climbing to $269 for the fourth day, after which Jobseeker expired.

Since the new arrangements and top up that effectively doubled JobSeeker, the net gains have fallen slightly $100 to $175 for the first three days, before dropping to just $5 on the fourth.


Read more: The compromise that might just boost the JobSeeker unemployment benefit


The problem isn’t the effective doubling of JobSeeker, it’s the sudden-death cut off of the top-up as soon as the last dollar of Jobseeker expires.

That flaw could be fixed by tapering the supplement out gradually (rather than increasing the “income free area” to $150 per week as the government is proposing).

There’s no need to force people to choose between poverty and entry-level jobs.

Even if, for example, Jobseeker was increased permanently to the pension rate, it would still be under 70% of the minimum wage after tax.

Incentives for part-time work can be fixed by reforming income tests and tax. Beyond that, the answer to periodic labour shortages, exploitation and high turnover in entry-level jobs is better entry-level jobs.

ref. ‘If JobSeeker was cut, the unemployed would be picking fruit’? Why that’s not true – https://theconversation.com/if-jobseeker-was-cut-the-unemployed-would-be-picking-fruit-why-thats-not-true-145951

What does an ‘unforgettable, multi-sensory experience’ have to do with Vincent van Gogh?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Mendelssohn, Principal Fellow (Hon), Victorian College of the Arts, University of Melbourne. Editor in Chief, Design and Art of Australia Online, University of Melbourne

Review, Van Gogh Alive, Royal Hall of Industries, Sydney.

In one of his many letters decrying modern art, Lionel Lindsay, my favourite aesthetic reactionary, wrote, “Pauvre Vincent – but he had his idea!”

Vincent van Gogh, who changed forever our ways of seeing, was indeed an artist of ideas. Because of the intensity of his life – his poverty, his sense of both the glory and judgement of God, the way he died – more than any other artist, he seems to embody the abject.

It was only after his death that van Gogh became one of the most famous artists of all time. As most of his works are now in public collections, the art market has in the past behaved shamelessly when a van Gogh painting is made available for sale.


Read more: Here’s looking at: Vincent Van Gogh’s Olive grove with two olive pickers


Still, such is the power of van Gogh’s art that the beauty of his small, intensely painted works easily overcome the tawdry machinations of the art market.

Vincent van Gogh Irises (1889): small, intensely painted work. Wikimedia Commons

The efforts of the entrepreneurs behind Van Gogh Alive are another matter. This is described in its publicity material as: “The world’s most acclaimed and visited multi-sensory, COVID-aware experience celebrating one of the most feted artists of all time”.

The name “van Gogh” is the hook. The reality is that after reading a bland, sanitised account of van Gogh’s life in the waiting area, visitors are ushered in to a large area where for 45 minutes a series of animated images based on blow-ups of the artist’s work are projected onto giant screens with “cinema-quality surround sound”.

I am still trying to work out the connection, if any, between a blasting of Tchaikovsky’s Dance of the Little Swans from Swan Lake and pixillated flowers. That at least is less heavy-handed than introducing the segment of the last years of the artist’s life with Saint-Saën’s Danse Macabre.

Giant wilting sunflowers outside the exhibition space. Author provided

As well as projecting photographic reproductions of van Gogh’s work on a scale designed to overwhelm the viewer, some images are animated so that leaves and flowers change their relationship, while crows fly over golden wheat.

Vincent van Gogh, Self-Portrait, oil on board, 1887. Google Art Project

The exhibition even includes a range of scents so visitors are “surrounded by a vibrant symphony of light, colour and fragrance”. There is no doubt Van Gogh Alive is a technical achievement and, as the publicist made great pains to point out at the media preview, a COVID-safe event in this age of pandemics.

So why was my reaction one of disgust rather than pleasure? Grande Exhibitions, the company that has toured this event to over 50 cities around the world, claims to create “a fresh and safe approach to art and culture”, as though they are both stale and inherently dangerous.

In a recorded speech, the company’s founder Bruce Peterson said he had previously had the unfortunate experience of being accompanied by discontented children when visiting actual exhibitions of art. He felt sound and light shows loosely based on great art were the solution. However, I strongly advise any parent against bringing a small child to this event, where there is no escape.

A still from the exhibition in Rome. Grande Exhibitions

Read more: Friday essay: from the Great Wave to Starry Night, how a blue pigment changed the world


Time and attention

Great works of art reveal their secrets after a long gaze. They need the viewer’s time and attention. That is why return visits to much-loved art are so rewarding. Each visit gives something more. The blasting of giant reproductions with surround sound is an experience that has little to do with the art it purports to honour.

Grande Exhibitions are able to create this “tribute” for only one reason. Vincent van Gogh died in 1890. His art is therefore out of copyright, as is the musical accompaniment. This means anyone can reproduce or modify his work.

Van Gogh has influenced many fine artists. Martin Sharp was so inspired by his dream of a Yellow House where artists would live and work together that he initiated Sydney’s Yellow House in Kings Cross.


Read more: Remembering the artist Martin Sharp – in collage


More recently, the youngest Yellow House participant, George Gittoes, established another Yellow House with his performing troupe in Jalalabad in Afghanistan.

Gordon Bennett’s 1988 painting Outsider incorporates elements of both Starry Night and Bedroom at Arles to make a profound statement on how his sense of self had been colonised by European culture. While paying tribute to van Gogh, none of these artists claim their works represent him.

By the time the trustees of art galleries in Australia came to appreciate van Gogh’s work, his art was beyond their budget capacity. For many years the National Gallery of Victoria believed a painting in its collection, Head of a Man, was by van Gogh, but in 2007 finally agreed with expert opinion that it was a fake.

Vincent van Gogh, Head of a peasant, 1884. Google Art Project

In 1990, the Art Gallery of New South Wales purchased Head of a peasant, one of many studies he made of the poor and honourable.

However larger Australian galleries do have extensive holdings of artists influenced by van Gogh, including John Russell, the Australian who befriended him.

Next year the National Gallery of Australia will exhibit Botticelli to Van Gogh, an exhibition from the National Gallery, London. This will include one of the real, the small, the marvellous paintings of Sunflowers painted by van Gogh.

Viewers can see the intensity of his colour, the controlled vigour of his brush strokes, and experience the pleasure of the gaze instead of the nausea of the blow-up.

ref. What does an ‘unforgettable, multi-sensory experience’ have to do with Vincent van Gogh? – https://theconversation.com/what-does-an-unforgettable-multi-sensory-experience-have-to-do-with-vincent-van-gogh-146559

Climate explained: humans have dealt with plenty of climate variability

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frédérik Saltré, Research Fellow in Ecology & Associate Investigator for the ARC Centre of Excellence for Australian Biodiversity and Heritage, Flinders University

CC BY-ND

Climate Explained is a collaboration between The Conversation, Stuff and the New Zealand Science Media Centre to answer your questions about climate change.

If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, please send it to climate.change@stuff.co.nz


How much climate variability have humans dealt with since we evolved and since we started settling (Neolithic times)? How important was migration to human survival during these periods?

The climate always fluctuates as variation in the Sun’s heat reaching Earth drives glacial-interglacial cycles. Over the past 420,000 years there have been at least four major transitions between ice ages and relatively warmer interglacial periods.

Modern humans emigrated from Africa to populate the rest of the globe between 120,000 and 80,000 years ago, which means our species has had to adapt to many massive climate transitions.

Warming and cooling

The Last Interglacial 129,000–116,000 years ago was a period of intense global warming (from around 2℃ higher than today to as much as 11℃ higher in the Arctic), leading to a large reduction of the Arctic, Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets, and a 6–9m rise in sea level.

The front of a glacier breaking away and falling into the sea.
Arctic glaciers have melted before. Flickr/Kimberly Vardeman, CC BY

The Last Glacial Maximum from 26,500–19,000 years ago coincided with a large drop in atmospheric CO₂ and a 4.3℃ cooling globally.


Read more: Climate explained: will the tropics eventually become uninhabitable?


Low temperatures turned much of the world’s water into ice and expanded glaciers.

This lowered sea level by up to 130m compared to today. This exposed continental shelves, joined land masses and created extensive coastal plains, such as Beringia that connected Russia to North America, and Sahul that connected Australia to New Guinea.

After a brief warming period, the Northern Hemisphere returned abruptly to near-glacial conditions around 12,900 years ago that lasted 1,300 years. Known as the Younger Dryas, this period recorded climate cooling up to 15℃ and giant ice sheets again advanced. The end of the Younger Dryas was just as sudden, marked by a rapid warming up to 10℃ in few decades.

The most recent period of climate instability was the transition from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age. Cold conditions between 1580 and 1880 were characterised by a 0.5–4℃ cooling and expanding mountain glaciers in the European Alps, New Zealand, Alaska and the Andes.

An oil painting showing a winter landscape with many people ice skating.
Winter Landscape with Skaters by Hendrick Avercamp in 1608 is one of many artworks that depict the cold winter weather during the Little Ice Age. Wikimedia/Rijksmuseum Amsterdam

What climate change meant for humans

Despite our impressive capacity to adapt to a broad range of environments, humans have a preferred environmental envelope in which we thrive. These conditions would have been characterised by a mix of open, savanna-type woodlands, wetlands and rocky habitats.

Dense, humid rain forests made access to resources difficult, whereas deserts were often too dry to provide enough food and materials.

Climate conditions during the Last Interglacial could have encouraged waves of human expansion out of Africa when a humid and warm climate promoted vegetated corridors through Eurasia.

The subsequent cooling period connected land masses that had previously been separated by oceans and provided opportunities for human travellers to access Sahul from the Indonesian archipelago.


Read more: An incredible journey: the first people to arrive in Australia came in large numbers, and on purpose


The entrance into America from Asia via Beringia was more difficult because humans only reached there during the Last Glacial Maximum when a massive ice sheet blocked the new land bridge.

During that time, human populations declined and contracted to small refuges until the climate in eastern Beringia began to warm again 17,000–15,000 years ago.

This warming created newly accessible pathways along the Pacific Northwest coast, followed by another ice-free corridor that formed 3,000 years later as the ice sheet retreated.

The need for food

Because of the cold temperatures and scarcity of food at this time, humans needed to improve their hunting efficiency by targeting large animals to maximise food return.

In the Southern Hemisphere, modern humans had already been living in Australia for 30,000–40,000 years prior to the Last Glacial Maximum, so such drastic cooling and drying probably pushed human populations to decline and retreat into smaller refuges nearer to reliable sources of fresh water where game animals also gathered.


Read more: Did people or climate kill off the megafauna? Actually, it was both


Following the Last Glacial Maximum, modern humans continued to spread across North America. The warmer and wetter climate in the Southern Hemisphere also helped human migration into South America.

At the same time the Younger Dryas in the Northern Hemisphere forced populations either to return to a nomadic lifestyle or seek refuge in a few hospitable areas. After the harsh conditions of the Younger Dryas, the first evidence of agriculture emerged in various parts of the world.

The peopling of remote Oceania between 3,500 and 730 years ago required oceanic journeys of thousands of kilometres across the Pacific, eventually to the temperate and subantarctic waters of New Zealand.

A warm sunrise on the New Zealand coast
A warming planet created conditions that helped migration across Oceania including to New Zealand. Flickr/Domen Jakus, CC BY-NC

Although these migrations are not clearly related to any of the earlier climate-change events, the wind patterns at the time were particularly favourable for sailing.


Read more: Climate explained: Sunspots do affect our weather, a bit, but not as much as other things


But the Little Ice Age could have reduced population size and pushed early Māori settlement northward.

The Little Ice age probably hit people in the Northern Hemisphere much harder. The cold climate caused widespread crop failures, famines and population declines.

During the last five years alone, the Earth is already ~1.1℃ warmer than 150 years ago and temperatures are expected to be +4.5℃ warmer than today by 2100. Today we are experiencing the warmest climate since our species started peopling the globe.

Climate fluctuations that used to take millennia are now occurring in less than 100 years, affecting fresh water availability, food supply, health, and environmental integrity.

Past climate changes set the stage for people to demonstrate immense adaptability and resilience by developing new skills, farming techniques, trading patterns and political structures, but most importantly by leaving their old, unsustainable ways of life behind.

ref. Climate explained: humans have dealt with plenty of climate variability – https://theconversation.com/climate-explained-humans-have-dealt-with-plenty-of-climate-variability-145043

Count down under way for New Caledonia’s independence vote

By RNZ News

The campaign for New Caledonia’s referendum on independence from France is already officially three days old with the critical vote in less than two weeks.

Six political formations are registered to campaign for the plebiscite on October 4 when 180,640 voters will be asked whether they want the territory to accede to full sovereignty.

Three groups support independence and three back the status quo.

Media campaigns are subject to control by led by the Superior Council of the Audiovisual to ensure plurality and compliance with standards.

In 2018, in the first of three possible referendums under the Noumea Accord, 57 percent voted against independence – much lower than predicted.

If voters again reject independence, a third vote can be called by 2022.

No opinion poll result has been released in the past six months.

New Caledonia was put on the UN decolonisation list in 1986.

This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.

New Caledonia independence vote
New Caledonian independence vote posters. Image: Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why do bankers behave so badly? They make too much money to ask questions

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Crosby, Professor, Monash University

Over the past 16 months journalists have been scouring through more than 2,000 Suspicious Activity Reports originally sent by banks to the United States Treasury, before being leaked to Buzzfeed and then passed along to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.

The reports relate to more than US$2 trillion in transactions over the period from 2000 to 2017. Some of these transactions will already have been investigated, and may be legitimate. In the case of the Australian banks, the regulator AUSTRAC has already asked the US Treasury for some of this information.

There are a number of questions raised by this latest episode of bad behaviour by banks. Firstly, why don’t banks have better controls to stop these kinds of transactions from occurring?

With transactions from tax havens, from shell companies, or to countries under sanction why aren’t banks themselves doing some investigation rather than simply passing information along to the US Treasury?

The short answer is that banks make too much money and it is not in their interest to ask too many questions.

An obvious example are the transactions processed by JP Morgan relating to the 1Malaysia Development Berhad scandal which netted the bank millions of dollars in fees despite the obvious questions the transactions should have raised.

International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.

A second question is why do banks consistently seem to behave so badly?

Australia has seen banking scandal after banking scandal over the last 30 years, with the latest detailed in the report of the Hayne Royal Commission in 2019.

Big rewards, less regulation

I believe the reason the banking industry is particularly prone to scandals is because of the amount of cash sloshing through the system, and the fact that in recent years there have been fewer regulations and less policing than is needed.

Deregulation has been the general trend in finance since the mid-1980s, first in the United States and Britain, and then in countries such as Australia.

Australia’s deregulation began with the floating of the exchange rate in 1983 followed by the removal of controls over bank interest rates and bank deposits with the Reserve Bank.

Sure enough, Australia’s first banking scandal was the Swiss loans affair in 1985 in which unsophisticated Australians were encouraged to borrow in a foreign currency oblivious to the risk the Australian dollar might fall forcing them to pay back much more than they borrowed.


Read more: No better than roulette. How foreign exchange trading rips off mum and dad investors


In the United States the Savings and Loan debacle occurred at roughly the same time. A classic example is a large bank in Ohio, Home State, that failed in 1985. Depositors in Home State thought they were safe because their deposits were insured, but deregulation of deposit insurance led to private insurers. The deposit insurance company failed alongside Home State, leaving nothing for insurance payouts.

The next major banking disaster was the Asian financial crisis in 1997. Deregulated banks in countries including Korea and Thailand failed due to large unregulated inflows the systems in these countries couldn’t handle.

No learning from history

A follow-on was the failure of Long Term Capital Management, a highly leveraged (borrowed) hedge fund in 1998. The US Treasury engineered a bailout of Long Term Capital Management that was favourable to its shareholders and lenders instead of letting it fail.

There were a number of obvious regulatory problems that led to the crisis. Hedge funds were not required to report their positions in these markets and the risk they were creating or exposed to. They were highly leveraged. Unsophisticated financial markets suffered unmanageable large capital flows.

Alan Greenspan was head of the US Federal Reserve but opposed to regulation.

During the crisis the Governor of the US Federal Reserve was Alan Greenspan, a man philosophically opposed to regulation.

He was a follower of the philosophy of Ayn Rand, whose view was that the government was incompetent and regulation was unnecessary.

Greenspan noted the contradiction in being a public servant of this mindset, but tried to further deregulate finance wherever and however possible.

Despite the Asian crisis coming close to creating the first global financial meltdown, there was no slowing in deregulation afterwards.

The result was the global financial crisis.

Once again, high leverage and opacity were culprits, along with deregulation in derivatives markets and poor design for some market structures.

Even businesses want better regulation

After the global financial crisis, deregulation continued, at times despite the wishes of industries affected. On Monday this week 381 companies signed a letter arguing against a proposal that would remove the need for hedge funds to disclose their stock market holdings. US Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin used to work in a hedge fund. He is unlikely to back down.

And this week the first details of the 16-month investigation were released, exposing major issues with transactions by the largest banks in the United States and United Kingdom in particular, but also all four of Australia’s major banks, and Macquarie Bank which was used for more than US$120 million (A$167 million) of suspicious transactions.


Read more: Why credit rating agencies’ economic advice shouldn’t be trusted


Many won’t be illegal, but the suspicious activity reports suggest that where there is a conflict between profit and ethical decision making, profit usually wins.

I don’t think the reason for this is that all people in finance are unethical, but an industry with such a lot of cash floating around and too little regulation is likely to attract people with questionable ethics.

It needn’t mean a return to the old days

Regulation needn’t mean a reversion to the old “3-6-3” banking days where deposit rates were 3%, lending rates were 6% and the bank manager was on the golf course by 3pm.

But regulation needs to address disclosure issues, leverage, and issues with “sophisticated” products that create a significant risk of blowing up the global financial system.

Reforms should also focus the minds of management and boards on better behaviour. A simple one would be non-payment of bonuses when the organisation is brought into disrepute. It could be structured along the lines of the two strikes rule on remuneration.

Consumers of financial products are at a considerable information disadvantage, and need better protection. Currently consumer protection in the financial services sector lies with the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) and with state consumer affairs offices.


Read more: Lunch with bankers. Even they’re unimpressed with their new Banking Code of Conduct


In some cases this works, but neither ASIC nor consumer affairs offices are focused exclusively on protecting consumers against abuses in the financial services sector. ASIC is responsible to businesses and finance professionals as well as consumers, and at times these responsibilities conflict.

The codes of conduct we have are voluntary, although industry bodies can seek ASIC approval. The Australian Banking Association code is essentially toothless.

Until there is greater regulation in banking and finance we will continue to endure the kinds of bad behaviour we’ve been lumbered with for decades. And we will continue to pay for it too, when things go bad. It’s not enough to rely on banks to get banks to behave well.

ref. Why do bankers behave so badly? They make too much money to ask questions – https://theconversation.com/why-do-bankers-behave-so-badly-they-make-too-much-money-to-ask-questions-146685

Malcolm Turnbull condemns Scott Morrison’s ‘gas, gas, gas’ song as ‘a fantasy’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Malcolm Turnbull has launched a swingeing attack on Scott Morrison’s gas-led recovery, labelling his threat to build a gas-fired power station “crazy stuff”, and his idea of gas producing a cheap energy boom “a fantasy”.

The former prime minister also claimed Morrison’s refusal to embrace a 2050 net zero emissions target was “absolutely” at odds with the Paris climate agreement. “That was part of the deal,” Turnbull said.

Morrison at the weekend would not commit to a 2050 target – endorsed by business, farming and other groups in Australia and very many countries – although he said it was achievable.

Turnbull also declared that Energy Minister Angus Taylor – who on Tuesday delivered his technology investment roadmap for low emissions – didn’t believe most of what he was saying on energy.

“Angus has got quite a sophisticated understanding of the energy market, and he is speaking through the political side of his brain rather than the economic side,” Turnbull told the ABC.

The energy/climate war was pivotal in Turnbull’s fall from the prime ministership in 2018, and from the opposition leadership in 2009. While Morrison is totally safe in his job, the battle over energy policy on the conservative side of politics has not been put to rest, although the prime minister is banking on his elevation of gas satisfying his Liberal parliamentarians.

Morrison’s gas policy, which the government spruiks as underpinning a manufacturing revival, is being seen as a walk away from coal.

It includes a threat to build a gas-fired power station in the Hunter region if private enterprise does not fill the gap left by the coming closure of the Liddell coal-fired station.

The debate about gas has produced an unexpected unity ticket between Turnbull and former resources minister, the Nationals Matt Canavan, on one key point – both insist gas prices won’t be as low as the policy assumes.

But Turnbull and Canavan go in opposite directions in their energy prescriptions – Turnbull strongly backs renewables and Canavan is a voice for coal.

While acknowledging gas had a role “as a peaking fuel”, Turnbull dismissed any prospect of a “gas nirvana”.

“There is no cheap gas on the east coast of Australia. It is cheap at the moment because there’s a global recession and pandemic and oil prices are down, but the equilibrium price of gas is too high to make it a cheap form of generating electricity.”

“The cheap electricity opportunities come from wind and solar, backed by storage, batteries and pumped hydro, and then with gas playing a role but it’s essentially a peaking role,” Turnbull said.

Writing in the Australian, Canavan said the Morrison gas plan would “keep the lights on but it is unlikely to lower energy prices to the levels needed to bring manufacturing back to Australia.

“If we were serious about getting [energy] prices down as low as possible, we would focus on the energy sources in which we have a natural advantage, and that is not gas. We face gas shortages in the years ahead.”

Former Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce said about the government’s power station threat, that it would be “peculiar” to build a gas-fired plant “in the middle of a coal field”.

Turnbull said of last week’s announcement, “I’m not going to sing the song but it’s a gas, gas, gas”.

The roadmap was “gas one minute, carbon capture and storage the next”.

“What you need is to set out some basic parameters, which deal with reliability, affordability and emissions reduction, and then let the market get to work. That’s what Liberal governments should do. Unfortunately, it’s just one random intervention after another,” Turnbull said.

He lamented that, for whatever reasons, there was a “body of opinion on the right of Australian politics in the Liberal party and the National party, the Murdoch press, which still clings to this fantasy that coal is best and if we can’t have coal we’ll burn gas – I mean, it’s bonkers. The way to cheaper electricity is renewables plus storage, which is why the big storage plan that we got started, Snowy 2, is so important.”

Turnbull said that unlike his own situation when PM, Morrison was “in a position with no internal opposition”. “Now is the time to deliver an integrated, coherent energy and climate policy which is what the whole energy sector has been crying out for.”

Taylor told the National Press Club the government’s determination to get the gap filled, whether by private investment or a government power station, when the Liddell coal fired station closes in 2023 “is partly about reliability, but it’s primarily about affordability.

“If you take that much capacity out of the market, it’s a huge amount in a short period of time. We saw what happened with Hazelwood. We saw very, very sharp increases in prices. We’re not prepared to accept that.”

Asked whether the government’s resistance to committing to the 2050 target was more about appeasing the right wing of the coalition rather than about the target itself, Taylor said: “Our focus is on our 2030 target in the Paris agreement…and in a few years time we will have to extend that out to 2035 …

“What we’re not going to do is impose a target that’s going to impose costs on the economy, destroy jobs, and stop investment. The Paris commitment, globally, is to net zero in the second half of the century and we would like that to happen as soon as possible.”

ref. Malcolm Turnbull condemns Scott Morrison’s ‘gas, gas, gas’ song as ‘a fantasy’ – https://theconversation.com/malcolm-turnbull-condemns-scott-morrisons-gas-gas-gas-song-as-a-fantasy-146705

Labour and National leaders contest debate ‘draw’ but sharply different

By The Conversation

Prime Minister and Labour leader Jacinda Ardern and National Party leader Judith Collins met tonight for the first televised debate of the 2020 election campaign.

With the results of the latest 1 News-Colmar Brunton poll released only an hour earlier, there was much at stake.

While down slightly on previous polls, Labour was still in a position to govern alone – comfortably so if the Greens joined them in a coalition agreement. National was still well behind, clearly bleeding votes to ACT on its right.

NZ ELECTIONS 2020 – 17 October

Nonetheless, the debate was a fair and largely evenly matched contest, covering the covid-19 response, border control, health, housing, employment, income inequality and climate change.

A panel of experts watched the debate closely for The Conversation to assess what it revealed about policy, performance and the likely tone of the campaign to come.

Genuine differences in substance and style

Grant Duncan, associate professor for the School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

Leaders debates are like reality TV. “Who gets voted off the island? Jacinda or Judith?” Fun to watch, but they misrepresent how elections work.

In their proportional representation system, New Zealanders do not vote for prime ministers; they vote for representatives – one local representative, and one party of representatives.

Despite misleading impressions, however, the first debate between the leaders of the two largest parties revealed genuine differences of style and substance. The debate delivered on substantial issues, from climate change to housing the poor.

Collins was quick to call out “nonsense” and often looked fed-up. She criticised the Ardern government for failing to reduce material hardship for the poor, even though her own plan to “stimulate the economy” with tax cuts would most benefit middle- to higher-income earners. She would raise housing supply through reforming laws that affect developers.

Ardern was reserved but sincere. She acknowledged that it’s been a tough time for New Zealanders, but backed public investment in people and their well-being. She saw climate change innovation as an opportunity for farmers and agriculture, not a cost.

Both leaders showed substance, but different styles. National will go for stimulus through tax cuts; Labour will stimulate through raising incomes for the lowest earners. I’d call it a draw.

Big questions on climate and inequality go unanswered

Bronwyn Hayward, professor of politics at University of Canterbury

In the 2017 TVNZ election debates, no one was asked about climate change once. Thankfully it was raised early this time by Ardern and hammered home in questions – but the answers left a lot to be desired.

Collins played to her base, repeating the claim that New Zealand is so small, whatever it does won’t make a difference (it will), and that farmers feel bagged by the Greens and Labour (they do). It was left to Ardern to offer more substance and collaborative pathways forward: incentives for reducing emissions, cleaning up rivers (including urban rivers).

But beyond a bit of banter about electric vehicles, neither leader had a policy to fundamentally reduce our transport emissions. Pumped hydro schemes may help create jobs and provide stable energy supply over dry years, but neither tackled how we will afford the costs that are coming for homes and infrastructure exposed to sea level rise.

Covid-19 consumes us right now but climate change hasn’t gone away and neither has inequality. Again no one really answered the question posed by head girl of Aorere College, Aigagalefili Fepulea’i Tapua’i, about the stress on low-income school communities where students have to choose between study or taking a job to help their family.

There were gestures towards answers. Collins made the most direct connection, saying, “My husband is Samoan and had to leave school”, but had no solution. Ardern gestured towards raising the lowest incomes but didn’t make a firm commitment beyond saying, “I am not done with child poverty.”

The futures of young New Zealanders hang on what happens next.

Ardern as hard to pin down as ever

Morgan Godfery, Māori Research Partnerships manager, University of Otago

“Optimism, and that’s what Labour will bring,” the prime minister said in her opening statement, which is strangely and typically, well, contentless. It’s part of the paradox that is Jacinda Ardern – she’s the global left’s standard bearer, the most popular New Zealand prime minister in living memory, a policy leader against the coronavirus, and yet it’s almost impossible to pin down her politics beyond that optimism.

Ardern promised 8000 new homes are coming down the line, and that’s ostensibly leftist policy and politic. Yet the waiting list for public housing is 20,000 people long. Is 8000 left enough? It’s certainly left – or centre! – enough to win.

Especially against a strangely flat and staggered National Party leader. People expect Judith Collins to go hard, because of course it’s a brand she cultivates, but it was a jarring juxtaposition: the hard woman (Collins) against the kind and optimistic prime minister. The advocate for a “border protection agency” (Collins) against the person who’s protected the borders (Ardern). It was hard to pin down, then, precisely what Collins was angry at. Other, of course, than the fact she’s leading the losing side.

Questions remain about National’s border policy

Siouxsie Wiles, associate professor in Microbiology and Infectious Diseases, University of Auckland

It’s no secret that I am supportive of the current government’s elimination strategy when it comes to dealing with covid-19. The main thing I was looking to hear in the leader’s debate was a commitment from both Jacinda Ardern and Judith Collins that whatever government they lead would stick with that strategy.

The prime minister did that and reiterated the importance of a tightly managed and controlled border. In response, Collins brought up the need for “someone to be in charge”. With a National-led government that would be the job of a new border protection agency. I’m all in favour of an agency dedicated to defending us from pandemic threats, but focusing solely on our border won’t achieve that. Any agency should have a much broader remit that also addresses what makes us vulnerable to pandemics.

Collins also raised not letting anyone board a plane to New Zealand unless they test negative. This policy will certainly stop some infectious people from being able to travel but it won’t catch all of them. I really worry it’ll discriminate against those who can’t afford to, or aren’t able to, access testing. To me this policy runs the very real risk of stranding New Zealanders overseas while not really increasing the security of our border.

Both leaders will want to lift their game

Richard Shaw, professor of politics, Massey University

These are as much performances as debates. Ardern edged Collins on leadership performance, looking and sounding like someone with a 32 percent lead over her opponent in the preferred prime minister ratings and whose party has a 17 percent buffer over its major opposition: measured, polite and committed to staying clear of the tit-for-tat.

Given the polls, Collins needed to force the issue: it showed in her regular interjections (some of which were to good effect) and willingness to take the contest to Ardern (occasionally not so successfully).

On the issue of policy fluency (your own but also the other side’s), a close call went – perhaps, maybe – narrowly to Collins. As to eloquence – verbal dexterity and rhetorical flow – Ardern had the edge on her opponent (especially in her closing statement), although Collins in pugnacious mode had an energy that Ardern lacked.

These presentational dimensions of politics matter, especially at a time when voters are looking for an emotional compact with leaders.

Given the context, Collins may sleep the easier of the two tonight, but both will be looking to lift things a notch or several when they next meet.

The Conversation

Dr Grant Duncan is associate professor for the School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University; Dr Bronwyn Hayward is professor of politics, University of Canterbury; Morgan Godfery is Māori Research Partnerships Manager, University of Otago; Richard Shaw is professor of Politics, Massey University, and Dr Siouxsie Wiles is associate professor in Microbiology and Infectious Diseases. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

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Contrasting styles, some substance: 5 experts on the first TV leaders’ debate of NZ’s election

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grant Duncan, Associate Professor for the School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

Prime Minister and Labour leader Jacinda Ardern and National Party leader Judith Collins have met for the first televised debate of the 2020 election campaign. With the results of the latest 1 News-Colmar Brunton poll released only an hour earlier, there was much at stake.

While down slightly on previous polls, Labour was still in a position to govern alone — comfortably so if the Greens joined them in a coalition agreement. National was still well behind, clearly bleeding votes to ACT on its right.

Nonetheless, the debate was a fair and largely evenly matched contest, covering the COVID-19 response, border control, health, housing, employment, income inequality and climate change.

Our five experts watched the debate closely for what it revealed about policy, performance and the likely tone of the campaign to come.

Genuine differences in substance and style

Grant Duncan, Associate Professor for the School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

Leaders debates are like reality TV. “Who gets voted off the island? Jacinda or Judith?” Fun to watch, but they misrepresent how elections work.

In their proportional representation system, New Zealanders do not vote for prime ministers; they vote for representatives — one local representative, and one party of representatives.


Read more: Ardern versus Collins: ahead of their first TV debate, how much will charisma and eloquence matter?


Despite misleading impressions, however, the first debate between the leaders of the two largest parties revealed genuine differences of style and substance. The debate delivered on substantial issues, from climate change to housing the poor.

Collins was quick to call out “nonsense” and often looked fed-up. She criticised the Ardern government for failing to reduce material hardship for the poor, even though her own plan to “stimulate the economy” with tax cuts would most benefit middle- to higher-income earners. She would raise housing supply through reforming laws that affect developers.

Ardern was reserved but sincere. She acknowledged that it’s been a tough time for New Zealanders, but backed public investment in people and their well-being. She saw climate change innovation as an opportunity for farmers and agriculture, not a cost.

Both leaders showed substance, but different styles. National will go for stimulus through tax cuts; Labour will stimulate through raising incomes for the lowest earners. I’d call it a draw.

Big questions on climate and inequality go unanswered

Bronwyn Hayward, Professor of Politics, University of Canterbury

In the 2017 TVNZ election debates, no one was asked about climate change once. Thankfully it was raised early this time by Ardern and hammered home in questions — but the answers left a lot to be desired.

Collins played to her base, repeating the claim that New Zealand is so small, whatever it does won’t make a difference (it will), and that farmers feel bagged by the Greens and Labour (they do). It was left to Ardern to offer more substance and collaborative pathways forward: incentives for reducing emissions, cleaning up rivers (including urban rivers).

But beyond a bit of banter about electric vehicles, neither leader had a policy to fundamentally reduce our transport emissions. Pumped hydro schemes may help create jobs and provide stable energy supply over dry years, but neither tackled how we will afford the costs that are coming for homes and infrastructure exposed to sea level rise.

COVID-19 consumes us right now but climate change hasn’t gone away and neither has inequality. Again no one really answered the question posed by head girl of Aorere College, Aigagalefili Fepulea’i Tapua’i, about the stress on low-income school communities where students have to choose between study or taking a job to help their family.

There were gestures towards answers. Collins made the most direct connection, saying, “My husband is Samoan and had to leave school”, but had no solution. Ardern gestured towards raising the lowest incomes but didn’t make a firm commitment beyond saying, “I am not done with child poverty.”

The futures of young New Zealanders hang on what happens next.


Read more: With the election campaign underway, can the law protect voters from fake news and conspiracy theories?


Ardern as hard to pin down as ever

Morgan Godfery, Māori Research Partnerships Manager, University of Otago

“Optimism, and that’s what Labour will bring,” the prime minister said in her opening statement, which is strangely and typically, well, contentless. It’s part of the paradox that is Jacinda Ardern — she’s the global left’s standard bearer, the most popular New Zealand prime minister in living memory, a policy leader against the coronavirus, and yet it’s almost impossible to pin down her politics beyond that optimism.

Ardern promised 8,000 new homes are coming down the line, and that’s ostensibly leftist policy and politic. Yet the waiting list for public housing is 20,000 people long. Is 8,000 left enough? It’s certainly left — or centre! — enough to win.

Especially against a strangely flat and staggered National Party leader. People expect Judith Collins to go hard, because of course it’s a brand she cultivates, but it was a jarring juxtaposition: the hard woman (Collins) against the kind and optimistic prime minister. The advocate for a “border protection agency” (Collins) against the person who’s protected the borders (Ardern). It was hard to pin down, then, precisely what Collins was angry at. Other, of course, than the fact she’s leading the losing side.

Questions remain around National’s border policy

Siouxsie Wiles, Associate Professor in Microbiology and Infectious Diseases, University of Auckland

It’s no secret that I am supportive of the current government’s elimination strategy when it comes to dealing with COVID-19. The main thing I was looking to hear in the leader’s debate was a commitment from both Jacinda Ardern and Judith Collins that whatever government they lead would stick with that strategy.


Read more: Stardust and substance: New Zealand’s election becomes a ‘third referendum’ on Jacinda Ardern’s leadership


The prime minister did that and reiterated the importance of a tightly managed and controlled border. In response, Collins brought up the need for “someone to be in charge”. With a National-led government that would be the job of a new border protection agency. I’m all in favour of an agency dedicated to defending us from pandemic threats, but focusing solely on our border won’t achieve that. Any agency should have a much broader remit that also addresses what makes us vulnerable to pandemics.

Collins also raised not letting anyone board a plane to New Zealand unless they test negative. This policy will certainly stop some infectious people from being able to travel but it won’t catch all of them. I really worry it’ll discriminate against those who can’t afford to, or aren’t able to, access testing. To me this policy runs the very real risk of stranding New Zealanders overseas while not really increasing the security of our border.

Both leaders will want to lift their game

Richard Shaw, Professor of Politics, Massey University

These are as much performances as debates. Ardern edged Collins on leadership performance, looking and sounding like someone with a 32% lead over her opponent in the preferred prime minister ratings and whose party has a 17% buffer over its major opposition: measured, polite and committed to staying clear of the tit-for-tat.

Given the polls, Collins needed to force the issue: it showed in her regular interjections (some of which were to good effect) and willingness to take the contest to Ardern (occasionally not so successfully).

On the issue of policy fluency (your own but also the other side’s), a close call went — perhaps, maybe — narrowly to Collins. As to eloquence — verbal dexterity and rhetorical flow — Ardern had the edge on her opponent (especially in her closing statement), although Collins in pugnacious mode had an energy that Ardern lacked.

These presentational dimensions of politics matter, especially at a time when voters are looking for an emotional compact with leaders. Given the context, Collins may sleep the easier of the two tonight, but both will be looking to lift things a notch or several when they next meet.

ref. Contrasting styles, some substance: 5 experts on the first TV leaders’ debate of NZ’s election – https://theconversation.com/contrasting-styles-some-substance-5-experts-on-the-first-tv-leaders-debate-of-nzs-election-146670

Eyeing local development: a look at the 3 Australian COVID vaccine candidates to receive a government boost

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Harry Al-Wassiti, Bioengineer and Research Fellow, Monash University

On Sunday, the Australian government announced it would put A$6 million towards the research and development of three local COVID-19 vaccine candidates, via the Medical Research Future Fund.

The three candidates to share this funding are:

  • a targeted subunit protein vaccine, developed by the Doherty Institute

  • an mRNA vaccine, developed by the Monash Institute of Pharmaceutical Sciences (MIPS)

  • a needle-free DNA vaccine, developed by the University of Sydney.

Let’s take a look at these different approaches.


Read more: From adenoviruses to RNA: the pros and cons of different COVID vaccine technologies


Targeting the tip

I’m part of the Monash team working with scientists at the Doherty Institute on both the protein vaccine and the mRNA vaccine. Although we initially developed these vaccine candidates separately, they target a similar part of the virus — so we’ve now joined forces to further develop the two together.

Until now, vaccine candidates, such as those developed by the University of Queensland and the University of Oxford, have generally used the entire spike protein as a target. The spike is a large protein found on the surface of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.

A region at the tip of the spike called the “receptor-binding domain” enables the virus to establish itself by binding to our cells and causing infection.

Instead of vaccinating against the “whole” spike protein, our approach is unique in that it uses the receptor-binding domain tip.

The subunit protein vaccine contains the receptor-binding domain from SARS-CoV-2 as the antigen, or target. Exposing our immune system to this protein is intended to create antibodies that generate immunity against this part of the virus, protecting us if we encounter SARS-CoV-2 in the future.

For the mRNA vaccine, rather than injecting the protein itself, a short piece of the genetic material from the virus (mRNA) provides a blueprint to make the receptor-binding domain. So this vaccine also targets the receptor-binding domain to induce an immune response, although the process is different.

The subunit protein vaccine and the mRNA vaccine both target the receptor-binding domain, a region at the tip of the spike protein. Created with BioRender.com, Author provided

We’re exploring the two vaccine options simultaneously. One may prevail as the most promising candidate. It’s also possible we’ll combine both vaccines into a one-shot product. Or one candidate might be the primary vaccine and the other could serve as a booster — it’s still early to tell.

The funding we’ve received will support the development and manufacturing of the two candidates with the intention to enter phase 1 human trials next year if the vaccines prove promising in mice and monkeys. Early results are encouraging.

Notably, both of these vaccines can be produced and manufactured rapidly. For example, within three weeks of receiving the genetic sequence of SARS-CoV-2, we were able to produce three mRNA vaccine candidates.

This flexibility of the Doherty/MIPS approach will be particularly important if COVID-19 mutates into a new strain, and could also be useful for vaccine development in future pandemics.


Read more: The Oxford deal is welcome, but remember the vaccine hasn’t been proven to work yet


A needle-free DNA vaccine

The third COVID-19 vaccine candidate uses DNA technology. A DNA-based vaccine works in a similar way to an mRNA vaccine. By producing the viral antigen inside us, mRNA and DNA vaccines teach our immune system to recognise the antigen should the virus invade in the future.

DNA vaccines have been under development for roughly the past 20 years. While they’re safe, their effectiveness remains in question. So the University of Sydney scientists are rethinking the way they’re delivered.

The previous DNA vaccines relied on a standard needle and syringe delivery, but the University of Sydney’s innovative approach uses a needle-free device. This method will deliver the vaccine using a “liquid jet” to penetrate our skin.

Needle-free delivery improves the distribution of the DNA vaccine deeper into the injected site, which can improve the vaccine’s effectiveness.

Needle-free technology can facilitate a better distribution of vaccines once injected. Created with BioRender.com, Author provided

The University of Sydney group will aim to recruit 150 volunteers for a phase 1 clinical trial using the needle-free jet system.

The technology is already used to deliver some influenza vaccines. The technology may later be taken up for other COVID-19 vaccine candidates — including mRNA and proteins — if the needle-free system proves safe and effective.

Naturally, another key advantage of this approach is the absence of needles. This may improve vaccine acceptance in some groups, including children.

Further, DNA vaccines can be produced relatively easily in large quantities.

The importance of local vaccine development

Investing in vaccine technologies will be essential for Australian public health, biosecurity and economic independence.

First, it’s unclear whether the current COVID-19 vaccines in phase 3 clinical trials will provide adequate protection. If they do, it’s similarly unclear how long that protection will last. Continued investments in a variety of vaccines at different stages of the development pipeline will ensure we have the best collection of vaccine technologies at our disposal.

Second, some of the development efforts could later yield a significant return on investment if they prove successful. Australia has an evolving biomanufacturing and biotechnology sector, and investment into these areas will benefit the next chapter of our country’s economic recovery.


Read more: Vaccine progress report: the projects bidding to win the race for a COVID-19 vaccine


ref. Eyeing local development: a look at the 3 Australian COVID vaccine candidates to receive a government boost – https://theconversation.com/eyeing-local-development-a-look-at-the-3-australian-covid-vaccine-candidates-to-receive-a-government-boost-146567

$7.6 billion and 11% of researchers: our estimate of how much Australian university research stands to lose by 2024

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Larkins, Professor Emeritus and Former Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Melbourne

Australian university research funding is made up of discretionary income that comes from various sources, including international student fees. This is additional to the funding, including government grants, specifically received for research activities.

Universities spent A$12.2 billion on research in 2018. Discretionary income used to fund Australian university research that year amounted to $6 billion, of which $3.1 billion of this came from international student fees.

This means international student fees made up 51% of all the externally sourced research income.

We have estimated the loss of international student revenue due to COVID-19 will mean the discretionary income available to support research will decline to less than 30% of external funding for 2020 and beyond. This is equivalent to a decrease of between $6.4 billion and $7.6 billion from 2020–24.

The associated reduction in the Australian university research workforce will be in the range 5,100 to 6,100 researchers. This includes graduate research students, research assistants and academic research leaders.

This amounts to around 11% of the current research force.

We relied on cost of teaching data used by the Australian government to determine funding rates for domestic student places to make our estimates.

The universities most affected

All Australian universities will be affected. But our modelling identifies 13 universities likely to be most at risk because of the size of their research effort and their international student programs.

These are the research-intensive Group of Eight universities: The University of Sydney, The University of Melbourne, UNSW, Monash University, The University of Queensland, ANU, The University of Western Australia and Adelaide University.

These universities account for 70% of the total research funding shortfall.

Five other universities account for 18% of the research funding shortfall: UTS, Deakin University, Macquarie University, QUT and Griffith University.

The impact of the fee losses on the other 25 universities is just 12% of the total.

Some of the 13 universities are facing significantly greater risk to their research programs because they are committing a proportionately greater amount of discretionary fee income than the sector average of 51% to fund research.

We have rated UTS, Deakin and Macquarie at extremely high risk. For Sydney, Melbourne, UNSW, QUT, Griffith and Queensland the risk will be very high, while for Monash, Adelaide, ANU and UWA, risks will be moderately high.

Research rankings and global university reputations are at risk if effective mitigation actions are not achieved.

What needs to be done

A marine biologist observing a coral.
Collaborations across sectors pools research expertise. Shutterstock

Given their reliance on international student revenue to sustain research, universities must place a high priority on restoring, as quickly as possible, existing international student markets or building new markets in other countries. The government can help by promoting stronger international engagement and fast-tracking student visas when borders reopen.

Universities will need also to identify savings in other spending areas such as infrastructure investment, and identify alternative revenue sources such as increased donations, royalties and investment income.

Broader collaborations between industries, universities and government research agencies such as CSIRO, DST (Defence, Science and Technology) and AIMS (The Australian Institute of Marine Science) are in the national interest, as it pools expertise across sectors.

Unfortunately, enhanced collaborations between industry and universities will be limited because Australia’s current level of business research and experimental development is low, compared to the OECD benchmark. In 2018, Australia’s research and development investment was 1.97% of GDP compared with the OECD average of 2.4%.

Establishing an independent “research and innovation council” representing private research institutes, universities, publicly funded government research agencies and industries with a strong research and development focus has considerable merit.


Read more: More than 10,000 job losses, billions in lost revenue: coronavirus will hit Australia’s research capacity harder than the GFC


Such a body could provide governments with independent strategic research advice to underpin internationally competitive programs. This includes proposing national research priorities important for economic development and social well-being. This council could also play a valuable advocacy role in promoting the national benefits of investment in research.

Individual universities should rigorously reappraise their own research strengths and potential capabilities. This could sharpen their focus on priority areas and increase research performance.

These actions can be combined with an analysis of other university spending — including on administrative services and corporate overheads — to reduce the need for further savings in high-performing research areas.

The federal government needs to acknowledge there is a crisis in university research funding. To date, a coordinated policy response has been muted. While the government has established a research sustainability working group — made up of vice chancellors and others who are to provide advice to the education minister — no other initiatives have not announced.


Read more: COVID-19: what Australian universities can do to recover from the loss of international student fees


Undoubtedly, the most vexed issue is the under-funding of the indirect costs of research linked to competitive grants and contracts. This is a critical unresolved policy issue sought by universities for at least two decades.

The pandemic highlights the research contribution universities are making to state and regional economies. State governments should also be identifying initiatives they can take to mitigate the research disruptions universities are confronting.

Fundamentally, increased collaborative investment across industry, governments, universities and private research institutions are essential to alleviate the research funding shortfall and protect Australia’s international research and innovation standing in a post COVID-19 world.

ref. $7.6 billion and 11% of researchers: our estimate of how much Australian university research stands to lose by 2024 – https://theconversation.com/7-6-billion-and-11-of-researchers-our-estimate-of-how-much-australian-university-research-stands-to-lose-by-2024-146672

$7.6 billion and 11% of researchers: our estimate how much Australian university research stands to lose by 2024

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Larkins, Professor Emeritus and Former Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Melbourne

Australian university research funding is made up of discretionary income that comes from various sources, including international student fees. This is additional to the funding, including government grants, specifically received for research activities.

Universities spent A$12.2 billion on research in 2018. Discretionary income used to fund Australian university research that year amounted to $6 billion, of which $3.1 billion of this came from international student fees.

This means international student fees made up 51% of all the externally sourced research income.

We have estimated the loss of international student revenue due to COVID-19 will mean the discretionary income available to support research will decline to less than 30% of external funding for 2020 and beyond. This is equivalent to a decrease of between $6.4 billion and $7.6 billion from 2020–24.

The associated reduction in the Australian university research workforce will be in the range 5,100 to 6,100 researchers. This includes graduate research students, research assistants and academic research leaders.

This amounts to around 11% of the current research force.

We relied on cost of teaching data used by the Australian government to determine funding rates for domestic student places to make our estimates.

The universities most affected

All Australian universities will be affected. But our modelling identifies 13 universities likely to be most at risk because of the size of their research effort and their international student programs.

These are the research-intensive Group of Eight universities: The University of Sydney, The University of Melbourne, UNSW, Monash University, The University of Queensland, ANU, The University of Western Australia and Adelaide University.

These universities account for 70% of the total research funding shortfall.

Five other universities account for 18% of the research funding shortfall: UTS, Deakin University, Macquarie University, QUT and Griffith University.

The impact of the fee losses on the other 25 universities is just 12% of the total.

Some of the 13 universities are facing significantly greater risk to their research programs because they are committing a proportionately greater amount of discretionary fee income than the sector average of 51% to fund research.

We have rated UTS, Deakin and Macquarie at extremely high risk. For Sydney, Melbourne, UNSW, QUT, Griffith and Queensland the risk will be very high, while for Monash, Adelaide, ANU and UWA, risks will be moderately high.

Research rankings and global university reputations are at risk if effective mitigation actions are not achieved.

What needs to be done

A marine biologist observing a coral.
Collaborations across sectors pools research expertise. Shutterstock

Given their reliance on international student revenue to sustain research, universities must place a high priority on restoring, as quickly as possible, existing international student markets or building new markets in other countries. The government can help by promoting stronger international engagement and fast-tracking student visas when borders reopen.

Universities will need also to identify savings in other spending areas such as infrastructure investment, and identify alternative revenue sources such as increased donations, royalties and investment income.

Broader collaborations between industries, universities and government research agencies such as CSIRO, DST (Defence, Science and Technology) and AIMS (The Australian Institute of Marine Science) are in the national interest, as it pools expertise across sectors.

Unfortunately, enhanced collaborations between industry and universities will be limited because Australia’s current level of business research and experimental development is low, compared to the OECD benchmark. In 2018, Australia’s research and development investment was 1.97% of GDP compared with the OECD average of 2.4%.

Establishing an independent “research and innovation council” representing private research institutes, universities, publicly funded government research agencies and industries with a strong research and development focus has considerable merit.


Read more: More than 10,000 job losses, billions in lost revenue: coronavirus will hit Australia’s research capacity harder than the GFC


Such a body could provide governments with independent strategic research advice to underpin internationally competitive programs. This includes proposing national research priorities important for economic development and social well-being. This council could also play a valuable advocacy role in promoting the national benefits of investment in research.

Individual universities should rigorously reappraise their own research strengths and potential capabilities. This could sharpen their focus on priority areas and increase research performance.

These actions can be combined with an analysis of other university spending — including on administrative services and corporate overheads — to reduce the need for further savings in high-performing research areas.

The federal government needs to acknowledge there is a crisis in university research funding. To date, a coordinated policy response has been muted. While the government has established a research sustainability working group — made up of vice chancellors and others who are to provide advice to the education minister — no other initiatives have not announced.


Read more: COVID-19: what Australian universities can do to recover from the loss of international student fees


Undoubtedly, the most vexed issue is the under-funding of the indirect costs of research linked to competitive grants and contracts. This is a critical unresolved policy issue sought by universities for at least two decades.

The pandemic highlights the research contribution universities are making to state and regional economies. State governments should also be identifying initiatives they can take to mitigate the research disruptions universities are confronting.

Fundamentally, increased collaborative investment across industry, governments, universities and private research institutions are essential to alleviate the research funding shortfall and protect Australia’s international research and innovation standing in a post COVID-19 world.

ref. $7.6 billion and 11% of researchers: our estimate how much Australian university research stands to lose by 2024 – https://theconversation.com/7-6-billion-and-11-of-researchers-our-estimate-how-much-australian-university-research-stands-to-lose-by-2024-146672

Trump’s TikTok deal explained: who is Oracle? Why Walmart? And what does it mean for our data?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Haskell-Dowland, Associate Dean (Computing and Security), Edith Cowan University

Plot twists in the TikTok saga continue to emerge daily, with a proposed deal to secure the future of the video sharing platform in the United States now in doubt.

Under the deal — which US President Donald Trump initially approved but now may not — US computer tech firm Oracle and retailer Walmart proposed a joint venture called TikTok Global, which would see customer data move to US-controlled infrastructure.

This venture would have allowed TikTok to continue operating in the US. Trump had earlier ordered TikTok to be removed from mobile app stores but enforcement of the order could be delayed if the Oracle-Walmart deal goes ahead.

Questions remain: what difference will this deal (if approved) make to the TikTok service; how will it affect the security concerns for governments (and users) in the US and Australia; and is this just political posturing with the US elections looming?


Read more: The US has lots to lose and little to gain by banning TikTok and WeChat


The Oracle-Walmart deal

This deal would see Oracle and Walmart take around 20% of TikTok Global, with ByteDance (the Beijing-based owner of TikTok) retaining 80%.

News reports suggest Walmart and Oracle may pay a combined US$12 billion for their stake in TikTok Global.

Trump has said he wants US$5 billion from companies creating TikTok Global to go into an education fund to teach American children “the real history of our country”.

ByteDance had earlier this month rejected a plan by Microsoft to buy the US arm of TikTok, which cleared the way for the Oracle deal. Oracle’s involvement was likely influenced by a recent decision by video meeting software firm Zoom to use Oracle cloud infrastructure. Oracle’s surprise win in that deal over more familiar names such as Amazon Web Services was a public relations boon for Oracle.

Walmart was an unexpected contender for the TikTok Global partnership, but it makes sense; access to the TikTok user base opens significant marketing opportunities for Walmart to benefit from a large, younger audience.

What does this mean for TikTok users?

If the deal goes ahead — and that is far from certain — most users will not notice any difference. TikTok users will still be able to make viral videos and confuse non-TikTok users.

As TikTok already stores data in the US or Singapore, the move to Oracle-provided infrastructure is unlikely to have any tangible impact on users.

The (claimed) national security concerns will likely remain – if ByteDance retains a significant share in TikTok Global, there will still be US concerns over Chinese government influence.


Read more: Trump’s attempts to ban TikTok and other Chinese tech undermine global democracy


The potential for the Chinese Communist Party to demand access to user data through its National Intelligence Law will still be of concern, as the law applies to any Chinese-owned company (and being the majority stakeholder may be enough to enable such powers to be applied).

This hasn’t been put to the test yet, but in a similar discussion relating to Huawei 5G technology, China law expert and New York University professor Jerome Cohen said there was “no way Huawei can resist any order from the [People’s Republic of China] government or the Chinese Communist Party to do its bidding in any context, commercial or otherwise.”

A young man gestures at a phone.
TikTok’s main user base tends to be younger people. Shutterstock

Of course the same is true for any US-owned organisation, thanks to the Clarifying Lawful Overseas Use of Data (CLOUD) Act, which gives the US government very similar powers.

So even if ByteDance sold the entire TikTok platform to a US company, Australian users’ data would still be subject to access requests; they’d just be from the US government rather than the Chinese Communist Party.

Nevertheless, Oracle was quick to provide reassurances over data security, with chief executive Safra Cruz saying he was “100% confident in our ability to deliver a highly secure environment to TikTok and ensure data privacy to TikTok’s American users, and users throughout the world.”

Setting aside concerns over location and access to user data, the proposed deal would still seem to leave the TikTok algorithms in the hands of ByteDance. This may yet cause the deal to fail, and seems to be at odds with Trump’s comment that the deal:

… will have nothing to do with China. It’ll be totally secure.

How much of this is influenced by politics?

In the lead-up to the November US elections, Trump has promoted a narrative that he is the “protector” of Americans against external, particularly Chinese, threats — from coronavirus to Tik Tok.

A Californian federal judge has halted Trump’s attempt to limit Chinese social media apps. The fact this happened in a state led by a Democrat, Tik-Tok-using governor allows Trump to accuse his rivals of blocking his efforts.

US President Donald Trump gestures while speaking.
In the lead-up to the November US elections, Trump may be hoping to create a narrative around TikTok, China and security. Dennis Van Tine/STAR MAX/IPx/AP

The deal is still up in the air. Trump might have been happy with a win, but whether or not he gets one doesn’t matter. He’s already cast China as a threat, he’s deflected attention from COVID-19 and focused the discussion on a foreign government.

A phone sits against the Oracle brand logo.
Oracle is a US-based multinational computer technology corporation. Shutterstock

But what does all this mean for Australians? Ultimately, not much.

Australia doesn’t use China as a scapegoat in the way Trump’s America has. And although relations with China are strained, Australians are more acutely aware of our financial and cultural ties with China. In the US, China’s public influence is niche and diluted.

At the end of the day, though, Trump railing against China is like the father of a teenage girl hating his daughter’s boyfriend. He can make a lot of noise about it, but, in the end, his influence is limited. She’s going to grow up and do whatever she wants.

ref. Trump’s TikTok deal explained: who is Oracle? Why Walmart? And what does it mean for our data? – https://theconversation.com/trumps-tiktok-deal-explained-who-is-oracle-why-walmart-and-what-does-it-mean-for-our-data-146566

‘This country belongs to the people’: why young Thais are no longer afraid to take on the monarchy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Greg Raymond, Lecturer, Australian National University

Thousands of Thai students turned out over the weekend to protest in Bangkok — the latest gathering in a long-simmering movement against the power structures that hold sway in Thailand.

The three core demands of students are to dissolve parliament, amend the constitution and for the government to stop harassing dissidents and others.

The protests began in January, took a break during the COVID-19 outbreak and then resumed in July.

One of the triggers was the disappearance and apparent abduction of political activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit in Cambodia on July 4.

More broadly, protesters are angry at the perceived illegitimacy of the government (headed by the leader of the 2014 coup Prayuth Chan-ocha), the dissolution of leading reform party Future Forward and the government’s performance in handling the economic impacts of the coronavirus.

In the past month, protesters have also begun demanding reform of the monarchy — a topic long deemed unmentionable in a country with strict laws against criticising the royal family.

Where the protests go from here remains to be seen, but so far, the government has exercised relative restraint toward the gatherings, preferring to arrest leaders one by one away from the demonstrations and avoid street clashes.

But the protesters have made one thing clear: they will no longer be ruled by fear. And some believe the public airing of grievances about the monarchy marked a turning point.

Police stand guard outside the Grand Palace in Bangkok. RUNGROJ YONGRIT/EPA

Why symbolism matters in Thailand

The weekend protests were heavy on symbolism. They were held at the Royal Plaza, commonly known as Sanam Luang, which has been used for decades for both royal ceremonies and activities such as kite flying. It has also been an important site for exercises of power and protest.

Public access to Sanam Luang has been restricted in recent years, so to reclaim the square was itself a highly meaningful gesture.

The protesters also staged a ritual: the laying of a new People’s Plaque in the square. The new plaque read

at this place the people have expressed their will: that this country belongs to the people and is not the property of the monarch, as they have deceived us.

Students install the new plaque declaring ‘This country belongs to the people’. By the next day, it was gone. Sakchai Lalit/AP

To appreciate the significance, some historical context is important. The original People’s Party Plaque was laid in 1936 to commemorate Thailand’s the abolition of the absolute monarchy and the establishment of its first constitution four years earlier. It read:

Here, at dawn on 24 June 1932, the People’s Party has brought forth a constitution for the progress of the nation.

This plaque disappeared mysteriously in 2017, shortly after the death of Thailand’s long-serving and much-revered king, Bhumipol Adulyadej, and the instalment of his successor, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn.

The disappearance of the plaque was part of a pattern of vanishing monuments related to the 1932 revolution. No public statement was made about the disappearance of the plaque and no individual or agency took responsibility.

In laying the new plaque over the weekend, the protesters invoked the spirit of all Thais who had fought for democracy in the past, including the revolutionaries Pridi Banomyong and Phibun Songkram.

They also included representations from minorities, such as the LGBTI community, and those from Thailand’s northeast and far-southern provinces. These groups are widely believed to have been disenfranchised under Thailand’s military government and its creeping authoritarianism.

The protests have drawn wide support from young Thais, including those calling for equal rights for LGBTQ people. DIEGO AZUBEL/EPA

The plaque itself displayed the three-fingered “Hunger Games salute”, widely used by protesters since the 2014 coup and representing the values of freedom, equality and brotherhood/sisterhood.

The new plaque was not long for Royal Plaza, though. Within a day, it had been quickly removed and replaced with cement.

Worries about erosion of democratic freedoms

There has been increasing unease among younger Thais at these clandestine efforts by the military-backed government to erase the memory of Thailand’s democratic birth.

The younger generation voiced their frustrations with the government and the eroding democratic freedoms in the country in the lead-up to the 2019 election — the first vote in Thailand since the coup.

They voted in droves for Future Forward, a party whose key message was no more coups. But Prayuth, the leader of the junta that seized power in 2014, was nonetheless chosen as the new prime minister by the parliament last June.


Read more: Seeking more power, Thailand’s new king is moving the country away from being a constitutional monarchy


Future Forward was then dissolved on a legal technicality in February, suggesting Thailand is adopting the sophisticated authoritarianism of its neighbour Cambodia.

There have also been fears Thailand’s rulers are only superficially abiding by the constitution.

One example was Prayuth’s refusal to promise to uphold the constitution during his swearing-in ceremony.

This followed King Rama X’s decision to amend the constitution unilaterally after it had been approved by the people by referendum.

Political uncertainty in Thailand: mass demonstrations and new lines of debate.

Where do the protests go from here?

The plaque-laying students will likely face repercussions, although they probably will not be charged with lèse majesté. Since taking the throne, Rama X has indicated a strong preference against using these laws. The government has many other legal instruments at its disposal, such as charging protesters with sedition.

While momentum for constitutional reform is starting to gather pace in the parliament, concrete action on reforming the monarchy will be slower and more difficult. The students say their wish is not for a republic, but for a monarchy above politics and below the constitution.


Read more: Thailand’s controversial king-to-be faces a challenge to gain the people’s respect


As the country’s next generation of leaders in waiting, it seems inevitable that change in this direction will occur.

The students are next calling for a nationwide strike on October 14, another day redolent with symbolism. It was on this day in 1973 the Thai people overthrew a military dictatorship.

ref. ‘This country belongs to the people’: why young Thais are no longer afraid to take on the monarchy – https://theconversation.com/this-country-belongs-to-the-people-why-young-thais-are-no-longer-afraid-to-take-on-the-monarchy-146562

Google News favours mainstream media. Even if it pays for Australian content, will local outlets fall further behind?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Axel Bruns, Professor, Creative Industries, Queensland University of Technology

Google’s role in delivering audiences to news outlets has been under scrutiny of late. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s initiative to redirect advertising revenue from Google and Facebook to news publishers has led to threats of a news boycott by both companies.

Australia’s news media businesses have faced revenue loss and job cuts for some time now, blaming Google and Facebook for poaching advertising revenue.

But rather than share revenue with the publishers whose content they feature, it seems the tech behemoths would rather remove Australian news content from their platforms altogether.


Read more: In a world first, Australia plans to force Facebook and Google to pay for news (but ABC and SBS miss out)


Into this heated debate arrives a new study of Google News search recommendations in the US. The research, published today in Nature Human Behaviour, examines Google News search results across more than 3,000 US counties – evaluating the balance between local and national news outlets in search results on a wide range of topics.

The findings show Google News generally privileges national news outlets over local ones, especially for topics of national interest. This makes it even more difficult for local outlets to compete with their larger national counterparts – but shifting the balance between the two isn’t easy.

A handful of winners

In one sense, the research findings merely show Google News is working as advertised: it points readers interested in major issues to leading national outlets. Larger, better-funded media businesses are likely to have more in-depth coverage than local publishers.

Meanwhile, Google News will feature more local content when users search for issues with a local angle. And while the study didn’t cover Australia, it probably works similarly here, too.

Nevertheless, the research found the three most prominent national US outlets account for about one-sixth of all search results. This echoes research published last year, which also documented Google News featuring a very narrow range of leading news outlets.

The authors of that study worried this “highly concentrated” set of results was “empowering a handful of prominent outlets and marginalising others”, rather than offering a comprehensive range of perspectives on the news.

The ‘filter bubble’ argument

The two studies mentioned above offer a powerful argument against the persistent (but unsubstantiated) idea that search engines and social media place us in “filter bubbles”.

This is the idea that the information we encounter online depends on our personal identities, ideologies and geographical location. If the filter bubbles hypothesis were true, it would indeed threaten to deepen social divides.

But an increasing number of timely studies suggest something different: if there is a filter bubble, we’re all in it together.

In other words, when different users search for news on Google, they likely see the same results from the same handful of media outlets – regardless of who and where they are.

Tweaking the results

From this perspective, the uniformity and predominantly national focus of Google News results may even be welcome, as it ensures searchers of all backgrounds have access to a shared stock of information.

At the same time, however, Google’s channelling of users towards major national news outlets affects their local competitors’ ability to generate advertising revenue. The rich (in readership) get richer (from advertising), while outlets featured less in search results struggle.

In a market already suffering from substantial pandemic-induced downturns, this undermines smaller outlets’ ability to survive in the long term. “News deserts” (areas without local news outlets) are growing rapidly in the US and in Australia.


Read more: Local news sources are closing across Australia. We are tracking the devastation (and some reasons for hope)


Policy makers might be tempted to arrest this decline by forcing Google News to provide more links to local rather than national news outlets. But even if Google agreed to this, it would come at a cost.

Major national outlets are prominent because local outlets simply can’t provide the same comprehensive coverage of non-local issues. Instead, they draw on wire services and syndicated content.

Making Google feature more content from local outlets would direct more revenue towards those news organisations, but could also reduce the quality and diversity of news provided to users. They might end up only seeing local adaptations of content from a small number of wire services.

While this approach might save some local news outlets, it would undermine citizens’ understanding of the world around them.

Media staff hold up signs in support of AAP employees
In March this year, the Australian Associated Press Newswire faced a shock closure after 85 years of business. Journalists from across the industry spoke out following the announcement. The agency was sold to a number of investors in June. Joel Carrett/AAP

The lion and the mouse

The Australian initiative to make Google (and Facebook) pay for the news they show on their sites could be seen as a more sensible alternative.

Revenue generated from the news media bargaining code could be used to increase the strength and diversity of the domestic news industry, enabling smaller outlets to provide a better range of content for Google News to feature.

But even if Google was willing to share advertising revenue, the devil lies in the detail. If that money was distributed based on current Google News recommendation patterns, major news outlets would receive the lion’s share. Local news organisations would still miss out – along with the ABC and SBS, which are not included in the ACCC’s proposal.

So it would be good news for News Corp and Nine Entertainment, but not so much for everyone else.

To rebuild Australia’s local news industry, the industry heavyweights would have to give up some of their own hard-fought share of the money. But you don’t need to consult Google to work out how likely that is.


Read more: Platform regulation in Australia is just the start. Facebook and Google are fighting a global battle


ref. Google News favours mainstream media. Even if it pays for Australian content, will local outlets fall further behind? – https://theconversation.com/google-news-favours-mainstream-media-even-if-it-pays-for-australian-content-will-local-outlets-fall-further-behind-146565

If we realised the true cost of homelessness, we’d fix it overnight

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vivienne Skinner, Industry/Professional Fellow, School of the Built Environment, University of Technology Sydney

Australia’s six-month moratorium on evictions is due to end soon. Some states have extended the moratorium, but when it ends that’s likely to force even more Australians into housing insecurity and outright homelessness. The moral and health arguments for housing people are clear, but many people are unaware of the financial cost we all bear for not fixing homelessness.

Social commentator Malcolm Gladwell wrote a piece, Million-Dollar Murray, for The New Yorker in 2006. It’s the story of two Nevada police officers who spent much of their day dealing with homeless people such as six-foot-tall ex-marine and chronic alcoholic Murray. They regularly picked up Murray and drove him to hospital, drying-out clinics, the police lock-up and mental health facilities.

His bills were so legendary the policemen worked out, based on his health care alone, it would have been cheaper to house him in a hotel with his own private nurse. When not drunk, Murray was a charming, smart, talented chef. By the time he died of intestinal bleeding, they calculated the cost of Murray’s homelessness over a decade was US$1 million.


Read more: The need to house everyone has never been clearer. Here’s a 2-step strategy to get it done


Those two Nevada policemen did something that is rarely done anywhere – they calculated (OK, roughly) the cost to the taxpayer of one man’s homelessness. And, in doing so, they showed, as Gladwell pointed out:

The kind of money it would take to solve the homeless problem could well be less than the kind of money it took to ignore it.

No one keeps track of the costs

In Australia, despite government efforts to house people during the pandemic, we still see many on the footpath with their bags and begging signs. They are mostly the men. Women tend to find other ways to manage their homelessness such as couch surfing or staying with adult kids or extended family.

Man holds out begging cup with the word homeless on it
The people we see on the street are just a fraction of the total number who need housing. Tracey Nearmy/AAP

Read more: Beds in car parks don’t solve Australia’s rough sleeping problem


Beyond the human tragedy, what most passers-by fail to see is the cost of homelessness to us all. It includes the bills for police and ambulance call-outs, prison nights, visits to emergency departments, hospital stays and mental health and drying out clinics.

These expenses are rarely collated and tabulated to find the true cost of homelessness to the public. The costs are dispersed over so many government agencies and facilities that they are managed in a piecemeal way, as they always have been in Australia. The result is a hefty hit to the public purse.

Financial case for housing the homeless is clear

To understand this further, we did a global scoping review of research since 2009 that examined the value of providing a secure, stable home for formerly homeless people and the wider taxpaying community. In total, we examined 100 research papers and analysed outcomes across a range of domains including physical and mental health, emergency department use, substance use, well-being, community integration, mortality, criminal justice interaction, service use and cost-effectiveness.

The overriding consensus among the 100 peer-reviewed studies and agency reports was that housing stability brought a raft of benefits to formerly homeless individuals. Reducing the cost of non-shelter services also saved the public money.

Stable housing generally came through a Housing First model. The first priority is to find people a safe and permanent home, with no strings attached. Wraparound support services are provided, which are critical in helping them adjust to a new life in a stable and permanent home.


Read more: Supportive housing is cheaper than chronic homelessness


The savings start with health

The most researched measure was health. Almost all the research found positive changes when people moved into permanent, secure housing. Almost one-third of the studies looked at the fall in use of hospital wards and emergency services once people were housed.

As one Australian study found, people sleeping rough are less likely to have their own GP. When symptoms become too severe to ignore they go to hospital emergency wards. They are admitted to hospital more often and stay longer.

In the 12 months after the 44 clients in this Perth-based study were housed, emergency admissions were reduced by 57% and overnight stays by 53%. The overall health-care saving was A$404,028.

Ambulance and medical staff attend to a patient in a hospital emergency department
Housing people who had been homeless in Perth more than halved their emergency department admissions and overnight stays. Dean Lewins/AAP

People’s use of sobering services and mental health clinics also declined once housed. A Canadian study looked at whether placement in a permanent home was a solution for those with a severe mental illness. With the right supports, the researchers found, these people were largely able to manage their own housing.

They were able to sleep better. They were more likely to take medications as prescribed. Continuity of care for health problems was better and infection rates were lower. And they experienced less psychological distress, depression and anxiety.


Read more: If Australia really wants to tackle mental health after coronavirus, we must take action on homelessness


Criminal offending is greatly reduced too

All 18 studies looking at criminality reported improvements once people had a stable home. They had fewer nights in jail, arrests and rearrests, and encounters with police.

A 2013 Californian study found once people were housed, with appropriate support services, police contacts fell by 99%. Health costs fell by 85%.

Another two-year Canadian study of 2,000 people across five cities found, unsurprisingly, a major drop-off in public nuisance offences such as sleeping in public places, urinating in public and washing in public bathrooms.

All 19 studies measuring cost-effectiveness found housing people produced savings across a broad range of areas – including crisis accommodation, the justice system, sobering clinics and hospitals. Even after deducting the cost of housing, a 2011 Australian study of 268 participants found savings of $2,182 per person after 12 months.

Our review found a clear economic case for governments to take a systematic approach to ending homelessness. While this argument might be seen as a capitulation to the “financialisation of everything”, the darkening economic cloud of the pandemic might provide just the right cover for government decision-makers to act on the catastrophe of homelessness.

ref. If we realised the true cost of homelessness, we’d fix it overnight – https://theconversation.com/if-we-realised-the-true-cost-of-homelessness-wed-fix-it-overnight-143998

Killing of Papuan clergyman sparks information clash, congregations flee

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

The Tabernacle Bible Church of Indonesia’s congregation from the Intan Jaya regency in Papua has fled into the forests in fear after the killing of a pastor at the weekend, allegedly by the military, reports CNN Indonesia.

The church (GKII) says it believes Rev Yeremia Zanambani was shot dead by members of the TNI (Indonesian military) on Saturday, September 19.

This is different from a statement issued earlier by the TNI which claimed that Zanambani had been shot by a “criminal armed group” (KKB) – the Indonesian government’s term for the rebel Free Papua Movement (OPM).

Rev Yeremia Zanambani
Rev Yeremia Zanambani … alleged to have been shot dead by the Indonesian military in Hitadiap village on Saturday. Image: Suara Papua

The information on the shooting was first uploaded by the GKII’s Facebook account @gkiipusat.

GKII national secretariat head Yahya Jahatela confirmed the information, saying that Zanambani was shot as he was going to his pig pen to feed the animals.

“Yes, that’s correct. Currently we are still waiting on written information and data from Papua, but the information is indeed correct,” said Jahatela when contacted by CNN Indonesia by phone yesterday.

Jahatela said that following the incident, seven or eight churches were empty with their congregations seeking refuge in the forest.

‘Congregations afraid’
“The congregations have fled into the forests because they’re afraid,” he said.

The GKII considers the incident to be a serious blow for church services in Intan Jaya and it is distressed about the loss of a spiritual figure for the Moni tribal people.

Zanambani was the head of the GKII church for the Hitadipa regency in Intan Jaya and was known as an evangelist who was dedicated and had integrity as well as a translator of the Bible into the Moni local language.

Jahatela said that they intend to write a protest to the government after obtaining complete data from the Papua GKII.

“[We’re] praying for the planned burial … and hope that the security forces can be prudent and behave fairly in safeguarding innocent people,” wrote the GKII central office on its Facebook account.

Earlier, III Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwihan) information head Colonel Czi IGN Suriastawa said that Zanambani had been shot dead by an armed criminal group in Hitadipa.

According to Suriastawa, armed criminal groups had been spreading “slander” by accusing the TNI of shooting Zanambani.

‘Attracting attention’
“As I said yesterday, they are looking for momentum to attract attention from the United Nations General Assembly meeting at the end of the month,” said Suriastawa in a press release on Sunday.

Suriastawa appealed to local people not to be provoked by the slander, particularly through social media.

“It’s clear that its being setup and manipulated to provoke the people, corner the TNI and Polri [Indonesian police] and government in the lead up to the UN SU (general session),” he said.

Suriastawa said that the death of Zanambani added to the long list of casualties.

He said that several days ago Papuan armed groups had attacked a civilian and two TNI soldiers.

Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Gereja Duga Pendeta Tewas di Intan Jaya Papua Ditembak TNI”.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Channel Seven’s Plate of Origin shows how Australian multiculturalism is defined by white people

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Blair Williams, Associate Lecturer, School of Political Science and International Relations, Australian National University

The grand final of Plate of Origin will air on on Channel Seven tonight.

Like other blockbuster cooking shows (think MasterChef, My Kitchen Rules), Plate of Origin is billed as a celebration of Australia’s multiculturalism — a rare example where other cultures are shown and discussed on mainstream TV.

But don’t be fooled. Plate of Origin provides a clear demonstration of how multiculturalism in Australia remains defined by white people.

What is Plate of Origin?

The program features ten teams cooking off against each other, based on national cuisines, in the “world cup of cooking”. It is described as both an “epic competition” and a “celebration of Australia”.


Read more: Why celebrity, award-winning chefs are usually white men


The teams include Team China, Team Lebanon, Team Vietnam, Team India and Team Greece. It is hosted by Gary Mehigan and Matt Preston of MasterChef fame, and Manu Feildel from My Kitchen Rules.

What’s wrong with it?

For a show that is all about different cuisines and cultures, the judges are three white men (two born in England, one in France).

While their expertise in cooking is undoubted, their position as judges reasserts the wisdom and virtue of white men. This when MasterChef ventured to have an Asian woman, Melissa Leong, on its judging panel this year.

A major issue with the way the show is constructed is the presence of a “Team Australia”. This is comprised of two white Australians —Ethan and Stew — who are “just two regular guys who like to cook”. Considering the show is about the teams cooking food from their heritage, then why not have a “Team United Kingdom” instead?

Having a “Team Australia” frames whiteness as normal and invisible, implying the other teams aren’t “real” Australians.

This idea was reinforced in episode six’s elimination task, where contestants had to prove themselves by adapting “an Aussie classic – the pie!”. This shows how other cultures can demonstrate their ethnicity, but must play by the rules set by white Australia.

There is no First Nations representation in the show at all.

Food from a white perspective

The program also makes assumptions about food from a white, European perspective.

As Team Cameroon noted in the lead up to a dessert challenge, “Africa, we don’t really do desserts”. This is similar to criticisms recently levelled at MasterChef, when it failed to understand Asian cuisine. For example, celebrity chef judge Jock Zonfrillo suggested Asian ingredients did not “automatically lend themselves to a fine dining dish”.

All this of course comes amid growing discomfort and anger about the lack of media diversity in Australia.

Recent Deakin University research showed those on Australian television are overwhelmingly white. The research, which examined two weeks of programs, found more than 75% of presenters, commentators and reporters were of Anglo-Celtic background, compared to 58% of the population.

Plate of Origin and Australian multiculturalism

While Plate of Origin can be viewed for its (questionable) culinary or entertainment value, it also highlights ongoing issues with Australian multiculturalism.

It is a textbook example of what Australian anthropologist Ghassan Hage terms the “white nation fantasy”. This argues multiculturalism and racial bigotry coexist in Australia.

For Hage, Australia’s version of multiculturalism demands mastery over People of Colour, as objects to be looked at, consumed and controlled.


Read more: Masterchef row puts chicken rendang and nasi lemak at the top of the menu


Its key figures are “white multiculturalists” who advocate tolerance and multiculturalism. But they also grant themselves the right to determine who is to be tolerated as part of the nation’s cultural and moral core.

According to Hage, Australians of colour need to “make themselves over as objects tolerable to white Australians”.

One of the main ways in which this is done is through what Hage terms a “multicultural exhibition”, in which minority groups are paraded for the benefit of white audiences.

For example, multicultural festivals and museum displays are prone to displaying a collection of migrant cultures as separate from Anglo-Celtic Australia and can trivialise issues of social inequality.


Read more: We know racism and recessions go together. Australia must prepare to stop a racism spike here


So, Plate of Origin helps us understand why multicultural Australia celebrates the presence of People of Colour when they know their place, which is to say it does not really celebrate them at all.

First Nations Australians can be adored as athletes and artists, but far less so as protesters. That is, they should not disturb how “mainstream Australians” envisage themselves.

Plate of Origin also helps us to understand why so many areas of leadership in Australia, including law, business and federal parliament, remain largely white.

Not ‘just a TV show’

It’s heartening to see Plate of Origin is not proving to be a ratings winner or critics’ favourite.

In its second week, ratings fell to from 667,000 to just 382,000. The program’s final episodes are now being rushed out together to finish off the season.

Nevertheless, the program is still being aired on a major network in a prime time slot – and still being viewed by hundreds of thousands of people each week.

What is shown on our TV screens matters. It is a reflection of how we think about our community. Hopefully the next time a program tries to “celebrate” Australia’s multiculturalism, it does so in a much more thoughtful way.

ref. Channel Seven’s Plate of Origin shows how Australian multiculturalism is defined by white people – https://theconversation.com/channel-sevens-plate-of-origin-shows-how-australian-multiculturalism-is-defined-by-white-people-145683

The major parties’ tax promises are more about ideology and psychology than equity or fairness for New Zealanders

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan Barrett, Senior Lecturer in Taxation, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

The conservative tax policies proposed by Labour and National ahead of next month’s election are hard to distinguish in substance, with each party offering no more than a gesture towards income tax equity.

National’s surprise announcement of temporary income tax cuts (based on moving income thresholds) does nothing to change that view. But it does at least distinguish the main opposition party from Labour in terms of philosophy and perception of human psychology.

Labour assumes the sentiment of social solidarity seen during the COVID-19 lockdown will persist. National is counting on voters opting for short-term self-interest.

Labour has attacked National’s proposals on the basis of numbers, notably a NZ$4 billion accounting error. Despite the apparent error, though, National’s figures have been reviewed by a reputable economic consultancy, so they are not pie-in-the-sky promises.

In truth, neither Labour nor National know whose tax policies would be more economically effective. And, of course, we will only be able to judge the effectiveness of the policies of the party that forms the next government.

man in a suit smiling
National Party finance spokesperson Paul Goldsmith: would ending temporary tax cuts feel like a tax increase? AAP

A low-stakes game

So, the real decision for voters now is philosophical and psychological.

Labour believes it can spend around $2 billion more effectively than individuals can if that money is in their hands. Conversely, while National has couched the tax cuts as a stimulus measure, finance spokesperson Paul Goldsmith made it clear a National-led government would have no interest in directing taxpayers how to spend or save their extra disposable income.


Read more: With their conservative promises, Labour and National lock in existing unfairness in New Zealand’s tax system


There is, then, a philosophical element to the proposals. In Labour’s weak communitarian view, the community comes before the individual. In National’s weak libertarian view, that is reversed.

The stakes are not so high that a voter must choose between outright communitarianism and libertarianism. Rather, it is a question of degree.

Under Labour’s proposal, a person earning $180,000 a year will pay income tax at an average rate of 28%, leaving the overwhelming majority of their income to be used as they wish. National’s proposal would see such a person better off but not dramatically so.

Nevertheless, the parties’ policies reflect their different philosophical underpinnings.

Can tax make you feel good?

ACT’s David Seymour, a strong libertarian, has accused National of seeking to have its cake and eat it by cutting taxes but promising not to reduce core services. ACT plausibly and candidly connects tax reduction with curbing the role of the state.

If we assume a simple trade off — tax for services — then voters should see it is possible that National’s $2 billion in tax cuts could lead to a roughly equivalent reduction in public services. If you are risk adverse, you should vote against tax cuts because they could affect you financially far more than the extra after-tax cash in your pocket.

In a national crisis, tax increases may promote a sense of solidarity and the need for strong government. For example, beyond their obvious contribution to government finance, tax surcharges imposed during war time have psychological benefits for those who pay them. Once the surcharges are removed, taxpayers have the benefit of both more disposable income and the peace of mind that the crisis has passed.

National’s proposal appears to run counter to this. Despite the current health and economic crisis, it will lower taxes (benefiting the wealthiest most and the poorest least) but will reverse the cuts in 2022, presumably when the crisis is over.

man in suit smiling
Labour Party finance spokesperson Grant Robertson: a tax increase for the highest earners, but how much difference does that really make? AAP

Risk and reward

Unless it makes the tax cuts permanent (perhaps its tacit hope), National’s problems will come when the tax cuts are reversed and taxpayers’ disposable income falls. For people who have become accustomed to having extra disposable income, the reversal will feel like a tax hike.

Unlike people paying tax surcharges in times of crisis, they will feel the psychological pain of having something taken away without an obvious good cause.

The philosopher John Rawls proposed a “veil of ignorance” when thinking about how benefits should be distributed in society. If people don’t know whether they will prosper or fail in life, he predicted, as a precaution they will favour a system of benefit distribution that looks after everyone, especially the worst off.

While Rawls was a liberal, his proposals promote social solidarity. He did not, however, pay much attention to different appetites for risk: if one thinks one is likely to do well in life, one might prefer low or no provision of benefits, and therefore pay less tax.

Labour’s proposals are Rawlsian, whereas National appears to be banking on “hard-working” middle-income earners having more of an appetite for risk. During a time of uncertainty and anxiety, of course, such a policy carries its own political risks.

ref. The major parties’ tax promises are more about ideology and psychology than equity or fairness for New Zealanders – https://theconversation.com/the-major-parties-tax-promises-are-more-about-ideology-and-psychology-than-equity-or-fairness-for-new-zealanders-146561

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