Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan Golding, Associate Professor, Swinburne University of Technology

It is difficult to imagine a world of pop culture villains without Darth Vader.

The masked and cloaked figure now casts perhaps the longest shadow of any film character on popular culture. When Vader first appeared on screen in 1977, audiences recognised something elemental, and reportedly did something that hadn’t been done since the days of Vaudeville and silent cinema: instinctively, they hissed.

One look at Vader and you recognise a cinematic villain. Beyond the visual, every element of Vader builds the perfect bad guy. There’s that voice, provided by James Earl Jones, who died today at age 93. There are the lines – “I am your father”. Then there’s that theme tune by John Williams, a piece of music so well loved that it’s often forgotten that it wasn’t written until the second Star Wars, The Empire Strikes Back in 1980.

George Lucas created Darth Vader in the earliest drafts of the original Star Wars script, after completing American Graffiti in the early 1970s, describing him as a “a tall, grim-looking general”. Lucas was inspired by comic books and the serial shorts of the 1940s like Flash Gordon and Buck Rogers.

When it came time to film Star Wars, Lucas hired an English bodybuilder and strongman, David Prowse, to fill out the suit. Yet Prowse spoke with a strong Devonshire accent, earning him the nickname “Darth Farmer” on set.

Lucas searched for a replacement voice to be dubbed over Prowse, and, after asking Orson Welles finally settled on the profoundly sonorous James Earl Jones.

Prowse, who had hoped to voice the lines himself like Anthony Daniels had for C-3PO, had a strained relationship with Lucas from that moment on, and when Vader was unmasked at the end of Return of the Jedi in 1983, it was English stage actor Sebastian Shaw who appeared to deliver the character’s final lines.

Vader’s mythos

Vader has always been a composite character. Despite being one of the most famous parents in the galaxy, he has many different creators.

Lucas, Prowse and Jones are joined by Williams, but also Ralph McQuarrie, the concept artist whose dramatic images defined the character, and Ben Burtt, the sound designer whose breathing through a scuba mask you hear whenever Vader is on screen.

Vader’s mythos has also been built over the years through actor Hayden Christensen’s appearances in the prequel films and recent Disney+ series.

In popular culture, Vader has become a useful shorthand to describe everything from being a bad dad to a political villain. When Ronald Reagan proposed his Strategic Defense Initiative, nicknamed “Star Wars” by the press, newspapers ran cartoons of him as Vader.

Dick Cheney called himself the “Darth Vader of the Bush administration,” defiantly wearing the villainous mantle. Here in Australia, then-Federal Minister Christopher Pyne went up against Vader as the Empire’s chief fixer.

The voice lives on

That James Earl Jones was the only black actor in the original Star Wars film was not lost on viewers at the time.

Astronomer Carl Sagan criticised Star Wars on the Johnny Carson show in 1978:

they’re all white […] not even all the colours represented on the Earth are present, much less greens and blues and purples and oranges.

More recently, Melissa Harris Perry observed that Vader is voiced by a black man while villainous, but portrayed by a white man when redeemed.

Jones’ passing marks the end of an era for Vader as a character. Yet death has always been as central to the Star Wars franchise as its impermanence. After all, Ben Kenobi’s death in the very first Star Wars film has not stopped the character from appearing in almost every subsequent film and gaining his own spin-off TV series.

“If you strike me down, I shall become more powerful than you can possibly imagine,” he says to Vader.

Then there’s Han Solo, whose character was killed off in The Force Awakens in 2015 before getting a dedicated film, Solo, just two years later.

So it may be with James Earl Jones and Vader. In 2022, fans were surprised to hear the ageing Jones appear as the voice of Vader in the Obi-Wan Kenobi series.

It was later revealed Jones had signed over the rights to his archival voice work to Lucasfilm, and his performance had been created from that work using AI startup Respeecher, opening the possibility of infinite future appearances.

Voiced by Jones or not, it is clear Vader has become one of popular culture’s most enduring villains. We will certainly hear more from him in the future – even if he is more machine now than man.

Dan Golding does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. James Earl Jones has died – but as the voice of Darth Vader, he will live forever – https://theconversation.com/james-earl-jones-has-died-but-as-the-voice-of-darth-vader-he-will-live-forever-238678

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary Bushell, Clinical Associate Professor in Pharmacy, University of Canberra

Have you ever been instructed to take your medicine with food and wondered why? Perhaps you’ve wondered if you really need to?

There are varied reasons, and sometimes complex science and chemistry, behind why you may be advised to take a medicine with food.

To complicate matters, some similar medicines need to be taken differently. The antibiotic amoxicillin with clavulanic acid (sold as Amoxil Duo Forte), for example, is recommended to be taken with food, while amoxicillin alone (sold as Amoxil), can be taken with or without food.

Different brands of the same medicine may also have different recommendations when it comes to taking it with food.

Food impacts drug absorption

Food can affect how fast and how much a drug is absorbed into the body in up to 40% of medicines taken orally.

When you have food in your stomach, the makeup of the digestive juices change. This includes things like the fluid volume, thickness, pH (which becomes less acidic with food), surface tension, movement and how much salt is in your bile. These changes can impair or enhance drug absorption.

Eating a meal also delays how fast the contents of the stomach move into the small intestine – this is known as gastric emptying. The small intestine has a large surface area and rich blood supply – and this is the primary site of drug absorption.

Eating a larger meal, or one with lots of fibre, delays gastric emptying more than a smaller meal. Sometimes, health professionals will advise you to take a medicine with food, to help your body absorb the drug more slowly.

But if a drug can be taken with or without food – such as paracetamol – and you want it to work faster, take it on an empty stomach.

Food can make medicines more tolerable

Have you ever taken a medicine on an empty stomach and felt nauseated soon after? Some medicines can cause stomach upsets.

Metformin, for example, is a drug that reduces blood glucose and treats type 2 diabetes and polycystic ovary syndrome. It commonly causes gastrointestinal symptoms, with one in four users affected. To combat these side effects, it is generally recommended to be taken with food.

The same advice is given for corticosteroids (such as prednisolone/prednisone) and certain antibiotics (such as doxycycline).

Taking some medicines with food makes them more tolerable and improves the chance you’ll take it for the duration it’s prescribed.

Can food make medicines safer?

Ibuprofen is one of the most widely used over-the-counter medicines, with around one in five Australians reporting use within a two-week period.

While effective for pain and inflammation, ibuprofen can impact the stomach by inhibiting protective prostaglandins, increasing the risk of bleeding, ulceration and perforation with long-term use.

But there isn’t enough research to show taking ibuprofen with food reduces this risk.

Prolonged use may also affect kidney function, particularly in those with pre-existing conditions or dehydration.

The Australian Medicines Handbook, which guides prescribers about medicine usage and dosage, advises taking ibuprofen (sold as Nurofen and Advil) with a glass of water – or with a meal if it upsets your stomach.

A systematic review published in 2015 found food delays the transit of ibuprofen to the small intestine and absorption, which delays therapeutic effect and the time before pain relief. It also found taking short courses of ibuprofen without food reduced the need for additional doses.

To reduce the risk of ibuprofen causing damage to your stomach or kidneys, use the lowest effective dose for the shortest duration, stay hydrated and avoid taking other non-steroidal anti-inflammatory medicines at the same time.

For people who use ibuprofen for prolonged periods and are at higher risk of gastrointestinal side effects (such as people with a history of ulcers or older adults), your prescriber may start you on a proton pump inhibitor, a medicine that reduces stomach acid and protects the stomach lining.

How much food do you need?

When you need to take a medicine with food, how much is enough?

Sometimes a full glass of milk or a couple of crackers may be enough, for medicines such as prednisone/prednisolone.

However, most head-to-head studies that compare the effects of a medicine “with food” and without, usually use a heavy meal to define “with food”. So, a cracker may not be enough, particularly for those with a sensitive stomach. A more substantial meal that includes a mix of fat, protein and carbohydrates is generally advised.

Your health professional can advise you on which of your medicines need to be taken with food and how they interact with your digestive system.

Mary Bushell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why do I need to take some medicines with food? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-i-need-to-take-some-medicines-with-food-235782

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sam Crawley, Teaching Fellow, School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Many more New Zealanders now choose to get around by bike than a few years ago. A Ministry of Transport survey reports 36% of people say they have cycled in the past 12 months, and Christchurch City Council tracking shows bike journeys are up nearly 40% over the past few years.

Councils across the country have responded to this change by building more bike lanes, as anyone who lives in a larger city will have noticed.

But the increase in cycleways is not without its detractors. All three parties in the governing coalition were critical of spending on cycleways before the 2023 election, arguing money should instead be spent on improving roads. NZ First’s manifesto went the furthest, promising “not one more cent on […] new cycle lanes”.

The recently released National Land Transport Programme gave effect to those promises. Funding for existing cycleways was cut in half and no money was made available for new cycleway projects.

Transport Minister Simeon Brown justified these changes, in part, by claiming “New Zealanders are sick and tired of the amount of money going into cycleways”. But the picture of public support for cycleways is much more complex than the minister suggests.

Even split on cycleways

The most recent New Zealand Election Study, conducted after the 2023 election, included a question asking participants how much they agreed or disagreed with the statement “There should be more bicycle lanes on roads”.

The study is a representative sample of nearly 2,000 eligible voters, and provides a reliable picture of New Zealanders’ political views.

As the graph below shows, New Zealanders are evenly split on their support for cycleways: 39% would like more bike lanes, while 39% do not want them. Among those opposed to more bike lanes, however, most are strongly (rather than somewhat) opposed.

For or against cycleway investment

Compared to support for spending on roads and public transport (also shown in the graph, although the question was worded differently), New Zealanders are fairly evenly divided on the value of bike lanes.

The attitude divide becomes more apparent when looking at support for cycleways by party vote (see graph below). A majority of Te Pāti Māori and Green voters are in favour of more cycleways, as are 47% of Labour voters.

In contrast, 60% of Act voters and 52% of National voters are against having more cycle lanes on roads. Despite NZ First taking the strongest anti-cycleway stance of the government parties, its supporters are evenly split.

These figures don’t support a blanket statement that New Zealanders in general are in favour of funding cuts to cycleways. As the election survey data show, the issue is divisive, but many New Zealanders do want more bike lanes.

In fact, a significant minority (27%) of National supporters – the transport minister’s own party – would like more cycleways.

Cycleway support by party vote

Cycles and culture wars

There are many arguments made for and against cycleways. Supporters argue they reduce cyclist injuries, that active commuting has physical and health benefits, decreases emissions, and can reduce congestion. Opponents argue they create traffic hazards for motor vehicles and hurt businesses and local residents by reducing space for car parking.

Politicians therefore face a difficult task of navigating the arguments, evaluating the evidence, and making decisions in a way that helps bridge divisions rather than widening them.

The sharply partisan differences over cycleways, and the antipathy the current government has shown towards funding them, shows how they have become a highly politicised issue, not unlike the culture wars seen in other issues such as abortion, Māori co-governance and climate change.

People’s strongly polarised opinions on culture war issues are usually driven by distinctly different worldviews, and the debate is often divided by party affiliation, generation and education level. It’s why the debates can become so heated.

Once an issue becomes part of a culture war, policy decisions are in danger of being driven more by politics than evidence and research. Politicians, media commentators and influencers can stoke the fires, or they can choose to forge a middle ground that could work for a majority.

The transport minister’s minimisation of public support for cycleways suggests – at least on this issue – the current government prefers to lean into the culture war.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Are New Zealanders ‘sick and tired’ of spending on cycleways? Not according to this survey – https://theconversation.com/are-new-zealanders-sick-and-tired-of-spending-on-cycleways-not-according-to-this-survey-238322

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Kilah, Senior Lecturer in Chemistry, University of Tasmania

It’s dinner time. You’ve worked hard to prepare a nutritious and tasty meal. But after taking your first bite you feel something is missing. Perhaps you should have added more salt? Pepper? Or maybe even something more exotic like monosodium glutamate, better known as MSG?

There are many food additives used in both home cooking and commercial products. These ingredients improve the flavour, smell, texture, appearance and longevity of foods.

Salt and MSG are two well-known food additives. Both contain sodium, but there are plenty of differences which you can use to your benefit.

What is a salt?

Salts are made of positively and negatively charged components called ions. Salts generally dissolve in water, and are brittle. The names of salts often feature a metal (positively charged) followed by a non-metal (negatively charged).

The common kitchen ingredient we call “salt” is just one type of salt. To distinguish it from all other salts, we should more specifically refer to it as “table salt”. Chemically, it’s sodium chloride.

Sodium chloride

After the quick chemistry lesson above, we can see that table salt, sodium chloride, contains a positively charged sodium and a negatively charged chlorine.

These charged components are arranged in crystals of salt in a regular repeating pattern. Each sodium ion is surrounded by six chloride ions and each chloride ion is surrounded by six sodium ions. This arrangement gives the crystal a “cubic” form. If you look closely at salt, you may see cube-shaped crystals.

Sodium chloride is very abundant. It is found dissolved in Earth’s oceans. Mineral deposits of salt, known as halite or rock salt, formed from the evaporation and crystallisation of ancient seas.

Depending on the source, the salt may contain many other trace minerals that can even add colour to it, such as the pink-coloured Himalayan salt from Pakistan. Salt can also be fortified with sodium iodide as a public health measure.

Describing the taste of salt is quite difficult without using the word “salty”. It’s a very common food additive, as it is so abundant and versatile. It is an essential ingredient for many traditional food preservation techniques for meats (pork and fish), vegetables (kimchi, sauerkraut and pickles), and dairy (cheese and butter).

Salt is considered a universal flavouring agent. It can mask bitter flavours and bring out sweet, sour and umami (savoury) ones.

Despite popular depictions of taste maps, there is no one place on the tongue where we taste salt. Other sodium salts can also give a “salty” taste, but the effect declines (and can even turn to bitter) with negatively charged components other than chloride.

MSG or monosodium glutamate

Monosodium glutamate is also a salt. The glutamate is the negatively charged form of glutamic acid, an amino acid that is found in nature as a building block of proteins.

MSG, and more generally glutamates, are found in a wide range of foods including tomatoes, Parmesan cheese, soy sauce, dried seaweeds, Worcestershire sauce and protein-rich foods. All of these foods impart umami flavours, which are described as savoury or meaty.

Commercial MSG is not extracted from the environment but produced by bacterial fermentation. Glucose is converted to glutamic acid, which is further processed by adding sodium hydroxide to form MSG (and water).

MSG is sold as crystals, but they have a long, prismatic shape rather than the cubic form of sodium chloride. It’s worth tasting a few crystals of MSG directly to experience the native taste of umami.

Despite decades of bad press and concern, MSG is considered safe to consume in the concentrations typically found in or added to foods.

Table salt and MSG both contain sodium, but at different percentages of the total weight: table salt has around 40% sodium, versus just 14% in MSG. You are also more likely to be routinely adding table salt to your food rather than MSG.

Eating too much sodium is well known to be unhealthy. Potassium-enriched substitutes have been suggested for a range of health benefits.

A flavour enhancer

The flavour of MSG can be elevated further by combining it with other food additives, known as sodium ribonucleotides.

Japanese and Korean cooks figured this secret out long before chemists, as boiling dried fish and seaweed produces foundation stocks (dashi) containing a mix of naturally sourced glutamates and ribonucleotides.

Ribonucleotides are classified as “generally considered as safe” by food standards authorities. Humans consume many grams of the natural equivalent in their diets.

What can be more problematic are the carbohydrates- and fat-rich foods that have their flavours enhanced, which can potentially lead us to eat excessive calories.

The combination of MSG and ribonucleotides produces a more-ish sensation. Next time you see a bag of potato chips or instant noodles, have a quick look to see if it contains both MSG (E621) and a ribonucleotide source (E627–E635).

I personally keep a jar of MSG in my kitchen. A little goes a long way to elevate a soup, stew or sauce that isn’t quite tasting the way you want it to, but without adding too much extra sodium.

Nathan Kilah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What’s the difference between MSG and table salt? A chemist explains – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-msg-and-table-salt-a-chemist-explains-237668

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt Lennon, Conjoint Lecturer, UNSW Sydney

CTE: Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy.

It is the now popularised term that makes athletes, parents, sports administrators and insurers’ knuckles white with anxiety as sports codes struggle to come to grips with the risks and impacts of concussion.

In 2005, Bennet Omalu, a United States-based neuropathologist, published a case of an NFL player who had suffered from CTE.

Over the following years, public anxiety about head injuries grew, with the 2015 movie Concussion bringing it to the forefront of public attention.

Omalu, famously played by Will Smith in that movie, wrote at the time that “high-impact contact sports […] place athletes at risk of permanent brain damage” and argued kids should not be allowed to participate in contact sports.

Since then, sports codes from across the world have tried to reduce the risks of concussion, and athletes and parents have pondered whether contact sports are worth the risk of brain injury.

The risks and benefits of sport

Over the past few decades, rates of physical activity and sporting participation in Australian children have declined.

In Australia, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ 2022 data, only one in 20 (5.6%) young people (5–17 years) met the physical activity guidelines.

According to a report by the Australian Sport Commission, around 40% of young people do not participate in any organised sport.

There are many reasons why childhood physical activity may be declining, including more online entertainment options, reduced time allocation of physical education in schools and higher rates of obesity.

But having had many conversations with worried mothers and fathers, the fear that their child will have permanent brain damage, a stunted lifespan or a more rapid onset of dementia is real and a likely driver to avoid contact sport.

But what evidence is there that this is the case?

The honest answer is very little – which is why the 2022 International Consensus Statement of Concussion in Sport identified that studies looking at long-term outcomes of sports-related concussions was the highest priority area for future study.

The most studied area within the field is the long-term outcomes of active and retired professional American football players.

Clearly, the genuine and well-founded health concerns about 160kg NFL players clashing heads day in, day out cannot be generalised to your average school boy or girl playing rugby, Aussie rules or basketball.

This grey area prompted a team of researchers, including myself, from the UK, Australia and the US to take on the largest study to date examining the long-term cognitive outcomes of sports-related concussions.

The findings, just published, turn the field on its head.

What we found

In a longitudinal study of 15,000 UK-based adults between the ages of 50 and 90, we found those who had experienced a sports-related concussion at some point in their lives had better working memory and verbal reasoning than those who had never experienced one.

In a further analysis, we found those who had experienced two or three (or more) sports-related concussions did not perform better than those without a concussion history, but equally they did not perform any worse on any measure.

By contrast, those who had experienced three or more other types of concussions (such as from falling, motor vehicle accidents or assaults) had significantly worse processing speed and attention.

Importantly, the study examined “everyday” adults and the results are not applicable to professional athletes whose head injuries tend to be more frequent, debilitating and severe.

Getting the balance right

While at first glance you may feel puzzled by these results, a brief consideration of some modern realities makes them seem sensible.

Rates of obesity in Australia have been steadily climbing over the past few decades and as of 2022, 31.1% of Australians are obese and 33.7% are overweight.

Similarly, rates of diabetes and high blood pressure are at historic highs.

Many Australians are physically inactive, with teenagers and young adults clocking up an average of 6.6–7.5 hours of screen-based activity a day and reporting concerningly high levels of isolation and loneliness.

While many sports come with risks of head injuries, the beneficial effects on physical activity, obesity, diabetes, hypertension, and social connectedness likely more than mitigate the damaging cognitive effects of a head injury.

The obvious reply to this is we should encourage “safer” physical activity options and do everything we can to protect those in contact sports from injuries.

This is a sensible point of view but requires a few qualifications.

The first is, sports that are more physically demanding (and therefore possibly deliver greater benefits from physical activity) often have greater contact and risk of concussion (for example, golf has fewer concussions than Australian football).

Secondly, even “lower-risk” sports such as cycling or soccer carry a risk of head injury – I have personally been concussed while cycling, although I don’t remember it all that well.

It goes without saying that sporting bodies should continue to minimise the risk of head injuries because the individual effects of concussion can be devastating.

But what our study suggests is perhaps the greater risk is to attempt to take no risks at all – and that the benefits from playing sport may outweigh the effects of concussions.

Matt Lennon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. New research suggests concussion risks can be outweighed by the benefits of playing sport – https://theconversation.com/new-research-suggests-concussion-risks-can-be-outweighed-by-the-benefits-of-playing-sport-238418

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caitlyn Forster, Associate Lecturer, School of Life and Environmental Sciences, University of Sydney

If you’ve spent much time outdoors along the east coast of Australia in the past week, particularly near waterways, you’ve probably seen something quite interesting emerging: dragonflies, whether in ones and twos or what feel like clouds and swarms.

Where did they come from? What are they up to? And why are there so many dragonflies all of a sudden?

Why are there so many dragonflies around?

The short answer is the weather. A warm start to spring has meant a lot of dragonfly nymphs have decided it’s a good time to take the leap into adulthood. Adult dragonflies are the highly visible winged predators we see buzzing around everywhere at the moment.

In cities, where bodies of water may be relatively small – think ponds and creeks rather than lakes and rivers – water temperatures rise more quickly as winter ends. When the weather is warmer, dragonflies may emerge earlier in the year.

But where did they come from?

These dragonflies have been hiding in local waterways, in nymph form. Dragonflies begin their lives as eggs then hatch into an aquatic nymph stage, and finally an adult flying form.

The wingless, water-dwelling nymphs don’t look much like the familiar adults. However, dragonflies are nymphs for most of their lives.

Some species live as nymphs for up to two years, though this may be less depending on weather and light conditions.

Dragonfly nymphs are fantastic predators. They have a kind of hinged jaw that can be extended like an arm to grab food – sometimes including small fish – at high speeds.

The nymphs are also fantastic swimmers, using an unusual technique first described in 1975:

Jet-propulsion in dragonfly larvae is achieved by the rapid ejection of water from a specialised rectal chamber via the anus.

With this method, nymphs can swim at speeds up to ten centimetres per second.

Why are dragonflies such fierce predators?

When days get longer, the nymphs begin to emerge as adults.

When a nymph is ready to emerge she will crawl out of the water and hang around on the surface, waiting to moult. Once the adult has moulted, it will wait for its wings to inflate, before taking off on a single, short flight.

Once the young adult has grown used to its wings, it will continue being a menace to surrounding wildlife – only now in the air.

Adult dragonflies have a knack for high-speed aerobatics, and they feed on even the fastest of flying insects.

Dragonflies can reach speeds of up to 55 kilometres per hour. Relative to the dragonfly’s size, that’s like a human moving at close to 900km an hour.

They can also fly backwards and even do flips in the sky. Some species also have impressive long-distance flight capabilities, with the common green darner undertaking a cycle of multigenerational migration in which individuals travel almost 700km.

Dragonflies’ aerial acrobatics, combined with amazing vision, make them powerful predators.

One study found dragonflies can catch prey from about half a metre away in half a second. They are also clever enough to attack prey from behind, so even fast-reacting flies don’t stand a chance. Some species also use what is called “motion camouflage”, approaching a target along a path that disguises the fact they are getting closer and closer.

What does climate change mean for dragonflies?

Much of the dragonfly’s life cycle is linked to changes in weather, so there’s little doubt climate change will affect them. One UK study looking at when dragonflies emerged from 1960 to 2004 found this event was becoming earlier in the year, likely due to warming temperatures.

Changes in length and timing of life cycles isn’t the only effect climate change has had on dragonflies. Another recent study found they are also changing colour as temperatures rise.

It’s not yet clear what the knock-on effects of this earlier emergence will be. However, dragonflies are not alone among insects in this new behaviour – so the premature predators will at least have something to eat.

Should we get rid of dragonflies?

Sometimes people complain about dragonflies in their yards, and even take steps to get rid of them. That’s a big mistake.

Not only are these beautiful creatures harmless to humans, their aerobatics are also very fun to watch.

And if you want a more direct reason not drive dragonflies away, their diet is a good one. The average dragonfly nymph eats around 40 mosquito larvae a day, and adult dragonflies also love to chow down on adult mosquitoes.

So keeping dragonflies around – and even encouraging them – can have plenty of benefits.

Caitlyn Forster received funding from The Australian Research Council.

– ref. Where did all these dragonflies come from? – https://theconversation.com/where-did-all-these-dragonflies-come-from-238087

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Damian Lettoof, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Wildlife Ecotoxicology, CSIRO

For people in southeast Australia, springtime means soaking up the sun and getting our vitamin D levels back to baseline. But we’re not the only ones likely to be basking. Snakes are getting out and about, too.

A flurry of snake sightings in southern states during spring is nothing new. Snakes emerge from their winter hiding holes when the weather warms.

But we are often asked: will climate change lead to more encounters with our scaly neighbours? It’s a fair question.

Evidence suggests climate change could make snakes come out of hiding earlier. But it’s also likely to cause population declines or shifts in the long run, as snakes adjust to the new conditions.

So what conditions do snakes like?

Snakes are “ectotherms”. This means their internal body temperature depends on the surrounding environment and varies throughout the day and the season. People, on the other hand, are endotherms. We maintain a constant body temperature around 37°C.

Many snakes prefer a lower body temperature of 28–32°C. Cooler-climate species like to keep their bodies cooler still. But even then, they aren’t really “cold-blooded” if they can help it.

Unless it’s really hot, snakes need to chase the heat as soon as they wake up. This enables them to rapidly raise their body temperature to the optimal level so they can go about their daily or nightly routine. They can’t cool themselves by panting or sweating, so they need to shelter from the heat if it’s too hot.

In Australia, snake activity follows distinct patterns in the tropical north and more temperate south.

In the north, where temperatures are consistently warm, snakes avoid the harsh heat and are most active during early mornings, night time, and following the wet season (April to June).

In the south, snakes go into hiding during the cooler months. They slow their metabolism to almost zero and essentially sleep (or “brumate”) through the winter.

These southern snakes get ready to hunker down in autumn as the days begin to shorten. Sensing shorter days in winter keeps them asleep, preventing them from using fat stores or eating food they will not be warm enough to digest. That’s why even a warm sunny day in the middle of winter may not wake them up.

A combination of daily temperatures and daylight hours in spring then triggers southern snakes to wake up and begin the breeding season.

How will climate change modify snake activity?

Australia is likely to warm up to 5°C by the end of this century under a high-emissions scenario. What would that mean for snake activity?

When wild tiger snake body temperatures and activity were measured in Perth’s spring, the snakes only emerged from shelter once their bodies reached 16°C – provided it wasn’t raining. An increase in daily temperatures would mean these tiger snakes start (and end) their days earlier. They may also, at least initially, emerge earlier in the season.

Studies around the world have found snakes becoming active for more days of the year, and feeding more as daily average temperatures increase.

Does this mean we should be concerned about increasing snake populations?

No. The increase in temperatures means most snakes should be avoiding the peak summer heat and we may see less of them. We may also find more snakes become nocturnal.

Even if we do see more snakes, this may not mean the snake population has increased – perhaps the opposite. As snakes generally don’t want to be seen, increased visibility could indicate snakes are stressed. This may be an early warning sign of population decline.

Does climate change threaten Australian snakes?

Ten years ago, one study assessed the potential impact of climate change on Australian elapids (front-fanged venomous snakes) — the most common family of snakes in Australia. The range of most (65%) species was expected to shrink. A smaller proportion (13%) of species was predicted to expand their range, these being the semi-arid and arid-zone species.

Among commonly encountered species, red-bellied black snakes and tiger snakes were expected to suffer range contractions under four different models and scenarios. But the eastern brown snake could go either way.

Climate change is also increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme wildfires across the globe. While many Australian animal species are adapted to fire, some already on the brink might be pushed over the edge by climate change-driven shifts in fire regimes. For example, the Black Summer fires razed more than 70% of the endangered broad-headed snake’s habitat. These fires caused population crashes of 26–34% in this imperilled snake species.

Ultimately, snakes may become active earlier but may suffer declines in the long run as they adjust to the new climate.

What does this mean for snake bite risk in Australia?

If changes in climate do increase encounters between humans and snakes – and the jury is still out at this stage – there is always the possibility this could lead to more snake bites.

But we can influence the outcome by choosing how to behave around snakes. If we’re vigilant — alert but not alarmed — when we’re in snake habitat, the chances of a bite are low (just make sure you know first aid).

A snake seen and left alone poses little threat to humans. If we wish to avoid bites, we must also supervise children and pets (and keep dogs on leads, and cats indoors). Raise children to become snake smart as early as possible. Remember to look where you are stepping, listen, and leave snakes alone.

Damian Lettoof receives funding from The Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).

Chris J Jolly is supported by a Macquarie University Research Fellowship, and receives funding from Australian Research Council, Minderoo Foundation, and Department of Biodiversity, Conservation and Attractions (Government of Western Australia).

Timothy N. W. Jackson receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

– ref. Warm winters are waking snakes early. Here’s what that means for them and us – https://theconversation.com/warm-winters-are-waking-snakes-early-heres-what-that-means-for-them-and-us-237556

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kristy Hess, Professor (Communication), Deakin University

This is the second piece in a series on the Future of Australian media. You can read the first piece in the series here.

Australians who are unaware of stories about social disorder and crime gripping Alice Springs must surely have been hiding under a rock as big as Uluru.

The town has been the focus of national media attention and (at times toxic) social media commentary, prompting many in Alice Springs to crave the return of an “old-fashioned” communications asset to help quell negativity – a local newspaper.

In 2023, the Mparntwe Alice Springs Community Foundation was established with a key mission of bringing back a local masthead after News Corp closed its long-running newspaper, the Centralian Advocate, in 2020. To the foundation, a newspaper was a way of helping to re-establishing a sense of community connection and have constructive conversations on issues that matter to people in town.

The new Centralian Today celebrated its one-year anniversary this week in Alice Springs. Our research into this venture – to be launched this month – suggests that despite issues with recruitment and resourcing, the venture has been met with optimism from advertisers and audiences. It also provides a novel way of thinking about the future of news sustainability.

The Alice Springs example emphasises what academic literature has reinforced for decades – local news matters to audiences. When done well, local news providers play a role in keeping people safe and upholding social order (think natural disasters), hold power to account and foster public conversation. They also contribute to wellbeing, social connection and sense of “community”. Local newspapers in Australia are also expected to be non-partisan, but advocate and champion the shared interests of the geographic communities they serve.

Local papers in crisis

Yet, across the board, Australia’s local news sector is in crisis, as the traditional business model sustaining journalism – advertising – continues to shift towards digital platforms. Dozens of local news outlets (newspapers particularly) closed up shop across Australia during the lockdowns of COVID-19, in part due to a sudden loss of advertising.

This created what has been termed news “deserts” – geographic areas that have no local news provisions. This week Australian Community Media (ACM) – which publishes almost 70 daily and non-daily mastheads across metropolitan and rural Australia, continued its wave of cuts and newspaper sell-offs by announcing it will shed 35 editorial jobs and close a suite of country newspaper titles from the Tenterfield Star to the Dungog Leader. The Public Interest Journalism Initiative notes there are 31 local government areas in Australia without a local publisher, from Broken Hill in New South Wales to Upper Gasgoyne in Western Australia.

There have been attempts to support local news with federal government subsidies and initiatives totalling more than $70 million since 2018. While helpful, these have been short-term, and have not provided the solutions needed to address systemic challenges. The future of the mandatory bargaining code, which has forced Google and Facebook to pay publishers for news content that appeared on their platforms, is on a precipice. Meta, owner of Facebook, has announced it will not renew its news deal when it expires this year.

Targeted interventions and support for local news has been challenging because it is difficult to accurately gauge how much of Australia is in a news black hole. News coverage can be highly uneven, with some areas relatively well served when it comes to news access, especially in Victoria.

We have witnessed the rise of zombie newspapers, which carry mostly syndicated content and “pink slime” publications. These are fake, partisan publications masquerading as local news outlets that push a particular party line, misinformation or conspiracy theories.

In a sign of hope, new start-ups have emerged to fill voids, but they have qualified for only minimal government support. In addition, major media companies claim to serve particular local areas as part of their licence areas or circulation reach. But in reality they may only offer only tokenistic coverage to meet content quotas, attract subsidies or demonstrate “reach” to major advertisers.

Local media need targeted support

This makes it vital that support for the sector is directly targeted at areas that need it most, and are more than short term. Solutions that offer promise include:

• tax cuts or support for journalistic salaries, especially recruitment of experienced journalists to the regions

• a tech levy to distribute funds towards supporting local and community journalism

• support for printed newspapers especially in areas with poor broadband coverage

• engaging philanthropic support to specifically support journalism practice

• responsible advertising spend – from government, not-for-profit and big business – to support local news outlets that invest in public interest journalism.

A new Australian Research Council Linkage project, for example, led by Deakin University in partnership with Griffith University and the ABC, is examining how local news producers can work together with the ABC to support vulnerable areas of the news ecology. This would form Australia’s version of the BBC’s successful Local Democracy Reporting Service.

News companies themselves must also carry some of the responsibility. For the current crisis, ACM’s announcement that the Tenterfield Star would close and reporters would now do their best to “cover the regions from a distance” should be scrutinised. It is important to note that the Tenterfield Star’s existing editorial office is 200km away from the town in Armidale. A newspaper that once lobbied for Federation in its heyday has minimal journalistic presence on the ground in Tenterfield (according to our research), with a photographer to capture events and happenings. The death knell had arguably been sounding for The Star long before ACM’s announcement this week.

In the debate about how to save local news, we have previously suggested that too much emphasis has been placed on generating social media metrics and reach, and predicting the impending doom of radio and print, at the expense of investing in and supporting relevant and reliable local content.

Most importantly, we suggest Facebook is no friend of public interest journalism in Australia. News outlets’ continued dependency on these platforms to build community and conversation is at their own peril.

Kristy Hess currently receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Natural Hazards Research Australia and the Mparntwe Alice Springs Community Foundation.

– ref. Local papers are central to our democracy. We must do more to bring them out of crisis – https://theconversation.com/local-papers-are-central-to-our-democracy-we-must-do-more-to-bring-them-out-of-crisis-237987

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Griffin, Professor, Infectious Diseases and Microbiology, The University of Queensland

COVID vaccines have unquestionably made a huge difference during this pandemic. For example, it’s estimated COVID shots have saved more than 1.4 million lives in the World Health Organization’s (WHO) European region alone since their introduction in December 2020.

Unfortunately, SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes COVID) has continued to change quite quickly, and this affects how well immunity generated from both vaccination and past infection protects us. This issue is often referred to as “immune evasion”.

One strategy to address this has been to update our vaccines, and we’ve done this four times already in Australia. Now, the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) is considering what would be the fifth iteration of a COVID vaccine – a shot targeting the JN.1 omicron subvariant.

Here’s what you need to know about these updated boosters.

Keeping up with the COVID variants

Our initial vaccines targeted the original strain of SARS-CoV-2. The first update still included the original strain but added an early omicron subvariant BA.1. We then changed BA.1 to BA.4/5 with the original strain.

The most recent update occurred in late 2023 when we reverted to having just one component in the vaccine, in this case the omicron subvariant XBB.1.5.

The virus has continued to change. Another subvariant of omicron, JN.1, was first detected in August 2023 and went on to drive a significant wave of infections in Australia over summer.

JN.1 subsequently gave away to other subvariants you may know as the “FLiRT” and “FLuQE” variants which have seen a relatively large increase in COVID activity over recent months. FLuQE, or KP.3, is currently dominant.

Although JN.1 is no longer driving many cases, given FLiRT and FLuQE are descended from JN.1, vaccines targeting JN.1 should do a good job at protecting against these newer subvariants.

What’s the process?

As far back as April, the WHO recommended the use of vaccines targeting the JN.1 lineage based on the expectation the virus would continue to evolve from JN.1. The European Medicines Agency made the same recommendation.

Potentially from when it became clear that JN.1 was going to become dominant, but certainly from this point, pharmaceutical companies would have started working on tweaking their vaccines accordingly.

When these vaccines are ready and have been tested, they apply to the relevant regulatory bodies for approval.

The United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has recently approved an emergency use authorisation for a Novavax vaccine targeting JN.1.

Meanwhile, the regulator in the United Kingdom has approved the JN.1-specific Spikevax from Moderna and Comirnaty from Pfizer.

In Australia, our process differs slightly and tends to take a little longer. The TGA’s website indicates applications for two JN.1 vaccines are currently under evaluation (Spikevax and Comirnaty). We won’t know when they’re going to be approved until the decision has been made, but hopefully this is not too far away.

The US has also approved KP.2 vaccines

In June, the FDA advised vaccine manufacturers to update their COVID vaccines to target JN.1. But subsequently it recommended it would be preferable for vaccines to target the KP.2 strain instead (FLiRT).

Moderna and Pfizer said they would be able to develop vaccines targeted to KP.2 and the FDA has since granted emergency use authorisation for these two companies’ KP.2 vaccines.

It seems likely the difference between a JN.1 booster and KP.2 booster will be minimal. Both should provide significantly updated protection against currently circulating subvariants compared with the XBB vaccines. So we shouldn’t feel as though we’re missing out by not having plans for KP.2 boosters in Australia at the moment.

Are the new vaccines safe and effective?

Before approving updated boosters, regulators carefully review data looking at immune responses generated by the new vaccines against the newer variants, compared to previous vaccines.

Based on data mostly generated by the vaccine manufacturers, the updated JN.1 vaccines appear to lead to substantially improved immune responses against multiple related sublineages including KP.2 and KP.3, compared to the XBB vaccines.

These recent updates are not expected to change the well-established safety profile of the COVID vaccines. But as always, the vaccines’ safety (as well as efficacy) will continue to be monitored even after they’re approved and rolled out.

What about Novavax?

The COVID vaccines from Pfizer and Moderna are mRNA vaccines. These work by giving our body instructions to make SARS-CoV-2 spike proteins (proteins on the surface of the virus which it uses to attach to our cells). Then when we encounter SARS-CoV-2, our immune system is ready to respond.

The Novavax shot is an adjuvanted protein-based vaccine, which means the proteins are manufactured in a lab and a component called an adjuvant is added to improve the body’s immune response. Vaccines using this type of technology have been around for some time so it’s considered a more traditional way of making a vaccine.

While our mRNA options work well, there are some people who can’t have or don’t want an mRNA vaccine, so Novavax provides an important alternative option.

However, the updated Novavax booster does not yet seem to have an application before the TGA, so is likely to be some time away for us in Australia.

Some challenges remain

While it’s great we have been able to update our vaccines successfully, it would be ideal if we could develop vaccines that don’t need to be updated as often.

But perhaps the biggest determinant of how well a vaccine works is its uptake, and at the moment the uptake of COVID boosters is well below where it needs to be.

For example, as of August, only 31.8% of people aged 75 and older had received a COVID vaccine in the previous six months (it’s recommended every six months in this age group).

We also need to look at ways to approve updated COVID vaccines more quickly and efficiently in this country, including non-mRNA options.

Paul Griffin is a director and scientific advisory board member of the immunisation coalition. He has served on Medical Advisory Boards including for AstraZeneca, GSK, MSD, Moderna, Biocelect/Novavax, Seqirus and Pfizer and has received speaker honoraria including from Seqirus, Novartis, Gilead, Sanofi, MSD and Janssen.

– ref. New COVID vaccines may be coming to Australia. Here’s what to know about the JN.1 shots – https://theconversation.com/new-covid-vaccines-may-be-coming-to-australia-heres-what-to-know-about-the-jn-1-shots-237652

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Treena Clark, Chancellor’s Indigenous Research Fellow, Faculty of Design, Architecture and Building, University of Technology Sydney

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains names and/or images of deceased people.

In August, I attended the Darwin Aboriginal Arts Fair to witness First Nations designers and artists showcase their fashions and win awards for their talents. From textile makers to artists and designers, their range of fashion designs highlighted the powerful talent and stories of First Nations communities around the country.

But while today’s brilliant designers are acknowledged for their hard work and dedication, there are some First Nations designers who remain relatively unheard of. This is often the case when a designer has passed and is not memorialised through numerous stories.

Several months ago, I learned about one such fashion and costume designer named Stephen FitzGerald (Yuin) through Euahleyai/Gamillaroi Distinguished Professor Larissa Behrendt. He came to my attention while speaking to Larissa, who shared stories about him and her experiences modelling his clothes.

I later found Stephen’s sister, Lee Spirit-Jones, and gained a detailed account of his life and work. Through the oral accounts from Larissa and Lee, this is what I learned about his momentous but short-lived career.

Fashion and couture

Stephen grew up in the Sydney suburb of La Perouse, with family hailing from the north and south coasts of New South Wales. He started his business in high school by designing and making clothes for family and friends.

Lee recalls that her brother “went to work at Christopher Essex before opening his own studio in Crown Street” in 1984. Following this opening, Stephen’s designs were often shown on charity runways with the likes of Adam Bennett, Harry Who, George Gross, Liz Davenport and Trent Nathan.

Behrendt modelled Stephen’s clothes at some of these extravagant charity events, including one 1986 fundraiser that raised $13,680 for the Autistic Association.

Larissa told me Stephen was the first person she’d met who was Aboriginal and also a high-end fashion designer:

I did a couple of his shows for him, and I actually had a dress he designed. It was a beautiful black cocktail dress with earth-toned sequins on the front. I’d never had anything so beautiful.

Film and costume

In 1992, Stephen designed the costumes for the feature film Jindalee Lady directed by Bryan Syron, with music composed by Bart Willoughby and featuring the Bangarra Dance Theatre (with Raymond Blanco and Sylvia Blanco as lead dancers). It is the first feature film directed by an Aboriginal person.

Jindalee Lady tells the story of a First Nations fashion designer who is emerging in her career and is married to a non-Indigenous man. She later falls in love with an Aboriginal cinematographer, and a love triangle ensues.

Stephen was recommended as the costume designer by the renowned First Nations artist Bronwyn Bancroft (Bundjalung). He became the first First Nations fashion and costume designer to work on a feature film.

In the book Media Ethics, an Aboriginal Film and the Australian Film Commission, the director of Jindalee Lady, Brian Syron, was described as being “honoured to work with him, especially on the designs for the ‘fashion parade’”.

The fashion parade scene featured magnificent costumes depicting Australian birds. Both Larissa and Lee featured as models in the film. Larissa’s dress was inspired by the black cockatoo, and Lee’s by the rainbow lorikeet.

Celebrities and performers

Stephen was often reported on in the media as a celebrity designer. In the world of television, Stephen provided garments for several productions including Star Search, and dressed studio personalities such as Kerri-Anne Kennerley.

He created a costume for drag performer Dorreen Manganini, aka Darren Budda-Dean (Kamilaroi and Gomeroi). This costume was worn and performed to the song Xanadu, by Olivia Newton-John and Electric Light Orchestra, at the Xchange Hotel in Melbourne/Narrm.

Stephen also created the costumes for the popular cabaret show Les Girls and the male dance revue Man Power. As Lee told me:

I remember that we were contacted by Man Power […] as they were aware that we did the costumes for Les Girls […] Man Power wanted to have quality costumes that would work.

History is made by those who speak

Stephen FitzGerald was a fashion and costume design pioneer and should be recognised for his contributions. Unfortunately, he passed away at 32 and we lost the opportunity to experience more of his work.

In Larissa’s words:

He was such a talent. You know, then he passed away […] and no one ever talks about him anymore; it’s a real shame

As history is made and shared by those who speak, these wonderful and fond stories of Stephen provide rich insight into his life and work. Stephen lives on in the hearts and minds of those who loved him and the lucky few who still own some of his creations.

Treena Clark has received funding through the University of Technology Sydney Chancellor’s Indigenous Research Fellowship scheme.

– ref. From runways to film: the untold story of trailblazing First Nations fashion designer Stephen FitzGerald – https://theconversation.com/from-runways-to-film-the-untold-story-of-trailblazing-first-nations-fashion-designer-stephen-fitzgerald-236880

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mauricio Carvallo Aceves, PhD Candidate, Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability, University of British Columbia

Urban flooding is increasingly concerning in Canada, where water drainage systems are at risk of being overwhelmed. Natural watersheds have been greatly altered by construction disturbing the natural ways that water flows from rainfall, across the land and into water bodies. The result is that drainage infrastructure must cope with increased water volumes at both higher speeds and flow rates, as well as deteriorated water quality due to pollutants such as oil and organic waste.

Additionally, stormwater mixes with wastewater in the drainage network in the combined sewer systems that were widely developed in the past. Sudden and heavy rainfall can lead to the network overflowing beyond its capacity, discharging untreated sewage into neighbouring water bodies. This has severe consequences, such as toxic algae blooms that deplete the oxygen found in the water, potentially killing aquatic plants and animals.

In the coming decades, storm intensities are expected to increase, potentially exceeding the design capacity of older networks. Reducing runoff flowrates and volumes through blue-green infrastructure could provide some much-needed relief to drainage systems that may be overwhelmed as stronger rain events become more frequent.

The good news is that there are actions to restore the natural hydrological cycle, which would make Canada’s cities more flood-proof.

Blue-green infrastructure

Engineering practices incorporating artificial and natural elements attempt to re-establish the natural water cycle that existed before urbanization. These can include slowing down stormwater runoff flows, retaining them for a given period of time, and infiltrating water into the ground where possible.

Multiple terms are used to refer to these practices, such as nature-based solutions, blue-green infrastructure, best management practices or low-impact development.

There are many existing examples in Canadian cities, such as: green roofs that soak up rain, rain gardens that can filter out pollutants, and ditches covered in plants that can reduce the speed of water flow.

Some of these blend seamlessly into the surrounding urban environment, and may be unnoticed by people passing by who may be unaware of the key role that these spaces play in managing stormwater.

Reducing volumes

New urban developments are already integrating these forms of blue-green infrastructure in their planning.

For older, already existing drainage systems, retrofitting existing underground drainage networks with blue-green infrastructure will be crucial to deal with combined sewer overflows (CSOs). The most effective way to reduce CSOs is to reduce the stormwater flow that is directed towards the drainage network. Ideally, stormwater would never mix with wastewater, but achieving that would require redoing the entire drainage system in some areas, which is unfeasible.

This is where adding blue-green infrastructure can prove useful to reduce runoff flows and volumes at multiple points across existing networks, decreasing the possibility of overwhelming them.

Urbanists and planners have taken advantage of such opportunities to fully revitalize the built environment, incorporating more green spaces into streets and improving the design of elements such as sidewalks, cycling lanes and public spaces.

Recent examples include the installation of tree trenches along Richards Street in downtown Vancouver in 2020, or Montréal’s new “sponge parks” that absorb water from surrounding streets during heavy rains.

Even in areas where CSOs are not an issue or where dedicated stormwater networks exist, retrofitting existing drainage networks with blue-green infrastructure will be an asset to mitigate the impact of climate change.

Challenges of retrofitting

Retrofitting existing drainage networks with blue-green infrastructure is not straightforward. Cities face the logistical headache of planning and executing roadwork, and there are also multiple constraints on a technical level. Each form of blue-green infrastructure has specific requirements for elements like terrain slope, maximum area drained and soil types, among others, restricting where they might be implemented.

Available space is an issue itself for practices like rain gardens or retention ponds, especially in dense urban areas where different land uses compete for the scarce land available. The depth and layout of existing utilities may also render connections between blue-green infrastructure and the drainage network impossible unless significant stretches of pipes are replaced.

In some cases, the limitations may even be external to the municipal drainage network itself. Some older buildings have a single connection out from the building towards the municipal network. As such, all of the wastewater and any stormwater collected in the building’s internal piping get mixed before it even leaves the lot.

Storm-proofing cities

Urban planners and municipal governments around the world started to slowly address these issues more directly decades ago, but centuries of harmful urbanization practices cannot be undone overnight. Most communities in Canada moved away from building combined sewage networks in the 1950s and started implementing separated wastewater and stormwater networks.

There are now thresholds that new developments must meet in terms of flow rates directed to the municipal drainage systems, as well as the maximum admissible concentration of certain pollutants present in stormwater. Provincial guidelines in Ontario, Metro Vancouver and Québec address these.

The City of Vancouver implemented a target to intercept and clean 90 per cent of the annual rainfall volume.

There is still much work to be done. However, the opportunity to transform our cities’ landscape, our relationship with stormwater and our impact on the receiving water bodies is here. Given the limitations discussed above, some of these improvements will be slow. Ultimately, that is precisely how incremental shifts add up: small trickles come together to form rivers of change.

Mauricio Carvallo Aceves receives funding from the University of British Columbia, the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council, the National Research Council, Mitacs and the City of Surrey.

– ref. New stormwater infrastructure is needed for Canadian cities to handle increased urban flooding – https://theconversation.com/new-stormwater-infrastructure-is-needed-for-canadian-cities-to-handle-increased-urban-flooding-233046

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Errmann, Senior Lecturer, Marketing & International Business, Auckland University of Technology

With overtourism in the spotlight as the travel industry continues to rebound after the pandemic, popular destinations around the world are feeling the strain.

Bali is overwhelmed by waste and traffic, Australia’s sacred sites have suffered environmental damage, New York is facing rising rents due to short-term rentals, and Singapore’s scenic spots are becoming clogged with crowds.

Frustrated locals are pushing back – from spraying water at tourists in Barcelona to organising protests in Venice. As the northern hemisphere high season ends, Aotearoa New Zealand is preparing for an influx of visitors ahead of its summer tourism season.

And much like those other tourist hotspots, the government is looking at how to manage the negative effects of tourism on local communities and the environment. This includes tripling the international tourist tax from NZ$35 to $100.

The aim of the increase is to attract tourists who are more mindful of their impact and willing to contribute to its mitigation, while also reducing visitor numbers to protect the country’s unique landscapes and cultures.

But are there other ways the tourism industry can evolve to ensure benefits for both travellers and the communities they are visiting? So called “slow travel” could be the answer.

Hunting the perfect photo

Overtourism isn’t just about too many people in one place. It’s also about how people travel.

Instagram-famous landmarks draw massive crowds, disrupting local life and sometimes even leading to closures.

Travellers often pack their itineraries with as many sights as possible, racing from one place to another in a frenzy to capture the perfect photo. This hurried approach not only creates congestion but also limits meaningful engagement with the destination.

And it’s not just a numbers game. The way tourists behave also plays a critical role.

A 2019 report from the United Nations raised concerns about trash from tourists in developing small island states, including the Pacific Islands. According to the report, a tourist visiting these communities produced about 7kg of waste a day, compared to about 2.5kg produced by a local.

The issue is not necessarily about travelling less, but about travelling more responsibly. The tourism industry needs to be encouraging travel habits that allow both visitors and locals to enjoy tourism without compromising the integrity of the destination.

The rise of slow travel

Mindfulness – being fully present in the moment – has gained popularity since the 1970s. The concept has influenced a number of sectors, including slow food, slow fashion, and now slow travel.

It’s about experiencing destinations at a relaxed pace, focusing on deeper connections with local cultures and sustainability. This often means staying longer in fewer places and choosing eco-friendly transport.

Understanding slow travel and mindfulness is important because they create richer, more memorable experiences. Fast, hectic travel often leaves little positive impact. Slow immersive travel, on the other hand, fosters lasting memories and reduces overtourism, pollution and cultural damage.

Research shows when we consciously immerse ourselves in our surroundings we can have more meaningful experiences. Surprisingly, even luxury travel – often dismissed as wasteful – can encourage respect and mindfulness for those who invest financially and mentally in their journey, unlike cheaper, mainstream tourism.

Activities such as “forest bathing”, hiking or engaging with local cultures boost wellbeing and meaning, going beyond just “taking a photo for likes”.

This mindful approach can change our behaviour on a personal level. By focusing attention on fewer experiences, travellers can heighten their sense of awe and appreciation, making the travel more memorable.

This idea is evident in “peak experiences”. Disney, for example, creates emotionally-charged moments that stick in visitors’ minds. Other experiences, such as “digital detoxes” or pilgrimages can leave a contemplative impression.

By concentrating on a single aspect of a visit, it becomes special and memorable. Even in busy places like Disneyland, focusing on one unique element can make the experience feel slower and more meaningful.

The sustainability of tourism

In the Faroe Islands, slow travel helps protect local traditions and landscapes by encouraging thoughtful visitor behaviour, such as using local guides to minimise environmental impact.

New Zealand can leverage its natural beauty to offer similar immersive experiences. Tramping (hiking), for example, can promote a mindful connection with the environment.

But even here, there needs to be a focus on balancing tourism with preservation. Popular spots, such as the Department of Conservation huts and the Te Araroa Trail, are already becoming crowded. It is essential to educate visitors on responsible practices – such as cleaning equipment – to ensure they understand their role in protecting nature.

Travel that fosters a deeper appreciation for local cultures and environments benefits both visitors and the destinations they explore. The challenge is finding the right balance – encouraging meaningful travel experiences while still ensuring accessibility for all.

Amy Errmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Crowds, water guns and protests: could ‘slow tourism’ be the answer to an overtourism backlash? – https://theconversation.com/crowds-water-guns-and-protests-could-slow-tourism-be-the-answer-to-an-overtourism-backlash-238316

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Albanese government will introduce legislation this term to enforce a minimum age for children to access social media.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will make the formal announcement on Tuesday. This follows a discussion at last Friday’s national cabinet meeting, at which all states and territories, as well as the Commonwealth, committed to tackling what has become an increasingly worrying issue for many parents.

The push for legal controls on children’s access to social media has been led by the South Australian government, which has just released a report it commissioned from former chief justice Robert French ahead of that state’s plan for legislation.

The federal government has not nominated a minimum age but is presently trialling age-assurance mechanisms for those aged 13 to 16. The third phase of this trial begins this week.

The South Australian legislation would prevent access for children under 14, with those aged 14 and 15 requiring parental permission.

The federal legislation will draw on the French report.

South Australian Premier Peter Malinauskas, while leading the way on the issue and planning to go it alone if necessary, has always argued a national framework is essential for controls to be effective. Federal legislation would mean state legislation would probably be unnecessary.

Critics of legislated age limits have argued a legal approach is not the best way to proceed, because of both the difficulties of enforcement and fears it would isolate children for whom connection through social media is necessary.

But Albanese said: “No government is going to be able to protect every child from every threat, but we have to do all we can.

“Parents are worried sick about this. We know they’re working without a map – no generation has faced this challenge before.

“Which is why my message to Australian parents is we’ve got your back. We’re listening and determined to act to get this right.”

He said too often, social media took “kids away from real friends and real experiences”.

“Australian young people deserve better. I stand with them and with all Australian parents in protecting our kids. The safety and mental and physical health of our young people is paramount.

“Parents want their kids off their phones and on the footy field. So do I. We are taking this action because enough is enough.”

Malinauskas said evidence showed early access to addictive social media was harming children.

“This is no different to cigarettes or alcohol. When a product or service hurts children, governments must act.”

Meanwhile, the Victorian government announced that state will put age-limits on social media platforms.

Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan said: “One of the biggest things I hear from parents is that they’re worried about their kids on social media. And as a mum myself, so am I.

“Social media can be a great thing. But it’s just not a place for kids before they’re ready. It harms their development, and it hurts their focus, and it’s not just parents telling me, it’s kids and young people too.

“Parents are trying to manage content on devices at home, but it’s hard. It’s like a social media tsunami they feel they can’t stop. So it’s time to give parents the power to push back. Not against kids, but against the tech giants.”

She said the rules “won’t target parents or kids, but they’ll target the tech giants because they’re the ones we need to hold to account”.

There was “a bit more work to do, which is why we’ll be talking with parents, teachers and kids about what should and shouldn’t be included,” she said.

“Age limits will help parents at home and help protect kids from harm. This won’t solve everything, but it’s the right place to start.”

The French report says while social media could be regulated at the state level an alternative would be to confer the function on the existing federal eSafety Commissioner.

“The challenges of compliance with and enforcement of a law restricting access by children in one State and not all are strong indications of the need for a national approach if that can be achieved.”

The French model would impose an obligation on social media platforms to prevent access to children in the designated age ranges.

A regulator would monitor compliance and issue sanctions including, substantial financial penalties for breaches.

Families of children that were harmed as a result of access to social media would be able to sue for damages under the French model.

The French report says social media is used for “positive support and communication by many elements of the public, private and not-for-profit sectors”.

But it “can also be a channel for false and harmful content and a platform for bullying, exploitation and predation. It can be addictive. It can inflict harm on vulnerable members of society and particularly on children. While there are benefits to children learning how to navigate social media and how to use it to advantage there are significant risks.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Albanese promises to legislate minimum age for kids’ access to social media – https://theconversation.com/albanese-promises-to-legislate-minimum-age-for-kids-access-to-social-media-238586

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Wadham, Professor, Director, Open Door: Understanding and Supporting Service Personnel and their Families, Flinders University

After three years of investigations, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide has delivered its final report with 122 recommendations. The commission has carried much hope for veterans and their families – now we wait to see action.

The veteran sector, including families, had lobbied for this inquiry for over a decade. For a long time, the call fell on deaf ears. The Ex Service Organisation Round Table even rejected the idea, saying veteran suicide was roughly the same as the national average.

The royal commission has addressed this question of poor data. Over the course of the inquiry, the certified numbers of people who died by suicide rose from around 300 to around 1,700. This was because a forensic focus was applied to the statistics.

These do not include deaths that may be suicide but have not been recorded as such, like single car accidents, for example. Ex serving veteran suicide is 26% higher than the national average for men and 107% higher for women.

What are the key findings?

The royal commission began its investigations thinking of veteran suicide as an individual mental health issue. Deployment trauma was expected to be a key influence.

It ended its investigations recognising that culture and systems had an overwhelming part to play. For example, there have been around 60 inquiries into military systems and culture over five decades and around 750 recommendations. Few have been met.

Commissioner Nick Kaldas explained:

When there’s been dozens of inquiries, hundreds of recommendations, and no one’s gone back to check whether they’ve acquitted the intent of the recommendations, I’d say that’s a failure of leadership.

The government tabled the seven-volume report in parliament on Monday. Speaking to media shortly before, Kaldas said:

What is clear from some of the horrible stories that we’ve heard is that many people simply turned a blind eye, over many years and felt that it was too hard, or they simply didn’t care enough to tackle the problems.

The commissioners point out that the veterans most at risk of suicide are those who haven’t deployed (gone overseas to fight). Why are service personnel who haven’t been deployed taking their lives?

The defence force is a hierarchical institution with a command and control culture. The rank system is legitimised through the military justice system. Commanders have complete control over their subordinates.

This maybe useful in conflict, but it’s exploited negatively in everyday service. The costs of service can be as great as the costs of war.

Physical and sexual violence was a common experience among the nearly 6,000 submissions.

Our research, some of which was commissioned by the inquiry, also developed the term “administrative violence”. This is when a commander mercilessly harasses or violates a subordinate.

Being made to paint rocks or sweep away rain, losing leave applications, prohibiting career progression and blocking courses of deployments are common strategies that strip the victim of purpose, identity and belonging.

Identity, purpose and belonging are central to an institution built around camaraderie and service. This is the mateship mythology of the ANZAC tradition.

In our research interviews, those who’d had bad experiences in the force all stated how much they loved their careers, the force, their mates and the job. The merciless bullying by a commander or peers leading to their termination was irreconcilable for them. The betrayal was painful.

Transitioning to civilian life is also a key issue. If a veteran is not supported, they also lose a sense of identity, purpose and belonging.

Many veterans transition successfully, but those who don’t can find themselves homeless, incarcerated or feeling suicidal. The Department of Veterans’ Affairs’ systems can and do exacerbate this, sometimes making it difficult for veterans to receive the support they need. Some, like Private Jesse Bird, have died trying to seek help.

What are the recommendations?

The report outlines 122 recommendations. It will take time to fully analyse them, but some important points stand out.

It comes as no surprise that a key recommendation of the commission is to establish a mechanism of independent scrutiny. The commissioners recommend the new body should monitor and continually report back publicly about progress on tackling the high rates of suicide among military personnel.

A similar recommendation was made by 44 senators in the 2005 inquiry. It was rejected and vetoed by the then prime minister, minister for defence and chief of defence.

Other recommendations have identified many of the factors that contribute to veteran suicide.

There is strong focus on building a respectful workforce, identifying and addressing sexual assault, supporting victims and holding perpetrators to account. One recommendation suggests the government undertake independent research to find out the prevalence of sexual violence within the force.

This addresses much of the negative tribal, hierarchical and command and control factors underpinning the issue.

The quality of leadership is also addressed. The commissioners recommend commanders are assessed on their performance at achieving better cultural, health and wellbeing outcomes. They suggest strengthening the processes for deciding who gets leadership positions.

They also recommend reforming accountability checks on the force, including the role of the inspector general. The commissioners say this role should be done by someone who’s never served in the force to help ensure independent oversight.

The commissioners recommend the Department of Veterans’ Affairs improves veteran transition and wellbeing by better assessing ex service men and women, reducing wait times and bureaucracy.

The recommendations go much further, but these are of particular note because they address the closed, tribal and hierarchical character of defence force culture and systems. Importantly, there is a strong focus on education, research and information sharing to broaden our understanding over time.

Can defence be fixed?

The Department of Veterans’ Affairs appears to be taking this royal commission seriously.

The same cannot be said for the defence force.

Kaldas took the extraordinary step of speaking at the National Press Club in May. He highlighted the chief of defence and his organisation’s obstruction of access to important documents. Kaldas said:

I think there’s been systemic issues such as relying on parliamentary privilege for reports that have been tabled in parliament, therefore making it impossible for us to rely on or use those reports.

Many inquiries and investigations have concluded the Australian Defence Force is incapable of cultural reform.

This was recognised in the 2005 Senate inquiry into the Effectiveness of Australian Military Justice system. The force acknowledged this too in 2012 in the Beyond Compliance report written by the then Major General Craig Orme.

But the force has dragged its feet, or obstructed access to information in this royal commission.

Despite the resistance, there is cause for hope. The commissioners said:

[…] we have come across many, many really motivated, excellent people, both within the ADF and the Department of Veterans’ Affairs, who have tried their best within the system.

It’s clear the royal commission has made the case for defence force cultural reform inarguable. With the force’s recruitment and retention at an all time lows, the case for change could not be stronger.

The Defence all-hours Support Line – 1800 628 036 – is a confidential telephone and online service for ADF members and their families. Open Arms – 1800 011 046 – provides 24-hour free and confidential counselling and support for current and former ADF members and their families.

Ben Wadham receives funding from the Department of Veterans Affairs, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide, the Australian Research Council and the Freemasons Mens Health and Wellbeing Centre. He is affiliated with Defence Force Welfare Association and the South Australian Veterans Health Advisory Council.

James Connor receives funding from the Department of Defence, the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide and the Australian Research Council.

– ref. ‘Didn’t care enough’: here’s what the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide found – https://theconversation.com/didnt-care-enough-heres-what-the-royal-commission-into-defence-and-veteran-suicide-found-238419

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia

MSG is making a comeback. The internet’s favourite cucumber salad recipe includes fish sauce, cucumber, garlic and – as the video’s creator Logan tells us with a generous sprinkle from the bag – “MSG, obviously”.

But for many of us, it’s not obvious. Do you have a vague sense MSG is unhealthy but you’re not sure why? Here is the science behind monosodium glutamate, how it got a bad rap, and whether you should add it to your cooking.

What is MSG?

Monosodium glutamate (MSG) is a sodium salt of glutamic acid, one of the amino acids that make up proteins.

It occurs naturally in foods such as mature cheeses, fish, beef, mushrooms, tomatoes, onion and garlic. It provides their savoury and “meaty” flavour, known as umami.

MSG has been used to season food for more than 100 years. Traditionally it was extracted from seaweed broth, but now it’s made by fermenting starch in sugar beets, sugar cane and molasses.

Today it’s widely used as a flavour enhancer in many dishes and pre-packaged goods, including soups, condiments and processed meats.

There is no chemical difference between the MSG found in food and the additive.

Is it safe?

For most people, yes. MSG is a safe and authorised additive, according to the Australian agency that regulates food. This corresponds with food standards in the United States, European Union and United Kingdom.

Two major safety reviews have been conducted: one in 1987 by a United Nations expert committee and another 1995 by the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology. Both concluded MSG was safe for the general population.

In 2017 the European Food Safety Authority updated its stance and set a recommended limit based on body weight, aimed to prevent headaches and increased blood pressure.

That limit is still higher than most people consume. The authority says an 80kg person should not have more than 2.4g of added MSG per day. For reference, Europeans average less than a gram per day (0.3-1 gram), while in Asia intake is somewhere between 1.2-1.7 grams a day.

Food Standards Australia New Zealand says the European update does not raise any new safety concerns not already assessed.

Isn’t it bad for me?

Despite the evidence, the idea MSG is dangerous persists.

Its notorious reputation can be traced back to a hoax letter published in the New England Journal of Medicine in 1968. A doctor claiming to have experienced palpitations, numbness and fatigue after eating at a Chinese restaurant suggested MSG could be to blame.

With a follow-up article in the New York Times, the idea of “Chinese Restaurant Syndrome” took off. Eating MSG was associated with a range of symptoms, including headache, hives, throat swelling, itching and belly pain.

However an early randomised control trial showed no difference in these symptoms between people who were given MSG versus a placebo. This has since been confirmed in a review of many studies.

Can MSG cause reactions?

A very small percentage of people may have hypersensitivities to MSG. The reported reaction is now known as MSG symptom complex, rather than so-called Chinese restaurant syndrome, with its problematic racial connotations. Symptoms are usually mild, short-term and don’t need treatment.

One study study looked at 100 people with asthma, 30 of whom believed they had hypersentivities to MSG. However when participants were blinded to whether they were consuming MSG, not one reported a reaction.

If you believe you do react to added MSG, it’s relatively easy to avoid. In Australia, it is listed in ingredients as either monosodium glutamate or flavour enhancer 621.

Is it better than table salt?

Using MSG instead of regular salt may help reduce your overall sodium intake, as MSG contains about one third the amount of sodium.

One study found people who ate soup seasoned with MSG rather than salt actually like it more. They still found it salty to taste, but their sodium intake was reduced by 18%.

MSG still contains sodium, so high use is associated with increased blood pressure. If you’re using MSG as a substitute and you have high blood pressure, you should closely monitor it (just as you would with other salt products).

Should I use MSG in my cooking?

If you want to – yes. Unless you are one of the rare people with hypersensitivities, enhancing the flavour of your dish with a sprinkle of MSG will not cause any health problems. It could even help you reduce how much salt you use.

If you’re vegetarian or vegan, cooking with MSG could have help add the umami flavour you may miss from animal products such as meat, fish sauce and cheese.

But buying foods with added MSG? Be aware, many of them will also be ultra-processed and it’s that – not the MSG – that’s associated with poor physical and mental health outcomes.

Evangeline Mantzioris is affiliated with Alliance for Research in Nutrition, Exercise and Activity (ARENA) at the University of South Australia. Evangeline Mantzioris has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has been appointed to the National Health and Medical Research Council Dietary Guideline Expert Committee.

– ref. MSG is back. Is the idea it’s bad for us just a myth or food science? – https://theconversation.com/msg-is-back-is-the-idea-its-bad-for-us-just-a-myth-or-food-science-237871

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa M. Given, Professor of Information Sciences & Director, Social Change Enabling Impact Platform, RMIT University

The South Australian government is moving ahead with plans to ban children under 14 from social media. Under the proposal, teens aged 14 and 15 would also need parental consent to have social media accounts.

South Australian Premier Peter Malinauskas has flagged the consequences for social media companies that don’t comply with the new rules would be “severe and harsh”.

He discussed the proposal with other state premiers and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese at a cabinet meeting last week, and is encouraging national adoption of the proposed strategy.

Malinauskas has attributed the decision to “mounting evidence” of the “adverse impact” of social media on young people. This comes despite a lack of consensus among experts, with some researchers explaining there is “not a strong evidence base” of the harms social media pose to young people.

Similar laws exist elsewhere

South Australia’s move follows similar laws introduced elsewhere. In the United States, both Florida and Texas have passed similar legislation.

Like South Australia’s proposal, Florida banned children under 14 from social media, requiring parental consent for 14- and 15-year-olds.

In Texas, all teens under 18 now need parental consent to create social media accounts. This is not without controversy, with one commentator describing this as a “misguided attempt to make the internet ‘safe’”, while introducing a law that “infringes on the rights of all Texans”.

In Spain, the minimum age for setting up a social media account increased earlier this year from 14 to 16. Technology companies were also required to install age verification and parental controls on social media and video-sharing platforms.

When South Australia first proposed its ban in May, comments from the community were swift and polarised. At the time, I examined the limitations and potential problems with the technical solutions being proposed for such a ban, including privacy concerns for managing account holders’ data.

So how will this proposed ban work?

The legislation will impose a “duty of care” on social media companies, requiring them to ban children under 14 from social media platforms.

This means Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, Snapchat and other platforms would need to take “all reasonable steps” to prevent access by any South Australian child under the age of 14. They’d also have to ensure teens aged 14–15 could only access platforms with parental content.

Bans and limited access would be overseen by a state regulator. They would monitor compliance and impose sanctions, such as:

• warnings, infringement notices and fines
• court proceedings that impose corrective orders or civil penalties.

Legal action could also be taken against providers by either a regulator or parents on behalf of a child who has suffered significant mental or physical harm.

The proposed ban would also provide “exemptions” for beneficial or low-risk social media services (such as educational platforms), which are not yet identified.

What are the challenges of getting this to work?

While exemptions may relieve concerns for those opposed to an outright ban, it’s unclear how specific exemptions would be agreed upon, or how “low-risk” content would be defined.

Another significant challenge is the process by which children’s ages and parental consent mechanisms would be identified and tracked.

Age assurance and verification processes are not foolproof. They require strategies like self-reporting (which is easily circumvented), age verification by an adult (which raises privacy concerns for young people), or steps like uploading government ID (which raise data security concerns).

What is also unclear is how social media companies will respond to this latest move to force them to control platform access.

In other jurisdictions with similar bans – like Florida or Spain – these companies are notably silent. It may well be that to test the long-term viability of these bans, individuals and governments will need to take social media companies to court to prove the platforms have harmed children.

Lisa M. Given receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia and a former President of the Association for Information Science and Technology.

– ref. South Australia is proposing a law to ban kids under 14 from social media. How would it work? – https://theconversation.com/south-australia-is-proposing-a-law-to-ban-kids-under-14-from-social-media-how-would-it-work-238549

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Loosemore, Professor of Construction Management, University of Technology Sydney

Australia’s construction industry is facing a perfect storm: enormous targets for building – 1.2 million new homes and A$230 billion worth of infrastructure over the next five years – at the same time as net migration is forecast to halve.

Without as many migrants, Australia might not have the workforce it needs to meet these targets.

Unless it does something different. Our team at the University of Technology Sydney has been examining the barriers to employing existing migrants in the construction industry, and we find they are substantial.

Migrants who arrived in Australia in the past five years account for only 2.8% of Australia’s construction workforce, but 4.4% of the entire Australian workforce.

Migrant engineers are significantly more likely than Australian-born engineers to be unemployed or underemployed – working at a more junior level than their skills and experience warrant.

Women face extra barriers

Women skilled in the trades needed face special barriers. This might be expected from an industry in which (in New South Wales at least) around half the employers have a workforce that is nearly all male and one-third employ no women at all.

Our survey of 70 Australian subcontractors found they saw significant safety, productivity and cost risks in employing migrants and refugees and groups including disengaged youth, people with a disability, ex-offenders, women and Indigenous workers.

In many cases, these perceived risks did not align with actual risks.

Our online survey of 79 refugees and migrants who had sought work in construction found that the less experience a refugee or migrant had working in construction overseas, the more likely it was they would secure a full-time job.

Education can hurt foreign jobseekers

Education counted against them as well. High school, undergraduate and masters educated migrants and refugees were more successful in securing full-time permanent work then those with doctorates and technical education.

Employers were often unwilling to recognise their qualifications and experience.

Our in-depth interviews with 16 skilled female migrants who had sought
work in the NSW construction industry found their initial hopes of finding work easily and quickly turned to frustration and an acknowledgement that their qualifications and experience were not as transferable as they had thought.

Most described struggling to get shortlisted for an interview, even when they felt their skills and experience closely matched those needed.

Many complained that the formal, online, and impersonal nature of the initial shortlisting process automatically excluded them from securing interviews.

In the rare events they did secure face-to-face interviews, many
complained many employers used the so-called STAR method (“situation, task, action, and result”) that required them to tell stories about situations they hadn’t been in.

All found their interviews very stressful, impersonal and intimidating.

You shouldn’t need a relative to get a job

Among the challenges facing female migrants with the skills needed by the construction industry were sexism, racism and traditional cultural expectations about their role in society.

Many felt frustrated, abandoned and under-valued after arriving in Australia. This was despite being willing to accept jobs well below their expectations, previous roles, experience and qualifications.

Those fortunate to have family and friends in the construction industry relied heavily on them to find their first jobs. However, these jobs tended to be low level, with limited career opportunities and exposure to exploitation by unscrupulous employers, labour hire companies and job agencies.

Treating foreign-born construction industry workers as well as we treat Australian-born workers, and tackling the special barriers that apply to foreign-born women, ought to be an easy way to boost our construction workforce.

We have identified some of the things holding the industry back. The next step is to examine why.

This research was conducted with refugee and migrant support agencies including Metro Assist and Scarf Illawarra.

Martin Loosemore receives funding from The Australian Research Council

Suhair Alkilani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Australia’s construction industry needs more hands on deck – so why is it ignoring skilled migrant women? – https://theconversation.com/australias-construction-industry-needs-more-hands-on-deck-so-why-is-it-ignoring-skilled-migrant-women-237639

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan W. Marshall, Associate Professor & Postgraduate Research Coordinator, Western Australian Academy of Performing Arts, Edith Cowan University

Melbourne-based Tony Yap is a leading figure in Australian interpretations of the abstract Japanese dance form of butoh and what he calls “trance dance”. In butoh and trance, movers consider the body as a porous receptacle for spirits and forces from outside of it, and which comes to move it.

Yap founded the Melaka Art & Performance Festival (MAPfest), staged in the Malaysian city of Melaka, in 2008, and this year’s festival ran from August 26 to September 1. Departing from butoh itself, many of the performances involved different levels of introspection and trance, where the focus and concentration of the performers was so intense that they barely seemed aware of their surroundings.

There were also works of what one might call “postmodern classicism”, which draw on ritual and traditional dances from Indonesia and surrounds, reworked within an abstract contemporary framing.

MAPfest features work from experienced masters like Yap, and developing artists – among the more than 50 participants, the youngest artist in this year’s program was just 13 years old. There is a non-hierarchical approach to programming, and pieces are staged for the other performers as a residency designed to showcase work at five locations across Melaka.

Cultural exchange

Traders have moved between Melaka and China since the 15th century, and Yap’s Chinese ancestors have been in Melaka for over three generations.

Melaka has a long history as a site of trade and cultural exchange. The Islamic Sultanate was colonised by Portugal in 1511. Portuguese rule was followed by Holland, Britain and Japan. In 1963, the state of Malaysia was founded. Today, the city is home to ethnic Malays and Chinese, Indian and Eurasian communities.

The city’s relationship to MAPfest hasn’t always been smooth. At one festival, Yap tells me, a dancer embraced the statue of St Francis Xavier situated beside the Portuguese Church of Saint Paul. This led to restrictions on access.

Today, MAPfest’s participants deploy an almost guerilla approach to staging. I have not been involved in a production which seemed so risky, so negotiated in the moment right now, since my student days.

The locations of advertised performances shifted hourly; performers danced under garlands dripping flames; outdoor venues often had dubious surfaces to dance on, presenting hidden dangers. Following updates posted on Messenger, I scuttled from venue to venue, and up winding, nearly condemned staircases, held in place by improvised chains.

Just finding the performance could be an adventure.

Beyond the pretty UNESCO-protected homes of old Melaka lie decaying, overgrown areas, dotted with ruinous 20th century structures. These buildings, open to the elements from above and to the sides, rest amid fields of weeds (which performer Leslie Azzis burrowed beneath), and a temple soon to be bulldozed (home to Kiki Ando’s constantly evolving critique of consumerism).

Some of the most open-ended, improvised pieces were performed here, such as Adam Forbes’ mesmerising portrayal of an almost fluid body. Moving from behind a hanging piece of damaged roofing, he curled and slid across a vine-tangled white wall, dropping to his knees, shoulders rising and falling unevenly, before slowly crossing a plank to approach the audience.

Even more unexpected was when the multiracial party of artists gathered on a platform below the 16th century Church of Saint Paul to conduct one of three “animalising trance” workshops.

A tropical downpour forced us to seek cover in the remains of the ruined church up the hill. Hardier members moved onto the drenched, uneven stone pavings. Soft splashings in the puddles added an atmosphere of wonder.

As Yap told me later, this was typical of Melaka, where a problem leads to something unplanned and magical.

Destruction of the ego

The closing performance, the large scale, ecstatic improvisation Eulogy For the Living, was presided over by Javan trance master Agus Riyanto. Riyanto set up an altar at the rear of an indoor skate park, adorned with incense and offerings. He paced around the dancers, cracking a whip to bring on, and then dispel, trance.

Yap likened Eulogy For the Living to the involuntary, therapeutic dance of southern Italy known as tarantism, to the convulsive, almost hypnotised postures 19th century physicians witnessed in their hysterical patients, and to Antonin Artaud’s 1931 essay comparing theatre to the plague.

Artaud wrote that both theatre and the plague take “images [of] latent […] disorder and suddenly carries them to the point of the most extreme gestures” so there is a “destruction” of the ego.

Yap instructed male participants to wear black dresses, further evoking the mad rituals performed by acolytes of theatre’s sex-changing patron, Dionysus.

The choreography was by turns bouncy and vibrating (tarantism), extreme and violent (hysterical or plague-like), collective and infectious, as well as blending lyricism with mourning and gender ambiguity (Dionysian).

The performance cycled through eight or so states, plateauing before energy rose again. An otherworldly din of drone and electronic noise music sustained these choreographic cycles.

Resolving the performance, Riyanto flicked water from garlands onto the dancers. Many trancers required further ministrations from him to expel resistant visiting forces.

I was seated to one side in Muslim robes I had purchased nearby. Smoke from the incense burned my eyes, almost forcing me to exit, as the dancers groaned and meditated before me. Eulogy For the Living provided an epic, immersive conclusion to a week of performance.

If a city characterised by cross-racial couplings and sometimes fraught multicultural exchanges can be translated into a festival, then this year’s MAPfest ably rose to the challenge.

Jonathan W. Marshall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. At Melaka Art & Performance Festival I watched dancers overcome by a trance in the rain, and the smoke – https://theconversation.com/at-melaka-art-and-performance-festival-i-watched-dancers-overcome-by-a-trance-in-the-rain-and-the-smoke-238551

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

Timor-Leste has had much to celebrate recently. August 30 marked 25 years since the Popular Consultation – or “The Referendum”, as many call it – when more than 98% of the population braced themselves against brutal repression to vote for their freedom.

Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, recently visited. This was a bigger deal than one might think: he’s a hero in Timorese eyes because of his international advocacy for their self-determination when he was prime minister of Portugal. He spoke to the parliament, praising the people’s “enormous courage and relentless determination”.

This week, an even bigger hero visits the island: Pope Francis. This occasion is of profound cultural and religious significance for one the most predominantly Catholic countries in the world. More than 97% of the population is Catholic.

History of Catholic activism

Churches in Dili, mostly in Portuguese style, are immaculately kept. Graveyards are revered and often attended by family members who have lights installed around their plots.

Yet surprisingly, this Catholic convergence is only recent. When the Portuguese left in 1975, estimates suggest only 20–30% of the country was Catholic.

During the Indonesian occupation, this number changed drastically. For some, this was because of the role the church played as a “shield of the oppressed”. Timorese beliefs of ancestor worship and animism also cohabited with Catholicism.

During the years of occupation and the resistance, the Catholic church often advocated for Timorese protections when others turned a blind eye or remained complicit.

Catholic priests and nuns sought to protect human rights against military abuses. Atrocities were repeatedly denounced by the Apostolic Administrators of Dili.

Only staunch international support groups, such as East Timor Action Network or the Campaign for an Independent East Timor, mainly active in Australia, undertook a similarly powerful advocacy role.

Pope John Paul II briefly visited the territory in October 1989, which drew significant attention to the plight of the East Timorese under Indonesian occupation.

In his homily, made directly for the people, he said “you are the salt of the earth” (referring to how the East Timorese extract salt on the coastal plains) and “the light of the world”.

Later on, he affirmed that:

respect for the rights which render life more human must be firmly ensured: the rights of individuals and the rights of families.

This was a rare, radical claim for such a conservative pontiff.

City at a standstill

None of this has been forgotten by the East Timorese.

The mood is festive. Each successive second street lamp on Dili’s main roads has placards or images of the Pope, with alternating posts adorned with lights of stars or hearts.

While independence celebrations saw much of the colours of Timor-Leste’s flag across the city, the pope’s visit has much Catholic iconography, including the sale of many T-shirts.

The city will literally stop for this event. We’ve been told to stock up on water and food in preparation.

Alongside Timor-Leste, Francis is visiting Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Singapore. The visits were originally planned for 2020 but postponed due to the COVID pandemic.

The government has allocated US$12 million (about A$18 million) for the visit. But there have been other costs too.

Some residents on “illegal” settlements have had their homes demolished for the site of Francis’ mass, with hundreds of thousands expected to attend.

Read more:
With pope’s visit, Timor-Leste must shine a light on its democratic ideals – not intolerance for dissent

‘One of the biggest events since independence’

The visit is a spiritual, cultural, and diplomatic mission all at once.

Spiritually, the visit promises “blessings and hopes” for a nation whose development remains precarious. It also offers a sense of unity via a promise of justice in faith.

Culturally, the papal visit will reinforce nation-building through the country’s strong Catholic identity, which remains one of the few predominant shared core values.

Diplomatically, Francis is paying respects to first cardinals of Papua New Guinea, Timor-Leste and Singapore – all key allies.

The pope’s visit also has geopolitical implications.

It is symbolic of peace and an endorsement for ongoing reconciliation with Indonesia. Indonesian Muslim leaders have helped plan the event, which they see as crucial for promoting “shared understanding”.

The other close neighbour, Australia, also views the visit as an “important moment”, with Australia’s ambassador to Timor-Leste, Caitlin Wilson, calling it “one of the biggest events held in the country since its restoration of independence in 2002”.

East Timorese academic Mica Barreto Soares says the visit is a “privilege for a country like Timor” because:

all eyes of the international community will zoom in on a now independent Timor, so it is not just religious but political.

But perhaps the greatest hope is the international and internal political solidarity that may come with the visit.

Domestic political impact

Politics on the island remains fraught, partly because of historical legacies and generational shifts in leadership.

Independence hero and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, leader of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), remains highly revered but holds tight reins on power and is ageing.

So-called “Generation ‘75”, figures from the independence era, dominate the island’s leadership with little representation from younger generations. This is despite the fact around 75% of the country are under 30.

The minority FRETLIN party has reduced in voter popularity and is excluded from executive power, highlighting ongoing feuds and some shifts in internal political dynamics.

The government has been criticised for centralising power and marginalising other political voices. It’s also been accused of prioritising politically motivated large-scale infrastructure projects unaligned with people’s needs.

Most dangerous of all, it’s relying on the depletion of oil reserves. This is a fiscal cliff looming ever closer as Timor-Leste continues to draw down on its sovereign wealth fund (or Petroleum Fund), projected to be exhausted within the decade.

According to the World Bank, non-oil-related revenue stood at merely 14% of gross domestic product. Meanwhile, government spending was among some of the highest globally at 87% in 2023.

Francis is known for his advocacy of social justice and the poor. His visit to Timor-Leste could highlight these issues, pushing the country to focus on human development indicators and social services. These remain inadequately addressed, creating inequality that fuels political tensions.

Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Pope Francis’ visit to Timor-Leste is powerful and symbolic, but also political – https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-visit-to-timor-leste-is-powerful-and-symbolic-but-also-political-237977

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Todorovic, Associate Professor of Medicine, Bond University

In July 2023, rising US basketball star Bronny James collapsed on the court during practice and was sent to hospital. The 18-year-old athlete, son of famous LA Lakers’ veteran LeBron James, had experienced a cardiac arrest.

Many media outlets incorrectly referred to the event as a “heart attack” or used the terms interchangeably.

A cardiac arrest and a heart attack are distinct yet overlapping concepts associated with the heart.

With some background in how the heart works, we can see how they differ and how they’re related.

Understanding the heart

The heart is a muscle that contracts to work as a pump. When it contracts it pushes blood – containing oxygen and nutrients – to all the tissues of our body.

For the heart muscle to work effectively as a pump, it needs to be fed its own blood supply, delivered by the coronary arteries. If these arteries are blocked, the heart muscle doesn’t get the blood it needs.

This can cause the heart muscle to become injured or die, and results in the heart not pumping properly.

Heart attack or cardiac arrest?

Simply put, a heart attack, technically known as a myocardial infarction, describes injury to, or death of, the heart muscle.

A cardiac arrest, sometimes called a sudden cardiac arrest, is when the heart stops beating, or put another way, stops working as an effective pump.

In other words, both relate to the heart not working as it should, but for different reasons. As we’ll see later, one can lead to the other.

Why do they happen? Who’s at risk?

Heart attacks typically result from blockages in the coronary arteries. Sometimes this is called coronary artery disease, but in Australia, we tend to refer to it as ischaemic heart disease.

The underlying cause in about 75% of people is a process called atherosclerosis. This is where fatty and fibrous tissue build up in the walls of the coronary arteries, forming a plaque. The plaque can block the blood vessel or, in some instances, lead to the formation of a blood clot.

Atherosclerosis is a long-term, stealthy process, with a number of risk factors that can sneak up on anyone. High blood pressure, high cholesterol, diet, diabetes, stress, and your genes have all been implicated in this plaque-building process.

Other causes of heart attacks include spasms of the coronary arteries (causing them to constrict), chest trauma, or anything else that reduces blood flow to the heart muscle.

Regardless of the cause, blocking or reducing the flow of blood through these pipes can result in the heart muscle not receiving enough oxygen and nutrients. So cells in the heart muscle can be injured or die.

But a cardiac arrest is the result of heartbeat irregularities, making it harder for the heart to pump blood effectively around the body. These heartbeat irregularities are generally due to electrical malfunctions in the heart. There are four distinct types:

• ventricular tachycardia: a rapid and abnormal heart rhythm in which the heartbeat is more than 100 beats per minute (normal adult, resting heart rate is generally 60-90 beats per minute). This fast heart rate prevents the heart from filling with blood and thus pumping adequately

• ventricular fibrillation: instead of regular beats, the heart quivers or “fibrillates”, resembling a bag of worms, resulting in an irregular heartbeat greater than 300 beats per minute

• pulseless electrical activity: arises when the heart muscle fails to generate sufficient pumping force after electrical stimulation, resulting in no pulse

• asystole: the classic flat-line heart rhythm you see in movies, indicating no electrical activity in the heart.

Cardiac arrest can arise from numerous underlying conditions, both heart-related and not, such as drowning, trauma, asphyxia, electrical shock and drug overdose. James’ cardiac arrest was attributed to a congenital heart defect, a heart condition he was born with.

But among the many causes of a cardiac arrest, ischaemic heart disease, such as a heart attack, stands out as the most common cause, accounting for 70% of all cases.

So how can a heart attack cause a cardiac arrest? You’ll remember that during a heart attack, heart muscle can be damaged or parts of it may die. This damaged or dead tissue can disrupt the heart’s ability to conduct electrical signals, increasing the risk of developing arrhythmias, possibly causing a cardiac arrest.

So while a heart attack is a common cause of cardiac arrest, a cardiac arrest generally does not cause a heart attack.

What do they look like?

Because a cardiac arrest results in the sudden loss of effective heart pumping, the most common signs and symptoms are a sudden loss of consciousness, absence of pulse or heartbeat, stopping of breathing, and pale or blue-tinged skin.

But the common signs and symptoms of a heart attack include chest pain or discomfort, which can show up in other regions of the body such as the arms, back, neck, jaw, or stomach. Also frequent are shortness of breath, nausea, light-headedness, looking pale, and sweating.

What’s the take-home message?

While both heart attack and cardiac arrest are disorders related to the heart, they differ in their mechanisms and outcomes.

A heart attack is like a blockage in the plumbing supplying water to a house. But a cardiac arrest is like an electrical malfunction in the house’s wiring.

Despite their different nature both conditions can have severe consequences and require immediate medical attention.

Michael Todorovic works for Bond University. Michael Todorovic owns Dr Matt & Dr Mike’s Medical Education Pty Ltd.

Matthew Barton works for Griffith University.
Matthew Barton owns Dr Matt & Dr Mike’s Medical Education Pty Ltd.

– ref. What’s the difference between a heart attack and cardiac arrest? One’s about plumbing, the other wiring – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-a-heart-attack-and-cardiac-arrest-ones-about-plumbing-the-other-wiring-229633

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Bennie, Associate Professor, Health and Physical Education/Sport Development, Western Sydney University

The 2024 Paris Paralympics delivered heightened attention and awareness of a pinnacle sporting event for para athletes.

Australia has often set the standard for para sport, consistently achieving top ten medal tally results at the Paralympic games.

However, other nations have begun to invest more seriously in para sport, which may be a sign we need to devote more time and energy towards non-playing roles to keep up with this increased professionalism.

From rehabilitation to professionalism to advocacy

The Paralympic Games evolved from an event to rehabilitate war veterans and foster social integration to a global phenomenon with mass media attention, heightened levels of professionalism, and increasing expectations.

Much of this exposure serves to challenge deeply ingrained and often negative or tragic societal views of people with disabilities, by showcasing the incredible athletic performances of para athletes.

Indeed, many countries now fund Paralympic athlete pathways, champion the image of the Paralympic games and athletes as a platform for human rights advocacy and pay them equally for winning medals.

Paralympic athletes are painted as role models for people with disabilities while also being admired for their “positive” life stories and celebrated for their “superhuman” abilities.

However, while Paralympians are the face of this evolution, behind the scenes are a variety of others whose roles and pathways are less clear.

So what is the coach’s role in all of this?

Accompanying Paralympic sport’s rise in profile, professionalism and popularity has been a critical focus on developing high quality coaches in these contexts.

However, the growing attention given to Paralympians has not extended to the support given to coaches.

This is an important oversight, as the delivery and success of para sport revolves around a coaching workforce with the knowledge and understanding of how to create the necessary conditions for inclusion, as well as for supporting high performance.

Coaches often provide future Paralympians with their first taste of sport, guide them through crucial milestones such as classification, support them through often turbulent or accelerated performance trajectories and through major career hurdles such as retirement or declassification.

However, the importance of coaches and performance staff cannot be overestimated.

Becoming a Paralympic coach

The journey to becoming a coach in para sport is not as systematic as you might think.

Most coaches tend to migrate through to para sport after coaching non-disabled athletes, despite evidence suggesting coaching para athletes places demands on the skills and knowledge of coaches beyond that usually required in non-disabled contexts.

Further, the number of para athletes transitioning into leadership opportunities in para sport is often limited, with a recent EU workforce audit outlining the dominance of non-disabled coaches in this context.

This is symptomatic of a broader issue in which people with disabilities are underrepresented in sports leadership.

There are however many para athletes who’ve successfully transitioned from elite athlete to coach.

Wotjobaluk Elder Kevin Coombes was Australia’s first Indigenous Paralympian.

He played wheelchair basketball at five successive Paralympics and made his transition to coaching while still playing – as captain-coach during the 1972 Paralympics.

Louise Sauvage, who dominated wheelchair racing for decades, planned to become a para athletics coach following her retirement from the sport in 2004.

While she had doubts about her potential as a coach, she undertook postgraduate studies in applied science and drew upon good mentors and her own personal coaches to develop her coaching expertise.

Swimmer Roly Crichton competed at two Paralympics for New Zealand before dedicating three further Paralympic cycles to coaching para swimmers.

Crichton was instrumental in supporting fellow Kiwi Sophie Pascoe on her way to a record 11 Paralympic gold medals.

Together, these examples provide a clear need to mobilise the power of lived experience of former para athletes to support future Paralympic ambitions.

Looking to the future

An infusion approach to coach education has been signalled as a potential movement for sport organisations.

It places disability content, topics and issues throughout coach education curricula.

This plays a crucial role in shifting coach education away from positioning people with disabilities as “problems to be fixed” towards a more human understanding of disability.

Our research has highlighted the need for visible and accessible pathways for people with disabilities to transition into coaching.

Recently, Athletics Australia released an expression of interest to attract “recently retired international/national level para athletes interested in high performance coaching”.

Such initiatives are crucial to redress the lack of disability representation in para sport coaching.

Furthermore, clearer coach certification pathways in which disability is a central focus are required because many coaches never receive formalised training or education specific to disability.

This means those who do make the jump into para sport are “thrown in at the deep end”, and left to learn through trial and error.

Understandably, for coaches who have limited exposure to disability, this can be quite daunting and limits the transition of coaches into para sport due to a fear of the unknown.

With record numbers of delegations at Paris 2024, national Paralympic committees will naturally look to the future as they seek to advance the Paralympic movement and their own para sport development pathways.

It is crucial coaches are prepared for the complexity of para sport.

Coach education reform and targeted programs for para athlete transitions remain an area of considerable opportunity for national Paralympic committees and sport organisations wishing to leverage the legacy of Paris 2024.

Emma Beckman is on secondment and is currently affiliated with The Queensland Academy of Sport and Paralympics Australia and has received funding from The International Paralympic Committee, and various sports organisations such as Swiming Australia and Athletics Australia and Advance Queensland.

Robert Townsend receives funding from Sport New Zealand.

Andrew Bennie and Steven Rynne do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. If we truly want our Paralympic athletes to shine, their coaches need more support – https://theconversation.com/if-we-truly-want-our-paralympic-athletes-to-shine-their-coaches-need-more-support-237961

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The United States presidential election will be held on November 5. In analyst Nate Silver’s aggregate of national polls, Democrat Kamala Harris leads Republican Donald Trump by 48.7–46.2. In my previous US politics article on August 30, Harris led Trump by 48.8–45.0.

Joe Biden’s final position before his withdrawal as Democratic candidate on July 21 was a national poll deficit against Trump of 45.2–41.2. By the election, Biden will be almost 82, Trump is now 78 and Harris will be 60.

The next event that could potentially change the race is Tuesday’s debate between Harris and Trump (Wednesday at 11am AEST). The June 27 debate between Biden and Trump eventually led to Biden’s withdrawal. With her current weakening poll numbers, it’s Harris that will need to perform best.

The US president isn’t elected by the national popular vote, but by the Electoral College, in which each state receives electoral votes equal to its federal House seats (population based) and senators (always two). Almost all states award their electoral votes as winner takes all, and it takes 270 electoral votes to win (out of 538 total).

The most important swing state is Pennsylvania, with 19 electoral votes. Silver’s aggregate gives Harris just a 0.3% lead in that state. Harris leads in Georgia (16 electoral votes) by 0.1% and in Michigan (15 electoral votes) by 1.2%. The Electoral College is biased to Trump, with Harris needing to win the national popular vote by at least two points to be the Electoral College favourite.

Harris’ Electoral College win probability has dropped in Silver’s model in every day’s update since August 27, and Trump now has a 64% chance to win, his highest since Silver started his Harris vs Trump model in late July. Harris’ win probability peaked at 57% on August 14.

The FiveThirtyEight forecast model still has Harris narrowly ahead with a 53% win probability. The difference is mostly because Silver’s model is applying a convention bounce adjustment to Harris’ current polls owing to the late August Democratic convention. With Harris’ numbers slipping, this convention bounce adjustment is justified.

A national poll by the highly regarded Siena for The New York Times that was conducted recently (September 3–6) gave Trump a 48–47 lead. In this poll, 47% said Harris was too left-wing, while only 32% thought that Trump was too right-wing.

Silver said that left-wing positions Harris took in 2019 during her failed 2020 presidential campaign may be biting her now. He particularly cites Harris’ agreement with the proposition that her “health care plan would provide coverage for undocumented immigrants” in one of the 2019 Democratic debates as an example of Harris being too left-wing.

I wrote about the US election for The Poll Bludger last Thursday, and also covered the lack of a honeymoon for the UK’s new Labour government, the lack of a French PM two months after the parliamentary election (President Emmanuel Macron has now appointed the right-wing Michel Barnier PM), and the far-right’s gains in two German state elections.

Full Australian Redbridge poll details

I previously referred to a national Redbridge poll, but did not have full details then. Labor led by 50.5–49.5, a two-point gain for Labor since the mid-July Redbridge poll. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down three), 33% Labor (up one), 12% Greens (up one) and 17% for all Others (up one). This poll was conducted August 20–27 from a sample of 2,017.

Just 24% said the Labor government had done something to make their life better. Of those who could identify this, 28% nominated tax cuts and 26% electricity rebates. There was a 31–31 tie on better economic manager between Anthony Albanese and Labor, and Peter Dutton and the Coalition.

By 44–32, voters opposed Australia granting visas to Palestinians fleeing Gaza, while they supported extensive security checks on anyone seeking a visa to leave Palestine by 73–10. By 72–16, voters supported a ban on all online gambling advertising.

Morgan poll: Labor gains to be just ahead

A national Morgan poll, conducted August 26 to September 1 from a sample of 1,697, gave Labor a 50.5–49.5 lead, a one-point gain for Labor since the August 19–25 Morgan poll.

Primary votes were 36% Coalition (down 3.5), 30.5% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (steady), 6% One Nation (up two), 9.5% independents (up 0.5) and 5% others (steady).

The headline figure is based on respondent preferences. Allocating preferences by 2022 election flows gives Labor a 52–48 lead, a two-point gain for Labor.

Final federal redistributions in Victoria and WA

Final federal redistributions were announced last Thursday for Victoria and Western Australia. They confirmed the draft redistributions with the new seat of Bullwinkel created in WA while Higgins was abolished in Victoria. This week, the final redistribution of New South Wales will be released.

There have been minor changes to the draft redistribution, with The Poll Bludger estimating that Labor’s margin in the Victorian seat of McEwen increases from 3.5% under the draft proposal to 3.7%, while their margin in the WA seat of Tangney decreases from 2.9% to 2.6%. I covered the draft redistributions in June.

Final NT election results

At the August 24 Northern Territory election, the Country Liberal Party (CLP) won 17 of the 25 seats (up nine since 2020), Labor four (down ten), the Greens one (up one) and independents three (up one). This is the Greens’ first ever seat in the NT parliament. The Territory Alliance, which won one seat and 12.9% of the NT-wide vote in 2020, did not contest.

After a narrow Greens loss in Fannie Bay, when Labor preference flows were weaker than expected, the Greens had an upset win in Nightcliff, narrowly defeating Labor from third place on primary votes after the exclusions of a progressive independent and the CLP.

Final NT-wide primary votes were 48.9% CLP (up 17.6% since 2020), 28.8% Labor (down 10.7%), 8.1% Greens (up 3.8%) and 14.2% independents (up 2.2%). The ABC’s two-party estimate is a CLP win by 57.4–47.6 over Labor, a 10.4% swing to the CLP. Turnout was just 68.5%, down 6.4% from 2020.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Harris’ lead dips in national US polls and it’s very close in the key states – https://theconversation.com/harris-lead-dips-in-national-us-polls-and-its-very-close-in-the-key-states-238201

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jane Kelsey, Emeritus Professor of Law, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

ACT Party leader David Seymour has said the goal of his Treaty Principles Bill is to stimulate an overdue conversation on te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi. At that level at least he has succeeded.

His proposal to rewrite te Tiriti through new legislation has certainly triggered debate – to the point where the most profound constitutional question of all has been asked on the floor of parliament: did Māori cede sovereignty when they signed te Tiriti in 1840?

But the debate has also exposed deep ignorance, among political leaders and many others, about te Tiriti and the more recent concept of Treaty “principles”.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon fell back on Governor Hobson’s unilateral proclamations of sovereignty in 1840, which relied on what Māori scholar Margaret Mutu calls “the English draft of Hobson’s that Māori never agreed to”.

Meanwhile, Labour leader Chris Hipkins accepts there was no Māori cession of sovereignty, but that somehow the Crown has sovereignty now.

Beyond parliament, inflammatory and easily discredited disinformation about te Tiriti has circulated widely, backed by those who also advocate for the Treaty Principles Bill and its aim to cement into law a fundamental rewriting of te Tiriti.

Principles of compromise

The Treaty Principles Bill reportedly goes too far for the National and NZ First parties. Dissension within the coalition is growing as the political costs rise.

The Waitangi Tribunal was told Cabinet would consider a paper from David Seymour on the bill on September 2, but this was then deferred to “a later date”. Significantly, the tribunal was told on September 6 the paper would now go to Cabinet on September 9.

It is unclear whether this foreshadows the bill’s rapid introduction to the House. Once that happens, the tribunal will lose jurisdiction to report further on the legislation until it is passed.

But these developments will now put the focus on the fundamental question of Māori sovereignty. Some will seek to distance themselves from both the bill and the sovereignty issue by falling back on the current compromise, based on the existing principles developed by the courts since 1987.

However, those principles don’t stand up to scrutiny against te Tiriti, either.
Indeed, ACT’s bill can be seen as the culmination of moves over several decades by the Crown to use Treaty principles to rewrite te Tiriti and justify its own power.

Origins of the Treaty principles

From the mid-1970s, Māori forced a reluctant Crown to create space within its institutions. In 1974, the Treaty of Waitangi Bill, which would establish the Waitangi Tribunal, came before parliament.

It referred to both “te Tiriti” (the Māori text) and “the Treaty” (the English language draft), with the Crown’s actions to be judged against “principles” derived from both.

The law’s architect, Labour’s Matiu Rata, based the reference to “principles” on Labour’s 1972 election manifesto. This apparently drew on the Rātana Party manifesto, which referred to “principles” as a means to uphold the mana and wairua of Te Tiriti. This was at a time when the courts and parliament denied relevance even to the English draft.

Presciently, the activist group Ngā Tamatoa’s submission on the Treaty of Waitangi Bill asked who was going to define these principles. It remains a critical question.

Early Waitangi Tribunal reports confirmed there was no cession of sovereignty, and derived the relevant “principles” from te Tiriti. The Crown could live with that, albeit unhappily for the then prime minister, Robert Muldoon, because the tribunal’s powers were limited to recommendations on historical claims.

As Māori activism and assertions of sovereignty intensified in the 1980s, the Crown came to see the “principles” as a device to maintain the status quo. Reference to the “principles of the Treaty” in the 1986 State-owned Enterprises Act was intended as a token nod to Māori. But the New Zealand Māori Council forced the courts to interpret it.

Instead of recognising Te Tiriti and rangatiratanga (authority and autonomy), the Court of Appeal came up with its own Treaty principles that put Crown sovereignty at their core.

A fundamental constitutional challenge

Over time, the “spirit” of the Treaty, embodied through “principles”, was redefined as a “partnership”: the Crown would govern and actively protect Māori rights as it saw them. Māori would be consulted where the Crown felt it needed more information. They would be loyal to the Queen of England and New Zealand and be reasonably co‑operative.

The Waitangi Tribunal adopted and adapted these principles – to the point where it abandoned its earlier position that Māori never ceded sovereignty in te Tiriti. It reinstated its initial finding that sovereignty was not ceded in the definitive 2015 report Paparahi o te Raki.

In the late 1980s, the Labour government devised a formal set of “Principles for Crown Action” on the Treaty. These bore as little relationship to te Tiriti as the Treaty Principles Bill does now.

The Principles for Crown Action co‑opted and distorted Māori terms. Rangatiratanga was downgraded to mean “self-management”, with “kawanatanga” meaning government. The other principles were “equality”, “reasonable co‑operation” and “redress” – the last to be decided by the Crown.

Over the next two decades, the principles produced by the courts, the Waitangi Tribunal, government agencies and some academics have reduced te Tiriti to “three Ps”: partnership, participation, protection (and sometimes prosperity). These have become embedded in the guidelines for state agencies, which then claim they are complying with the Treaty.

Maybe ACT can be thanked, after all, for exposing the chimera of Treaty principles to proper scrutiny, and opening the door to engaging with the fundamental constitutional challenge of what honouring te Tiriti o Waitangi means for Aotearoa New Zealand today.

Jane Kelsey gave evidence (relating to her PhD thesis addressing the development of the ‘principles of the Treaty’) at the Waitangi Tribunal urgency inquiry on the Treaty Principles Bill. She is a pūkenga for Ngā Toki Whakarururanga, a claimant in the Constitutional Kaupapa inquiry of which the urgency hearing was part.

– ref. Rewriting history: how the Treaty ‘principles’ evolved and why they don’t stand up to scrutiny – https://theconversation.com/rewriting-history-how-the-treaty-principles-evolved-and-why-they-dont-stand-up-to-scrutiny-238406

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

It’s the big question that has loomed over Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign from the start: is the United States ready for a Black woman president?

I get asked this almost every time I speak about American politics. And it’s a question that pundits, observers and experts keep asking, without ever landing on an answer.

That’s because the question is, in the end, unanswerable. It’s so heavily loaded that answering it requires too much history, cultural knowledge, judgment and speculation.

While the question hints at the deeply ingrained racism and sexism that is built into the structures of American politics and culture, it doesn’t directly address these things, leaving assumptions about just how sexist and racist the country might be unresolved.

Asking if America is “ready” also assumes that history is progress – that things move forward in a relatively straight line. It assumes that in the past America was not ready for a Black woman president, but at some point in the future it might be. It assumes, as Martin Luther King junior once said so beautifully, that “the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice”.

Like much of King’s teachings, this idea has been flattened into an assumption that “progress” is inevitable – that women and people of colour will eventually get equal representation and treatment as society learns, gradually, to become more just, tolerant and accepting.

It assumes that, one day, the United States will live up to its own foundational ideal that “all men are created equal”.

But as Harris has herself said, the United States has not always lived up to its own ideals. Progress on equality – especially in extending it beyond the original, exclusively white men identified in the Constitution – has been patchy and frustratingly slow. It has also been marred by violence and even war.

History is not a forward march. It does not “progress” to some end point of idealism. It is, more often than not, a fight.

Are you ready for it?

Many other countries have shown it is possible to be “ready” for a woman leader at various points in their histories, only to return to being not ready again.

India, the largest democracy in the world, elected Indira Gandhi to the prime ministership in 1966. Gandhi served for over a decade, and then again from 1980 to 1984, when she was assassinated. Every leader since then has been a man.

Similarly, the United Kingdom elected its first woman prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, in 1979. After Thatcher resigned in 1990, the UK didn’t have another woman leader until Liz Truss in 2022 (and that didn’t exactly go well).

In Australia, Julia Gillard won a very close election to become prime minister in 2010, only to lose to a man four years later. There has been no real suggestion that a woman, let alone a woman of colour, might ascend to the leadership of either major party in the decade since. And could Australia even be definitively considered “ready” for a woman leader in that period, given how Gillard was treated during her prime ministership?

New Zealand has a stronger record. Jenny Shipley became the first woman prime minister in 1997 by bumping off the leader of the coalition government. Helen Clark was then the first woman to be elected prime minister in 1999, followed by Jacinda Ardern nearly two decades later, in 2017.

While Britain, New Zealand and Australia have some political and cultural similarities with the United States, they have different political structures. Unlike in the US, their leaders are not directly elected, making the specific identity of the leader less explicitly the focus of elections.

Other countries with direct elections, though, have also been “ready” for women leaders at one point or another. In 1980, Iceland became the first country in the world to directly elect a woman to the presidency. Vigdís Finnbogadóttir served for 16 years. Deeply conservative Ireland was also ready 30 years ago, directly electing its first woman president, Mary Robinson, in 1990.

Structural inequality

For the most part, though, these women are exceptions to ingrained, structural gender inequality in politics across the world – albeit a reality reflected more starkly in the American experience.

The fact the question of “readiness” remains so prominent reflects the fundamental reality of the unequal representation of women, especially Black women and women of colour, not just in America but in most democracies.

In June this year, UN Women noted only 27 countries currently have women leaders. It said:

At the current rate, gender equality in the highest positions of power will not be reached for another 130 years.

The idea of a “rate” of progress once again assumes the world will be ready for women leaders one day (even if that day might be more than a century away).

Unsurprisingly, the same structural inequality is reflected below the highest levels of leadership. UN Women found only 15 countries where women hold at least 50% of Cabinet minister positions. And when women do get leadership positions, it’s often in areas traditionally understood as “women’s” or “minority” issues, such as social services or Indigenous affairs.

This general trend is reflected in the US, too. After the most recent US election, the Congress has a “record number” of women. Yet it is still just 28%.

Similarly, in Australia, research by The Australia Institute found women are underrepresented in seven of Australia’s nine parliaments.

That should not, however, undermine the significant achievements of women and people of colour, who have long fought for a seat at the table of power – often at great personal risk.

According to the Pew Research Center, the current Congress in the US is also the most racially and ethnically diverse in history, with 133 representatives and senators identifying their ethnicity as something other than non-Hispanic white.

And in 2021, Harris became the first woman, the first person of South Asian descent and the first Black woman to be vice president of the United States. In another historic milestone, President Joe Biden appointed the first Native American woman to a Cabinet position – Interior Secretary Deb Haaland.

A milestone was achieved in Australia, too, when Linda Burney became the first Aboriginal woman to serve as minister for Indigenous affairs in 2022.

Weaponising gender and race

None of this, though, can confirm or deny the “readiness” of the United States – or any other country – to elect a Black woman leader.

There are signs a sizeable portion of the American electorate is decidedly not ready to elevate a woman, let alone a Black woman, to the highest position of power.

A great deal of attention has, rightly, been focused on the current Republican candidates’ attitudes towards gender and race. Vice-presidential nominee JD Vance, for instance, has made numerous comments about women, such as his insistence that “childless cat ladies” have too much power. Donald Trump has also repeatedly attacked women with sexist remarks, made obscene comments about women’s bodies, and been found liable in a civil court for sexual assault.

In August, Fox News anchor Jesse Watters suggested generals would “have their way” with Harris if she were to be elected.

Trump, Vance and their surrogates use race and gender to delegitimise their opponents, suggesting they are not fit for positions of power.

Such misogynistic attacks are a common experience for women in politics. Decades before Vance’s insistence that only people with biological children have a proper “stake” in the future, an Australian Liberal senator suggested Gillard was unfit for leadership because she was “deliberately barren”.

As a Black woman, Harris faces attacks on both her race and her gender. Right-wing figures have repeatedly dismissed her as a “DEI” (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) candidate, suggesting she has only made it as far as she has because of special treatment based not on her merit, but on her identity.

Once again adopting a tactic he honed during Barack Obama’s presidency, Trump has also repeatedly questioned Harris’ legitimacy as vice president and a candidate based on her race.

Context matters

Not so long ago, many people assumed Hillary Clinton would win the race to be “first”. When she accepted the presidential nomination at the Democratic National Convention in 2016, she stood, symbolically, underneath a shattering glass ceiling.

A few months later, that ceiling quickly re-formed itself.

But even Clinton’s loss in 2016 cannot definitely prove that America was “not ready” for a woman president. Context is crucial.

Even those voters who might be “ready” for a woman president won’t vote for just any woman. They will make decisions based on complicated, interrelated factors, including a candidate’s policy positions.

It’s arguable the role both Bill and Hillary Clinton played in the adoption of free-trade agreements – from Bill Clinton’s overseeing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to Hillary Clinton’s support of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – alongside economic stagnation in the US, had a much bigger role in Clinton’s loss than her gender. And her characterisation of alienated voters as “a basket of deplorables” certainly didn’t help.

Clinton had significant political baggage after decades in the spotlight. The political, economic and historic circumstances of the 2016 presidential race – alongside Trump’s political ascendancy – are impossible to pull apart.

Similarly, while some Britons might have voted for Thatcher because she was a woman, many also voted for her because of her conservative policy positions, or perhaps because they disapproved of her opponents more.

Decades later and worlds apart politically, Harris is under pressure from a critical section of her own party’s base to modify her position on Israel. This is a serious and pressing policy issue that has nothing to do with her race or gender and everything to do with competing visions for the United States’ role in the world. And this will have an impact on many voters’ decisions in November.

Put simply, it cannot be definitively argued that Clinton lost in 2016 because America was “not ready” for a woman. Or that circumstances have changed enough that the country can be considered ready now.

In a different context, with a different candidate and a different policy platform, America may well have been “ready” in 2016. A different woman – like, say, the unwaveringly popular Michelle Obama – might well have been able to beat Trump. Or not. We simply have no way of knowing.

And even if we did, we still could not know if America was definitively “ready” for a Black woman to lead.

Kamala Harris’ ‘firsts’

Nevertheless, at this year’s Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Hillary Clinton reflected on the possibility of “firsts” and the progress of American history. She proclaimed that “a future where there are no ceilings on our dreams” had finally arrived.

Harris, too, is focused on the future – but not on her “firsts”.

In her first media interview since becoming the Democratic candidate, for example, she dismissed a question about Trump’s focus on her race. Her campaign has successfully framed any specific focus on gender or race – and particularly on women’s bodies – as “weird”.

In this way, Harris’ campaign has firmly flipped the focus of identity politics back onto Trump and Vance. Her campaign is showcasing a very different kind of masculinity – one that is entirely comfortable with Black women occupying positions of leadership.

The Harris campaign is reinforcing this framing by focusing not on individual “firsts”, but on structural gender and racial inequality and women’s basic rights of bodily autonomy. In this way, the campaign is embracing a collective feminism, rather than the more 1990s-style, individualistic, “white women” feminism more redolent of Clinton. Kamala is, after all, brat.

The Harris campaign is explicitly avoiding the tempting shallowness of identity politics, learning the lessons of an often fraught Clinton campaign that appeared to assume Americans would vote for her precisely because she was a woman, or because it was time America did, finally, elect a woman president.

All of this is, implicitly at least, a recognition that “readiness” is not a simple question with a straightforward answer. The Harris campaign recognises it is not necessarily a question of collective “readiness”, but of getting enough Americans who are already ready inspired and mobilised.

As Biden has said repeatedly, “women are not without […] electoral or political power”. According to one analysis, in the four years since 2020, Black women’s voter registration has increased by 98.4%. Among young Black women, it has increased by 175.8%.

Black American women are clearly ready for this moment.

The question has no answer

If Harris is elected this November, many will take this as proof that a threshold has been crossed, that America was indeed collectively “ready” to be led by a Black woman. And that might be true. Up to a point.

The United States once demonstrated itself “ready” to elect its first Catholic president. In 2008, it proved itself “ready” to elect the first Black president.
But eight years later, in an historic, world-shaping backlash, it went back to being very much not ready.

The divides of American politics are deep and structural. They have remained unresolved since the country’s foundation. The election of the first Black woman would be hugely significant, a remarkable historical development in what has already been an extraordinary campaign.

But the question of whether America is “ready” for this moment cannot be answered by a single individual.

There are two versions of America: one that is ready for this moment (and has always been), and one that will likely never be. These two versions co‑exist. And they are, for the moment, irreconcilable.

Both sides know that victory in November is only an indication of where power lies in this moment. It will not be some clear resolution to a centuries-long question about what the United States is and what it wants to be.

That’s not how history works.

Emma Shortis is Senior Researcher in International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

– ref. Is America ready to elect a Black woman president? – https://theconversation.com/is-america-ready-to-elect-a-black-woman-president-237322

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Ricketson, Professor of Communication, Deakin University

Until recently, Elon Musk was just a wildly successful electric car tycoon and space pioneer. Sure, he was erratic and outspoken, but his global influence was contained and seemingly under control.

But add the ownership of just one media platform, in the form of Twitter – now X – and the maverick has become a mogul, and the baton of the world’s biggest media bully has passed to a new player.

What we can gauge from watching Musk’s stewardship of X is that he’s unlike former media moguls, making him potentially even more dangerous. He operates under his own rules, often beyond the reach of regulators. He has demonstrated he has no regard for those who try to rein him in.

Under the old regime, press barons, from William Randolph Hearst to Rupert Murdoch, at least pretended they were committed to truth-telling journalism. Never mind that they were simultaneously deploying intimidation and bullying to achieve their commercial and political ends.

Musk has no need, or desire, for such pretence because he’s not required to cloak anything he says in even a wafer-thin veil of journalism. Instead, his driving rationale is free speech, which is often code for don’t dare get in my way.

This means we are in new territory, but it doesn’t mean what went before it is irrelevant.

A big bucket of the proverbial

If you want a comprehensive, up-to-date primer on the behaviour of media moguls over the past century-plus, Eric Beecher has just provided it in his book The Men Who Killed the News.

Alongside accounts of people like Hearst in the United States and Lord Northcliffe in the United Kingdom, Beecher quotes the notorious example of what happened to John Major, the UK prime minister between 1990 and 1997, who baulked at following Murdoch’s resistance to strengthening ties with the European Union.

In a conversation between Major and Kelvin MacKenzie, editor of Murdoch’s best-selling English tabloid newspaper, The Sun, the prime minister was bluntly told: “Well John, let me put it this way. I’ve got a large bucket of shit lying on my desk and tomorrow morning I’m going to pour it all over your head.”

MacKenzie might have thought he was speaking truth to power, but in reality he was doing Murdoch’s bidding, and actually using his master’s voice, as Beecher confirms by recounting an anecdote from early in Murdoch’s career in Australia.

In the 1960s, when Murdoch owned The Sunday Times in Perth, he met Lang Hancock (father of Gina Rinehart) to discuss potentially buying some mineral prospects together in Western Australia. The state government was opposed to the planned deal.

Beecher cites Hancock’s biographer, Robert Duffield, who claimed Murdoch asked the mining magnate, “If I can get a certain politician to negotiate, will you sell me a piece of the cake?” Hancock said yes. Later that night, Murdoch called again to say the deal had been done. How, asked an incredulous Hancock. Murdoch replied: “Simple […] I told him: look you can have a headline a day or a bucket of shit every day. What’s it to be?”

Between Murdoch in the 1960s and MacKenzie in the 1990s came Mario Puzo’s The Godfather with Don Corleone, aided by Luca Brasi holding a gun to a rival’s head, saying “either his brains or his signature would be on the contract”.

Changing the rules of the game

Media moguls use metaphorical bullets. Those relatively few people who do resist them, like Major, get the proverbial poured over their government. Headlines in The Sun following the Conservatives’ win in the 1992 election included: “Pigmy PM”, “Not up to the job” and “1,001 reasons why you are such a plonker John”.

If media moguls since Hearst and Northcliffe have tap-danced between producing journalism and pursuing their commercial and political aims, they have at least done the former, and some of it has been very good.

The leaders of the social media behemoths, by contrast, don’t claim any fourth estate role. If anything, they seem to hold journalism with tongs as far from their face as possible.

They do possess enormous wealth though. Apple, Microsoft, Google and Meta, formerly known as Facebook, are in the top ten companies globally by market capitalisation. By comparison, News Corporation’s market capitalisation now ranks at 1,173 in the world.

Regulating the online environment may be difficult, as Australia discovered this year when it tried, and failed, to stop X hosting footage of the Wakeley Church stabbing attacks. But limiting transnational media platforms can be done, according to Robert Reich, a former Secretary of Labor in Bill Clinton’s government.

Despite some early wins through Australia’s News Media Bargaining Code, big tech companies habitually resist regulation. They have used their substantial influence to stymie it wherever and whenever nation-states have sought to introduce it.

Meta’s founder and chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, has been known to go rogue, as he demonstrated in February 2021 when he protested against the bargaining code by unilaterally closing Facebook sites that carried news. Generally, though, his strategy has been to deploy standard public relations and lobbying methods.

But his rival Musk uses his social media platform, X, like a wrecking ball.

Musk is just about the first thing the average X user sees in their feed, whether they want to or not. He gives everyone the benefit of his thoughts, not to mention his thought bubbles. He proclaims himself a free-speech absolutist, but most of his pronouncements lean hard to the right, providing little space for alternative views.

Some of his tweets have been inflammatory, such as him linking to an article promoting a conspiracy theory about the savage attack on Paul Pelosi, husband of the former US Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, or his tweet that “Civil war is inevitable” following riots that erupted recently in the UK.

As the BBC reported, the riots occurred after the fatal stabbing of three girls in Southport. “The subsequent unrest in towns and cities across England and in parts of Northern Ireland has been fuelled by misinformation online, the far-right and anti-immigration sentiment.”

Nor does Musk bother with niceties when people disagree with him. Late last year, advertisers considered boycotting X because they believed some of Musk’s posts were anti-Semitic. He told them during a live interview to “Go fuck yourself”.

He has welcomed Donald Trump, the Republican Party’s presidential nominee, back onto X after Trump’s account was frozen over his comments surrounding the January 6 2021 attack on the capitol. Since then both men have floated the idea of governing together if Trump wins a second term.

Is the world better off with tech bros like Musk who demand unlimited freedom and assert their influence brazenly, or old-style media moguls who spin fine-sounding rhetoric about freedom of the press and exert influence under the cover of journalism?

That’s a question for our times that we should probably begin grappling with.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Murdoch to Musk: how global media power has shifted from the moguls to the big tech bros – https://theconversation.com/murdoch-to-musk-how-global-media-power-has-shifted-from-the-moguls-to-the-big-tech-bros-237985

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joel Lexchin, Professor Emeritus of Health Policy and Management, York University, Canada

Africa says it needs an estimated ten million doses of mpox vaccine to control this public health emergency.

The situation is particularly concerning in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which has reported more than 27,000 suspected mpox cases and more than 1,300 deaths so far this year.

Europe and the United States have promised to donate mpox vaccines. In an emergency, donations are welcome. But donations are a charity “bandaid” solution that can’t be relied on.

Here’s what needs to happen next to ensure equitable access to mpox vaccines for this and the next health emergency.

How did we get here?

It’s been less than a month since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared mpox an international public heath emergency of international concern, after rising cases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the potential for further spread.

Mpox, once known as monkeypox, has spilled over into countries that have never seen it before, possibly driven by a new, more infectious strain of the virus.

But the WHO has yet to approve mpox vaccines. This is necessary before groups such as Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance and UNICEF can begin to buy vaccines and start distributing them to affected countries that have not already independently approved them.

Once WHO has approved the vaccines, vaccine donations can also be distributed. These include about 175,000 doses from the European Commission and another 40,000 from vaccine company Bavarian Nordic. The US has also pledged 50,000 doses from its national stockpile.

Even for countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which issued an emergency approval for the vaccines back in June, donated vaccines have only just reportedly arrived.

Other wealthy countries haven’t been so forthcoming with donating vaccines. Canada so far has not committed to sharing any of its several million doses. Australia has secured some vaccine doses for its population but hasn’t said anything about donations.

There are also concerns about how well the current vaccines will work against the new strain of the virus.

We’ve seen this before

In 2022, the Democratic Republic of the Congo saw another mpox outbreak. The US, Canada and the European Union were sufficiently worried that they bought vaccines from Bavarian Nordic. But that left none for poorer countries.

If vaccines were available in Africa then, the current emergency could have been stopped in its tracks, said Ahmed Ogwell Ouma, acting director of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention.

Low-income countries, especially those in Africa, are always at the end of the line when it comes to accessing vaccines, diagnostics and treatments.

This is a story that has been repeated multiple times in the past few decades – with HIV/AIDS, Ebola and most recently COVID.

Within the first year COVID vaccines were available, 75-80% of people in high-income countries had been vaccinated versus fewer than 10% in low-income countries.

This maldistribution is not inevitable. It is a legacy of rich countries’ exploitation of the colonised world’s natural resources, a practice that continues under global economic trade and investment rules that keep low-income countries poor and dependent on wealthier ones.

Here’s what happened with COVID products

One key example is the international system of intellectual property governed by the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). This agreement gives companies control over the manufacturing and pricing of their products – including COVID vaccines – until their patents expire. As a result, only rich countries can afford these vaccines.

In 2020, India and South Africa, eventually supported by more than 100 other low- and middle-income countries, proposed a waiver for COVID medical products for a limited time. This would have freed up scientific knowledge, technology and other intellectual property to allow for scaling up the manufacturing of vaccines, diagnostics, treatments and other products necessary to deal with the pandemic.

Less than two years later, the WTO approved a strongly watered-down version of the original proposal. The waiver, which lasts just five years, only made exporting COVID vaccines slightly easier. It did not include any other COVID medical products including treatments and diagnostics, or transfer of know-how and technology needed to safely and effectively scale-up production in the fastest way possible.

We must make sure this does not happen again

Mpox and future infectious disease outbreaks are sure to occur as climate change and environmental destruction increase the risk of animal-to-human disease transmission.

Such outbreaks will not be prevented and controlled by relying on charity, voluntary sharing by pharmaceutical companies or the goodwill of countries at the WTO.

African countries have recognised the need to strengthen the self-sufficiency of their public health systems. To address the current global imbalances, they have recognised they need to boost their collective voice on global health matters and become efficient in preparing and responding to disease threats. There is a framework for action.

But the global maldistribution of medicines for emergencies is not a problem Africa can solve on its own. A new set of global rules is also needed to ensure all countries work cooperatively to prevent, prepare for and respond to pandemics and to share vaccines and other needed medical products. This is vital so the global vaccine inequity experienced during COVID doesn’t happen again.

WHO member states agreed to negotiate such an agreement in December 2021. But they missed the deadline they had set for themselves to conclude it by mid-2024.

While not a pandemic at this stage, the current mpox public health emergency reinforces the need for a concerted global effort to negotiate arrangements that ensure a fairer distribution of vaccines, medicines and diagnostic tests.

All countries should take note. Perhaps the upcoming negotiation for the WHO pandemic agreement – which sets out how the world manages pandemic prevention, preparedness and response – is the perfect opportunity.

Joel Lexchin has received payments for writing a brief on the role of promotion in generating prescriptions for a legal firm, for being on a panel about pharmacare and for co-writing an article for a peer-reviewed medical journal. He is a member of the Boards of Canadian Doctors for Medicare and the Canadian Health Coalition. He receives royalties from University of Toronto Press and James Lorimer & Co. Ltd. for books he has written.

Brigitte Tenni is affiliated with People’s Health Movement and is a member of the Public Health Association of Australia. She has previously received a Research Training Program (RTP) scholarship funded by the Australian government.

Deborah Gleeson has received funding in the past from the Australian Research Council. She has received funding from various national and international non-government organisations to attend speaking engagements related to trade agreements and health, including access to medicines. She has represented the Public Health Association of Australia on matters related to trade agreements and public health.

Ronald Labonte has received funding from the Canadian Institutes for Health Research, the University of Ottawa Distinguished Research Chair program, and the World Health Organization. He receives royalties for books he has written from Oxford University Press, Routledge, Macmillan, and Sage; and a stipend as co-Editor-in-Chief of the BMC journal, Globalization and Health. He is affiliated with the People’s Health Movement.

– ref. Africa desperately needs mpox vaccines. But donations from rich countries won’t fix this or the next health emergency – https://theconversation.com/africa-desperately-needs-mpox-vaccines-but-donations-from-rich-countries-wont-fix-this-or-the-next-health-emergency-237747

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Stokes, Industry Professor, Environment and Sustainability, Macquarie University

Old graveyards are a forgotten land asset that can find new life as urban parks in crowded cities. As the density of our cities increases, efficient use of urban land becomes paramount. In particular, land for urban parks becomes more important and harder to find.

Church graveyards are one of the land assets left behind as dead space in our cities. Most were closed decades ago as the burial industry created cemeteries and memorial gardens away from churches.

Large necropolises are now being re‑imagined as urban parks while continuing as active burial grounds. In contrast, dormant graveyards are largely overlooked as urban pocket parks. Yet these sites are often found in some of the most densely populated parts of cities.

From rest to recreation

Many cities have long experience converting burial spaces into urban parks. Famous examples include Washington Square Park in central Manhattan, which was converted from a common burial ground to a public park in 1827. Bunhill Fields was a burial space for non-conformist Christians in London from the 1660s until converted into public gardens in the 1850s.

In many instances, cemeteries fulfil the dual role of accommodating new burials while also being public parks. Assistens Cemetery in the Danish capital Copenhagen was founded in the 1750s. Since the early 19th century it has also served the city as a public park.

As urban planning emerged as a separate discipline in the early 20th century, city planners sought to identify and separate discrete land uses. Large allotments on the city fringes were set aside as burial spaces styled as urban parks. Their ancillary use as passive open space was implied in their names – “lawn cemeteries” or “memorial gardens”.

Urban growth and increasing density has led some cities to examine ways to maximise recreational and community uses of these large institutional burial sites.

The untapped potential of urban churchyards

The potential for shared use of small church graveyards remains largely overlooked.

There are 2,265 cemeteries in New South Wales. Most are small church graveyards, which have not been used for interments for many decades.

Across Greater Sydney, the Catholic and Anglican churches own and manage more than 100 cemeteries and columbaria (memorials housing urns of cremated remains). Most are closed to new burials. Many of these sites are located in areas facing a deficit of open space as building densities increase.

One example of this is St Anne’s Church graveyard at Ryde. Established in 1826, it was subject to a partial land resumption for road widening and closed to new interments in the 1950s.

The graveyard is next to high- and medium-density residential apartments. If converted to open space, this area of more than 4,200 square metres would provide extra open space to complement the Ryde Memorial Park to the east of the site.

St Paul’s Anglican Church is about 600 metres from Canterbury Metro station in inner south-western Sydney. The cemetery at St Paul’s was established in the 1860s and measures more than 2,200m². Only the columbarium is still operating. The site does not adjoin the active church buildings.

If converted to open space, the St Paul’s cemetery site could supplement Canterbury Park to the north-west. The surrounding areas of housing have been earmarked for high-density residential development.

Why aren’t more graveyards being used as parks?

Despite the potential of such sites, there are legal, planning and environmental obstacles to converting unused graveyards into public open spaces. Because graveyards are much smaller than cemeteries and are integrated with other land uses, they often face a more complex regulatory environment.

Neighbours may oppose change, preferring to live next to a quiet graveyard rather than an activated parkland. Many urban church graveyards are zoned for infrastructure purposes, with conversion to parkland requiring development consent.

Social attitudes, such as respect for the dead, or fear of “creepy” places, can also create discomfort at converting graveyards to parkland.

As graveyards often include significant heritage items, conversion processes can be complex and costly. Church graveyards may also include habitat for biodiversity. The presence of at-risk species often limits opportunities for greater public use.

Decaying monuments, decrepit headstones and crumbling masonry also create public liability concerns for church management. The safety of monuments in areas used by children is of particular concern.

From hallowed grounds to playgrounds

Despite the complex challenges involved in converting graveyards to parks, there are examples of effective transformations.

St David’s Park is the site of the first church in Hobart, Tasmania, and was used as a burial ground from 1810 to 1872. In 1919 the site was converted into a public park. Tombstones were relocated and conserved along park boundaries to create usable public open space.

Campderdown Cemetery in Newtown, NSW, was founded in 1848 by the Sydney Church of England Cemetery Company. It was converted into public parkland from 1948, becoming a crucial piece of inner-city public space.

Similar conversions have been proposed for other unused urban graveyards. One of these is St John’s Cemetery in central Parramatta, NSW. It was proposed for conversion to a public park in the 1950s.

The architectural historian Keith Eggener observed that cemeteries occupy liminal space where life meets death, nature meets city, present meets past. As our growing cities become more dense, church graveyards may provide valuable community open spaces for the next generation alongside resting places for generations past.

Rob Stokes is Chair of Faith Housing Australia, the peak body representing faith groups advocating for social and affordable housing. He is also a former Liberal member of the NSW parliament who served as a NSW government minister across a range of portfolios, including cities, planning and public spaces, and heritage.

– ref. Plot twist: how giving old graveyards new life as parks can improve our cities – https://theconversation.com/plot-twist-how-giving-old-graveyards-new-life-as-parks-can-improve-our-cities-236791

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yeslam Al-Saggaf, Professor in Computing, Charles Sturt University

Most Australian teenagers have their own smartphone. According to a 2023 survey, 91% of young people between 14 and 17 owned a phone.

At the same time, there is huge community concern about young people being exposed to harms online – this includes the content they consume and the interactions they might have.

But there is also concern about their privacy and security. A 2023 UK study found teenagers are overly optimistic about the degree to which they can protect their personal information online.

This is a problem because smartphones can communicate information such as identities and locations when settings are not figured correctly.

Our new project – which has been funded by the eSafety Commissioner and will soon be available online – looked at how to teach students to be safer with their phones.

What are the risks?

Without changing the default settings, a phone (or smart watch, laptop or tablet) can share information such as full names, current locations and the duration of their stay in those locations. This makes it easy for others with basic IT knowledge to create profiles of someone’s movements over time.

Children are at particular risk, as they often connect to free public Wi-Fi networks. They may also be more likely to exchange photos with strangers online and accept social media friend requests without caution.

This also puts them at increased risk of having their identity or money stolen or coming into contact with people who may wish them harm.

Our research

Our project was conducted in seven high schools in regional New South Wales between August 2023 and April 2024.

First, we set up network sensors in two schools to monitor data leakage from students’ phones. We wanted to know the extent to which they were they giving away names and locations of the students. This was conducted over several weeks to establish a baseline for their typical data leakage levels.

Next, we gave 4,460 students in seven high schools lessons in how smartphones can leak sensitive information and how to stop this. The students were shown how to turn off their Bluetooth and switch off their Wi-Fi. They were also shown how to change their Bluetooth name and switch off their location services.

We then measured data leakage after the lesson in the two schools with network sensors.

We also conducted a survey on 574 students across five other schools, to measure their knowledge before and after the lesson. Of this group, about 90% of students owned a smartphone and most were aged between 14 and 16.

What did we find?

We found a significant reduction in data leakage after students were given the lessons.

At the two schools we monitored, we found the number of identifiable phones fell by about 30% after the education session.

The survey results also indicated the lessons had been effective. There was an 85% improvement in students’ “knowledge of smartphone settings” questions.

There was also a 15% improvement in students’ use of a safer, fake name as their smartphone name after the lessons – for example, instead of “Joshua’s phone”, calling it “cool dude”.

There was a 7% increase in concern about someone knowing where they were at a particular point in time, and a 10% increase in concern about someone knowing what their regular travel route to school was.

However, despite their enhanced understanding, many students continued to keep their Wi-Fi and Bluetooth settings enabled all the time, as this gave them convenient access to school and home Wi-Fi networks and headphone connections. This is an example of the “privacy paradox” where individuals prioritise convenience over security, even when aware of the risks.

How can students keep their phones safe?

There are three things young people – and others – can do to keep their smartphones safe.

1. Switch off services you don’t use

Phone owners should ask themselves: do I really need to keep all the available services on? If they are not using Wi-Fi, Bluetooth or location services (such as Snap Map, where you share your location with friends), they should turn them off.

As our research indicated, young people are unlikely to do this because it is inconvenient. Many young people want to connect to their headphones at all times so they can listen to music, watch videos and talk to friends.

2. Hide the device

If teens can’t switch off these services, they can at least de-identify their device by replacing their real name on the phone with something else. They can use a name parents and friends will recognise but will not link them to their other data.

They can also hide their device by not giving away the type of phone they are using (this can be done in general settings). This will prevent cyber attackers from linking their phone to the security vulnerabilities with their make of phone.

3. Control each app

Ideally, students should also go in and check smartphone settings for individual apps as well – and turn off services for apps that don’t require them. It is now easy to find out which apps have access to location services and your phone’s camera or microphone.

This project was funded through the Australian eSafety Commissioner’s Online Safety Grants Program.

Julie Maclean does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 91% of Australian teens have a phone – but many are not keeping their identity and location secure – https://theconversation.com/91-of-australian-teens-have-a-phone-but-many-are-not-keeping-their-identity-and-location-secure-237981

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Tolkach, Senior Lecturer, James Cook University

Imagine checking in for a flight with your two teenage children. At the counter, you are told that your youngest teenager’s suitcase is two kilograms over the limit. You get slapped with a $75 penalty for their excess luggage.

This penalty feels arbitrary and unfair. The youngest weighs about 45 kg, and their luggage weighs 25 kg, making their total payload on the flight 70 kg.

Their older sibling, on the other hand, weighs 65 kg, and has brought 23 kg of luggage to check in. Their total weight is higher – 88 kg – yet they receive no penalty.

Obviously, things aren’t that simple. Charging passengers based on their weight is highly controversial for many reasons. But that hasn’t stopped some airlines experimenting with such policies.

Imagine checking in for your flight only to have the staff tell you to purchase an extra seat as you are a plus-size passenger. You feel discriminated against because you are using the same service as other passengers and your weight is beyond your control.

But despite the lived experience of many and hot debate in the media, there has not been a formal study into what passengers themselves think about this matter.

Our recently published research examined air passengers’ views on alternative airfare policies to understand whether the public finds them acceptable and what ethical considerations determine their views.

Though we found a range of ethical contradictions, most travellers were guided by self-interest.

Read more:
Even after the government’s aviation crackdown, Australia will lag behind on flyers’ rights

A controversial but important topic

The issue of whether airlines should weigh passengers is an ethical minefield with no easy answers.

Despite its sensitivity, the aviation industry can’t ignore passenger weight. Airlines intermittently undertake passenger weight surveys as they need to accurately calculate payload to ensure flight safety and estimate fuel consumption.

The evidence shows passengers are getting heavier. Airlines including the now-defunct Samoa Air and Hawaiian Airlines have taken things one step further and experimented with weighing passengers regularly.

Samoa Air, for example, became the first airline to introduce a “pay-as-you-weigh” policy, where the cost of your ticket was directly proportional to the combined weight of you and your luggage.

In contrast, Canada has now long had a “one person, one fare” policy. It is prohibited and deemed discriminatory to force passengers living with a disability to purchase a second seat for themselves if they require one, including those with functional disability due to obesity.

To complicate matters further, the issue of passenger and luggage weight is not only ethical and financial, but also environmental. More weight on an aircraft leads to more jet fuel being burned and more carbon emissions.

About 5% of human-driven climate change can be attributed to aviation, and the industry faces enormous pressure to reduce fuel consumption while it waits for low carbon substitutes to become available.

What do passengers actually think?

To get a better sense of how the public actually feels about this issue, we surveyed 1,012 US travellers of different weights, presenting them with three alternatives:

• standard policy – currently the most widely used policy with passengers paying a standard price, irrespective of their weight
• threshold policy – passengers are penalised if they are over a threshold weight
• unit of body weight policy – passengers pay a personalised price based on their own body weight, per each pound.

The standard policy was the most acceptable for participants of differing weight, although the heavier the passenger, the more they preferred the standard policy. This can be partially explained by status quo bias. Generally, people are likely to choose a familiar answer.

The threshold policy was the least acceptable. This policy was seen to violate established social norms and be generally less fair.

The unit of body weight policy was preferred to the threshold policy, although participants raised concerns about whether it would be accepted by society.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, we found that self-interest played a clear role in determining whether respondents considered a policy acceptable.

Younger, male, financially well-off travellers with lower personal weight generally found the alternative policies more acceptable.

An ethical conflict

Alternative airfare policies that are based on passenger weight bring environmental and ethical concerns into conflict. Obviously, the effect isn’t from any one traveller, in particular, but averages over the entire industry.

Interestingly, respondents that were more concerned about the environment – “ecocentric” – preferred air fare policies that would reduce the carbon emissions. This made them more open to the controversial alternatives.

While the threshold policy was clearly rejected by many respondents as discriminatory, environmental concern played a role in the level of acceptance of the unit of body weight policy.

It’s important to apply a critical lens here. These ecocentric travellers were also generally younger and had lower personal weights, so many would benefit from the alternative policies financially.

For policymakers overall, our study suggests when it comes to controversial ticketing policies, the public is more likely to be swayed by self-interest than anything else.

Authors received a grant from The Hong Kong Polytechnic University for this study.

Stephen Pratt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Pay-by-weight airfares are an ethical minefield. We asked travellers what they actually think – https://theconversation.com/pay-by-weight-airfares-are-an-ethical-minefield-we-asked-travellers-what-they-actually-think-237856

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

Pope Francis is continuing the tradition of papal journeys, having embarked on the longest trip of his papacy yet to Asia and the Pacific.

In recent decades, apostolic journeys have emerged as a powerful tool of global diplomacy and pastoral outreach – and to meet the needs of a increasingly connected yet fractured world. But this wasn’t always the case. In fact, there was a time when popes were largely confined to Rome.

The birth of the apostolic journey

Francis has cited the example of the apostle Paul, who travelled frequently to reach diverse audiences with creativity and conviction.

In the early centuries of the church, the key message of Christianity was spread by the apostles. They were the closest followers of Jesus and became pivotal in telling the world about his teachings. Their voyages gave the name to the later papal tradition of “apostolic journeys”.

Back then, the seat of papacy was Rome itself (rather than Vatican City) and papal travel was rare and often limited to local communities. The pope, as the bishop of Rome, would journey outside the city to visit and offer pastoral guidance.

Longer journeys, such as Pope John I’s trip to Constantinople in 523CE, were exceptions. They were often driven by a broad desire for pastoral outreach, but also by political necessity.

Conflict and forced exile

During the Middle Ages, periods of instability occasionally forced popes to leave Rome. In the 13th century, popes temporarily lived in other Italian cities such as Viterbo, Orvieto and Perugia, due to conflicts in the eternal city, politics, or personal preference.

Even so, papal travel remained largely confined to Europe and was focused on territories under papal influence or control.

One crucial period from 1309 to 1378 saw the papacy relocate to Avignon, France, under the forceful direction of the French monarchs. Yet the pope’s travel remained limited.

Other times, popes were forced to travel – or were even kidnapped. Pope Pius VII, elected in 1800, travelled to Paris in 1804 for the coronation of Napoleon I as emperor. In 1809, when the French invaded the papal states, Pius VII excommunicated Napoleon and in retaliation was forcibly taken to France where he stayed as a prisoner until 1814.

When papal travel went global

The pontificate of Pope Paul VI (1963–78) marked a significant turning point in the history of papal travel. Paul VI became the first pope to travel by airplane, initiating a new era of international apostolic journeys. His extensive journeys even earned him the title of “the Pilgrim Pope”.

He visited six continents, marking the first papal pilgrimages to the Holy Land, the Americas, Africa, Oceania and Asia. The focus of his 1964 visit to the Holy Land was to promote Christian unity.

In 1965, Paul VI became the first pope to visit the United States and to address the United Nations in New York. His papacy highlighted the church’s desire to engage with the global Catholic community. Paul VI set a precedent for his successors.

Pope John Paul II (1978–2005) once more dramatically expanded the scope of papal travel, becoming the most travelled pope in history. In addition to almost 150 pastoral visits within Italy, he visited more than 120 countries, covering more distance than his predecessors combined. His extensive travels were central to his papacy, which was aimed at addressing international issues and strengthening the church’s global reach.

Pope Benedict XVI (2005–13) continued the tradition of international travel, albeit to a lesser extent due to his advanced age. Still, his journeys remained significant in maintaining the Vatican’s global presence.

And now Pope Francis (2013–present) continues this legacy of global outreach, his travels reflecting his commitment to addressing contemporary challenges.

A papal itinerary for the modern world

Francis’ most recent journey to Southeast Asia marks the longest and most challenging trip of his papacy, covering more than 32,000 kilometres across Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Timor-Leste and Singapore.

Apart from continuing the (relatively modern) tradition of papal apostolic journeys, the trip also redefines its purpose in a globalised world.

In Indonesia, a predominantly Muslim nation, Francis engaged in interfaith dialogue at the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta, the largest mosque in Southeast Asia.

The rest of his visit is expected to similarly underscore his commitment to fostering religious tolerance and building bridges between different faith communities.

Despite Catholics comprising only about 3% of Indonesia’s population, the pope’s visit generated significant excitement and media coverage, reflecting his influence beyond the Vatican.

Papua New Guinea and Timor-Leste, both nations with significant Catholic populations, will also be key stops on the pope’s itinerary. In Timor-Leste, where Catholics make up about 97% of the population, the pope’s visit will reaffirm the church’s deep connection with the country, particularly in its struggle for independence. But the visit will also highlight ongoing challenges, including recent scandals involving church leaders.

Singapore, known for its religious diversity, will be the final leg of the journey. Here, Francis will address themes of inter-religious harmony and environmental stewardship, particularly as all the countries on this trip are island nations facing the existential threat of rising sea levels.

The trip will showcase the Vatican’s commitment to the global issue of climate change, which Francis has championed throughout his papacy.

Francis’ Southeast Asia trip demonstrates the Vatican’s continued engagement in global diplomacy and social issues. Beyond that, it also underscores his own personal vision of a church that is close to the people – especially those on the margins – and committed to fostering peace and dialogue.

Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Popes were once confined to Rome. Now they travel the world – and Francis’ current journey is particularly significant – https://theconversation.com/popes-were-once-confined-to-rome-now-they-travel-the-world-and-francis-current-journey-is-particularly-significant-238088

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Walton, Professor of Sustainable Business, University of Otago

Interpreting corporate reports on carbon emissions can be challenging. The current, adhoc approach to how businesses share this information makes it difficult to see whether they have set the right targets, have realistic plans to meet them or are being transparent about their progress.

While there are frameworks for reporting climate and sustainability data, there are still big differences in the way the data is being disclosed.

We developed the Climate Action Tracker Aotearoa (CATA) to address these issues. Based on the global Net Zero Tracker, CATA evaluates company reports and climate plans to share and explain their climate action.

Using the tracker, we analysed 21 companies in Aotearoa New Zealand, focusing on the top emitters and companies in the energy, retail, agriculture and transport sectors, as well as the banking sector.

We evaluated three aspects – targets, plans and reporting – by reading through publicly available information provided by the company. These three aspects help make sense of what a company is doing and going to do to mitigate climate change.

Here is what we found.

Setting targets

While the majority of companies have 2030 targets (86%) and absolute targets (81%), only five companies of the 21 (25%) have targets that have been verified by the Science-based Targets Initiative.

All but two companies include scope one (emissions the company creates directly) and scope two (emissions created indirectly from, for example electricity or energy it buys for heating and cooling buildings) – the areas companies have the most control and ownership over. But when it comes to scope three emissions, which come from company travel in planes, trains and taxis, and the supply chain, far fewer companies have set such targets.

Scope three targets are difficult to set due as they involve a large number of supply chain partners. But understanding the full impact of a company’s emissions is an important factor towards meeting the Paris Agreement targets.

Making plans

It is in the planning that there starts to be a divergence in the results across the companies. It would seem that it is easier to set a target than provide detailed plans on how to reach it.

Some companies do this very well, laying out a transparent and plausible climate map (Meridian Energy, for example). But many companies have failed to provide enough detail to be able to understand just how the reductions might occur.

It is even harder to understand how companies plan to use carbon offsets and credits.

Carbon offsetting involves a reduction or avoidance of emissions that can be used to compensate for emissions elsewhere. For example, offset projects could include renewable energy projects or energy efficiency improvements.

We found that just over half of the companies were offsetting or intending to, with only two stating they will only offset hard-to-abate emissions.

According to the University of Oxford Offsetting Principles, the best practice is to reduce as much as possible and use offsetting closer to the net zero date (2050) for those residual emissions.

It is not great to be seeing offsetting already in use.

We also found companies are not always transparent about their policy for using offsets. The majority either did not specify conditions for offsetting or just didn’t have any conditions to begin with.

The majority of companies were unspecified in their approach to carbon removals (the process of removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere).

The carbon removal measures that were mentioned were nature-based (such as planting a mixture of exotic and native trees) and carbon capture and storage (CCS). These tended to be from companies that also operated overseas.

The World Economic Forum outlined the best practice for voluntary carbon removals last year.

Carbon removals were seen as necessary for the hard to reduce emissions, to reverse the build up of historical emissions, and deal with feedback loops in natural processes such as forest fires.

In 2022, the Ministry for the Environment also published a set of principles around carbon removals. These principles included that information needs to be transparent, clearly stated and publicly available.

We found the minority of companies adhered to such standards. Therefore, more transparency is needed on both offsetting and removals in their reporting.

Reporting climate action

The majority of companies are reporting carbon emissions and providing some level of detail on the emissions to an international standard.

But at the same time, many companies are making it very difficult to find and piece together the data needed to clearly see what climate action they are undertaking.

We know that voluntary disclosing on social and environmental impacts can be a result of pressure from stakeholders. But it can also be used as a way to conform to these societal expectations without giving sufficient information.

Throughout our research, we found a mixture of conformity and diversion. Some companies provided vast amounts of positive information about some of their impacts, some provided multiple reports with information scattered between them, and then some were straightforward with the required information.

Companies should use CATA as a tool to benchmark themselves and their reporting to be able to provide a sufficient and transparent level of information to stakeholders, partners, investors and consumers.

This will allow consistency across industry, the implementation of science-based targets, the development of detailed action plans and easy access to comprehensive, clear and concise reports.

The authors acknowledge the contributions of their fellow researchers on this project: Lucy Mitchell, Pii-Tuulia Nikula and Limi Prestwood-Smith.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How well are NZ companies reporting their climate impacts? Our new tracker shows very mixed results – https://theconversation.com/how-well-are-nz-companies-reporting-their-climate-impacts-our-new-tracker-shows-very-mixed-results-238314

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Treasurer Jim Chalmers has distanced himself from the strident attack his one-time boss Wayne Swan launched on the Reserve Bank, which the former treasurer accused of “putting economic dogma over rational decision-making”.

Swan, who is national president of the Labor Party and was treasurer in the Rudd and Gillard governments, said on Friday the Reserve Bank’s stance was “counterproductive and it’s not good policy”.

“If you look at markets, they’re all forecasting rate drops,” he said. “They’re going down around the world.”

The Reserve Bank continues to reiterate that it is not intending to bring down rates any time soon.

Chalmers, who was accused of shifting blame to the bank when he said a week ago that rate rises were “smashing” the economy, said Swan had gone “much further than I have”.

“I’m making a factual point borne out by the national accounts [of last Wednesday],” he told the ABC on Sunday.

“I don’t second guess the Reserve Bank in the way that Wayne has. My focus is on working with Governor Bullock.

“I’ve got a lot of respect for Governor Bullock. Our objectives are actually aligned to get on top of this inflation challenge, and we need to do that without ignoring the risks to growth,” he said.

Reserve Bank Governor Michele Bullock has been particularly blunt in saying the bank will do whatever is needed to reduce inflation to the 2-3% target range, including hiking rates again if necessary. Inflation was 3.8% in the June quarter.

Bullock has been equally forthright in spelling out the implications for some home buyers of the present fight against inflation.

She said last week that about 5% of owner-occupiers with variable-rate loans were in “a particularly challenging situation”.

These people had to make “quite painful adjustments to avoid falling behind on their mortgage repayments.

“This includes things like cutting back on their spending to the more essential items, trading down to lower-quality goods and services, dipping into their savings and working extra hours.

“Some may ultimately make the difficult decision to sell their homes,” she said. Lower-income borrowers were “over-represented in the group of people who are really struggling”.

The latest GDP figures, showing the economy crawling, has added fuel to the controversy over the Reserve Banks’s hardline stand.

Chalmers off to China

Meanwhile, Chalmers on Sunday confirmed he will visit China later this month for the Strategic Economic Dialogue. This will be the first visit by an Australian treasurer in seven years.

For Chalmers it will be a fact-finding visit, especially to get an assessment of the growth prospects of the Chinese economy, which have significant implications for Australia.

There is general doubt over the viability of China’s 5% growth target, and the iron ore price has fallen sharply over the course of this year.

Chalmers said his department had modelled a scenario in which a sustained drop in the price of key commodities cost the budget “something like $4.5 billion”.

The relationship with China was “full of complexity, but also full of opportunity, and I want to help the government maximise that opportunity for the Australian people, workers, businesses, employers, investors”.

Chalmers said the talks gave an opportunity to work through issues like foreign investment and trade restrictions and compare notes on how the two countries saw the global economy.

China has lifted most trade restrictions on Australia, although they remain on lobster.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Treasurer distances himself from his former boss’ Reserve Bank attack – https://theconversation.com/treasurer-distances-himself-from-his-former-boss-reserve-bank-attack-238524