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TVNZ Breakfast host talks up ‘diversity’ role of interpreters

By AUT News

Television New Zealand Breakfast host John Campbell has highlighted the essential work that translators and interpreters do.

Associate Professor Ineke Crezee and Auckland University of Technology (AUT) interpreting graduate Dr Mustafa Derbashi were interviewed on Breakfast on International Translation Day, September 30, to help raise awareness of the profession.

“Translators are vital to helping minority communities get equal access to public services, like courts, like doctors, like government assistance,” Campbell said.

Associate Professor Crezee told Campbell that being an interpreter was about being “somebody’s voice”.

“And you have to be humble, because you cannot drown out their voice. You have to represent it as it is,” she said.

Dr Derbashi interpreted for victims at the sentencing for the Christchurch mosque attack terrorist at the High Court in Christchurch in August.

He said that when he came to New Zealand in 2001 he could not speak a word of English.

Prior to that he grew up for 29 years in a United Nations refugee camp in Jordan, which was when he made the decision to help others.

“This profession just makes me really feel privileged, because I have to professional, to be impartial, and to help people to be understood as they are.”

The Pacific Media Centre collaborates with other AUT news sources.

Dr Mustafa Derbashi
Language interpreter Dr Mustafa Derbashi … helping people to understand and to be understood. Image: AUT News
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Fijian Language Week – critical for NZ Pacific grandparents to be looked after

By AUT Pacific

It is Fijian Language Week in Aotearoa New Zealand, and to celebrate, Auckland University of Technology (AUT) has launched the Fiji episode in its Pacific language video series – “Adapting to a changing world, shaping resilient futures”.

Narrated in Fijian (with English subtitles) by an 18-year-old-girl speaking to her grandparents, the video puts the spotlight on the older Pacific population and the collaborative research being carried out through the Healthy Pacific Grandparents’ project, as part of AUT’s Pacific Islands Families Study (PIFS).

PIFS director Associate Professor El-Shadan Tautolo said it was critical Pacific grandparents had the resources they needed to ensure they were well looked after.

“Our older Pacific adult population, aged 65 years and over, is growing faster than our younger population, and they’re living longer too,” said Dr Tautolo.

“There are huge challenges to face with ageing, and this project was about working with 100 of our elderly population to find out about their experiences, health and wellbeing, in order to help them develop solutions that make their lives easier as they get older.”

Key study findings:

  • Working with older people as co-researchers supported them to identify challenges and develop their own strategies to address them.
  • Prioritising foot care screening and maintenance for older people led to improved mobility, independence, and reduced likelihood of going to hospital, and
  • There is a need to improve digital literacy of older people and identify digital tools that are helpful for them as they age.

Future video release dates:

•Niue – Sunday, 18 October 18

•Tokelau – Sunday, October 25

To watch each video as it is launched, follow the AUT Pacific on YouTube.

The Healthy Pacific Grandparents’ project is funded by the Ageing Well National Science Challenge.

The Pacific Media Centre collaborates with other AUT news sources.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

It was growing rainforests, not humans, that killed off Southeast Asia’s giant hyenas and other megafauna

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julien Louys, ARC Future Fellow, Griffith University

Thinking of Southeast Asia today may conjure up images of dense tropical rainforests teeming with iconic jungle animals such as orangutans, tigers and monkeys.

Perhaps less well known, but just as important to these ecosystems, are a host of other large-bodied creatures: the goat-like serows and gorals, three species of Asian rhino and the only species of tapir still living in the “Old World”.

A tapir sitting in a green forest.
The endangered Malayan tapir is the largest of four widely-recognized tapir species and the only one native to Asia. Shutterstock

Together, these creatures comprise Southeast Asia’s megafauna, second only to Africa’s in diversity. These two continental ecosystems are the last vestiges of a world largely lost – one where giants roamed the Earth. But what caused so many megafauna species to go extinct?

Several theories have suggested either humans, climate change, or both drove Southeast Asia’s megafauna to extinction. However, our newest research published today in Nature indicates it was actually the rise and fall of savannah environments that drove this extinction event.

Southeast Asia’s megafauna extinctions

Southeast Asia has lost many large mammal species over the Quaternary period, the past 2.6 million years. They included the world’s largest ever ape, Gigantopithecus, elephant-like creatures known as stegodons and large water buffaloes.

These extinctions also include one of our closest relatives, Homo erectus, and two island offshoots of the human family tree – Homo floresiensis (the “Hobbit”) and Homo luzonensis. One final human species is also recorded in the genes of Southeast Asians today: the Denisovans, who were once likely widespread throughout the region.

According to previous research, the lead antagonist in the megafauna extinction story is humans. Some have suggested the arrival of people to new lands over the past 60,000 years or more – who then overhunted and altered this new habitat – is what led to the loss of giant mammals.


Read more: New analysis finds no evidence that climate wiped out Australia’s megafauna


Others researchers have contended changes in climate resulted in the extinction of the megafauna. While others suggest a combination of both human and climate influences.

Toothy insights into past environments

For our research, we examined environmental changes in Southeast Asia over the past 2.6 million years, to determine how they may have impacted extinctions.

We analysed the stable isotopes of the teeth of mammals found in the region today, as well as those from available published fossil records.


Read more: Meet the giant wombat relative that scratched out a living in Australia 25 million years ago


Stable isotopes are the non-radioactive forms of many elements. Stable isotopes of carbon and oxygen preserved in mammal teeth record important information on what kinds of plants those animals ate, and how wet their environments were, respectively.

Stable carbon isotopes are particularly helpful in recording whether animals predominantly ate leaves and fruits in shaded forests, or grasses in more open settings. This insight lets us identify shifts in environments over time.

Ancient tooth fossils.
These fossil teeth from extinct Southeast Asian elephants are one example of the various teeth available in the fossil record. Julien Louys, Author provided

The fluctuating presence of forests

During the first 1.5 million years or so of the Pleistocene (the geological epoch that lasted from about 2,580,000 to 11,700 years ago), the northern parts of Southeast Asia were largely forest, while the southern parts were woodlands or grasslands.

Later, from about one million years ago, forests retreated everywhere in the region and grasslands dominated. Coincident with these changes, large forest-adapted animals including Gigantopithecus and a giant panda relative disappeared from Southeast Asia’s northern parts.

Model recreation of Gigantopithecus blacki.
Gigantopithecus blacki was a large extinct ape that lived during the Pleistocene in what is now Southern China. It’s believed to have gone extinct about 300,000 years ago. Greg Williams/Flickr, CC BY-NC

Later still, around 400,000 years ago, the Southeast Asian Sunda Shelf began to submerge and climate cycles changed. Because of this, forest conditions returned.

At the same time, grassland-adapted creatures that had filled the region, including giant hyenas, stegodons, bovids and Homo erectus began to disappear – and largely went extinct by the end of the Pleistocene. The remainder were driven into the rainforests.

By the last few tens of thousands of years, we see the first evidence of stratified, closed-canopy rainforests in Southeast Asia. These have dominated the region for the past 20,000 years or so.

Rainforest-adapted species should have been advantaged by the return of the rainforests, but one interloper changed that. Homo sapiens appears to be the only species in our family tree that was able to successfully adapt to and exploit rainforest environments.


Read more: Old teeth from a rediscovered cave show humans were in Indonesia more than 63,000 years ago


And although humans lived in Southeast Asian rainforests as early as 73,000 years ago, it was probably only in the last 10,000 years that Homo sapiens began to fundamentally alter these habitats and exploit the mammals within.

A vanishing world

Southeast Asia continues to preserve some of the most critically endangered megafauna on the planet.

Megafauna grassland specialists were the greatest loss as a result of disappearing savannahs 400,000 years ago. Today, rainforest megafauna are also at great risk of extinction.

Luckily for us, our own species’ fortunes changed for the better with the emergence of typical Southeast Asian rainforests. But we’re now the very thing threatening to destroy them forever.

ref. It was growing rainforests, not humans, that killed off Southeast Asia’s giant hyenas and other megafauna – https://theconversation.com/it-was-growing-rainforests-not-humans-that-killed-off-southeast-asias-giant-hyenas-and-other-megafauna-147656

We might not be able to understand free will with science. Here’s why

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Stoljar, Professor, Australian National University

Social media algorithms, artificial intelligence, and our own genetics are among the factors influencing us beyond our awareness. This raises an ancient question: do we have control over our own lives? This article is part of The Conversation’s series on the science of free will.


Suppose you are thinking about doing something trivial, such as moving your index finger a little to the right. You are free to do it. You are free not to do it. You weigh up the pros and cons, and decide to do it. Lo and behold, your finger moves. Congratulations! You did it.

This is a case of free will. Clearly it’s not a momentous case. Nothing much depends on whether you move your finger.

But imagine if something did. Imagine someone would be executed if you did move that finger. Then you’d be morally responsible, because you did it freely.

A hand holding a gun with the finger on the trigger.
If you freely choose to move your finger, knowing someone would be executed as a result, you would be morally culpable. Alejo Reinoso/Unsplash, CC BY

It seems as obvious as anything that we have free will. But lots of philosophers and scientists will tell you free will doesn’t exist.

The starting point of this argument is that free will is incompatible with determinism, a worldview that dominated science in the past and remains influential today.

Is everything predetermined?

Determinism says everything that happens now is entirely determined by factors that were in place well before you were even born.

Maybe these factors concern your upbringing or culture. Or they concern the initial conditions of the Universe and the laws that govern how it unfolds. Either way, you had nothing to do with them. And if they determine what you do, you aren’t free.

US philosopher Peter van Inwagen provides a vivid illustration of this argument, in his book An Essay on Free Will. If determinism is true, the laws of nature and the past together guarantee you will move your finger. It therefore follows that if you have the power not to move your finger, you would also have the power to change the laws or the past.

But that’s ridiculous. You don’t have such powers.

An initial reaction is that, while determinism was important historically, it now seems false.

Quantum physics shows the occurrence of some events to be literally random. It’s a concept the Australian National University used to develop a random number generator.

Unfortunately, this only makes matters worse. If moving your finger were just a random act, you wouldn’t be responsible for it and so you still wouldn’t be free.

This gives us the full-blown argument against free will. Either determinism is true or it’s not; that’s just logic.

If determinism is true, your acts are a consequence of things that happened before you were born; so you have no free will. But suppose determinism is not true; then it’s easy to think everything would be random, including all your actions (such as raising your finger!). But in this instance, there would be no free will either.

You might side with British philosopher Galen Strawson who, in his book Things That Bother Me, argues free will is “provably impossible”.

Is there a middle ground?

Another option is to try to understand free will so it works with a limited form of determinism, that applies to your actions rather than to everything in the world.

One version of this view, developed by ANU’s Victoria McGeer, involves defining free will as whatever explains our social capacities to hold each other morally responsible. As a deterministic process could in principle do that, free will and determinism may coexist.

But while a deterministic process may explain these capacities, it would not in that case be free will, because free will is fundamentally incompatible with determinism.

At this point, things look bleak. But there is a small ray of light, pointed out by US linguist and philosopher Noam Chomsky, who says:

We just can’t abandon believing it (free will); it’s our most immediate phenomenologically obvious impression, but we can’t explain it. […] If it’s something we know to be true and we don’t have any explanation for it, well, too bad for any explanatory possibilities.

Noam Chomsky on free will.

Suppose again that determinism is incompatible with free will. If so, when you freely moved your finger, that event was not fully determined by the initial conditions of the Universe and the laws of nature.

Does it necessarily follow that it’s random? On the face of it, no. To be random is one thing; to be not fully determined is quite another. There’s a logical space between determinism and randomness, and perhaps free will lives in that space.

Chomsky goes on to say it may be impossible for humans to understand free will. In science, people develop models or theories of the systems they are interested in. He suggests in his book Language and Problems of Knowledge the only models we can understand are those in which our acts are either determined or random. If so, we will never develop scientific models of free will, for it is neither of these things.

I am not sure Chomsky is right about the limits of human understanding. But I think he’s right about free will. We are free to move our finger. That is neither determined nor random — it’s a choice we can feel in our bones.

ref. We might not be able to understand free will with science. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/we-might-not-be-able-to-understand-free-will-with-science-heres-why-132898

New research: nitrous oxide emissions 300 times more powerful than CO₂ are jeopardising Earth’s future

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pep Canadell, Chief research scientist, Climate Science Centre, CSIRO Oceans and Atmosphere; and Executive Director, Global Carbon Project, CSIRO

Nitrous oxide from agriculture and other sources is accumulating in the atmosphere so quickly it puts Earth on track for a dangerous 3℃ warming this century, our new research has found.

Each year, more than 100 million tonnes of nitrogen are spread on crops in the form of synthetic fertiliser. The same amount again is put onto pastures and crops in manure from livestock.

This colossal amount of nitrogen makes crops and pastures grow more abundantly. But it also releases nitrous oxide (N₂O), a greenhouse gas.

Agriculture is the main cause of the increasing concentrations, and is likely to remain so this century. N₂O emissions from agriculture and industry can be reduced, and we must take urgent action if we hope to stabilise Earth’s climate.

2000 years of atmospheric nitrous oxide concentrations. Observations taken from ice cores and atmosphere. Source: BoM/CSIRO/AAD.

Where does nitrous oxide come from?

We found that N₂O emissions from natural sources, such as soils and oceans, have not changed much in recent decades. But emissions from human sources have increased rapidly.

Atmospheric concentrations of N₂O reached 331 parts per billion in 2018, 22% above levels around the year 1750, before the industrial era began.

Agriculture caused almost 70% of global N₂O emissions in the decade to 2016. The emissions are created through microbial processes in soils. The use of nitrogen in synthetic fertilisers and manure is a key driver of this process.

Other human sources of N₂O include the chemical industry, waste water and the burning of fossil fuels.


Read more: Intensive farming is eating up the Australian continent – but there’s another way


N₂O is destroyed in the upper atmosphere, primarily by solar radiation. But humans are emitting N₂O faster than it’s being destroyed, so it’s accumulating in the atmosphere.

N₂O both depletes the ozone layer and contributes to global warming.

As a greenhouse gas, N₂O has 300 times the warming potential of carbon dioxide (CO₂) and stays in the atmosphere for an average 116 years. It’s the third most important greenhouse gas after CO₂ (which lasts up to thousands of years in the atmosphere) and methane.

N₂O depletes the ozone layer when it interacts with ozone gas in the stratosphere. Other ozone-depleting substances, such as chemicals containing chlorine and bromine, have been banned under the United Nations Montreal Protocol. N₂O is not banned under the protocol, although the Paris Agreement seeks to reduce its concentrations.

A farmer emptying fertiliser into machinery
Reducing fertiliser use on farms is critical to reducing N₂O emissions. Shutterstock

What we found

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has developed scenarios for the future, outlining the different pathways the world could take on emission reduction by 2100. Our research found N₂O concentrations have begun to exceed the levels predicted across all scenarios.

The current concentrations are in line with a global average temperature increase of well above 3℃ this century.

We found that global human-caused N₂O emissions have grown by 30% over the past three decades. Emissions from agriculture mostly came from synthetic nitrogen fertiliser used in East Asia, Europe, South Asia and North America. Emissions from Africa and South America are dominated by emissions from livestock manure.

In terms of emissions growth, the highest contributions come from emerging economies – particularly Brazil, China, and India – where crop production and livestock numbers have increased rapidly in recent decades.

N₂O emissions from Australia have been stable over the past decade. Increase in emissions from agriculture and waste have been offset by a decline in emissions from industry and fossil fuels.

Regional changes in N₂O emissions from human activities, from 1980 to 2016, in million tons of nitrogen per year. Data from: Tian et al. 2020, Nature. Source: Global Carbon Project & International Nitrogen Initiative.

What to do?

N₂O must be part of efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and there is already work being done. Since the late 1990s, for example, efforts to reduce emissions from the chemicals industry have been successful, particularly in the production of nylon, in the United States, Europe and Japan.

Reducing emissions from agriculture is more difficult – food production must be maintained and there is no simple alternative to nitrogen fertilisers. But some options do exist.


Read more: Emissions of methane – a greenhouse gas far more potent than carbon dioxide – are rising dangerously


In Europe over the past two decades, N₂O emissions have fallen as agricultural productivity increased. This was largely achieved through government policies to reduce pollution in waterways and drinking water, which encouraged more efficient fertiliser use.

Other ways to reduce N₂O emissions from agriculture include:

  • better management of animal manure

  • applying fertiliser in a way that better matches the needs of growing plants

  • alternating crops to include those that produce their own nitrogen, such as legumes, to reduce the need for fertiliser

  • enhanced efficiency fertilisers that lower N₂O production.

Global nitrous oxide budget 2007-16. Adopted from Tian et al. 2020. Nature. Source: Global Carbon Project & International Nitrogen Initiative.

Getting to net-zero emissions

Stopping the overuse of nitrogen fertilisers is not just good for the climate. It can also reduce water pollution and increase farm profitability.

Even with the right agricultural policies and actions, synthetic and manure fertilisers will be needed. To bring the sector to net-zero greenhouse gas emissions, as needed to stabilise the climate, new technologies will be required.


Read more: Earth may temporarily pass dangerous 1.5℃ warming limit by 2024, major new report says


ref. New research: nitrous oxide emissions 300 times more powerful than CO₂ are jeopardising Earth’s future – https://theconversation.com/new-research-nitrous-oxide-emissions-300-times-more-powerful-than-co-are-jeopardising-earths-future-147208

We’d be spending $500 million on social housing repairs: Albanese’s alternative budget

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Anthony Albanese will highlight the potential of spending on social housing as a job creator in his Thursday night budget reply.

He says if Labor were in government now it would be investing $500 million to fast-track repairs to social housing, and urging state governments to match the funding.

While Albanese is not putting this as a commitment for the election, he promises he will later announce a comprehensive plan a Labor government would undertake for building and repairing social housing.

Albanese and housing spokesman Jason Clare said in a statement this immediate spending would be a win-win approach, fixing homes and creating work.

Some 25% of Australia’s social housing – 100,000 homes – needed urgent maintenance, they said.

“Repairs could start almost immediately, providing work for local plumbers, chippies, sparkies, plasterers and painters as well as companies that manufacture building supplies and materials. This would also provide opportunities for apprentices.”

Albanese frequently reprises his own “back story” of being brought up in public housing as he emphasises its importance. “As someone who grew up in public housing, I know the difference it can make when you’ve got a roof over your head and a comfortable home,” he said.

Economists in a recent survey pointed to social housing as a high priority for what should be in the budget, but it did not feature.

Albanese’s budget reply, expected to contain a number of initiatives, is being keenly watched by colleagues who are frustrated at Labor’s difficulty in cutting through during COVID.

Even the budget, with its big spending, has not left the opposition a great deal of scope for major attacks.

Labor has written to the Tax Commissioner to formally indicate its support for the budget’s bringing forward and backdating to July 1 of tax cuts that were due to start in 2022.

The acceleration requires legislation but Labor’s guarantee of its passage clears the way for the Tax Office to prepare new Pay As You Go tables.

This means the tax cut will flow to workers as soon as later this month. But the backdated part will not be paid to them until the end of the financial year.

It has been pointed out the budget made the tax cuts people will get appear larger than they actually are by benchmarking them against 2017-18, so including some tax relief that has already been received.

The Australia Institute, a progressive think tank, has taken a “wraparound” advertisement in the right-leaning Australian newspaper on Thursday declaring “TAX IS GOOD”. The wraparound will be in the edition that appears in Canberra and parts of NSW.

ref. We’d be spending $500 million on social housing repairs: Albanese’s alternative budget – https://theconversation.com/wed-be-spending-500-million-on-social-housing-repairs-albaneses-alternative-budget-147685

16 armed robbers kill three, wound one in remote PNG highway ambush

By Miriam Zarriga in Port Moresby

Three Papua New Guineans have been killed and another man is recovering in hospital after 16 armed bandits ambushed a vehicle they were travelling in with a priest and others in West Sepik.

Provincial police commander Chief Inspector Moses Ibsagi said two men were shot at point blank range in front of the passengers when they tried to resist the attack on Monday.

Two died on the spot after being shot in the head.

The third man died in hospital later from knife wounds.

“The passengers, including a Catholic priest and three teachers, were on their way from Nuku in West Sepik to Maprik in East Sepik when the 16 men held up the vehicle,” he said.

The incident happened along the Sepik Highway at Wamarau in West Sepik at around 3pm on Monday.

Police are looking for the 16 bandits on the run.

Ibsagi said they were trying to get more information on the attack.

He was told by the Nuku police station commander that the passengers were robbed of all their possessions.

“The passengers were travelling to Maprik for their daily shopping and sale of vanilla,” he said.

“As they came near a village called Wamarau, the 16 men stopped the vehicle and held up the passengers and crew members.

“The thugs were armed with guns and bush knives.

“During a struggle, the two men were shot on the head and died instantly.

“Two passengers received knife wounds.

“One of them succumbed to his wound at the Maprik hospital.

“The other is recovering.”

The National newspaper articles are republished by the Pacific Media Centre with permission.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

With his signature guitar style, Eddie Van Halen changed rock music

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ken Murray, Associate Professor in Guitar, Melbourne Conservatorium of Music, University of Melbourne

The legendary guitarist Eddie Van Halen has died aged 65. One of the most influential guitarists of the modern age, Van Halen was known for his mastery of the two-handed tapping technique and for bringing the virtuosic rock guitar solo back into the popular music mainstream in the late 70s and 1980s.

One of the great innovators, Van Halen formed a bridge between 1970s rock styles and heavy metal sounds of the 1980s. He delivered his best work with a nonchalance that belied the training and dedication driving him and his band to succeed.

Born in the Netherlands in 1955, Van Halen came from a musical family. His father played saxophone and clarinet professionally and ensured Van Halen and his older brother, Alex, started piano lessons from a young age.

The boys’ training in classical music and theory would influence Van Halen’s guitar playing, particularly the famous two-handed, finger tapping technique, where harmonic ideas derived from the keyboard found new expression on the electric guitar.


Read more: Redefining the rock god – the new breed of electric guitar heroes


Young tour de force

The family immigrated to the US in 1962 and the young Van Halen brothers later discovered rock music, with Jimi Hendrix and Eric Clapton as early heroes.

In his first Guitar Player magazine interview in 1978, Van Halen mentioned Clapton as a formative influence, having learnt his solos note for note.

In 1972, while still in high school, the brothers formed the band Mammoth, hiring a public address system from David Lee Roth. Van Halen originally sang as well as playing guitar, but he tired of combining duties so Roth (and his PA) joined the band.

This recording, live on the Sunset Strip circa 1976, captures the energy of the band.

Mammoth caught the attention of Kiss’s Gene Simmons, who financed an early demo tape, and then producer Ted Templeman who signed the group to a record deal. Their first album, Van Halen (1978), was recorded quickly, drawing on their live sound and set list.

It was the album’s second track, Eruption, that captured the attention of guitarists.

This tour de force shows Van Halen had already developed his signature style by his early 20s. Opening power chords signal a call to attention while licks based on blues and rock phrases are transformed through sheer speed and intensity. The tone has a power, presence and clarity rarely heard in rock guitar recordings of the time.

The climax of the piece is the famous two-handed tapping section. With a concluding dive bomb – a pitch descent courtesy of subtle manipulation of the whammy bar, Van Halen ushered in a new era in electric guitar playing.

Van Halen demonstrating his two-handed tapping in 2015.

True innovation

The sounds and techniques used in Eruption seemed to be only possible on the electric guitar, exploiting the instrument’s responsiveness and tactile immediacy.

But Van Halen continued to seek new means of musical expression and on Van Halen II (1979), he gave us an example of what was possible when his virtuosic approach was adapted to the acoustic guitar.

Spanish Fly is a great example of his drive to innovate and adapt as a musician.

Van Halen was always modifying his guitars. Early experiments led to him creating his “Frankenstein guitar” in 1974, fusing the neck and humbucker pickup from a Gibson guitar onto a Fender Stratocaster body. He added the stripes that became his signature.

Van Halen poses with his ‘Frankenstein guitar’ at an exhibition at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History in 2015. Photo by Owen Sweeney/Invision/AP File

He remained involved in designing new instruments throughout his career, collaborating with makers such as Music Man, Charvel and Fender.

‘The brown sound’

Van Halen’s sound was loud and distorted but also clear and focused. Often referred to as the “brown” sound for its feeling of organic warmth, this sound has gone on to inspire generations of guitarists.

The band’s biggest commercial success was the album 1984, where Van Halen turned to keyboards in both writing and recording.

A good example of the ‘brown sound’ can be heard here on Unchained, live at Oakland Coliseum Stadium in 1981.

On the single Jump, keyboard chords ground the song but an improvised, high energy electric guitar solo reminds the listener of Van Halen’s virtuosity as he leads the band into a Bach-inspired, keyboard fantasy.

Jump showed Van Halen’s skills on both keyboard and guitar.

From 1978 to 1998, the band released 11 studio albums, with their 12th and final album, A Different Kind of Truth (2012), appearing 13 years later. But it is the searing lead break on Michael Jackson’s Beat It (1983) that bought Van Halen to global attention.

Jammed into 32 seconds, Van Halen’s solo is a masterpiece of construction, featuring pitch manipulation with the whammy bar, squealing harmonics, rapid-fire two-handed tapping, scurrying scalar licks (or quick scales) and a final ascending tremolo line that soars to the upper reaches of the fretboard and makes you wonder what just happened.

It is one of the most famous rock guitar solos around.

Van Halen’s work on Beat It.

Van Halen was diagnosed with tongue cancer in 2000, and declared cancer free in 2002. In 2019, it was first reported he had been battling throat cancer for five years.

In 2015, Rolling Stone named Van Halen as number eight on a list of the world’s greatest guitarists of all time. But as his career shows, his talent wasn’t simply in his musical virtuosity, but in his innovation: creating a brand new sound for rock music, but also in the design of the guitar itself.

ref. With his signature guitar style, Eddie Van Halen changed rock music – https://theconversation.com/with-his-signature-guitar-style-eddie-van-halen-changed-rock-music-147652

‘Backwards’ federal budget: Morrison government never fails to disappoint on climate action

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Quiggin, Professor, School of Economics, The University of Queensland

When it comes to action on climate change, Tuesday’s federal budget delivered by Treasurer Josh Frydenberg was a real – though not unexpected – disappointment which favoured polluting technologies over a clean energy future.

It included money to upgrade a coal-fired power station in New South Wales, and confirmed A$50 million previously announced to develop carbon capture and storage. The government will also spend A$52.9 million expanding Australia’s gas industry.

But investment in renewable energy was largely shunned. Notably, the government allocated just A$5 million for electric vehicles. It confirmed funding for the Australian Renewable Energy Agency (ARENA) for another decade, but the money is far less than what’s needed.

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen the Morrison government abandon long-held dogma on debt and deficits. However, the federal budget shows when it comes to climate and energy, the government is singing from the same old songbook.

Scott Morrison and Josh Frydenberg
On climate policy, the Morrison government is singing from the same old songbook. AAP/Mick Tsikas

A techno-fix

The budget doubled down on the Morrison government’s rhetoric of “technology, not taxes”, by choosing preferred technologies for investment.

This “picking winners” approach would have some chance of addressing climate change if it were based on a comprehensive analysis of the best path to zero emissions. But instead, the government has largely made offerings at the altars of technologies worshipped by the conservative side of politics.

The government will spend an as-yet undisclosed sum, possibly A$11 million, to refurbish the Vales Point coal-fired power station. The commitment to this coal infrastructure, co-owned by prominent Liberal party donor Trevor St Baker, is a disgraceful misuse of public money. It will also do little to halt the steady decline of coal-fired power generation.


Read more: ‘The good, the bad and the ugly’: here’s the lowdown on Australia’s low-emissions roadmap


As previously announced, the government will spend A$52.9 million to support the gas industry, which Frydenberg says will lower prices and support more manufacturing jobs. It includes money for gas infrastructure planning and to open up five gas basins, starting with Beetaloo Basin in the Northern Territory.

The budget confirms A$50 million for carbon capture and storage (CCS) to fund projects to cut emissions from industry. But proving the viability of large-scale CCS projects is extremely difficult, as experience in the United States and Canada has shown. In this context, allocating just A$50 million to get the technology off the ground is simply laughable.

History suggests the spending offers little return on investment. Research by the Australia Institute in 2017 revealed federal governments have spent A$1.3 billion in taxpayers’ money on CCS projects, with very little to show for it.

Vales Point coal plant
The budget contained spending to upgrade the Vales Point coal plant. NSW Health/AAP

Renewables snubbed

Meanwhile, last night’s budget largely shunned investment in renewable energy.

The budget confirmed A$1.4 billion in ARENA funding for a further ten years, including a pretty paltry A$223.9 million over the next four years. Separately, the government will also seek to pass legislation to change ARENA’s investment mandate, enabling it to fund gas and carbon capture projects.

The government has allocated a tiny A$5 million towards electric vehicle development, including money towards a manufacturing facility in South Australia. It’s good to see electric vehicles on the government’s radar. But the commitment is dwarfed by investment overseas, including a reported US$300 billion set aside by global car makers over the next decade to bring electric vehicles to mass production.


Read more: Budget 2020 at a glance: the cuts, the spends, and that big deficit in 7 charts


The measly spending on clean energy technology does not make economic sense. The renewable energy sector is standing by to slash emissions and deliver lower energy prices – if only the right policy environment existed.

The budget was also an opportunity for the government to ditch its irrational opposition to carbon pricing. Recent research has comprehensively shown carbon pricing slows growth in greenhouse gas emissions.

Vehement carbon pricing critics, such as conservatives Tony Abbott, Craig Kelly and Barnaby Joyce, are now either discredited or out of parliament altogether. And scores of countries around the world have implemented some form of price on carbon.

Wind turbines against a blue sky.
Investing in clean energy is a better bet for the economy. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas

A global outlier

Most obviously, the budget was an opportunity to commit to net-zero emissions by 2050, as many developed countries have done.

The Morrison government has already used dodgy accounting tricks to meet Australia’s Paris Agreement commitment – reducing emissions by 26% on 2005 levels. The absence of a net-zero target suggests the government intends to allow emissions to grow indefinitely after 2030.

This approach is out of step with many of Australia’s international peers. Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, now the clear favourite to win the US election in November, is campaigning on what has been described as “the most aggressive climate platform” ever put forward by a presidential nominee.


Read more: South Korea’s Green New Deal shows the world what a smart economic recovery looks like


Biden wants the US to produce net-zero emissions by 2050. His US$2 trillion plan includes huge investments in clean energy research and development, and low-emissions infrastructure such as public transport and energy-efficient buildings. He has also promised a border tax levied on imports from countries without a carbon price.

Europe is well on the way to phasing out coal, and forging ahead with new carbon-free technologies to produce steel, cement and ammonia. The European Union has also said any free trade deal with Australia is contingent on our commitment to deep emissions abatement.

And in China, President Xi Jinping recently announced his nation will reach net-zero emissions by 2060.

Joe Biden
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden has an ambitious climate agenda. Patrick Semansky/AP

We have no choice

The budget was a chance to reset Australia’s failed climate policy – an opportunity enhanced by the stimulus spending brought on by COVID-19.

Instead, we got a string of backward-looking gestures including subsidies for coal, another go at the failed technology of carbon capture storage and a continued push for gas.

Sooner or later, Australia will have to join the rest of the world in ending our reliance on carbon-based energy. The catastrophic bushfires of last summer proved this. And if we refuse to move, the rest of the world will force our hand.

ref. ‘Backwards’ federal budget: Morrison government never fails to disappoint on climate action – https://theconversation.com/backwards-federal-budget-morrison-government-never-fails-to-disappoint-on-climate-action-147659

It’s not the size of the budget deficit that counts; it’s how you use it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steven Hamilton, Visiting Fellow, Tax and Transfer Policy Institute, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

In putting together his unprecedented pandemic budget, Treasurer Josh Frydenberg had two big tasks: to support the economy now, and to kick-start the next boom.

Many commentators seem to be enamoured by the size of the spend. But once you dig into the details, it’s a mixed bag.

The 2020 budget certainly delivers on boosting business investment and hiring, and the tax cuts will help lift employment and activity.

But overall it’s a bit light on direct stimulus – spending to support those who have lost their incomes and boost consumer demand. It doesn’t do enough for the economy now, when a boost is needed most. And it lacks a coherent reform narrative around driving the economy out of this crisis better than it went in.


Read more: Budget 2020 at a glance: the cuts, the spends, and that big deficit in 7 charts


Employment and business incentives

Let’s start with the good.

Bringing forward scheduled income tax cuts and increasing the tax offset for low-income earners is good news, despite misgivings among some economists.

They will provide some stimulus via increased spending over the next two years. They will also make it cheaper for businesses to take on workers, and more worthwhile for workers to take on more hours. Research backs this up.


Read more: The budget’s tax cuts have their critics, but this year they make fiscal sense


Encouraging business investment is another good priority. There is strong evidence from schemes in the US that the A$27 billion allocated to enable businesses to deduct the full cost of new assets installed up to June 2022 will boost investment, driving jobs and higher wages over the next few years. Other business incentives, around hiring and R&D, are also welcome.

The budget also contains many worthy smaller measures. For example, it is great to see the government commit an extra A$101 million to double the number of Medicare-subsidised therapy sessions from 10 to 20 per year. Hopefully there will be more support to come for mental health and suicide prevention as the government delivers reviews into these areas.

Investment sleight of hand

Now on to the not-so-good.

First, the A$27 billion for instant asset write-offs is a bit of a sleight of hand. The measure allows businesses to write off investments up front instead of depreciating them over time. So businesses will pay less tax now but more later.

This is why the budget shows a reduction in tax receipts over the first three years, but an increase in year four. Expenses are brought forward to year one even for investments they were going to undertake anyway. The economic benefit – which is real, to be clear – is purely in businesses not having to wait for those tax benefits.

And it is not an investment allowance, as some have called it, which would provide a subsidy on top of allowing a business to expense the assets up front. Research suggests a true investment allowance such as the GFC Investment Tax Break given to Australian business during the Global Financial Crisis, would have boosted investment even more.


The Conversation’s Business & Economy editor Peter Martin explains the 2020 budget in three minutes.

This budget just isn’t very stimulating

Now on to the not good at all.

Though the tax cuts provide some stimulus to the economy, it will not be as much as direct cash payments. And you only receive the tax cuts – more than A$2,000 a year for many taxpayers – if you work.

The government’s main instruments for direct stimulus – the JobKeeper and JobSeeker payments – are already being wound back (with JobKeeper ending in March 2021), which will pull a massive amount of demand out of the economy.


Read more: Budget 2020: promising tax breaks, but relying on hope


US research on the effect of the US government’s US$2.2 trillion stimulus package shows government payments to households significantly boosted spending in a matter of weeks, with 25 to 40 cents in every dollar of stimulus being spent.

But this budget offers little in the way of direct cash payments. The government has committed to two modest $250 payments to certain welfare recipients, but the second won’t arrive for another five months.

The direct stimulus that is on offer will provide some support, but not nearly the volume required.

Green waste

By far the budget’s biggest snub is the almost complete absence of green stimulus – specifically, investment in carbon-reduction efforts. This spending is all the more critical in the absence of an economy-wide carbon price.

Green stimulus offers the prospect of a triple economic dividend: it generates activity and jobs today, it prevents an impending environmental calamity, and it creates the industries and jobs of the future.

Other countries are seizing COVID-19 as an opportunity to make inroads towards their emissions-reduction targets. France, for example, has devoted a third of its stimulus to green measures.


Read more: Creative destruction: the COVID-19 economic crisis is accelerating the demise of fossil fuels


Using the most generous possible definition, only about 1% of new Australian government spending over the next four years will go to environmental initiatives. This is a tremendous missed opportunity.

So, overall, the budget is a mixed bag. There are some welcome stimulus measures, but some critical ones missing. The government has a lot more work to do to kick start a new golden era of economic growth.

Let’s hope the Treasurer delivers on that in his next budget, due in just seven months.

ref. It’s not the size of the budget deficit that counts; it’s how you use it – https://theconversation.com/its-not-the-size-of-the-budget-deficit-that-counts-its-how-you-use-it-147603

Why the US vice presidential debate matters more now than ever before

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jared Mondschein, Senior Advisor, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

In many ways, a vice president’s most important constitutional duty is simply to stay alive. Beyond breaking ties in the US Senate, the vice president essentially has no real constitutional duties beyond replacing a deceased or incapacitated president.

Such matters of life or death could not weigh heavier in the upcoming presidential election, which features the oldest candidates of all time — President Donald Trump is 74 and his opponent, Joe Biden, is 77.

And Trump, as we all know, was hospitalised in recent days after contracting COVID-19 — and, according to his doctor, is still not “out of the woods” when it comes to making a full recovery.

With the health of Trump (and Biden, who has so far tested negative for COVID) at the forefront, it’s even more vital for Americans and the world to learn more about Vice President Mike Pence and his fellow vice presidential candidate, Senator Kamala Harris, as they meet in their only debate this week (Thursday AEST).

How vice presidents differ from their presidents

A vice president becoming president outside of an election is by no means a remote possibility. It has happened nine times in US history and includes some of America’s most well-known presidents – Lyndon Johnson, Harry Truman and Theodore Roosevelt.

One of the chief reasons these former vice presidents are so well-known is that, on taking office, they diverged in key areas from the presidents they served under, from Johnson’s doubling down on the US presence in Vietnam to Truman’s more confrontational approach to the Soviet Union.

In the case of Andrew Johnson, who became president after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in 1865, the divergence was essentially a reversal: the Southern-born Johnson largely sought to obstruct Reconstruction efforts following the end of the Civil War.


Read more: Who is Kamala Harris, Joe Biden’s pick for vice president?


Most vice presidents, however, serve their presidents faithfully until it’s their turn to run for the higher office. In modern times, they are often given considerable responsibilities, too.

Dick Cheney came to the office with much more experience in Washington than his running mate, George W. Bush, and assumed more duties than most — if not all — vice presidents in modern history, particularly with the administration’s “War on Terror” after the September 11 attacks.

Biden, who also came into office with more Washington experience than his running mate, Barack Obama, was entrusted with specific responsibilities, such as overseeing the US troop withdrawal from Iraq and securing votes in Congress for key legislation like the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare).

Cheney is regarded as one of the most powerful vice presidents to hold the office. Evan Vucci/AP

Why the vice president debate matters

This week’s debate will be a rare opportunity for Pence and Harris to show the nation who they are without Trump and Biden in the room — and, potentially, how they differ from their running mates.

Harris is already familiar to some Democrats, having participated in nearly half a dozen debates as a presidential candidate herself last year in the lead-up to the Democratic primaries.

Many will be watching to see just how much daylight she allows between herself and Biden. Though Harris and Biden are allies now, she fiercely criticised him in the Democratic debates for his close relationships with pro-segregationist US senators and his stance on the bussing of Black students to white schools in the 1970s.

There were tense moments between Biden and Harris on the debate stage last year. Paul Sancya/AP

Pence, meanwhile, will likely stick closely to the Trump campaign script, despite the fact he has diverged with Trump on many issues in the past.

Before the two were running mates in 2016, for example, Pence called Trump’s pledge to ban Muslim immigration to America “offensive and unconstitutional”. And while Trump railed against illegal immigration, Pence endorsed pathways to citizenship for undocumented migrants.

These days, however, Pence is very much a Trump loyalist and fully supportive of the administration’s agenda – even when talking off the record with journalists. He will no doubt offer a full-throated defence to any attacks Harris makes against the president or their administration’s policies in the debate.

Glass barriers have been set up to separate the candidates during the debate. Julio Cortez/AP

Pence offers a predictable counterpart to Trump

Pence’s role in the Trump administration has less to do with a specific portfolio and is more tied to his personality.

An evangelical Christian and former governor of Indiana, Pence is conventional, predictable and methodical – a helpful counterweight to Trump’s unconventional, unpredictable and instinctual manner.


Read more: The first US presidential debate was pure chaos. Here’s what our experts thought


The public spat in the White House between the president and Democratic lawmakers in 2018 perhaps most clearly illustrated the differences between Pence and Trump. While Trump and the Democrats tried to score points against one another, Pence sat silent and almost motionless, giving the president the limelight.

But Pence’s differences with Trump go beyond just demeanour.

While Trump has had a troubled history with women that includes at least 18 allegations of sexual misconduct, Pence refuses to meet alone with women other than his wife of 35 years.

Mike Pence with his wife, Karen, preparing to fly to a campaign event in Utah ahead of the vice presidential debate. Jacquelyn Martin/AP

And while Trump has mastered the art of insulting political opponents, Pence pledged not to engage in negative campaigning after an election loss in 1990.

Pence is clearly a politician from an earlier era, but it works for the Trump administration.

He has been deployed when the administration has needed careful and deliberate nuance on everything from clarifying its policy toward China to reassuring concerned allies after Trump’s surprise election win.

Looking ahead to 2024

Pence and Harris will likely be significantly more disciplined and restrained in this week’s debate than Trump and Biden were in theirs — a spectacle that featured countless interruptions and personal attacks.

Neither Pence nor Harris will likely diverge too far from their running mates on key issues, either, regardless of their personal views.

It’s not hard to understand why they would be so supportive of candidates they have explicitly criticised in the past — both are likely favourites to be their respective party’s nominees for president in 2024. This week’s debate offers a short preview of what might be to come.


Read more: The US presidential election might be closer than the polls suggest (if we can trust them this time)


ref. Why the US vice presidential debate matters more now than ever before – https://theconversation.com/why-the-us-vice-presidential-debate-matters-more-now-than-ever-before-147449

Nearly half a million poultry deaths: there are 3 avian influenza outbreaks in Victoria. Should we be worried?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Wille, Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Researcher Award Fellow, University of Sydney

As we navigate a global human pandemic, avian influenza (or “bird flu”) has been detected in domestic poultry across Victoria.

When scientists discuss avian influenza, we’re usually referring to the diverse subtypes of influenza that primarily infect birds. Avian influenza viruses are commonly found in healthy wild birds and can also cause illness and death among domestic poultry including chickens, turkeys and ducks.

Humans can contract it if they come into close contact with infected birds (not from eating cooked chicken or eggs). But these viruses don’t easily infect us and their health risk is considered low.

Between 2003-2019, there have been about 2,500 human cases of avian influenza globally (mainly caused by the influenza subtypes H7N9 and H5N1).

There’s also no evidence of people becoming infected as a result of the current outbreaks in Victoria. Nonetheless, avian influenza viruses can mutate, so we must carefully monitor and deal with them as they arise.


Read more: Bird flu: learning lessons from traditional human-animal relations


How we classify avian influenza

These viruses are classified in two ways. The first is based on the HA-NA subtype system. On the surface of the virus are two proteins: haemagglutinin (HA) and neuraminidase (NA). Of these, there are 16 and 9 types respectively.

So when we talk about the subtype H5N1, for example, we’re referring to type 5 of the HA and type 1 of the NA. Due to their mix-and-match nature, there are 144 potential HA-NA subtype combinations. The vast majority of these never cause disease in birds.

Avian influenza viruses are also classified by how “pathogenic” they are, which refers to their ability to cause disease in domestic poultry. Low pathogenic viruses are common in wild birds and may cause limited disease in poultry, but highly pathogenic viruses cause high mortality in poultry.

Occasionally, when an H5 or H7 low pathogenic avian influenza virus crosses from wild birds to poultry, changes in the virus genome can occur, transforming it into a highly pathogenic virus.

Avian influenza viruses are classified in two ways – the first is based on the HA and NA subtypes, and the second is based pathogenicity. Michelle Wille

Avian influenza outbreaks in Victoria

In Victoria, there have been three outbreaks of avian influenza since July this year: two low pathogenic avian influenza viruses, H5N2 and H7N6, in domestic turkeys and emus, respectively, as well as a high pathogenic H7N7 virus in chickens.

The simultaneous detection of different virus subtypes in chickens, emus and turkeys is unusual. In the past, outbreaks in domestic birds have mostly been caused by a single subtype. This highlights the importance of stringent biosecurity practices, to prevent the introduction of avian influenza into farmed poultry.

Victoria’s current outbreaks are causing substantial economic loss and are considered emergency animal diseases. They have resulted in:

  • the deaths of about 450,000 domestic birds across six farms, of which the vast majority are egg-laying chickens
  • a potential loss of export markets for poultry products
  • significant response costs and loss of income for affected producers, requiring permits to move eggs, equipment and birds from affected areas.

The good news is Australia has successfully eradicated high pathogenic avian influenza viruses in the past. We will almost certainly eradicate these too.

Agriculture Victoria, the lead agency for emergency animal diseases in the state, is responding to the outbreaks in a number of ways.

Firstly, a housing order requires all bird owners in the affected areas to keep their birds inside. This measure, along with other movement controls, helps limit spread to other farms.

Second, infected birds on the farms are destroyed, with the farms thoroughly decontaminated. These procedures are key to preventing the continued spread of avian influenza.

There are currently three outbreaks of avian influenza in Victoria, high pathogenic H7N7 in chickens, low pathogenic H5N2 in turkeys and low pathogenic H7N6 in emus. Michelle Wille

How we’re tracking the spread of the viruses

Outbreaks of avian influenza in Australian poultry are infrequent. The last outbreak of high pathogenic avian influenza in Victoria’s poultry (before this year) was in 1992. Low pathogenic avian influenza, however, is detected in our wild birds regularly.

Past testing has found different groups of wild birds can have infection rates ranging between 0.1-40%. The variation depends on which species make up the group, the group’s predominant location and also what season it is. The most common virus subtypes found in wild birds are H1, H3 and H6.

Data used to understand and monitor avian influenza in the wild is generated by the National Avian Influenza Wild Bird Surveillance program, which screens samples directly from captured birds, or indirectly through their faeces.

Not an ‘imported’ virus

Unlike contact tracing with people, birds can’t tell you who they have been socialising with. That’s why genomic sequencing is crucial in tracking, tracing and monitoring avian influenza viruses.

Each virus has a unique genomic sequence, like a genetic fingerprint. Using genetic analysis, the different genomes can be compared. This offers insight into how closely related certain viruses are and how wild birds may be spreading them across the country.

This method helped us to discover Victoria currently has three distinct outbreaks – and to connect the farms within each outbreak.

Also, a critical component of our response is the collection of virus genomes already available to us from past surveillance efforts. These data have revealed the viruses currently in Victoria are not imported from Asia, or elsewhere.

Rather, they’re similar to low pathogenic avian influenza viruses currently circulating in wild Australian waterbirds, as well as viruses that have caused past outbreaks in poultry.


Read more: Avian influenza – why it’s not going away


We would like to acknowledge Agriculture Victoria, AgriBio, the Centre for AgriBioscience (a joint initiative between Agriculture Victoria and La Trobe University), the CSIRO Australian Centre for Disease Preparedness and the WHO Collaborating Centre for Reference and Research on Influenza in collaboration with Deakin University, for their ongoing avian influenza surveillance under the National Avian Influenza Wild Bird Surveillance program.

ref. Nearly half a million poultry deaths: there are 3 avian influenza outbreaks in Victoria. Should we be worried? – https://theconversation.com/nearly-half-a-million-poultry-deaths-there-are-3-avian-influenza-outbreaks-in-victoria-should-we-be-worried-145325

Biden increases lead after debate and Trump’s coronavirus; Labor gains Queensland lead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of Melbourne

With four weeks left until the November 3 election, the FiveThirtyEight aggregate of US national polls gives Joe Biden a 9.0% lead over Donald Trump (51.4% to 42.4%). Biden’s lead has increased 1.4% since an October 1 article I wrote for The Poll Bludger.

In the key states, Biden leads by 7.5% in Michigan, 7.0% in Wisconsin, 6.6% in Pennsylvania, 4.3% in Arizona and 3.4% in Florida. If Biden wins the states that voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016, plus Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, he wins the election with at least 278 of the 538 Electoral Votes.

Pennsylvania is still the “tipping-point” state that could potentially put either Trump or Biden over the 270 EVs required to win. But it is polling closer to Wisconsin and Michigan than in the recent past. The current difference between Pennsylvania and the national vote is 2.4% in favour of Trump.

There are five states where Biden is either just ahead or just behind: North Carolina, Georgia, Texas, Iowa and Ohio. If Biden won all of them, he would win a blowout victory with over 400 EVs.

In the FiveThirtyEight forecast, Trump still has a 17% chance to win, though only an 8% chance to win the popular vote. Trump’s chances have declined 4% since last week. Still, a 17% chance is the probability of rolling a six on a six-sided die.

Trump’s ratings with all polls in theFiveThirtyEight aggregateare 43.4% approve, 53.0% disapprove (net -9.6%). With polls of likely or registered voters, Trump’s ratings are 43.7% approve, 53.0% disapprove (net -9.3%). His net approval has declined about one point since last week.

The FiveThirtyEight Classic Senate forecast gives Democrats a 70% chance to win, up 2% since last week. The most likely outcome is a narrow 51 to 49 Democratic majority, unchanged from last week. The forecast gives Democrats an 80% chance of holding between 48 and 55 seats after the election.

Trump’s coronavirus

Perhaps there would have been some public sympathy for Trump had his coronavirus appeared to be bad luck. But it is likely Trump and other prominent Republicans’ coronavirus infections occurred at a September 26 event to announce Amy Coney Barrett as Trump’s nominee to replace the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court.

The footage shows people sitting close together, without face masks. This created an impression of reckless conduct by Trump and other Republicans in ignoring medical advice.

In a CNN poll taken after Trump’s coronavirus, 60% disapproved and 37% approved of Trump’s handling of coronavirus; his -23 net approval is a record low on that issue. 63% thought Trump had acted irresponsibly and just 33% thought he had been responsible.

An additional problem for Trump is that coronavirus is back in the headlines. As Trump is perceived to have been poor on this issue, that helps Biden. New US daily cases have plateaued between 30,000 and 50,000.

Biden wins first presidential debate

The first presidential debate between Biden and Trump occurred on September 29. A CBS News post-debate scientific poll gave Biden a narrow 48-41 victory, while a CNN poll gave him a far more emphatic 60-28 win. Trump needed a clear win to change the current polling. There will be two more presidential debates on October 15 and 22, and a vice presidential debate Thursday AEDT.

The major headlines from the debate were that it was a shouting match, and Trump’s refusal to denounce white supremacists. I have said before that the US economy’s fast recovery from the April coronavirus lows is Trump’s best asset for re-election, but he did nothing during the debate to tell a positive story about the economy.

Concerning the Supreme Court fight over Ginsburg’s replacement, a Morning Consult poll found a record 62% supported the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), while 24% were opposed. In March, this was 55-29 support. There is clear danger for Trump and Republicans in appointing a judge who may overturn Obamacare.

US employment growth slows

The September US jobs report was the last before the November 3 election. 661,000 jobs were created, and the unemployment rate dropped 0.5% to 7.9%. This was the first month with fewer than a million jobs added since the April nadir.

The unemployment rate has almost halved from April’s 14.7%. But the gain in September was mainly attributable to a 0.3% slide in the participation rate, to 61.4%. The employment population ratio – the percentage of eligible Americans who are employed – increased just 0.1% to 56.6%. It is 1.6% below where it was at the lowest point of the recovery from the global financial crisis (58.2%).

Trump may have undermined his relative advantage on the economy, compared to other issues, by withdrawing from negotiations with Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi over a new stimulus bill. An article by analyst Nate Silver says stimulus spending was very popular: in a September Siena poll for The New York Times, voters supported a $US 2 trillion stimulus by a 72-23 margin.

Queensland YouGov: 52-48 to Labor

The Queensland election will be held on October 31. A YouGov poll, conducted September 24 to October 1 from a sample of 2,000, gave Labor a 52-48 lead, a four-point gain for Labor since the last such poll in June. A Queensland Newspoll, which is conducted by YouGov, gave the LNP a 51-49 lead in late July.

Primary votes were 37% Labor (up five since the June YouGov), 37% LNP (down one), 12% Greens (steady) and 9% One Nation (down three). Figures are from The Poll Bludger.

The overall shift in this poll is a 1% swing to Labor since the 2017 election. Regional breakdowns gave Labor a 57-43 lead in Brisbane (1% swing to the LNP), the LNP a 54-46 lead on the Gold and Sunshine Coasts (3% swing to Labor) and the LNP a 53-47 lead in regional Queensland (1% swing to the LNP).

57% (up eight) approved of Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk’s performance and 27% (down six) disapproved, for a net approval of +30, up 14 points. Opposition Leader Deb Frecklington had a net approval of -3, up six points. Palaszczuk led as better premier by 48-22 (44-23 in June).

The movement to Labor is likely a result of Queensland’s handling of coronavirus. But polls greatly overstated Labor’s Queensland performance at the 2019 federal election, although they were accurate at the 2017 Queensland state election.

New Zealand: latest poll has Labour short of majority

Last week’s Colmar Brunton New Zealand poll had Labour on 47%, National 33%, ACT 8% and the Greens 7%. If repeated at the October 17 election, Labour would win 59 of the 120 seats, two short of a majority. You can read more at my personal website.

ref. Biden increases lead after debate and Trump’s coronavirus; Labor gains Queensland lead – https://theconversation.com/biden-increases-lead-after-debate-and-trumps-coronavirus-labor-gains-queensland-lead-147457

Like the care economy, arts and culture are an opportunity missed in the 2020-21 budget

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julian Meyrick, Professor of Creative Arts, Griffith University

If a week is a long time in politics, a year’s an eon. The 2019-20 budget announced a regal return to surplus, with a “fundamentally sound” Australian economy at 2.75% growth and unemployment under 5%. Low interest rates and continuing flat wages left the Coalition free to pursue its beloved trifecta of smaller government, reduced public expenditure and deregulation.

The pandemic has knocked these goals out of the ballpark. It’s not just the numbers that have changed, it’s the narrative. At the time of the GFC, the Coalition castigated deficit budgeting as the acme of financial imprudence. Now they are proposing a 2020-21 deficit of A$213 billion. How to square that?

You can’t. All you can do is blow and bluster and hope no one notices you are saying the opposite of what you once proclaimed.

The business of Australia is business, it seems, rather than Australia more broadly. Which is perhaps why anyone listening to the ABC’s PM Budget Special would not have heard the words “arts and culture” mentioned once.

For the cultural sector, this is a budget with no big surprises. Such feelings as exist around already announced measures will continue. In the budget papers they are laid out as a job lot.

The broad view

Budget Paper No. 1 provides the broad view for “the recreation and culture function”. (Treasury have their usual poetic way with words). Broadcasting funding for 2020-21 is $1,497 million (up from the 2019-20 estimate of $1,482 million) while the “arts and cultural heritage subfunction” gets $1,647 million (up from the 2019-20 estimate of $1,379 millon).


Read more: Remember the arts? Departments and budgets disappear as politics backs culture into a dead end


Amazingly, given its visibility over the COVID period, ABC operational funding continues to decline in real terms (-0.7% in 2020-21, then -3.7% by 2023-24). This “indexation pause” is partially offset by “additional program measures” (though there is some inconsistency here, as the Portfolio Budget Statement tells a more positive story.)

Signage at the ABC building in Sydney: operational funding to the public broadcaster continues to decline in real terms. Joel Carrett/AAP

Arts and cultural heritage increases by 13.9% in 2020-21 then decreases by -8.9% by 2023-24 (this includes the Location Incentive Program, without which the decrease would be larger).

Total expenditure on recreation and culture thus resembles a plane landing at an oblique angle: from $4,364 million this year, to $4,000 million in 2021-22, to $3,836 million in 2022-23, to $3,900 million in 2023-24.

There’s also $90 million of loan guarantees issued under the Arts and Entertainment Guarantee Scheme, to help cultural businesses facing immediate cash flow problems.

The detail

There is $22.9 million in COVID-19 response packages for a range of institutions from the National Portrait Gallery ($1.2 million) to the National Library of Australia ($5.4 million).

From 2019-20 to 2020-21, estimated funding falls to the National Gallery of Australia by $10 million and the National Museum by $23 million. It increases to the National Library by $9 million and holds steady-ish for Screen Australia, the National Film and Sound Archive and the National Portrait Gallery. The ABC gets $43.7 million for enhanced news services and SBS $7.6 million for enhanced language services.

A visitor examines an artwork at the National Gallery of Australia after it reopened in June following closure due to COVID-19. Lukas Coch/AAP

The Media Reform Package includes $30 million to Screen Australia, $20.2 million to the Children’s Television Foundation and $3 million to the Screen Writing and Script Development Fund — a total of $53.2 million.


Read more: Cheese ‘n’ crackers! Concerns deepen for the future of Australian children’s television


By contrast, the government is giving “$400M over seven years to extend the Location Incentive Program to attract international investment in the screen industry and provide local employment and training opportunities”.

My colleague Jo Caust has written on the paradox of this. Two comments can be made about it here. First, any Australian government should think very carefully before using taxpayer’s money to subsidise another nation’s culture.


Read more: $400 million in government funding for Hollywood, but only scraps for Australian film


Second, if it is, for non-cultural reasons, determined to do so, it must ensure the incentives for Australian filmmakers are at least commensurate. Otherwise, it is offering up the workforce of its highly trained industry as drone labour.

The centrepiece of this part of the budget are the Restart Investment to Sustain and Expand Fund of $75 million, and the Arts Sustainability Fund of $35 million for “Commonwealth-funded arts and culture organisations facing threats to their viability” due to the pandemic (hint, it’ll be most of them).

Together with the Temporary Interruption Fund of $50 million for COVID-affected screen productions, new support for Regional Arts Australia of $10 million, for Indigenous Visual Arts of $7 million, and crisis counselling for cultural workers of $10 million (they need it), these are useful expressions of support — albeit ones that have been slow to arrive — for a sector that’s experienced the economic equivalent of having its head blown off with a bazooka.


Read more: Too little, too late, too confusing? The funding criteria for the arts COVID package is a mess


Is it enough?

Not really. It’s welcome, but the amount going to arts and culture is a pimple to a pumpkin compared to what’s going into the economy as a whole. There are interesting touches – a Regional and Small Publishers Innovation Fund, for example ($16 million). And it’s a relief to see the Australia Council’s allocation bump up by $1 million. But based on these numbers alone, you wouldn’t think anything bad had happened to Australian culture at all.

The issue of an effective balance of support between the major and smaller organisations remains outstanding. This will present the government’s new Cultural Economy Taskforce with a headache almost as throbbing as the one the Treasurer will nurse into the new year.

Then there is the question of how to ensure the money goes to the right people for the right (economy restarting) reasons? This is a budget weighted towards the private sector, based on the expectation tax cuts and asset write-offs will be reinvested and not used to retire debt or, worse, plopped on the short-term money market.

Cultural workers often complain the government is deaf to their needs. It’s not entirely true. But they are part of the public sector. As such, they are a target for governments wanting to use fiscal instruments in a controlled way, dialling down the narrative of leadership and entrepreneurship, dialling up the one on nation building and public works.

Like the care economy, arts and culture are an opportunity missed in the 2020-21 budget. What’s there is helpful. What isn’t remains significant. PM’s Melissa Clarke described the Coalition as adopting a “tried and tested policy approach to economic recovery”.

But in the face of catastrophic disaster, nothing is tried and tested. The truth is Treasurer Josh Frydenberg is taking a risk. Arts and culture are not part of his bet, not this time at any rate.

ref. Like the care economy, arts and culture are an opportunity missed in the 2020-21 budget – https://theconversation.com/like-the-care-economy-arts-and-culture-are-an-opportunity-missed-in-the-2020-21-budget-147558

Aged-care facilities need accredited infection control experts. Who are they, and what will they do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philip Russo, Associate Professor, Director Cabrini Monash University Department of Nursing Research, Monash University

The Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety last week released a special report looking at the sector’s response to COVID-19.

Finding the federal government did not adequately prepare residential aged care to deal with a pandemic, the commission made several recommendations designed to safeguard residents moving forward.

One was that the federal government should arrange with states and territories to deploy “accredited infection prevention and control experts” into aged-care facilities to better prepare for, and assist with, management of outbreaks.

But who are these accredited infection prevention and control experts, and what will they actually do?

First, why do aged-care facilites need this?

Infection prevention and control is well established in hospitals and acute care facilities. In Australian hospitals, there’s an average of one full-time infection prevention nurse for every 152 beds. Hospitals typically have an infection control committee, which is ultimately accountable to the hospital board.

By definition, aged-care facilities are not considered to be health-care facilities. Rather, they are social-care settings designed to mimic a home environment as much as possible.

While this is important for residents, this difference can present a range of challenges from an infection control perspective. Unlike hospitals, aged-care facilities typically have various communal areas for socialising, dining and activities, where groups can gather and come into close contact.

Two elderly men talking over a cup of coffee in an aged-care setting.
Aged-care facilities have a range of communal spaces for residents. Shutterstock

Recent research found while Australian hospitals are guided by different national and state-based standards and guidelines, aged-care facilities generally manage infection control arrangements themselves.

Only 23% of Australian aged-care facilities surveyed had a dedicated infection control committee. More than half reported a lack of staff with specialised qualifications and experience in infection prevention and control.


Read more: Federal government did not prepare aged care sector adequately for COVID: royal commission


Enter infection prevention and control experts

The royal commission report noted high-level infection control expertise was needed:

  • to assist with the preparation and implementation of outbreak management plans

  • to provide training to staff on the use of personal protective equipment (PPE) and infection prevention and control

  • to provide assistance on day one of an outbreak.

An elderly woman sits in a wheelchair, while a cleaner cleans the floor of her room.
COVID-19 has highlighted the importance of infection control in aged care. Shutterstock

Besides the accredited infection prevention and control experts, the commission recommended all aged-care facilities should have one or more trained infection control officers as a condition of accreditation.

This could be a registered nurse who has specific training in infection prevention and control. Importantly, they should have access to expert resources and be capable of implementing infection prevention programs.

Employers would be required to support these nurses to take the infection prevention “champion” role, and under the close supervision and guidance of the accredited experts, they could prepare plans for outbreaks like COVID-19.

These plans would include ongoing education around the use of PPE, procedures regarding how to manage residents who become infected, and trigger points for escalating responses.

The COVID-19 crisis in residential aged-care facilities, particularly in Victoria, has shown us how important it will be to have strong and experienced leaders overseeing these plans, and the management of any ongoing and future outbreaks.


Read more: Poor ventilation may be adding to nursing homes’ COVID-19 risks


So how are the experts accredited?

The Australasian College for Infection Prevention and Control (ACIPC) is the peak body for infection prevention and control in the Australasian region. It provides “credentialing” for professionals who want to become accredited infection prevention and control experts.

There are three levels of credentialing: primary, advanced and expert. Qualifications and experience determine the level a person attains, but the system is designed so those commencing at the “primary” level can progress to “expert”.

A panel of existing accredited infection prevention and control experts reviews all applications.

They evaluate whether the applicant meets several criteria across five domains: relevant vocation, prerequisites, knowledge, attitude and practice. Criteria include professional qualifications, awards, experience, continuing education, professional activities, and research.

Once credentialed, each member must apply for their accreditation again every three years.

Health-care workers wearing PPE outside an aged-care home.
The infection prevention and control experts will be charged with preparing outbreak management plans, among other things. Daniel Pockett/AAP

Right now, there aren’t enough

The relationship between certification status of health professionals and the quality of patient care they provide is clear.

In particular, hospitals with infection control programs led by certified or credentialed infection control practitioners have fewer health care-associated infections when compared to those led by non-certified infection control practitioners.


Read more: Older Australians deserve more than the aged care royal commission’s COVID-19 report delivers


According to the ACIPC database, there are currently around 62 accredited infection prevention and control experts in Australia, of whom 42 are at expert level. All are nurses.

The royal commission acknowledged this small number as a limitation. It reflects the fact employers so far haven’t generally required their staff to attain this accreditation — so there’s been little incentive.

But COVID-19 has necessarily changed this. In the short term, facilities must establish a relationship with a local accredited infection prevention and control expert who can support their staff.

Looking forward, employers and providers should be incentivised to support staff to seek higher infection prevention training, and ultimately undergo credentialing.

ref. Aged-care facilities need accredited infection control experts. Who are they, and what will they do? – https://theconversation.com/aged-care-facilities-need-accredited-infection-control-experts-who-are-they-and-what-will-they-do-147460

High-viz, narrow vision: the budget overlooks the hardest hit in favour of the hardest hats

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Danielle Wood, Chief executive officer, Grattan Institute

The Morrison government seems to think economic stimulus is all about high-viz vests and hard hats. It’s a narrow and dated view of the world of work.

Tuesday night’s budget included several broad measures to support business and jobs, such as its tax write-off for business investments and wage subsidy for employing young people.

These look like sensible measures, albeit ones that bet heavily on business to lead the recovery.

But when it comes to targeted policies for job creation, the 2020 budget is a sea of hard hats.

The three sectors with the most targeted support are all bloke-heavy: construction (more than A$10 billion so far through the crisis), energy (A$4 billion), and manufacturing (A$3 billion). There is also an extra A$10 billion for transport projects, another boost to construction jobs in the building phase.

The problem? That doesn’t fit the story of this crisis. Unlike past recessions, the worst fallout in the COVID-19 recession has been in services sectors.


Read more: Budget 2020 at a glance: the cuts, the spends, and that big deficit in 7 charts


Hospitality, the arts and administrative services have all been hit hard. These sectors are dominated by women, which is one reason women’s employment has taken a bigger hit this year.

Yet these sectors received next to nothing in the budget. They are also less likely to benefit from economy-wide supports such as instant asset write-offs because they are the least capital-intensive sectors.


Size reflects the industry share of Gross Value Added for 2019. Industry-specific stimulus excludes stimulus available to all industries, such as JobKeeper. ABS, Grattan analysis of Government announcements to October 2020

There are many ways the federal government could have helped these sectors.

Overseas governments, and some state and local governments, have funded vouchers and discounts to encourage people back to restaurants, cafes and regional tourist destinations.

Grants or direct support to help the arts sector revive could provide a desperately needed boost to our creative recovery.

The government could have created many more jobs by directly investing in government services. Services create more jobs than infrastructure per dollar spent, and they have especially high economic multipliers right now.


Notes: Excludes expenses for ‘other economic affairs’ (which contains JobKeeper) and ‘other purposes’ (largely GST payments to the states). Total expenses growth is also calculated excluding ‘other purposes’. Source: Budget 2020-21. Source: Budget 2020-21

The budget initiatives in education, aged care and mental health are welcome, but very small in the scheme of new spending.

Major investments in aged care and education would be a jobs boon and could have provided a more rounded vision for the recovery.

A missed opportunity for women

This week, just before the budget, the federal Minister for Women, Marise Payne, issued a statement saying:

This government recognises that women have been significantly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic and it is critical that we focus on rebuilding their economic security as a priority.

Yet the government has left the biggest opportunity on the table. Making child care more affordable is the most effective way to reduce the gender gap in working life and retirement – directly supporting jobs and the economic recovery.


Read more: Permanently raising the Child Care Subsidy is an economic opportunity too good to miss


The Grattan Institute has recommended a A$5-billion-a-year package that would make child care significantly cheaper and improve the workforce participation incentives for primary carers (still mainly women).

Instead, women seem to have been relegated in this budget to an afterthought in the form of a A$240 million “support package”, which offers no meaningful economic support.

Poorly targeted stimulus

All of these omissions are even more glaring given the spending on other areas and groups with far less need for support.

Sizeable measures are targeted towards energy, agriculture and defence. Yet all of these sectors have increased their total work hours since March.


Read more: Budget 2020: promising tax breaks, but relying on hope


Another A$3 billion is slated for manufacturing. While that sector has shed jobs during the crisis, it should bounce back more quickly than “social consumption” businesses such as hospitality, retail and personal services.

Construction spending is needed, because a future crunch in the sector is expected as housing construction slows.

But the focus on major transport infrastructure for job creation does not make so much sense. These projects are less jobs-intensive.


Read more: Top economists back boosts to JobSeeker and social housing over tax cuts in pre-budget poll


Also, states such as Victoria already have a big pipeline of large projects, so have little capacity to deliver more.

The A$3 billion for shovel-ready projects focusing on road safety and local roads are better targeted to create jobs. But it has missed the opportunity to deliver a major social housing spend, providing something desperately needed that would also help mitigate the downturn in housing construction.

To achieve its stated objective of getting unemployment well below 6% as quickly as possible, the government should be focusing on stimulating sectors where activity has fallen the most – especially services sectors.

But this budget overlooks the hard hit in favour of the hard hat. The government should check this blind spot quickly. A broad-based recovery depends on it.

ref. High-viz, narrow vision: the budget overlooks the hardest hit in favour of the hardest hats – https://theconversation.com/high-viz-narrow-vision-the-budget-overlooks-the-hardest-hit-in-favour-of-the-hardest-hats-147601

Melanesian Spearhead Group still backs Kanak decolonisation agenda

By RNZ Pacific

The Melanesian Spearhead Group says it will continue to support the Kanak people in their quest for independence from France despite the “non” result of last Sunday’s referendum in New Caledonia.

On Sunday, more than 53 percent of voters opted for the status quo, but the overall vote opting for independence was higher than in the last referendum in 2018.

George Hoa’au, acting director-general of the Melanesia Spearhead Group Secretariat in Port Vila, sought to reassure the Kanak people that the sub-regional group stood in solidarity with them.

“The collective visions by the founding Leaders of the newly Independent Melanesian States, which led to the establishment of the Melanesian Spearhead Group was partly a response on the need to liberate Melanesians from colonialism,” Hoa’au said.

Sunday’s referendum on independence from France was the second in a series of three possible referendums agreed to in the Noumea Accord which was signed in 1998.

The first referendum for self-determination was held in November 2018 and the third referendum, which Kanak politicians are expected to call, would most likely be held in 2022.

Minister’s visit essential
Meanwhile, the planned visit of the French Overseas Minister to New Caledonia is being described as essential to restart a dialogue between the rival camps.

The Caledonia Together Party said Sebastien Lecornu needed to get a measure of New Caledonia’s complexity and get it out of what it described as its “referendum rut”.

The new French government installed in July showed little interest in the referendum, with Caledonia Together accusing Paris of having been “deafeningly silent”.

The party said a dialogue was not an option but an obligation as the pro-independence side was poised to call a third referendum after losing last Sunday and two years ago.

Caledonia Together, which fell out with the other groups in the pro-French camp, had been calling for sovereignty to be combined with being part of the French republic.

Lecornu is due later this week and will stay for three weeks, including the first two in quarantine.

This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.

Sebastien Lecornu
French Overseas Minister Sebastien Lecornu at New Caledonia House in Paris. Image: French Overseas Ministry/RNZ
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Budget 2020: big health problems lead to big health spending

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Duckett, Director, Health Program, Grattan Institute

The pandemic – and developments in health care – have forced the Commonwealth government to commit to a massive increase in spending on health care this year.

In the 2019-20 budget, the Commonwealth promised an increase of A$540 million in health spending in 2020-21. In this year’s version, delivered by Treasurer Josh Frydenberg last night, the promise is an order of magnitude greater: an uplift of $5.347 billion since the last economic statement.

During 2020-21 and 2021-22, likely to be the biggest years for the COVID-19 response, the Commonwealth is promising almost $10 billion of extra spending. Never before has the federal government opened the health purse strings to this extent.

Although there are 35 items in the health budget measures table – all detailed in a 163-page “Stakeholder Pack” – just five of them account for 94% of the increase in spending.

1. Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS)

The government has committed to listing on the PBS all new drugs recommended as cost-effective. Even though each new drug must meet a cost-effectiveness threshold, the PBS spend is the biggest item in the health budget: $4.3 billion over the next two years, and more in the years beyond.

Although drug listings have been politicised recently, they are in fact technocratic decisions based on clinical, epidemiological and economic analysis.

The difference this year is the government is committing funds in advance for new listings, with a “PBS New Medicines Funding Guarantee”. In essence, this means Treasury has given up trying to extract savings from the health portfolio to offset the cost of new drugs. The cost of this new guarantee may be partly reduced by a price drop for medications approaching the end of their patent, with an increased price cut after 15 years.


Read more: How to slash half a billion dollars a year from Australia’s drugs bill


2. COVID-19 vaccines

No one knows if or when a COVID-19 vaccine will be proven to work, which one of the hundreds of candidate vaccines it will be, when it can be manufactured at scale, or how it will be distributed across the world. The government seems to be banking on mid-2021 for a vaccine, with population vaccination programs to follow shortly after that.

Arm being injected with trial vaccine
Trials of potential COVID-19 vaccines are proceeding all over the world, but we still don’t know which will ultimately succeed – or when. Ted S. Warren/AP

However, the government has also made contingency plans, allocating almost $2 billion over the next two years for licensing, production and distribution of a successful vaccine. There is no allocation for 2022-23 and beyond, so the government is either hoping the coronavirus will pack its bags and go, or waiting to see whether future budget allocations will be necessary.


Read more: The budget assumes a COVID-19 vaccine becomes available next year. Is this feasible?


3. Medicare Benefits Schedule (MBS)

The pandemic brought forward implementation of new ideas into the MBS — most notably telehealth. The government has allocated $1 billion for extending some MBS items in 2020-21.

The optimistic interpretation is that the government is already planning to extend this extra MBS funding 2020-21, and is spacing out the announcements to maximise positive publicity. The stark reality, though, is there is no budget provision for these needed items beyond this financial year.


Read more: How the old-fashioned telephone could become a new way for some to see their doctor


4 and 5. Aged care

The budget has two large aged care items: a one-off COVID response of $733 million, and a longer-term aged-care reform package worth more than $1 billion over the next two years, which will fund additional “home care packages”, assistance to older Australians to help them stay at home rather than be admitted to residential aged care. The assistance might include nursing care, allied health, personal care or help with house cleaning.

Although 23,000 more packages are funded in the budget, that is woefully inadequate. About 75,000 older Australians are waiting for a home care package, and a further 25,000 are waiting for a higher-level package which they have been independently assessed as needing. The home care budget allocation is welcome, but doesn’t meet the enormous need.

The government has kicked into the long grass the challenge of addressing the litany of failures in residential aged care identified by the Royal Commission on Aged Care Quality and Safety. Any such decisions are deferred until the royal commission reports its findings next year – meanwhile condemning thousands of older Australians to live in facilities with demonstrably substandard staffing.


Read more: Federal government did not prepare aged care sector adequately for COVID: royal commission


Hospitals

Outside the health portfolio, the government has allocated an extra $1.1 billion to the states as part of the 50-50 cost-sharing deal for the COVID-19 response. This pays for additional ventilators, “fever clinics” and other costs associated with meeting needs during and after the pandemic.


Read more: ‘Fever clinics’ are opening in Australia for people who think they’re infected with the coronavirus. Why?


The rest: ‘rats and mice’

There are 30 other items in the health budget measures table — many worthy, many important, too many simply the result of special pleading and successful lobbying. Each will be very welcome to the recipients. Some will yield measurable benefits and improvements in health care; and some will not.

The 2020-21 budget rightly includes a huge increase in spending responding to the pandemic. But even in these COVID-19 times, it should have also signalled the government’s commitment to fix the aged care mess with a down payment towards residential care reform, and given GPs — and their patients — more certainty about the future of telehealth.

ref. Budget 2020: big health problems lead to big health spending – https://theconversation.com/budget-2020-big-health-problems-lead-to-big-health-spending-147580

The rise of ACT in 2020 highlights tensions between the party’s libertarian and populist traditions

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grant Duncan, Associate Professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

New Zealand’s election is coming down to a simple contest between the Labour-Green bloc on the left and the National-ACT bloc on the right. Although the right is behind in the polls, if it were to gain the majority, ACT Party leader David Seymour could become deputy prime minister.

Either way, ACT is newly assertive. Although Seymour owes his Epsom seat to National’s grace and favour, he seems less inclined nowadays to be their political lapdog. He wants people to support ACT on its own terms.

Remarkably, the party has risen in opinion polls from below 1% to recently as high as 8%. That would give ACT up to ten seats in parliament. Would Seymour also negotiate to bring one or more first-time MPs into cabinet alongside him?

In the past two elections, ACT held on with only one electorate seat, thanks to the National Party deal: Epsom’s National supporters agree to vote for the ACT candidate as their local representative but give their party vote to National.

This arrangement goes back to 2005. It paid a handsome dividend in 2008 when ACT won Epsom and achieved 3.65% in the party vote. This delivered the party a proportional share of five seats, despite being below the 5% party-vote threshold.

With ACT’s support on the right, and two other parties in the centre, John Key formed a National-led government that lasted three terms. Then ACT’s party vote fell below 1% in 2014 and 2017, with only the Epsom seat keeping it in parliament.

In 2020, however, after a term in opposition and no longer overshadowed by National, ACT is flourishing again.

billboard advertising a politician

David Seymour has held the Epsom seat under an informal deal with National, but will likely bring more MPS into parliament with him in 2020. GettyImages

ACT rises at National’s expense

Seymour has held his own, speaking up for freedom of speech and opposing the banning of semi-automatic guns following the mosque shootings in March 2019. He introduced a member’s bill to permit euthanasia that is likely to come into force after a decisive referendum to be held alongside the general election.

However, National leader Judith Collins has bluntly stated she sees ACT’s job as being to win Epsom and to help eliminate the populist New Zealand First Party, which on recent polling is likely to be ousted from parliament on October 17.


Read more: The missing question from New Zealand’s cannabis debate: what about personal freedom and individual rights?


ACT’s rise in the polls does come partly from those conservative erstwhile New Zealand First voters who are disillusioned with Winston Peters for forming a coalition government with Labour.

But Collins must be worried that some centre-right voters have given up on National winning and are exercising their freedom of choice by defecting to ACT — and she wants them back.

Recent surveys show ACT picking up voters from National, Labour and the Māori Party. Screenshot/Newshub-Reid Research

What ACT supporters want

The Association of Consumers and Taxpayers was founded in 1993 by former National cabinet minister Derek Quigley and Sir Roger Douglas, formerly minister of finance in David Lange’s Labour government and engineer of the economic deregulation that became known as “Rogernomics”.

The party stands for less government, more private enterprise and freedom of choice. It is therefore a child of neoliberalism — indeed, its only legitimate child.


Read more: Assisted dying referendum: people at the end of their lives say it offers a ‘good death’


For example, Seymour’s referendum bill to allow assisted dying (euthanasia) was officially named the End of Life Choice Bill, asserting its ideological origins with the word “choice”. He is proposing much more radical cuts to public spending and taxation than his only possible coalition partner, National.

We gained an insight into how ACT supporters think from the online reader-initiated Stuff/Massey opinion poll in July. Compared with the other parties in parliament, ACT supporters stand out as:

  • most likely to rate the New Zealand government’s overall response to COVID-19 as “unsuccessful”: 29.5% compared with 9.9% for the whole sample
  • most strongly in favour of abolishing the Māori electoral roll: 68.2% compared with 36.6% overall
  • more likely to prefer that the government take a “cautious and sceptical” approach on climate change: 72.5% compared with 36.4% overall
  • more in favour of the country getting back to “business as usual” rather than reforming the economic system itself during the post-pandemic rebuild: 75% compared with 31% overall.
Author provided

Populist or purist?

ACT supporters’ values are largely diametrically opposed to those upheld by Green supporters, as might be expected of a libertarian party that stands for individualism and deregulation.

In the past, though, the party has resorted to populist law-and-order and anti-welfare policies. In 2011 it deployed the “one law for all” slogan to attack policies addressing indigenous rights.

As ACT leader since 2014, Seymour has steered the party back towards free-market liberalism. But there is still an element of right-wing populist thinking among ACT’s supporters.

Sizeable minorities of them agree with conspiracy theories about COVID-19 (25%) and hope Donald Trump is re-elected in November (32%) — more than among National supporters who stood at about 20% on both points.


Read more: NZ election 2020: survey shows voters are divided on climate policy and urgency of action


If current polling holds true, Seymour will bring with him into parliament a caucus of freedom-loving individuals, none of whom has any previous representative experience.

Among them is a firearms enthusiast, a former police officer and a farmer. At number seven on the list is a self-employed mother of four who the party claims “is better than ten ivory tower ‘experts’” when it comes to beating poverty.

So far, ACT’s best election result was in 2002 when it gained 7.14% of the party vote and nine seats in the 120-seat House of Representatives. If it repeats that in 2020, Seymour will go from being a lone voice for his party to the leader of a small but inexperienced caucus.

Managing that team of individualistic newbies may well be the first test of his libertarian instincts.

ref. The rise of ACT in 2020 highlights tensions between the party’s libertarian and populist traditions – https://theconversation.com/the-rise-of-act-in-2020-highlights-tensions-between-the-partys-libertarian-and-populist-traditions-147170

Jacinda Ardern on health, Ihumātao, Matariki, housing and Māori issues

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

Three years ago, New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern campaigned on kindness and transformation.

NZ ELECTIONS 2020 – 17 October

As New Zealand heads to the voting booths this month, Te Ao host Moana Maniapoto on Māori Television sat down with the Leader of the Labour Party and asked her about the big issues facing Māori.

Te Ao editors: “We reached out to the leaders of both Labour and National but Judith Collins was unavailable.”

Moana Maniapoto talks to Jacinda Ardern
Moana Maniapoto talks to Jacinda Ardern. Image: Māori TV/PMC screenshot
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why do some COVID-19 tests come back with a ‘weak positive’, and why does it matter?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sheena G. Sullivan, Epidemiologist, WHO Collaborating Centre for Reference and Research on Influenza

When we get a test result for a disease like COVID-19, we naturally expect it to be either positive or negative. But the results of these tests are not so black and white.

Polymerase chain reaction, or “PCR”, is the most common test to detect the presence or absence of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.

Recently, a “weak positive” case of COVID-19 was reported in the Northern Territory.

Let’s take a look at why someone might get a weak positive result.

Shouldn’t you just be ‘positive’ or ‘negative’?

PCR tests are used to detect a range of viruses and pathogens. They look for viral genetic material in a respiratory sample, such as a nose or throat swab or a saliva sample.

We identify a sample to be positive or negative based on the number of times we need to amplify the small segments of genetic material to detect the virus — and whether this number falls below or above a certain threshold.

When there’s a lot of virus present, we only need a few cycles of amplification to detect it. When there isn’t much virus, or there’s none, we need to amplify the sample several more times until finally we cross the threshold and deem the sample negative.


Read more: The new 15-minute test has potential, but standard tests are still the best way to track COVID-19


So in this process we can see the potential for a weak positive result. It would generally be a reading at or just above the threshold. And that threshold varies depending on the test used.

Importantly, thresholds are just the point at which we believe we’ve detected something. They’re not 100% precise. Sometimes results just above or below the threshold might be false negatives or false positives.

When might you have a weak positive result?

In most cases, the genetic material of a virus is only detectable when we’re infected and the virus is still replicating and shedding into our respiratory passages.

But sometimes, even when the virus is no longer alive and replicating, it can hang around and be detectable by PCR. In these cases, it’s unclear whether the virus is infectious.

A health worker dressed in PPE prepares to take a swab from a man in his car.
PCR tests for COVID-19 look for the genetic material of SARS-CoV-2. Shutterstock

In the case of the NT man, he had earlier tested positive for COVID-19 in Victoria and recovered. Although he recorded a negative test before travelling to the NT, it’s likely he was still just shedding small amounts of the virus.

This may be more common among people with weaker immune systems, as it takes them longer to clear the virus from their system.

How do we handle weak positives?

A weak positive is treated as a “presumptive positive” result — we presume it to be positive, and generally classify it as such, until we have information to suggest otherwise.

National testing guidelines for COVID-19 recommend weak positive results be checked by testing the same sample again. They also recommend collecting another sample.

In some cases, retesting the original sample may give more confidence of an infection with SARS-CoV-2. But collecting and testing another sample can offer further confirmation.

The subsequent test might target a different region of the virus’ genetic material, or use a different type of test. Alternatively, the sample could be referred to a reference laboratory to verify the result using specialised tests.


Read more: Goodbye, brain scrapers. COVID-19 tests now use gentler nose swabs


We don’t know of any publicly available data which indicate how common weak positive results are. But we don’t think they’re unusual.

It’s one of the reasons the publicly reported case numbers for COVID-19 are sometimes revised downwards, as weak positives are later confirmed to be negative after retesting.

It’s also not unique to COVID-19 or PCR — many different tests, for a variety of diseases, can produce weak positives.

But the phenomenon has a unique impact when the infection is part of a pandemic.

The danger of assumption

During a pandemic, there are implications not just for the person being tested, but for their contacts, their workplace, and the whole population.

Incorrectly assuming a weak positive result isn’t COVID-19 could lead to a person continuing to transmit the disease to others. It could also prevent them receiving the proper monitoring and, if necessary, treatment.

Conversely, assuming a weak positive result is COVID-19 when it’s actually negative could lead to the person being unnecessarily quarantined, which has potential personal, psychological and financial effects.

A man wearing a mask looks out the open window of his home.
A weak positive result which turns out to be negative could see a person isolated unnecessarily. Shutterstock

In the case in the NT, classifying this indeterminate result as a positive case would have meant the first COVID-19 infection in two months in that state.

While the man was isolated, NT authorities didn’t count him as a case based on advice from the health department that the result was likely due to residual virus from his previous infection. They said he didn’t have any symptoms and it was highly unlikely he was infectious.

When the elimination of community transmission is being used as a criteria for border closures, individual cases can have significant flow-on effects to the whole population.

For these reasons, it’s important to appreciate the complexities of COVID-19 testing. It’s not always as simple as “positive” or “negative”.


Read more: Worried you might test positive and put a spanner in Victoria’s COVID roadmap? Here’s why you should get tested anyway


ref. Why do some COVID-19 tests come back with a ‘weak positive’, and why does it matter? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-some-covid-19-tests-come-back-with-a-weak-positive-and-why-does-it-matter-147258

Is my vulva normal? Not all genitalia look the same, and we’re trying to teach teenagers that

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma Sharp, NHMRC Early Career Senior Research Fellow, Monash University

Cosmetic genital procedures are becoming increasingly popular in women. The most common is labiaplasty, which involves the surgical reduction of the inner lips of the vulva — the labia minora.

Most women who undergo labiaplasty in Australia do so through the private sector, which does not require reporting of statistics. But in the United States procedure numbers have increased 30% in the past five years alone.

Of the labiaplasty procedures performed in 2018 in the United States, 4% were on girls aged under 18. At this age, genital development is not yet complete and there is significant risk of harm such as scarring, loss of sensation and painful sexual intercourse.

We showed teenage girls an educational video on genital self-image. After the video, girls felt better about their genital appearance and could more accurately name anatomical structures than before.

Genital concerns start early

To have a chance of making a positive impact on how adult women feel about their genital appearance, we have to reach them as adolescents.

Like appearance concerns focused on other parts of the body, our research suggests genital appearance concerns in girls start at a young age, particularly around 13. Most women undergo cosmetic genital surgeries in their 20s and 30s as they have the finances to do so by this age, but they have often struggled with their concerns for a number of years.

During puberty, the labia minora become more prominent after having been more hidden behind the labia majora (the outer genital lips) in childhood. One side of the labia minora may grow faster than the other, producing an “uneven” appearance.


Read more: Women don’t always get what they want from labiaplasty


Labia minora are typically airbrushed out of sexualised media images so girls may think their protruding or uneven labia minora are unsightly. This is particularly the case if they remove their pubic hair, which many teenage girls do.

This is also a time when girls may think about becoming sexually active, which means they may be showing their genitals to a sexual partner for the first time. If this sexual partner has a negative reaction to their genitals, it can lead to genital concerns and pursuing surgery.

How to educate teenage girls about their genitals

To educate teenage girls on such a sensitive topic as genital self-image, we designed a two-minute animated video. The video was age-appropriate as it did not include any explicit images. It discussed genital anatomical features and their function, as well as the diversity of genital appearance, and challenged the airbrushed “ideal” for genital appearance.

The video also showed examples of the different types of genitalia through artistic representations and medical illustrations.

A screenshot of the educational video, that shows what is commonly referred to as
The video challenged girls’ conceptions about the ‘ideal’ genital appearance. Author provided

Our study involved 343 girls, aged 16-18, living in Australia via social media. It was published recently in the journal Body Image.

We conducted the study through an online survey. All girls completed short questionnaires about how satisfied they were with their genital appearance, how likely they were to undergo labiaplasty in the future, as well as their ability to match up genital anatomy terms (such as vulva, clitoris and labia minora) with the correct anatomical structure on a diagram.


Read more: What’s normal, anyway? GPs should discourage women from unnecessary genital surgery


We then showed half the girls our video and the other half a control video. The girls then completed the same questionnaires on genital appearance satisfaction, consideration of labiaplasty and genital anatomy knowledge so we could compare their pre- and post-video answers.

What we found

The video improved girls’ genital anatomy knowledge from around 75% to almost 100% correct on average.

Compared to previous research in adult women, the teenage girls were considerably more concerned about their genital appearance and likely to undergo labiaplasty prior to watching the video.

However, the girls were about 7% more satisfied with their genital appearance and 8% less likely to undergo labiaplasty in the future after watching the video. These improvements were on the smaller side, but impressive given the video was only two minutes long.

An anatomically correct, and labelled, drawing of a female genital area.
Most girls were able to match the correct names to their anatomy. Screenshot/TedX

We also asked girls for recommendations for teaching other young people about genital self-image. Along with the common recommendation to show our video, the girls talked about reaching people at a young age, and teaching it to all genders.

One girl told us:

Get in as early as possible. Girls begin to worry and be confused about the changes in their bodies long before sex education is usually taught at schools. It would also help to normalise talking about female genitalia at a younger age because there is such a shame and stigma attached to it.

Another girl said:

Showing young people images of all types of female genitals to show them that what is seen in popular culture and in particular porn is not how all female genitals look. Explaining to females that they should not be concerned with their genital appearance and educating boys and girls not to comment on women’s genitals.

We need to start talking with people as young as possible in an accurate way, including information about the diversity in genital appearances.

Part of this discussion involves the need to challenge the messages young people are receiving in wider media by improving their critical media-engagement skills. This has the capacity to change people’s perspectives about what bodies are considered normal and desirable, increasing their body confidence and sexual self-esteem.

ref. Is my vulva normal? Not all genitalia look the same, and we’re trying to teach teenagers that – https://theconversation.com/is-my-vulva-normal-not-all-genitalia-look-the-same-and-were-trying-to-teach-teenagers-that-147438

Surgical corsets, respirators: a new exhibition showcases the art hidden in medical devices

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Hobbins, Honorary Associate, Department of History, University of Sydney

Review: Design for Life, the Powerhouse Museum, Sydney.

Life is messy, yet on the surface it comes neatly packaged. Our skin both enfolds and conceals internal systems that are almost infinite in their complexity. No wonder it’s our largest organ. It also mediates the way we interact with the world, from expressive facial gestures to fine hairs bristling in a cool breeze.

So it is with the technologies that sustain, renovate or enhance our bodies. Their unique shapes and sequences are traced through Design for Life, the latest biomedical exhibition at Sydney’s Powerhouse Museum.

It was a delight to return to the resuscitated Powerhouse. Its collections are extraordinary and this exhibition has drawn thoughtfully on the museum’s diverse artefacts.

The thematic arrangement spans our bodily functions from blood to breathing, as well as the capabilities embodied in therapeutic devices.

Whimsy in minutiae

Within the “modification and augmentation” display, visitors can appreciate the extraordinarily delicate stitchwork that underwear manufacturers applied to crafting surgical corsets. Painstakingly laced, these garments both embraced and reshaped the healing bodies beneath.

Design for Life is a very Powerhouse exhibition. Its objects are exquisitely organised, but minimally captioned. We don’t hear the voices of practitioners or patients, nor do we see human bodies or the technology at work.

The atmosphere is archetypically clinical. The staging and lighting are serene and austere, striking in their starkness. Display cases echo the functional, stainless-steel chic of the operating theatre.

Gallery install shot
There is a sparse clinical feel to the exhibition. Jessica Maurer/MAAS

This sparseness draws attention to whimsical details.

Cochlear’s first prototype bionic ear from 1979 allowed users to optimise what they heard by flicking a switch to choose between “speech” or “music”.


Read more: Here’s what music sounds like through an auditory implant


We can see that Telectronics upgraded their ventricular synchronised pacemaker Model PX2-B, because the code “PX2-C” has been crudely scratched onto the face plate of a prototype. Redolent of 70s-era graffiti, the date “1 – 2 – 75” is also carved roughly into its burnished and stencilled surface.

Such is the untidiness of innovation.

These minutiae matter. In 2020, the display devoted to “breath and resuscitation” is particularly pertinent.

A white, bright gallery space.
A section on breath and resuscitation feels particularly pertinent in 2020. Jessica Maurer/MAAS

I relished the opportunity to inspect a 1940s civilian respirator. Mass manufactured during the second world war, this rubber mask was intended to protect our domestic populace from a feared gas attack by air.

In theory, its harness could be adjusted to provide an air-tight seal against inhaled poisons. In reality, the straps on the displayed respirator are secured with three homely safety pins.

Advertising’s hidden messages

No matter their clinical utility, therapeutic products also require marketing. The cabinet on “medicine and drugs” presents pharmaceutical packaging from the 1940s onwards.

FLU OIA’, Optical Immuno Assay for the Detection of Influenza A and B, developed and made by Biota, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia and Thermo Electron Corporation, Louisville, Colorado, 2004. Laura Moore/MAAS

Most cartons are Spartan, comprising neatly lettered information enlivened by the occasional splash of colour. Within this boxy assemblage, a 1967 packet of Bronkephrine stands out. Featuring a cartoonish illustration of a doctor’s bag and syringe, what struck me most was its bold claim.

When used to treat asthma, promised Winthrop Laboratories, Bronkephrine would deliver “rapid, exceptionally safe bronchodilatation without tachycardia”. Clearly tachycardia – an excessively fast heart rate – had proven problematic with previous asthma remedies.

Reassuring phrases such as “exceptionally safe” have since been banned from pharmaceutical promotions. The more widely we use medical technologies, the more we accept that humans respond to them in idiosyncratic and unanticipated ways, and broad claims about safety are no longer allowed.


Read more: Pivot to pandemic: how advertisers are using (and abusing) the coronavirus to sell


This is the fundamental tension undercutting the exhibition: life is not designed. Even in rude health, humans behave in erratic or capricious ways. Our unruly fluids seep onto operating tables and we push the wrong button. We change and adapt devices, and we lose or break objects.

While the emergent design of medical artefacts may represent new technological possibilities, it can also reflect the impact of ignorance, accidents or whimsy.

A line of testing devices.
MicroRapid lateral flow blood test device and prototypes, designed and made by Atomo Diagnostics and ide Group, Newington Technology Park, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia, 2013. Laura Moor/MAAS

The medical utility of the hardware store

This is why my favourite object in Design for Life is a carbon surgical laser, introduced by Laser Industries in 1979. The battleship-grey device looks more like an assembly-line robot than a precision incision tool.

Yet it is entirely humanised. Printed operating instructions have been slipped into a cheap plastic sleeve and sticky-taped to its top surface. “If you are uncertain how to look after [the] machine”, they conclude, “please leave it for someone who does”.

The back of the laser unit reminds me of a patient who forgot to lace up their hospital gown, exposing their posterior to an unappreciative ward.

Here we find a chipped gas cylinder plastered with inspection certificates and stickers; a stencilled filter unit; yellowed tubing and electrical leads. Seemingly critical to the laser’s operation is a coiled length of garden hose, complete with an orange Nylex connector as found in backyards across Australia. Struggling to discipline these writhing and disorderly attachments is a length of hardware-store galvanised chain.

This is the reality of healthcare design: much as we might aim for purity of form, function, communication or operation, medical devices are never merely objects. They live with us – or within us – in all of our chaotic unpredictability. Life eludes our designs.

Yet this exhibition confirms the touching endurance of our belief one day – just maybe – we will actually be in control.

Design for Life is on at the Powerhouse Museum until January 31, 2021.

ref. Surgical corsets, respirators: a new exhibition showcases the art hidden in medical devices – https://theconversation.com/surgical-corsets-respirators-a-new-exhibition-showcases-the-art-hidden-in-medical-devices-147087

What are you really eating? How threatened ‘seafood’ species slip through the law and onto your plate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leslie Roberson, PhD Candidate, The University of Queensland

Many exotic animals are banned from import into Australia because they’re threatened with extinction, and trading them is illegal under environment laws. Yet boatloads of threatened marine species are legally brought into Australia, and may end up on your plate.

Our research examined global seafood data and found 92 threatened species reported in industrial catch records. This includes 11 critically endangered species, such as Nassau grouper and Southern bluefin tuna.

On average, Norway and Russia catch the largest number of threatened species, while UK and Germany import the most. China, the US and Thailand also rank high on the list of importers.

We found 92 endangered and 11 critically endangered species of seafood caught in oceans around the world.

Australia is not at the top of the list. But our research found it’s been recorded catching 15 threatened species, and importing eight. This is shameful and unnecessary. Australia has many sustainable seafood options, well-managed fisheries, and the resources to improve both — if only we could muster the political will.

Our laws fail marine wildlife

Australia has one of the highest extinction rates of any country in the world. The main legislation meant to reverse the declines in Australia’s threatened species, the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) Act, is under review, with the final report due this month.

The EPBC Act regulates illegal wildlife trade, but animals such as cod, lobsters and sea cucumbers receive far less protection.

A seafood market in Sydney
Seafood usually does not have to be labelled according to its species. AAP Image/Dean Lewins

The act regulates some threatened marine species under a “no take” rule that bans their sale or export, but allows “accidental” catch. But some species are instead categorised as “conservation dependent”, which bypasses the no-take restrictions. These include the critically endangered school sharks and scalloped hammerheads.

Under Australian law, these species can be caught in Australian waters and exported or sold domestically because there are conservation measures in place to protect them – even if there’s no evidence those management actions have stabilised or increased their populations.


Read more: Here’s the seafood Australians eat (and what we should be eating)


Both school sharks and scalloped hammerheads appear in Australia’s reported catch and import data, along with several other threatened sharks (including dusky, shortfin mako and porbeagle sharks) and the three species of threatened tunas (Southern bluefin, Pacific bluefin and bigeye tuna).

Tracking threatened species: a logistical nightmare

The plight of charismatic seafood species such as sharks and tuna is starting to get some public attention.

But what about less charismatic species – such as those that are slimy or don’t have eyeballs, like scallops or monkfish? These species get very little attention from the public, or even from conservationists.

A scalloped hammerhead swimming in a reef.
The critically endangered scalloped hammerhead shark was among the threatened species in Australia’s catch records. Shutterstock

In larger industrial fisheries, target species (what the fishers are meant to be going for) are generally recorded to the species level (for example, bigeye or yellowfin tuna).

But species not listed as targets (or not endearing enough to have a conservation following) may get recorded in vague groups like “tunas and billfishes” or “sharks and rays”.

Even worse, almost 10% of the global catch volumes in our data were reported under the group “miscellaneous marine fishes”. Because it’s legal to sell seafood with murky labels like “whitefish”, the industry doesn’t need to identify all the poorly known, strange-looking critters coming up in their nets.


Read more: What’s on your plate? How certification can prevent seafood fraud


Our research considered only species-level records from industrial fisheries. This means our estimates were conservative — many more threatened species could be slipping through the cracks.

What’s more, much of our seafood travels through complex processing loops before arriving at a restaurant or distributor. A vessel fishing in Country A’s waters might be registered in Country B, owned by someone from Country C, with crew from Country D, catching fish processed and sold in many other countries.

Part of that fish might even be imported back into Country A. This adds to the difficulty of tracing seafood around the world.

Fried fish on chips
Tracing seafood back to its origin and species is difficult when it passes through so many hands. Shutterstock

What must be done?

Improving the tangled web of our seafood production will require national and international policy action. But awareness from seafood consumers, which has led to positive industry change in the past, will be critical to further improvements.

To make sure we’re not potentially eating an endangered Nassau grouper or hammerhead shark in our fish and chips, seafood needs to be (accurately) labelled with:

  1. the species — bigeye tuna, not “tuna”
  2. where it was caught — Queensland, not just “wild caught”
  3. how it was caught — pole-and-line, not just “dolphin-safe”
  4. the company responsible for the fishing.

It’s also vital to tighten loopholes and increase enforcement of national biodiversity protections, such as in the EPBC Act, and in food labelling laws, such as the Australian Fish Names Standard and country of origin labelling.

These key reforms will help bring sustainable and traceable seafood onto your plate.


Read more: How to keep slave-caught seafood off your plate


ref. What are you really eating? How threatened ‘seafood’ species slip through the law and onto your plate – https://theconversation.com/what-are-you-really-eating-how-threatened-seafood-species-slip-through-the-law-and-onto-your-plate-147108

Victory in defeat for Kanak independence movement in latest referendum

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

A display of Kanaky independence flags on referendum day.
Image: Al Jazeera/PMC screenshot


ANALYSIS:
By David Robie

WHILE pro-independence Kanak supporters rued another defeat in the second referendum on independence for New Caledonia at the weekend, it was even narrower than the loss two years ago. Now there is a real prospect of a win in 2022.

“The path to independence and sovereignty is inevitable,” pledges the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) – the umbrella group of the pro-independence parties and the struggle will go on.

Roch Wamytan, president of New Caledonia’s parliamentary Congress and a key leader of the FLNKS’ Union Calédonienne, vows the independence lobbying will press for the third referendum in two years’ time – and even later if needed.

If there is a third defeat, “we’ll talk, and we’ll figure something out”.

Congress president Roch Wamytan … “independence is inevitable”. Image: RBB

By boosting the overall “oui” vote by more than 3 percent – even in some pro-France strongholds in Noumea and the Southern province, the Kanak camp is confident over its long-term prospects as the demographics of a growing youth share of the population becomes more favourable.

However, Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes, the territory’s “loyalist”-owned sole daily newspaper, greeted the referendum results more critically, declaring that they showed “Caledonian society was more divided than ever, both on a geographical and community level”.

The yes vote climbed this time to 46.74 percent in provisional results, compared to 43.6 percent in the November 2018 referendum – a result that shattered most predictions of a crushing “non” vote.

The New Caledonian independence referendum 2020 provisional result.
Image: Caledonian TV


Record turnout

With all ballots tallied from the territory’s 304 polling stations, the “no” vote on Sunday won with 53.26 percent. The turnout was a record 85 percent for a vote in New Caledonia – 4 percent more than the referendum in 2018.

Les Nouivelles Caledoniennes 061020
Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes ….
today’s front page.
Image: PMC screenshot

Results in the three provinces were split along traditional lines, but in each case the “yes” vote advanced.

In the mainly white bastion of the Southern province that includes the capital Noumea, the yes vote was 29.19 percent compared with 25.88 percent in 2018.

The status quo vote dropped to 70.81 percent.

In the Northern province, was 77.9 percent yes (compared to 75.83 percent) and 22.11 percent no.

In the Loyalty Islands, the vote was 84.27 percent in favour of independence (82.18 percent in 2018) and 15.73 percent against.

Macron ‘grateful’ to voters
French President Emmanuel Macron said he was grateful to New Caledonian voters for rejecting independence from France.

Southern Province
Southern province provisional result.
Image: Caledonian TV

He welcomed the referendum result with a “deep feeling of gratitude” in a speech from the Élysée Palace.

However, he also said it was up to the various political groups in New Caledonia to draw up their vision of the future of the territory that was colonised by France in 1853.

Northern Province 2020
Northern province provisional result 2020.
Image: Caledonian TV

Macron said that both yes and no supporters would need to consider the consequences of the final referendum giving a different verdict than what they had wanted.

The independence referendum on Sunday was under the Noumea Accord, part of a three-decade decolonisation effort aimed at settling tensions in the 1980s – known as “les Evenements” – between indigenous Kanaks seeking independence and closer ties with their Pacific neighbours and New Caledonians wishing to remain within France.

Loyalty Islands province 2020
Loyalty Islands province provisional result 2020.
Image: Caledonian TV

‘Huge victory’ for Kanaks
“It’s a huge victory among the Kanak independentistes,” said economics Professor Catherine Ris of the University of New Caledonia.

“They were expecting an increase in the vote but not so high and I think it’s a big victory for them and that makes them confident.”

However, she said New Caledonia was important to France and she expected Paris to remain committed to the territory even if it eventually opted for full independence.

Luc Tutugoro
Luc Tutugoro … “As Kanaks we will never
give up or renounce our
sovereignty.”
Image: LT/PMC screenshot

Luc Tutugoro, a New Zealand resident Kanak advocate for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP), was among many who have welcomed the referendum result but warned pro-independence Kanaks would need to work harder towards 2022.

“We are creeping towards Kanak sovereignty,” he told Asia Pacific Report. “Work on the abstentions will be the key focus for the future – as well as a true and authentic dialogue, no matter what the result of the third and last referendum will be.

“As Kanaks we will never give up or renounce our sovereignty. There is a referendum because we have been and are still colonised by France.”

Earlier this year, Alexandre Dayant, a research fellow at Australia’s Lowy Institute, predicted demographics would play a large part in the referendum.

Demographic insights
Writing for The Interpreter, Dayant indicated that a study of local demographics and past voting patterns “offers an insight into the potential outcome of the upcoming ballot”.

The study included an analysis of the correlation between the results of the 2018 referendum per communes and the spreading of ethnic groups across the territory.

“The results [were striking] … At the municipal level, the correlation coefficient – the statistical relationship connecting two variables – between the Kanak vote and the independence vote was 96.1 percent.

“Those who called themselves ‘European’ by and large voted against independence, with a correlation coefficient of 91.7 percent. For their part, Caldoches and those classified by ISEE (New Caledonia’s Institute for Statistics and Economics studies) in the category ‘Other communities and not declared’, correlated by as much as 89 percent to vote no to independence.

“Finally, the people of Wallis and Futuna, true to their role of being a balancing force in New Caledonian’s politics, had a correlation coefficient of 57.2 percent voting no to independence.”

This pattern appears to be borne out this year too and is likely to have an impact too in 2022.

However, Dayant offers a caveat: “Despite a strong correlation in 2018, not all Kanaks are pro-independence, and not all non-Kanaks are loyalists.”

Minister due in Noumea
French Overseas Minister Sebastien Lecornu is due in New Caledonia later this week for a three-week stay to follow up on Sunday’s independence referendum when a majority voted to stay with France, reports RNZ Pacific.

The minister will spend two weeks in isolation in line with the territory’s policies which have kept if free of any local transmission of covid-19.

RNZ quotes Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes as reporting that he would be isolating at a yet undisclosed place and not at a government-run hotel.

Lecornu will meet key leaders from all sides in the political future debate.

Kanak and Wallisian voters in Noumea. Image: Al Jazeera/PMC screenshot

This article was first published on Café Pacific.

This budget will only work if business and consumers play ball

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

This is an extraordinary giveaway budget, driven by desperate circumstances that would have been inconceivable less than a year ago.

The debt and deficit numbers are predictably eye-watering – but the gamble is whether they are big enough.

The Morrison government is pleading.

In particular, it is begging business to chance its hand and invest, so that activity and jobs can be restored ASAP.

The incentives being handed to business are enormous. But it all comes down to that elusive necessity – confidence. It’s the old question about horses and whether they will drink when the water is shoved into the trough before them.

Equally, the government is also appealing to individuals to spend, and then spend some more.

There will be argument about whether it is making this pitch in the most effective way – the accelerated tax cuts have their critics.

They’ll certainly give many people more ready cash over coming months. The unknown is whether in these uncertain times the purse strings will be loosened.

The modest cash payments for pensioners – two lots of $250 – are also directed to boosting consumption. The first payment is December, nicely timed for some (modest) Christmas presents, to help the retail sector just when it needs assistance.

In its subsidy for businesses to hire younger unemployed people the government is acknowledging the recession will particularly hurt this generation.

It is imperative to get as many as possible of those thrown out of work back into the labour force as fast as possible.

The motive is sound, but how effective the program will be is another matter. Much will depend on whether employers feel confident enough to take on staff.

These younger people have to hope the employers respond, because the Coronavirus supplement that has enhanced JobSeeker is being wound back, and is due to end, while how much the basic JobSeeker payment will eventually be set at is a decision yet to be made.

The budget also notes women have been hard hit by the pandemic, and it includes a “women’s economic security statement”. But its $240 million in measures seems, to put it mildly, modest when compared to other initiatives.

Among the unusual features of this unique budget is the relative absence of cuts. The government has been finding ways to get money out the door, not reining in expenditures.

Frydenberg reprised the messages we’ve been hearing in past months from the government, which has prepared the ground for this tsunami of debt and deficits.

The debt would be a heavy burden, but it was a necessary one to “deal with the greatest challenge of our time”.

Some Liberals might have residual nightmares about debt but it is generally accepted by economists that it is totally manageable, and not even exceptional on international comparisons even if a shock in the Australian context.

Frydenberg repeated that the government’s initial measures to cushion the economic fallout of the pandemic had been “temporary, targeted, and proportionate”.

But the economic support cannot be temporary and this budget represents the next phase of it.

JobKeeper will be wound back, despite many experts believing it should extend much longer than its planned life, but other mechanisms have to be deployed to support the economy.

The budget is attempting to make a successful transition from the direct support represented by JobKeeper to indirect support through the use of tax breaks to encourage business investment.

At some stage, the transition has to be made. That’s recognised by both sides of politics. The debate is around the timing and the mechanism for making it.

While assuring us the government has our backs, Frydenberg had a double message for Australians in his budget speech. “The road to recovery will be hard,” he said. “But there is hope.”

Among the hopeful assumptions in the budget is that “a population-wide COVID-19 vaccination program will be fully in place by late 2021”.

That’s perhaps the biggest call of all.

ref. This budget will only work if business and consumers play ball – https://theconversation.com/this-budget-will-only-work-if-business-and-consumers-play-ball-147013

The budget’s tax cuts have their critics, but this year they make fiscal sense

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Holden, Professor of Economics, UNSW

This year’s budget is something of a play in two acts. Act one involves large economic stimulus to help plug the hole in output generated by the coronavirus pandemic. Act two tries to set Australia up for a bounce back in economic growth and employment that involves more than just waiting for the pandemic to end.

The headline figures that will rightly garner much attention are the $213.7 billion deficit for 2020-21—representing 11.0% of GDP – and the increase in net debt to 43.8% of GDP by 2023-24.

Tax receipts are down, but of course spending has rocketed up to $677.4 billion for 2020-21, compared to a projection of $514.5 billion for that period at the last budget.

The massive JobKeeper wage-subsidy program, the coronavirus supplements to various welfare payments, and a number of smaller schemes to encourage building, hiring of apprentices, and boosting manufacturing all add up to an unprecedented boost in government spending.

There is room for debate about the structure of these programs and even whether they are large enough, but they are basically sound as fiscal mitigation.

Tax cuts and their critics

Much was made in the leadup to the budget about the possibility of bringing forward the already-legislated “phase 2” and “phase 3” personal income tax cuts, due to begin on July 1 2022 and July 1 2024, respectively.

Phase 2, which involves raising the income threshold where the 37% marginal rate kicks in from $90,000 to $120,000, has been brought forward to this fiscal year. Phase 3, which abolishes the 37% bracket altogether, letting the top marginal rate of 45% kick in at a new $200,000 threshold will have to wait until 2024, as scheduled.

Critics of such cuts make two main arguments. The first is that the tax cuts are “unfair” because people on higher incomes get more of them. The second is that the cuts are bad economics, because higher-income households just save the tax cuts, and what we need right now is lots of spending.

Hand-to-mouth consumers

There is, indeed, a compelling case for putting more money in the hands of those who will spend it. Household consumption accounts for nearly 60% of GDP, and during recessions such consumption takes a pounding. 2020 in Australia is no exception.

That said, there is a widespread assumption – more like an article of faith, really – that those at the lower end of the income distribution will spend any temporary income they receive. And this article of faith has a corollary: only those at the bottom of the income distribution will spend such temporary income.

This leads folks to conclude there is downward sloping relationship between income and spending of government stimulus – the lower one’s income the more one spends.

But, as an empirical matter, this just isn’t true.

As economists Greg Kaplan, Giovanni Violante and Justin Weidner have pointed out, Australia has an unusual composition of “hand-to-mouth” consumers – that is consumers who spend all of their available resources every pay period because they have relatively little liquid wealth compared to their monthly expenses.

First, we have many fewer such people than countries like the United States, United Kingdom, or Canada – a little under 20% of the population. Second, and more strikingly, most of the Australian hand-to-mouth consumers – 90% of them – are wealthy. That is, they have a relatively large amount of total wealth – things like real estate assets and superannuation accounts.

Only 2.7% of Australian consumers are “poor, hand-to-mouth consumers”.

Notice this shatters the idea of a downward sloping income-gradient to spending. People across the income distribution spend stimulus payment.

Now, you might not feel too bad for a household with a good amount of equity in an expensive home and solid superannuation balances, but with large expenses like a big mortgage payment and private school fees. Fair enough. But that doesn’t mean they won’t spend additional income.

The effect of the tax cuts

As it stands, those earning $40,000 a year will pay $1,060 less tax this year than in the 2018 fiscal year. Those earning $60,000 will pay $2,160 less, and those earning $100,000 and above will pay around $2,500 less.

As a stimulus measure that’s far from crazy.

And as a growth-enhancement measure the phase 2 and 3 tax cuts make a lot of sense. Taxing labour income tends to lead to people working less. That’s less economic growth, less personal income, less tax, and less spending.

The exact magnitude of this -— what economist call labour-supply elasticities –varies by type of worker and on the exact nature of the tax schedule. But as Michael Keane and Richard Rogerson have noted, these effects are large in the aggregate.

Boosting the economy now and in the future

The economic problem we have been facing since March has been filling a massive drop in economic output. That will remain the central problem unless and until we have a widely-deployed vaccine.

But we cannot wait to tackle the supply side of the economy until after the immediate problems have been addressed. This budget takes a small step in that direction by bringing forward the phase 2 tax cuts. By not bringing the phase 3 cuts forward the government avoids a political fight, but risks waiting too long to begin the task of serious tax reform which is long overdue.

ref. The budget’s tax cuts have their critics, but this year they make fiscal sense – https://theconversation.com/the-budgets-tax-cuts-have-their-critics-but-this-year-they-make-fiscal-sense-147015

Budget 2020: promising tax breaks, but relying on hope

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Tax cuts aren’t the half of it.

The personal income tax cuts promised in the budget will cost A$17.8 billion over four years.

The measures aimed at supporting businesses – the temporary instant tax write off of capital investments, the temporary ability to use losses to reduce previous tax payments, the JobMaker hiring credit and the enhanced apprentice wage subsidy — will cost $26.7 billion, $4.8 billion, $4 billion and $1.2 billion.

That’s a total of $36.7 billion — a subsidy for private businesses without precedent.

The clumsy wording in the part of the budget that sets out strategy says the aim is to “drive sustainable, private sector-led growth and job creation”.

‘Driving private sector-led growth’

Driving private sector-led growth doesn’t quite make sense, but it’s easy to get a handle on what it means.

By itself, business isn’t in a position to drive much.

Even with the budget measures – even with the Australian Taxation Office allowing most businesses to write off everything they spend on equipment over the next two years – non-mining business investment is expected to collapse 14.5% this financial year and bounce back only 7.5% the next.

The JobMaker hiring credit is intended to be a smarter version of the JobKeeper wage subsidy, which was wound back at the end of September, and will be wound back again after Christmas, before vanishing at the end of March.

JobKeeper relaced with something weaker

Instead of helping pay the wages of all employees in businesses affected by the pandemic —- the budget papers say right now it is helping pay 3.5 million wages, more than a quarter of the workforce —- it’ll help pay the wages only of extra employees taken on. And only if they are aged between 16 and 35 and have previously been on JobSeeker or a related payment.

It’ll last for just a year and be worth only $100 or $200 a week, depending on the age of the person hired.

The government says it will support 450,000 positions. But because a much larger subsidy for millions of positions will be withdrawn, there’s a risk employment will collapse as businesses especially affected by the pandemic (in industries such as tourism) find they can no longer afford to keep the staff they’ve got, let alone take on new ones.

It makes the budget a statement of faith, or hope.

Tax cuts in the hope we spend

There’s hope we’ll spend the tax cuts that have been brought forward.

As of the start of this this financial year (it’ll be backdated), you can earn up to $45,000 instead of $37,000, paying just 19 cents in the dollar tax and nothing on the first $18,200.

High earners can keep paying 32.5 cents in the dollar right up to $120,000 instead of $90,000.

Low earners will get an offset of up to $700, middle earners an offset of up to $1,080 for another year.

Pensioners and recipients of carer payments and family tax benefits will get two extra cash payments of $250, on top of the two of $750 each earlier this yer, to be delivered in December and March.

The government is hoping the payments and the tax cuts will keep the slump in consumer spending to 1.5% this year, followed by a rebound of 7% next financial year.

All being well, unemployment will fall

It expects the unemployment rate to peak at 8% in the last three months of this year and then to fall to 6.5% by mid-2022.

It says the “effective unemployment rate”, which counts as unemployed people who are working zero hours (because of JobKeeper or other reasons) peaked at close to 15% in April, before sliding to around 9.25%.

The economy is expected to grow a larger than normal 4.75% next financial year and then to grow by 3% after falling 1.5% this financial year.

While not returning to surplus at any time in the next ten years, the budget deficit is expected to shrink from an eye-watering $213.6 billion this financial year (11% of gross domestic product) to -11.0 to $66.9 billion in 2023-24 (3% of GDP).

But that’s if everything turns out as assumed.

As the budget says, in words stronger than those used previously, “outcomes could be substantially different to the forecasts, depending upon the extent to which these assumptions hold.”

A lot needs to go right

Those assumptions are that from here on, localised outbreaks of COVID-19 occur but are largely contained, a population-wide vaccination program is fully in place by late 2021, general social distancing restrictions continue until that happens and Victoria’s special restrictions and state border restrictions are lifted by the end of the year — except for Western Australia’s which will be lifted by April 2021.

There are other assumptions. International travel is expected to remain low until late next year and then climb, allowing net overseas migration to reach 201,000 by 2023-24, still less than the 271,000 per year that was common.

For this year and next year, net overseas migration will be negative, as we lose more people to overseas than we gain from overseas. Only a (somewhat diminished) birth rate will stop the population shrinking.

A lot could quickly date

The government’s most-recent economic statement, in July, was rendered out of date within days as Victoria went into stage 4 lockdown.

Anything could happen to render the budget forecasts redundant, and probably will.

From my standpoint, the government is putting too much store on businesses driving the recovery after JobKeeper has been wound back.

But if businesses don’t, it has given every indication it is prepared to do more. It’s hard to fault much of what its done. It has certainly shown its willingness to be flexible.

ref. Budget 2020: promising tax breaks, but relying on hope – https://theconversation.com/budget-2020-promising-tax-breaks-but-relying-on-hope-147012

Budget 2020: Frydenberg tells Australians, ‘we have your back’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Accelerated tax cuts, cash splashes for pensioners, massive incentives for business to invest and a subsidy to hire unemployed people are the centrepieces of the Morrison government’s COVID-19 budget.

More than 11 million taxpayers will get a tax cut backdated to July 1, giving lower and middle-income earners tax relief this financial year of up to $2,745. Duel income families will receive relief of up to $5,490, compared to their tax in 2017-18.

Australians on pensions and related payments will also receive a cash handout of $250 from December and another $250 from March next year.

Treasurer Josh Frydenberg said the Australia economy was “fighting back”, with more than half of those who had lost their jobs now back at work. But “there remains a monumental task ahead,” he said, assuring Australians “we have your back”.

“The road to recovery will be hard — but there is hope,” he said

A budget focused on creating jobs also delivers generous tax breaks to boost business activity, and a new plan to subsidise hiring young people who are unemployed for up to a year.

Frydenberg said the Australian economy had been hit hard, but “we have a plan to rebuild our economy and to create jobs”.

Massive deficit

The budget has a massive $213.7 billion deficit for this year. It will stay in the red throughout the budget period, with deficits totalling $480.5 billion over the next four years.

Net debt will reach $703 billion this financial year – more than 36% of GDP, rising to $966 billion (44% of GDP) by June 2024.

Frydenberg told parliament, “this is a heavy burden, but a necessary one to responsibly deal with the greatest challenge of our time”.

The economy is forecast to contract by 3.75% this calendar year, with unemployment peaking at 8% in the December quarter. In the 2021 calendar year, economic growth is forecast to be 4.25%, with unemployment falling to 6.5% by the June quarter 2022.

In his speech to parliament, Frydenberg reiterated the government’s two-phase strategy.

The first phase is to focus on “boosting consumer and business confidence, growing the economy and creating jobs”.

Once unemployment is “comfortably below 6%” the government will move to phase two, “where there is a deliberate shift from providing temporary and targeted support to stabilising gross and net debt as a share of the economy.”

“We will then rebuild our fiscal buffers, so that we can be prepared for the next economic shock,” Frydenberg said.

The income tax cuts, at nearly $7 billion, are the biggest cost this financial year, rising to nearly $18 billion in total over the forward estimates.

Tax cuts brought forward

The government is bringing forward stage two of its already legislated tax plan, lifting the 19% threshold from $37,000 to $45,000 and the 32.5% threshold from $90,000 to $120,000.

It is also retaining the Low and Middle Income Tax Offset for an extra year.

As a proportion of tax payable, compared to 2017-18, the greatest benefit would flow to people on lower incomes, with those earning $40,000 paying 21% less tax, and people on $80,000 paying about 11% less tax this year.

“Under our changes, more than seven million Australia receive tax relief of $2,000 or more this year,” Frydenberg said.

JobMaker hiring credit and huge tax breaks

A new JobMaker hiring credit will be available for employers who take on people on JobSeeker aged 16 to 35. The subsidy will be $200 a week for those under 30 and $100 a week for older people. These new hires must work at least 20 hours a week. All businesses except big banks will be able to use the scheme and the government says it will support about 450,000 jobs for young people.

The hiring credit will cost $850 million in the current financial year, rising to $2.9 billion in 2021-22.

Tax breaks for business are huge over the budget period.

From budget night, more than 99% of businesses will be able to write off the full value of any eligible asset they purchase. The concession will be available for businesses with a turnover of up to $5 billion until mid-2022, with the program costing $26.7 billion over the forward estimates.

Frydenberg described the concession as “a game changer” which “will unlock investment”.

“It will dramatically expand the productive capacity of the nation and create tens of thousands of jobs.”

In another business initiative, companies will be able to use their losses earlier.

Frydenberg said the combination of these two measures would create an extra 50,000 jobs.

Infrastructure and water spending

The government is also looking to infrastructure to stimulate activity, with Frydenberg saying “the budget will see $14 billion in new and accelerated infrastructure projects.”

As part of supporting the regions, Frydenberg announced $2 billion in new funding to build water infrastructure.

With women’s jobs particularly badly hit during the recession, the budget has a women’s economic security statement including $240 million in measures.

Thousands of new home care packages

On aged care, Frydenberg announced an increase of 23,000 home care packages, costing $1.6 billion. He said the government would provide “a comprehensive response” after the royal commission’s final report on aged care, which comes early next year.

The government is also implementing reforms to superannuation arrangements.

New superannuation accounts will no longer be automatically created when a worker moves jobs. “Under our reforms, your super will follow you” Frydenberg said. The government had previously flagged that it would implement the change, recommended by the Productivity Commission.

ref. Budget 2020: Frydenberg tells Australians, ‘we have your back’ – https://theconversation.com/budget-2020-frydenberg-tells-australians-we-have-your-back-147014

Evening Report LIVE: Tech Now with Sarah Putt and Selwyn Manning – Election Tech Policy

Good evening, you are watching Tech Now.

Tonight, we are joined by technology commentator Sarah Putt to discuss some of the week’s big tech issues, including:

  • What policies are getting the nod from tech-sector leaders?
  • Also, should Apple and Google get a 30% cut on apps sales?
  • And, Facebook’s photo platform, Instagram, turns 10. So why does the social media giant plan to merge Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp’s messenger systems?

INTERACTION: Remember, if you are joining us LIVE via social media (SEE LINKS BELOW), you can make comments and even put Sarah on the spot with a few questions. We will be able to see your interaction, and include this in the LIVE show.

You can interact with the LIVE programme by joining these social media channels. Here are the links:

And, you can see video-on-demand of this show, and earlier episodes too, by checking out EveningReport.nz

The programme is the latest effort by EveningReport as it rolls out its public service webcasting programmes, produced by ER’s parent company Multimedia Investments Ltd.

The budget assumes a COVID-19 vaccine becomes available next year. Is this feasible?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Holly Seale, Senior Lecturer, UNSW

The Australian federal budget, unveiled on Tuesday, bases several assumptions on Australians having access to a COVID-19 vaccine in 2021.

This timeline is possible, according to researchers on the frontline of vaccine development. A survey published in early October asked 28 US and Canadian experts when they thought a COVID-19 vaccine would be available.

They weren’t optimistic a vaccine would be available before mid-2021, but on average thought September or October 2021 was achievable. However, several thought it could take until July 2022.

They also thought a vaccine could be available by March or April 2021 to people with a high risk of either contracting the disease or having serious consequences, such as health-care workers.

But in this scenario, it’s likely healthy adults will have to wait a while longer.

Even if we do get a successful vaccine, it won’t necessarily mark the immediate end of COVID-19. It might only be 60-70% effective, which means it won’t stop transmission completely, and spot fires of infection will continue to crop up.

Unfortunately, this means we have to accept the fact public health measures aren’t going away soon. Social distancing, mask-wearing, contact tracing, and limits on gatherings and workplaces will remain part of our lives for some time to come.

Governments and the media need to start communicating this to the public, rather than relying on the idea of a vaccine as a silver bullet.

Treasurer Josh Frydenberg
Treasurer Josh Frydenberg said ‘The budget takes into account the possibility that (the development of a vaccine next year) is the case.’ Mick Tsikas/AAP

The political will is unprecedented

Traditionally, vaccines can take five to ten years from the lab to your arm. One of the fastest vaccines ever developed was for a viral infection called mumps, which took less than five years. A vaccine for ebola was also created in about five years. On face value, these may dampen expectations for our ability to make a successful COVID-19 vaccine in just one or two years.

However, unprecedented resources are being poured into the development of a COVID-19 vaccine. The funding available, the number of candidates, and the amount of researchers involved in development are greater than any vaccine previously. The World Health Organisation is tracking more than 190 candidate vaccines in varying stages of development.

There were vaccine candidates in the pipeline for other coronaviruses including SARS and MERS, but the dwindling nature of those outbreaks meant there wasn’t overwhelming political will to see those completed. But COVID-19 is still at pandemic status, meaning a vaccine is seen as vital.


Read more: Creating a COVID-19 vaccine is only the first step. It’ll take years to manufacture and distribute


An approved vaccine is only one step

There are many things we still don’t know about potential COVID-19 vaccines. Successful candidates might require two or more doses, separated by an as yet unknown interval.

Manufacturing is another issue. Many of us might think once a vaccine is approved, the pandemic is over. But there needs to be enough produced to vaccinate everyone in Australia, which takes time.

What’s more, to reduce the risk of importing the virus, or if we want to travel overseas again, there may be a need to ensure robust COVID-19 vaccine programs have been implemented globally. If we’re looking at a two-shot vaccine, global coverage would require almost 16 billion doses, and probably more when accounting for loss of stock, logistical problems and so on. It will also take time to consistently test new batches and conduct safety monitoring of those who’ve received a shot.

Australians may need to rein in their love of travel for a few years yet. We should think about travelling locally and supporting local businesses, rather than jetting off to another continent.


Read more: The travel bubble with New Zealand includes NSW and the NT. Why have other states missed out?


Getting everyone vaccinated is another challenge

Once we have an approved vaccine, and have made enough of it, there are still hurdles to overcome.

We have a great system of childhood immunisation in Australia, but it’s a very different thing to get healthy adults vaccinated en masse. We don’t necessary have the same strong culture of immunisation towards healthy adults in this country. Public health officials are still battling to increase uptake of yearly flu vaccines.

Although vaccine coverage has surged this year, historically Australia has recorded less than optimal uptake for influenza vaccination for adults who are medically at-risk. And, our vaccine coverage for other recommend vaccines including for shingles, pneumococcal and whooping cough also needs improving.

In a study I led (yet to be peer-reviewed), my colleagues and I found 80% of the Australian residents surveyed agreed “getting myself vaccinated for COVID-19 would be a good way to protect myself against infection”. Another challenge, therefore, is there may be some people who have misgivings about receiving a vaccine.

To support future uptake to the required levels, we may need to focus on the factors that motivate people to get vaccinated. It may be necessary to highlight that getting immunised isn’t just to protect ourselves, but to protect our family, friends, colleagues, and community at large. This is particularly crucial given evidence COVID-19 can spread asymptomatically.


Read more: Young men are more likely to believe COVID-19 myths. So how do we actually reach them?


Beyond ensuring we promote acceptance of a vaccine to the public, we also need to minimise practical barriers. To improve access, we may need to offer the vaccine at multiple locations and times. For example, we could convert existing drive-through testing centres into drive-through immunisation clinics. We could also look to deliver people the vaccine via pharmacies, workplaces or community centres, or in other environments that make sense to them, like their local church, mosque, synagogue or temple.

Ultimately, the federal government’s belief that a vaccine will be available next year is plausible. But it’s not the full picture. The hurdles that exist in ending the pandemic go beyond the approval of a vaccine candidate.


Read more: Australia’s just signed up for a shot at 9 COVID-19 vaccines. Here’s what to expect


ref. The budget assumes a COVID-19 vaccine becomes available next year. Is this feasible? – https://theconversation.com/the-budget-assumes-a-covid-19-vaccine-becomes-available-next-year-is-this-feasible-147557

Netflix’s The Social Dilemma highlights the problem with social media, but what’s the solution?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Belinda Barnet, Senior Lecturer in Media and Communications, Swinburne University of Technology

Facebook has responded to Netflix documentary The Social Dilemma, saying it “buries the substance in sensationalism”.

The show is currently in Netflix Australia’s top ten list and has been popular around the globe. Some media pundits suggest it’s “the most important documentary of our times”.

The Social Dilemma focuses on how big social media companies manipulate users by using algorithms that encourage addiction to their platforms. It also shows, fairly accurately, how platforms harvest personal data to target users with ads – and have so far gone largely unregulated.

But what are we meant to do about it? While the Netflix feature educates viewers about the problems social networks present to both our privacy and agency, it falls short of providing a tangible solution.

A misleading response

In a statement responding to the documentary, Facebook denied most of the claims made by former Facebook and other big tech company employees interviewed in The Social Dilemma.

It took issue with the allegation users’ data are harvested to sell ads and that this data (or the behavioural predictions drawn from it) represents the “product” sold to advertisers.


Read more: If it’s free online, you are the product


“Facebook is an ads-supported platform, which means that selling ads allows us to offer everyone else the ability to connect for free,” Facebook says.

However, this is a bit like saying chicken food is free for battery hens. Harvesting users’ data and selling it to advertisers, even if the data is not “personally identifiable”, is undeniably Facebook’s business model.

The Social Dilemma doesn’t go far enough

That said, The Social Dilemma sometimes resorts to simplistic metaphors to illustrate the harms of social media.

For example, a fictional character is given an “executive team” of people operating behind the scenes to maximise their interaction with a social media platform. This is supposed to be a metaphor for algorithms, but is a little creepy in its implications.

A character from The Social Dilemma looks at his phone.
The Social Dilemma uses dramatisations (which aren’t necessarily accurate) to explore how social media algorithms are designed to be addictive. IMDB

News reports allege large numbers of people have disconnected or are taking “breaks” from social media after watching The Social Dilemma.

But although one of the interviewees, Jaron Lanier, has a book called “10 Reasons To Delete your Social Accounts”, the documentary does not explicitly call for this. No immediately useful answers are given.

Filmmaker Jeff Orlowski seems to frame “ethical” platform design as the antidote. While this is an important consideration, it’s not a complete answer. And this framing is one of several issues in The Social Dilemma’s approach.

Ethical design considers the moral consequences of the design choices in a platform. It is design made with the intent to ‘do good’. Shutterstock

The program also relies uncritically on interviews with former tech executives, who apparently never realised the consequences of manipulating users for monetary gain. It propagates the Silicon Valley fantasy they were just innocent geniuses wanting to improve the world (despite ample evidence to the contrary).

As tech policy expert Maria Farell suggests, these retired “prodigal tech bros”, who are now safely insulated from consequences, are presented as the moral authority. Meanwhile, the digital rights and privacy activists who have worked for decades to hold them to account are largely omitted from view.

Behavioural change

Given the documentary doesn’t really tell us how to fight the tide, what can you, as the viewer, do?


Read more: A month at sea with no technology taught me how to steal my life back from my phone


Firstly, you can take The Social Dilemma as a cue to become more aware of how much of your data is given up on a daily basis – and you can change your behaviours accordingly. One way is to change your social media privacy settings to restrict (as much as possible) the data networks can gather from you.

This will require going into the “settings” on every social platform you have, to restrict both the audience you share content with and the number of third parties the platform shares your behavioural data with.

In Facebook, you can actually switch off “platform apps” entirely. This restricts access by partner or third-party applications.


Read more: How to stop haemorrhaging data on Facebook


Unfortunately, even if you do restrict your privacy settings on platforms (particularly Facebook), they can still collect and use your “platform” data. This includes content you read, “like”, click and hover over.

So, you may want to opt for limiting the time you spend on these platforms. This is not always practical, given how important they are in our lives. But if you want to do so, there are dedicated tools for this in some mobile operating systems.

Apple’s iOS, for example, has implemented “screen time” tools aimed at minimising time spent on apps such as Facebook. Some have argued, though, this can make things worse by making the user feel bad, while still easily side-stepping the limitation.

As a user, the best you can do is tighten your privacy settings, limit the time you spend on platforms and carefully consider whether you need each one.

Legislative reform

In the long run, stemming the flow of personal data to digital platforms will also need legislative change. While legislation can’t fix everything, it can encourage systemic change.

In Australia, we need stronger data privacy protections, preferably in the form of blanket legislative protection such as the General Data Protection Regulation implemented in Europe in 2018.

The GDPR was designed to bring social media platforms to heel and is geared towards providing individuals more control over their personal data. Australians don’t yet have similar comprehensive protections, but regulators have been making inroads.

Last year, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission finalised its Digital Platforms Inquiry investigating a range of issues relating to tech platforms, including data collection and privacy.

It made a number of recommendations that will hopefully result in legislative change. These focus on improving and bolstering the definitions of “consent” for consumers, including explicit understanding of when and how their data is being tracked online.

If what we’re facing is indeed a “social dilemma”, it’s going to take more than the remorseful words of a few Silicon Valley tech-bros to solve it.

ref. Netflix’s The Social Dilemma highlights the problem with social media, but what’s the solution? – https://theconversation.com/netflixs-the-social-dilemma-highlights-the-problem-with-social-media-but-whats-the-solution-147351

Brazen Hussies: a new film captures the heady, turbulent power of Australia’s women’s liberation movement

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sally Breen, Senior Lecturer in Writing and Publishing, Griffith University

Review: Brazen Hussies, directed by Catherine Dwyer, Brisbane International Film Festival.

The moment feminist author Kate Jennings took to the microphone at a moratorium on the front lawn of Sydney University in 1970 is presented as a galvanising catalyst of Australia’s women’s liberation movement in Catherine Dwyer’s documentary film Brazen Hussies.

We learn it was the first time the paragons of the male left had deigned to allow a woman to speak.

And speak back to them she did.

It suits you to keep women in the kitchen and in underpaid menial jobs. Under your veneer you are brothers to the pig politicians. You’ll say I’m a man hating, bra burning, lesbian member of the castration penis envy brigade … which I am!

Her words and her rage whipped through the gathered crowd like wind. The men erupted, chanting, “You belong on your back. You, ugly bitch.”

Brazen Hussies does an excellent job of condensing and capturing what was a heady and turbulent period of consciousness raising and revolution in Australia.

Many of the women featured in the film describe the sweep of second wave feminism as an awakening, like coming out of a fog, a feeling they’d been hoodwinked into this great con of domesticity, child rearing and menial work. And when those realisations kicked in, they kicked in hard, manifesting in anger, rage and a determined will to shake the cage.

Feminist author Sara Dowse explains: “For three months I didn’t know a single person’s name. Because people couldn’t be bothered with names. We were just women on fire.”


Read more: Damned Whores and God’s Police is still relevant to Australia 40 years on – more’s the pity


A domino effect

I was a kid in the seventies. I don’t remember seeing anything much about the women’s liberation movement on TV but the hum of it, the discord must have been rippling along because all us kids felt it. An already shaky suburban world about to crack right open, teeming with unhappiness.

The introduction of the single mother’s pension in 1973 had a domino effect. Every other day some kid would come to school crying and we understood. D-day. Divorce. Feminism was tearing a hole through the nuclear family at that time because the foundations many of those marriages were built on were illusions as Brazen Hussies highlights. As soon as women were granted the means to get out, many of them did.

In 1965, when Merle Thornton and Rosalie Bognor chained themselves to the public bar at the Regatta Hotel in Brisbane where women were barred from drinking, another key moment in the film, they didn’t look like wild, bra burning lesbians as women’s liberation activists were so often painted in the openly hostile media. They looked conservative — the thick chains around their ankles resting above their low-heeled, sensible court shoes. Looking like my nanna used to in her lavender or lemon coloured two-piece suits. Gleams in their eyes.

When Zelda D’Aprano chained herself to Melbourne’s Commonwealth building in 1971, demanding equal pay for equal work, it was a similar vibe. But in the end the clothes didn’t really matter. These women were warriors.

Later, women started entering male-only watering holes and taking up posts along the bars. The footage in Brazen Hussies is shockingly violent — men pushing and hitting them and dragging them out by their feet or hair. Cops loading them unceremoniously in paddy wagons as they chant slogans in defiance and kick.

The late Zelda D’Aprano addresses an equal pay rally in 2011. David Crosling/AAP

The film also doesn’t shy away from documenting the factions and tensions that developed inside the movement, particularly with Indigenous and lesbian women. A similar internal struggle played out in America’s second wave, with demands for more nuanced approaches to resistance underscoring just how difficult it is to navigate the intricacies of patriarchal oppression collectively.

Telling stories to new generations

One of the strongest messages in this film is the importance of revisiting history, of telling these stories to new generations not just so they can understand who blazed the trails in this country — who fought for the equal pay, subsidised childcare, legislative policy for women and abortion rights — but so they can continue the fight.

Brazen Hussies: the film highlights the importance of remembering crusades of old. Image courtesy: Film Art Media

In the last ten minutes the old black and white footage gives way to coverage of protests today — LGBTI rainbows in full swing, men marching in solidarity with women, toddlers held aloft on their shoulders — a vision artist Suzanne Bellamy, one of the original 70s campaigners, says she would never have seen in her time. A celebration of how far we’ve come and a warning of just how easily everything these women fought for could be lost.

I’m reminded of the importance of a film like Brazen Hussies walking back to my hotel by the Brisbane river. A nondescript, middle-aged dad coming towards me, two kids barrelling ahead on shiny scooters. I move to the left and when the kids pass me, he slows down and I find that odd. I nod and say “hi”.

He says, “G’day sweetheart,” glazed eyes running the full length of my body — the sweetheart, drawn out and slow — with just the right amount of threat in it. A threat that lodges somewhere deep in my spine. I tell him to f… off, surely, he’s not going to retaliate with two kids in tow. I sigh, and I keep on walking.

ref. Brazen Hussies: a new film captures the heady, turbulent power of Australia’s women’s liberation movement – https://theconversation.com/brazen-hussies-a-new-film-captures-the-heady-turbulent-power-of-australias-womens-liberation-movement-147182

Unis are run like corporations but their leaders are less accountable. Here’s an easy way to fix that

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luke Beck, Associate Professor of Constitutional Law, Monash University

A common critique of Australian universities today is that they operate as if they are corporations. The pursuit of endless sales in the form of international student enrolments appears to be their principal purpose, rather than the pursuit of learning and knowledge.

The government seems to view universities the same way it views big business. Prime Minister Scott Morrison recently justified not extending JobKeeper to universities by saying:

[…] these are very large organisations with billion-dollar reserves and they’ve got multi-million-dollar CEOs and they’re making decisions about how they’re running their own organisations, just like many large businesses are going through this.

But there are lots of important differences between universities and big businesses. The difference I want to highlight is accountability. In some respects, there is more accountability in big businesses than in universities. Universities should be made more accountable to their members.


Read more: Governing universities: tertiary experience no longer required


The corporate analogy

University vice chancellor in academic gown
The vice chancellors of Australian public universities are paid an average of nearly $1 million a year. Dan Himbrechts/AAP

Vice-chancellors might get paid like corporate CEOs – as much as A$1.6 million, with an average of nearly A$1 million for Australia’s 37 public universities. However, university governance and VC remuneration decisions are less accountable than corporate governance and CEO remuneration decisions. This should change.

The analogy with corporations makes a little bit of sense. Vice-chancellors are kind of like company chief executive officers: both are the most senior executive officer responsible for running the organisation. And university councils are kind of like company boards of directors: they both have ultimate oversight of the organisation and are responsible for appointing the VC/CEO.

But the analogy largely stops there. Universities might operate like corporations, but they are not accountable like corporations.

Governance accountability

Shareholders, who are “members” of the company, elect a company’s board of directors. By contrast, the “members” of the university do not choose university councils.

The statutes establishing universities say the staff and students of the university are “members” of the university. But university members don’t get to choose most members of university councils. Staff and students elect only a small number of university council representatives. Governments or the councils themselves appoint most members.

This should change. At the very least, appointed university council members should be liable to be removed by a special majority vote of university members.


Read more: ‘Universities are not corporations’: 600 Australian academics call for change to uni governance structures


Remuneration accountability

Just like company boards of directors determine CEO pay, university councils determine VC pay.

CEO pay decisions made by company boards of directors are accountable to company members. The law imposes a “two strikes” rule. If 25% or more of shareholders vote against a company’s remuneration report two years in a row, then a vote on whether to spill the board must take place.

By contrast, university members have no say over VC pay. University councils are not accountable to university members in the same way company boards are accountable to company members.

This should change. A similar “two strikes” rule should apply to universities.

University councils should submit annual remuneration reports covering the highest-paid university executives to university members. If 25% or more of university members vote against the remuneration report two years in a row, then there should be a spill of the university council. Following a spill, appointed members should be subject to strict criteria governing whether they can be reappointed.

University protest
When academics and students are unhappy with university decision-making they have less power to change things than stakeholders in a company. Damian Shaw/AAP

Read more: University councils need greater expertise, including staff and student voices


The right kind of corporatisation

To be sure, these kinds of improved accountability measures can’t fix all of the woes of the university sector. Underfunding the education of Australian students and underfunding research are fundamental problems and need to be fixed.

But university accountability is still important. And it would cost the taxpayer nothing to do something about it: just a tweak to legislation, no spending needed.

Ironically, a bit more of the right kind of corporatisation might help remedy the worst aspects of the current model of corporatised universities.

There is no good reason why should there be more accountability and democracy in a private company than in a public university.


Read more: Universities and government need to rethink their relationship with each other before it’s too late


ref. Unis are run like corporations but their leaders are less accountable. Here’s an easy way to fix that – https://theconversation.com/unis-are-run-like-corporations-but-their-leaders-are-less-accountable-heres-an-easy-way-to-fix-that-147194

Climate explained: does building and expanding motorways really reduce congestion and emissions?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Kingham, Professor, University of Canterbury

CC BY-ND

Climate Explained is a collaboration between The Conversation, Stuff and the New Zealand Science Media Centre to answer your questions about climate change.

If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, please send it to climate.change@stuff.co.nz


Q: Does building and expanding motorways really reduce congestion and emissions, or does it increase it?

Historically, building more and wider roads, including motorways, was seen as a way of reducing congestion. This in turn is supposed to lower emissions.

The new motorways of the future.

Fuel efficiency is optimised for driving at around 80kmh and it decreases the faster you go above that. But with speed limits up to 110kmh, people are likely to drive above 80kmh on motorways — and this means building and expanding motorways will actually increase emissions.

Many countries, especially in Europe, are now looking to lower speed limits partly to reduce emissions.


Read more: Remove car lanes, restrict vehicles and improve transit to reduce traffic congestion


In addition to speeding, rapid acceleration and braking can lower mileage by 15-30% at highway speeds and 10-40% in stop-and-go traffic. If building or expanding motorways did reduce congestion, the smoother driving would be a benefit.

But this assumption is not backed by evidence. Research shows even on roads with no impediments drivers brake and accelerate unnecessarily, increasing congestion and emissions.

One of the arguments for future autonomous vehicles is that such braking and accelerating should not occur and emissions should reduce.

New roads, new drivers

The most significant impact new and expanded motorways have on congestion and emissions is the effect on the distance people travel.

Historically, engineers assumed cars (and more pertinently their drivers) would behave like water. In other words, if you had too much traffic for the road space provided, you would build a new road or expand an existing one and cars would spread themselves across the increased road space.

A traffic jam on a motorway to Auckland.
Congested traffic on a motorway into the centre of Auckland. patjo/Shutterstock

Unfortunately, this is not what happens. New road capacity attracts new drivers. In the short term, people who had previously been discouraged from using congested roads start to use them.

In the longer term, people move further away from city centres to take advantage of new roads that allow them to travel further faster.

This is partly due to the “travel time budget” — a concept also known as Marchetti’s constant — which suggests people are prepared to spend around an hour a day commuting. Cities tend to grow to a diameter of one-hour travel time.

City sprawl

The concept is supported by evidence that cities have sprawled more as modes of transport have changed. For example, cities were small when we could only walk, but expanded along transport corridors with rail and then sprawled with the advent of cars. This all allows commuters to travel greater distances within the travel time budget.

Building or expanding roads releases latent demand — widely defined as “the increment in new vehicle traffic that would not have occurred without the improvement of the network capacity”.

This concept is not new. The first evidence of it can be found back in the 1930s. Later research in 1962 found that “on urban commuter expressways, peak-hour traffic congestion rises to meet maximum capacity”.

A considerable body of evidence is now available to confirm this. But, despite this indisputable fact, many road-improvement decisions continue to be based on the assumption that extra space will not generate new traffic.

If you build it, they will drive

A significant change occurred in 1994 when a report by the UK Advisory Committee on Trunk Road Appraisal confirmed road building actually generates more traffic.

In New Zealand, this wasn’t acknowledged until the Transport Agency’s 2010 Economic Evaluation Manual, which said:

[…] generated traffic often fills a significant portion (50–90%) of added urban roadway capacity.

Vehicle lights blur at night on a busy motorway into Auckland.
Traffic increases as motorways expand. Shaun Jeffers/Shutterstock

Some congestion discourages people from driving (suppresses latent demand), but with no congestion traffic will fill road space over time, particularly in or near urban areas.

Interestingly, the opposite can also work. Where road space is removed, demand can be suppressed and traffic reduces without other neighbouring roads becoming overly congested.


Read more: Climate explained: could electric car batteries feed power back into the grid?


One of the best examples of this is the closure of the Cheonggyecheon Freeway in the middle of Seoul, South Korea.

When the busy road was removed from the city, rather than the traffic moving to and congesting nearby roads, most of the traffic actually disappeared, as Professor Jeff Kenworthy from Curtin University’s Sustainable Policy Institute notes.

This suppression of latent demand works best when good alternative ways of travel are available, including high-quality public transport or separated cycle lanes.

The short answer to the question about road building and expansion is that new roads do little to reduce congestion, and they will usually result in increased emissions.

ref. Climate explained: does building and expanding motorways really reduce congestion and emissions? – https://theconversation.com/climate-explained-does-building-and-expanding-motorways-really-reduce-congestion-and-emissions-147024

Victoria’s criminal courts are critically backlogged. This is how we can speed up justice

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Greg Barns, Sessional Lecturer in Law, RMIT University

In early September, Victoria Supreme Court Chief Justice Anne Ferguson issued a statement as COVID cases began to rapidly decline across the state following the peak of the second wave.

Ferguson said she and her colleagues would

carefully consider what changes we can make practically, safely and steadily in line with the easing of each level of restrictions.

For the hundreds of people languishing on remand in Victoria’s jails waiting for their cases to be heard, these changes can’t come quickly enough.

Coronavirus has dealt a blow to the already overburdened and slow-moving Victorian Supreme and County Court systems, where jury trials involving serious criminal offences are heard. Unless there are creative solutions put in place to deal with the backlog of cases caused by the pandemic, the old adage may prove true: justice delayed is justice denied.

How backlogged the system is

The court system was already quite backed up in Victoria — as it is in every state and territory.

In June, there were around 2,800 people in Victoria’s prisons waiting to be sentenced or on remand waiting for their hearing. That month, the County Court also estimated its backlog of cases to be 750.


Read more: Courts are moving to video during coronavirus, but research shows it’s hard to get a fair trial remotely


Last year, the Productivity Commission found around 20% of criminal cases in Victoria’s Supreme and County Courts were over a year old.

This figure is likely to be far greater by the end of this year given criminal trials have essentially been stopped in these courts since March.

In other words, the backlog of cases will only continue to grow and the waiting time for suspected offenders, victims and witnesses to have their day in court will stretch out well into 2022.

New ways of thinking

Short of pleading guilty and hoping for a quick release from prison, or trying to jump over the hurdles of Victoria’s extraordinarily complex bail laws, there is little a person can do but wait.

And this is no doubt challenging for those on remand in prison. During COVID, family visits have been on hold and education and other programs have been sporadic at best.


Read more: Jury is out: why shifting to judge-alone trials is a flawed approach to criminal justice


But with every crisis comes opportunity: we can now make the necessary reforms to drag the criminal trial process into the 21st century.

To be fair, Victorian courts have begun tackling the COVID crisis. The County Court has, for instance, instituted an emergency case management system to help speed up its lengthy court processes.

But COVID presents a not-to-be-missed opportunity for permanent changes to be put in place, such as relying more on early dispute resolution, making better use of technology so the days of crowded courtrooms and long waiting times are a thing of the past, and implementing restorative justice instead of lengthy jail time for offenders.

Many criminal cases could avoid trial altogether

Early dispute resolution is a smart approach that has already been used in magistrates courts for some years now.

In this process, the prosecution and defence meet to discuss the issues of a case with the judge, the likelihood of conviction and what sort of sentence might be available if the suspected offender were to plead guilty. All criminal cases should be subjected to this process now.

The sort of aggressive case management that routinely occurs in the family law and commercial courts — where judges take a very interventionist role and lawyers are expected to be willing to compromise — should also be a permanent feature of the criminal justice process.

The days of prosecution and defence resolving cases only when the trial or hearing date is approaching must end.

Online hearings and judge appointments

Technology must also become a permanent feature of how all courts, including criminal trial courts in Victoria, do business.

In some ways, going to court has not changed since the 19th century. Courts sit from 9:30 or 10am until 4pm each day and generally require individuals, including lawyers, to be physically present for hearings.

Much court time is taken up with short hearings which are essentially about case management and setting timetables. This could be done outside court hours via video conference between legal representatives and the judge instead.

We should also use an appointment system for judges hearing cases. For example, it might suit the judge and the parties to hold a directions hearing online, rather than in the usual courtroom setting.

Judges and lawyers can make much better use of video conferencing to save time. Shutterstock

A new approach to sentencing

The greater use of restorative justice is another way of reducing court backlogs.

Restorative justice is an alternative to a traditional court process that involves victims being able to directly confront offenders who have pleaded guilty about the impact their crime has had on them.

It also forces offenders to come to terms with their crimes, rather than seeking to rationalise or minimise them. Those who take part are typically offered reduced jail time.

This can be particularly effective in historical sexual abuse cases where potential sentences are so high that defendants often proceed to trial rather than pleading guilty, hoping for an acquittal.


Read more: In historic cases, punishment alone is not always the best response to violent crime


Recent surveys in other countries show restorative justice to be very popular among victims. A 2018 survey for the New Zealand Department of Justice found 86% of victims were satisfied with the process, while a 2016 study in the UK found 60% of those who used restorative justice would recommend it to other victims of crimes.

The Victorian criminal justice process is a critical element of the state’s democratic fabric. But business as usual is not an option now that COVID has rendered a creaking system broken. It is the ideal time for realistic and overdue reforms to alleviate the backlog of cases and shorten the time people must spend in the court system.

ref. Victoria’s criminal courts are critically backlogged. This is how we can speed up justice – https://theconversation.com/victorias-criminal-courts-are-critically-backlogged-this-is-how-we-can-speed-up-justice-146761

Government wins crossbench support for new tertiary fees

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The government’s controversial changes to higher education fees now appear set to pass the Senate, with Centre Alliance giving its support.

The minor party, whose two federal parliamentarians come from South Australia, has won modest concessions, including 12,000 extra places for students in SA, in return for agreeing to back the bill.

Centre Alliance now has only one Senate crossbencher, Stirling Griff, whose vote will be crucial to get the legislation across the line.

The revamp of fees will mean a major rise in what students have to pay for some courses, including the humanities and law, but reduce the student cost of courses such as nursing and teaching.

The government says the new structure will provide incentives for students to choose courses which are “more job-relevant”.

Pauline Hanson’s One Nation will vote for the changes, but crossbenchers Jacqui Lambie and Rex Patrick are opposed.

Patrick, an independent who is formerly from Centre Alliance, attacked that party’s education spokeswoman and member for Mayo, Rebekha Sharkie, who negotiated with the government.

After Sharkie said on Twitter she would be “forever grateful” for her arts degree, Patrick tweeted: “So, whilst you are forever grateful for the opportunity afforded you, you don’t care for future students in your electorate or state that might want the same opportunity.”

The Senate debates the bill on Tuesday, but it is not clear when the vote will take place. If it is not this week, the next opportunity would be in November. The new fees regime is due to start next year.

Sharkie said the reforms would “encourage universities to strengthen industry relationships and produce job-ready graduates”.

The changes have won support in principle from most universities, with calls for specific alterations. But critics attack the bias against the humanities and dispute the government’s claims about the number of new places that will be created.

ref. Government wins crossbench support for new tertiary fees – https://theconversation.com/government-wins-crossbench-support-for-new-tertiary-fees-147568

Hate crimes against Muslims spiked after the mosque attacks, and Ardern promises to make such abuse illegal

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Wilson, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of Auckland

What is the relationship between hate crimes and terrorism?

Could we have predicted the terror attacks at Masjid Al Noor and the Linwood Islamic Centre on March 15 last year if we had been able to identify a rising number of verbal and physical attacks against Muslims in the preceding months and years?

In New Zealand, we currently can’t answer these questions. Authorities don’t maintain a register of hate crimes (defined as verbal and physical assaults motivated by hatred of the victim’s group identity). Nor does our legal system recognise hate crime as a separate offence.

Amending the Human Rights Act 1993 has now become an election issue, with Prime Minister and Labour leader Jacinda Ardern saying it is her party’s intention to revise the law to make it illegal to abuse or threaten people because of their religious identity.

This would add to the provisions against intimidation along ethnic, national and racial lines already covered by the law.

But ACT Party leader David Seymour has said any such move would threaten New Zealanders’ freedom of expression. He called proposed hate speech laws “divisive and dangerous”.

A preliminary register of hate crimes

The lack of data means we have no way of knowing if hate crimes against minorities are becoming more common. And we can’t tell if they are more prevalent in certain regions of New Zealand or if particular groups are targeted more than others.

We also can’t determine the relationship between hate crimes and major events such as the Christchurch terrorist attacks or COVID-19. This means we can’t predict when and where identity-related crime might take place, or act to prevent it.


Read more: Far-right extremists still threaten New Zealand, a year on from the Christchurch attacks


To address this gap and begin to answer these questions, we, along with students from the University of Auckland, have searched media reports for any verbal or physical assaults motivated by the perpetrator’s hatred of the victim’s ethnic or religious identity. Hate crimes also include targeting people because of their gender or sexual identity, but we have focused on ethnicity and religion.

This is far from the most ideal way to collect data, but it is a first step in gaining a more systematic view of identity crime in New Zealand. The result is a preliminary dataset of hate crime incidents in this country between 2013 and August 2020.

Our data demonstrate a steady if slight increase in hate crimes until 2019 when the number of incidents rose sharply. Here, we focus on the relationship between the Christchurch terrorist attacks and verbal and physical hate crimes against Muslims.

Author provided

Academic studies show hate crimes sometimes act as a “red flag” of an impending terrorist attack. More commonly, terrorist attacks can spur a rise in hate crimes, as members of the group targeted by terrorism exact revenge against the terrorists’ ethnic or religious community.

After the September 11 twin-tower attacks in the United States in 2001, hate crimes against Muslims and Arabs increased 1,600% from 28 incidents in 2000 to 481 in 2001. A smaller but still substantial increase in hate crimes occurred after the 7/7 London bombings in July 2005.

We have found a similar pattern in New Zealand. Rather than rising before the attacks, hate crimes against Muslims instead increased dramatically afterwards. All types of incidents — verbal, online and physical abuse — went up markedly in 2020, the vast majority (35 of 42) after March 15.

Author provided

Most notably, Islamophobic abuse rose by a staggering 1,300% from three to 42 incidents. The largest number (15) occurred in Christchurch, although eight were in Auckland and the remainder distributed throughout the country. These attacks have a major psychological impact, not only on the victims but their community as a whole.

Hate crimes against victims of terrorism

Our findings mirror research elsewhere, which finds hate crimes most often rise after terrorist attacks. But there is a key difference.

Elsewhere, these crimes took the form of “vicarious retribution”. Victims were targeted because they were seen to be of the same community as the terrorists. Following the Christchurch attacks, there was a surge in hate crimes against the victims of the attacks.

This targeting also occurred elsewhere in the West. In the week after Christchurch, hate crimes against Muslims in the UK rose by 593% with 95 incidents reported to police. Perpetrators mimicked firing a weapon at Muslims or made the noises of a gun as they walked past.

These crimes are therefore a perpetuation of the Christchurch attacks. Their increase after March 15 demonstrates that, despite the best intentions of many in New Zealand, the attacks have made the country more, not less, dangerous for Muslims and other minorities.


Read more: Four ways social media platforms could stop the spread of hateful content in aftermath of terror attacks


The rising incidence of verbal hate crimes against Muslims also underlines the importance of legislating against such intimidation and abuse along religious lines (currently excluded from the Human Rights Act). Resources should be provided to police or other government agencies, or to an independent research centre, to maintain a register of such offences to better monitor patterns in offending.

Studies elsewhere have shown more minor forms of identity-related crime sometimes develop into more extreme and ideological violence. Each unpunished attack normalises intimidation and violence and emboldens those with racist or extremist world views.

The next government should therefore take these preliminary indications of rising hate crimes extremely seriously.

ref. Hate crimes against Muslims spiked after the mosque attacks, and Ardern promises to make such abuse illegal – https://theconversation.com/hate-crimes-against-muslims-spiked-after-the-mosque-attacks-and-ardern-promises-to-make-such-abuse-illegal-147347

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