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‘I’m dreading birthing in such a system’: what Indigenous women globally think of birth care and what they’d like to see instead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nina Sivertsen, Associate Professor, College of Nursing and Health Sciences, Flinders University

Pregnancy and having a baby can be a special time. And families want to feel safe and trust their maternity care.

But when we reviewed the evidence, we found many Indigenous families globally face unfair treatment during pregnancy and birth. This can include racism, neglecting cultural aspects of their care, or using health care poorly designed to accommodate their needs.

We found similar themes in research involving more than 1,400 Indigenous women, Elders, fathers, family members and health workers from locations including Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United States, Greenland and Sápmi (parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia).

Many Indigenous families felt disrespected. They said hospital staff often didn’t understand their cultures or give them basic rights during their maternity care, such as being listened to, included in decision-making, or giving informed consent.

As a result, some families felt hesitant to seek care in mainstream hospitals. As one Indigenous woman told us during recent Australian research submitted for publication:

I’m dreading birthing in such a system.

But there are alternatives.

What can hospitals do?

There is a clear need to improve birthing services and cultural safety in mainstream hospitals with a focus on respecting the beliefs, practices and traditions of all families, including Indigenous ones.

For example, many Indigenous families view childbirth as a communal event with extended family support. But hospital policies that limit the number of support people often disregard these important cultural practices.

Indigenous families also need to get the type of health care they trust and feel comfortable with. Ideally this might involve staff with sound cultural knowledge and who can support families clinically in a culturally safe way.

Aboriginal patient liaison officers are sometimes available in hospitals or health services. But there are not often enough, they have to service entire facilities, and they provide cultural support not clinical patient care.

Indigenous families may also want to access a specific type of care. One example is “continuity of care”, where the same midwife or a small team of midwives, supports the family through the whole pregnancy. Ideally, these midwives should be Indigenous or, if not, be trained in supporting Indigenous families with respect and understanding.

What is ‘birthing on Country’?

For Indigenous women living in rural and remote areas, being sent away from home to give birth in a city hospital can be really hard.

Sometimes women and families are evacuated from their home communities and have to stay for weeks or months in temporary accommodation in the city, both before and after birth, or if their baby is born pre-term and needs extra care. This temporary accommodation can be far from the hospital.

All this takes place in unknown cities and towns, without family support, and sometimes away from their other children cared for by the community back home.

This makes it harder for mums who need extra support, and can get in the way of starting breastfeeding and bonding with their baby.

Again, there is an alternative. For many Indigenous families, giving birth is not just about having a baby. It’s also a spiritual and cultural event that strengthens their identity and connection to Country. A “birthing on Country” model of care, which respects Indigenous traditions and knowledge, reinforces that.

This is midwife-led care designed for and with Indigenous communities. It doesn’t mean you have to birth in rural and remote spaces, but it is a model of care that focuses on culture, and can also be implemented in the city.

Ideally, families would see the same midwife or team of midwives and use the “birthing on Country” model.

What else can we do?

Maternity services can be led by Indigenous people, which many women prefer. But Indigenous staff make up about 3.1% of the Australian health workforce.

So it is crucial to engage non-Indigenous staff in building relationships and to support Indigenous families in their right to receive culturally safe care.

This can start with better training for staff, not only to understand and respond to an Indigenous person’s individual needs, but to know when and how to speak up, call out or report racist or disrespectful behaviour.

This is everyone’s problem

A health system you can trust should be safe for everyone. If some people feel unsafe or face discrimination when getting care, this not only affects them, it affects everyone.

For instance, when Indigenous women avoid or delay going to the hospital because of past bad experiences or discrimination, it can lead to health problems that could have been prevented.

This not only harms the women, it puts more pressure on the public health system, which affects us all.

By talking about these issues, we hope all Australians begin to care about the safety of all women during pregnancy and birth.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘I’m dreading birthing in such a system’: what Indigenous women globally think of birth care and what they’d like to see instead – https://theconversation.com/im-dreading-birthing-in-such-a-system-what-indigenous-women-globally-think-of-birth-care-and-what-theyd-like-to-see-instead-256877

Iran accuses US over ‘torpedoed diplomacy’ – passes bill to halt UN nuclear watchdog cooperation

BEARING WITNESS: By Cole Martin in occupied Bethlehem

Kia ora koutou,

I’m a Kiwi journo in occupied Bethlehem, here’s a brief summary of today’s events across the Palestinian and Israeli territories from on the ground.

At least 79 killed and 391 injured by Israeli forces in Gaza over the last 24 hours, including 33 killed and 267 injured while seeking aid at the US-Israel “humanitarian” centres.

*

Three killed and 7 injured by settler pogrom on the town of Kafr Malik, northeast of Ramallah; setting fire to houses and cars, and protected by soldiers. Israeli forces shot and killed 15-year-old Rayan Houshia west of Jenin as they retreated from resistance fighters, after using a civilian home as military barracks; also invading several towns across the West Bank, firing teargas into al-Fawar refugee camp south of Hebron, sound-bombs near the Jenin Grand Mosque in the north, and arresting several Palestinians.

Al Quds/Jerusalem’s old city faced low visitor numbers even after restrictions were lifted by the Israeli occupation. Jerusalem Governate reported 623 homes and facilities demolished by Israel since October 2023.

*

Palestinian political prisoner Amar Yasser Al-Amour was released after 2.5 years without charge or trial in Israeli prisons. Thousands remain detained illegally in this way. Another freed prisoner Fares Bassam Hanani mourned his mother who passed away while he was imprisoned. Mohammad al-Ghushi, also freed, was taken to hospital to have his kidney removed due to torture and medical neglect he faced in Israeli prisons.

*

The unexpected ceasefire between Israel, America, and Iran appears to be holding for now. Iranian officials say the US “torpedoed diplomacy” and have passed a bill to halt cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA.

Cole Martin is an independent New Zealand photojournalist based in the Middle East and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Parenthood or podium? It’s time Australian athletes had the support to choose both

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jasmine Titova, PhD Candidate, CQUniversity Australia

When tennis legend Serena Williams
retired in 2022, she stated:

If I were a guy, I wouldn’t be writing this because I’d be out there playing and winning while my wife was doing the physical labour of expanding our family.

Many elite athletes end their sporting careers prematurely to have children, with the physical burden of pregnancy one of many barriers.

Despite these barriers, a growing number of elite athletes are proving motherhood and elite sport are compatible and even complementary – but they need better support.

Responding to this need, the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) today announced new recommendations in this space, which are the most comprehensive of their kind globally.

Just seven years out from Brisbane 2032 Olympics and Paralympics, this clearer new policy could give confidence to countless Australian athletes who are determined to become parents as well as striving for the podium.

The push for more support

Women can train safely during and after pregnancy but it is often practical challenges – like a lack of contract security, ranking and categorisation protection and limited access to parenting facilities – that prevent them from continuing in their sport.

In Australia, Olympic sprint kayaker Alyce Wood, marathon runner Genevieve Gregson and water polo player Keesja Gofers have gone on to reach personal bests and career-highs after having children. These athletes have highlighted the challenges and gaps they faced along the way, despite organisational support for athlete mums improving in recent years.

Alongside others athlete mums, they are now advocating for better support systems.

This call to action has become increasingly urgent as women’s sport experiences unprecedented growth through increased visibility, investment and professionalisation.

Research driving change

Our CQUniversity research team partnered with the AIS and the Queensland Academy of Sport to develop national evidence-based recommendations to guide sporting organisations in how to support pregnant and parenting athletes.

Underpinning these recommendations was a comprehensive series of studies spanning four years.

The project began by exploring global findings to understand the barriers and enablers faced by elite athletes during preconception, pregnancy, postpartum and parenting.

Our research found elite athletes encounter more than 30 unique barriers during these critical windows, including:

  • challenges planning pregnancy around sporting competitions
  • the physical impacts of pregnancy and childbirth
  • training considerations
  • the logistics and cost of caring for an infant while travelling.

Central to these findings was sporting organisations’ lack of pregnancy and parenting policies.

A subsequent review found only 22 out of 104 (21%) national sporting organisations had at least one policy detailing support for pregnant and parenting athletes.

Listening to athletes and staff

To better understand the gaps, our research team met with more than 60 elite women athletes, support staff (like coaches and health professionals) and organisational staff across 25 sports.

We investigated the experiences and needs of elite athlete mothers and those planning children.

We discovered the vast majority were unhappy with the level of pregnancy and parenting support provided by sporting organisations.

They cited a lack of clear frameworks and women’s health education, prevailing stigma, discrimination and limited access to parenting facilities as key barriers.

As one athlete shared:

No one ever talks about it [starting a family] in my environment. It feels like a taboo topic because it’s kind of expected that it’s something you think about after sport. Like, your priority should be training and performing.

Another athlete described:

I’ve got a lot of friends who have also tried [returning after children] and have just not wanted to return because of the environment and lack of [organisational] support […] you have to go back to club level and then work your way back up to state and national level without any help or support.

This input helped shape the AIS recommendations, which are the most comprehensive of their kind globally.

They comprise of 19 policy recommendations and 89 practice recommendations (practical, actionable steps for sporting organisations to follow).

The guide is also the first to include a suite of resources including pregnancy and return-to-sport plan templates, checklists, frameworks and helpful resources to support implementation.

With the adoption of these recommendations, athletes will be able to:

  • disclose pregnancy on their own terms (excluding required medical clearances and safety precautions)
  • develop and regularly review a comprehensive, individualised plan guiding them through preconception, pregnancy, postpartum and parenting, in collaboration with relevant staff
  • take time away from their sport during preconception, pregnancy and postpartum without facing financial or ranking/categorisation implications
  • have continued access to facilities, services and relevant professionals during preconception, pregnancy and postpartum
  • maintain their preferred level of engagement with the sporting organisation while taking parenting leave.

Sporting organisations adopting the recommendations should:

  • implement accessible pregnancy policies
  • educate athletes and staff on reproductive health
  • provide essential parenting facilities like designated breastfeeding and childcare spaces.

The recommendations mark a significant step forward for women’s sport, directly addressing longstanding barriers. They will ensure women athletes receive the same basic rights and privileges standard for parents in most Australian workplaces.

The Conversation

Jasmine Titova received funding from the Australian Institute of Sport and the Australian Government’s Research Training Program.

Melanie Hayman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Parenthood or podium? It’s time Australian athletes had the support to choose both – https://theconversation.com/parenthood-or-podium-its-time-australian-athletes-had-the-support-to-choose-both-257725

Papua New Guinea police blame overrun system for prison breakouts

By Margot Staunton, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

Police in Papua New Guinea say the country’s overrun courts and prisons are behind mass breakouts from police custody.

Chief Superintendent Clement Dala made the comment after 13 detainees escaped on Tuesday in Simbu Province, including eight who were facing murder charges.

Dala said an auxiliary policeman who had the keys to a holding cell at Kundiawa Police Station is also on the run.

Police are investigating a claim by local media that he is the partner of a female escapee who was facing trial for murder.

Six police officers on duty at the time have been suspended for 21 days while investigations continue.

“The auxiliary officer is not a recognised police officer and should not have had the key, but it appears he was helping the sole police officer on cell duties,” said Dala, who is the acting assistant commissioner for three Highlands provinces.

Dala said it appeared the auxiliary officer wandered off for a meal and left the cell door open at the entrance to the police station.

“He may have played a role in assisting the escapees, but we are still trying to find out exactly what happened.”

‘Probably hiding somewhere’
“If we find it was deliberate then he will definitely be arrested. He is probably hiding somewhere nearby and we’ll get to him as soon as we can,” he said.

As of yesterday, none of the escapees had been caught. Police are relying on community leaders to encourage them to surrender.

But this could take a month or longer and police fear some could reoffend.

He said the police have previously been told not to use auxiliary officers in any official capacity as they were community liaison officers.

“This is a symptom of our severe staff shortages, but I have reissued an instruction banning them from frontline duties,” he said.

Dala said PNG’s courts and prisons were completely overrun, and this was the main reason detainees in police custody escape.

Up to 200 people on remand
He said on any given day there could be up to 200 people on remand in police cells under his command and many brought in weapons and drugs.

“We have different cells for different remandees, but if we are overcrowded we have to keep prisoners in the main corridor, especially those who have committed minor crimes,” he said.

Dala said some remand prisoners were being kept in police holding cells for more than a month.

He said the police had faced a lack of political will to deal with severe staff shortages, a lack of training across the force and outdated infrastructure.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Stable public housing in the first year of life boosts children’s wellbeing years down the track – new research

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jaimie Monk, Research Fellow, Motu Economic and Public Policy Research

Phil Walter/Getty Images

New Zealand’s unaffordable housing market means low-income families face big constraints on their accommodation options. This involves often accepting housing that is insecure, cold, damp or in unsuitable neighbourhoods.

But little is known about the impact of housing type early in life on children’s wellbeing over time.

Using data from nearly 6,000 children in the Growing Up in New Zealand study, our new research compared outcomes for children provided with public housing support during the crucial earliest years (pregnancy through to nine months) with those in other types of housing.

What we found supports ongoing investment in secure, quality housing as a way to reduce inequalities in New Zealand – particularly for those with very young children.

Importantly, by the age of 12, children who started life in public housing had higher levels of wellbeing than some of their peers.

Tracking wellbeing

For our project, we used data on the type of housing at nine months of age, as well as mothers’ assessments of children’s social and emotional development across the period when the children were two to nine years old.

The final data we used were the children’s own responses regarding their quality of life at 12 years old.

Housing was categorised into four types: private ownership (52.3% of children), public rental (9.1%), private rental (35.8%) or other (2.9%).

The New Zealand government provides housing subsidies to approximately 7% of the population. Public housing comprises around 4% of the country’s housing stock.

Demand for help has remained high, with 20,300 people on the waitlist for social housing in December 2024. At the same time, Kāinga Ora has axed 212 housing projects because they did not stack up financially, or were in the wrong locations.

Housing influences behaviour

Throughout our research, we found children who began life in public housing were the group facing the most disadvantage. They exhibited higher levels of behavioural difficulties in early childhood than those in other housing types.

These behavioural difficulties include conduct, hyperactivity and emotional or peer relationship problems. However, their difficulty scores declined more steeply over time, getting closer to their peers by age nine.

In contrast, children’s trajectories of prosocial behaviour, such as being kind and helpful, were the same for each group.

By 12, self-reported wellbeing for children who started life in public housing was at or above that of their peers in private rentals, despite being in the most disadvantaged group in their early years.

These results are different to the outcomes seen in similar research from Australia which found children in public housing had widening gaps in wellbeing compared with their peers in privately owned houses.

In New Zealand, factors such as strong relationships with important adults such as parents and teachers, and reduced exposure to bullying, were found to be more strongly associated with quality of life at this age than housing type or frequency of moving house.

The importance of a stable home

Our work focuses on the early years of a child’s life where security, financial stability and a warm, dry home are important for children’s healthy development. Public housing filled this need for many low-income families.

Despite the positive results seen at 12, gaps in behavioural development between children from the public housing group and their peers were apparent when children started school.

These differences in school readiness mean these children are likely to need wider support to ensure they can make the most of long-term educational opportunities.

But overall, having access to public housing in infancy appears to have cumulative benefits for vulnerable children in New Zealand, providing a stable base for families as children start their lives.

The Conversation

Jaimie Monk received funding from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment Endeavour Programme for this research and has previously received funding from the Ministry of Social Development.

ref. Stable public housing in the first year of life boosts children’s wellbeing years down the track – new research – https://theconversation.com/stable-public-housing-in-the-first-year-of-life-boosts-childrens-wellbeing-years-down-the-track-new-research-259534

From HAL 9000 to M3GAN: what film’s evil robots tell us about contemporary tech fears

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Daniel, Associate Lecturer in Communication, Western Sydney University

© 2025 Universal Studios. All Rights Reserved.

Filmgoers have long been captivated by stories about robots. We are fascinated by their utopian promise, their superhuman intelligence and, in the case of the cyborg, their often uncanny resemblance to humans.

But it is the evil robot – the machine that malfunctions, rebels or was built to harm – that has most powerfully gripped the collective imagination of audiences.

From the silent menace of Maschinenmensch in 1927’s Metropolis, to the relentless pursuit of the Terminator, to the campy violence of M3GAN, evil robots continue to resonate.

These films not only thrill, scare and entertain audiences. They also reflect deep-seated cultural anxieties about the unpredictable consequences of the current and future human-robot relationship.

The killer robot is far from a simple villain. It is a mirror held up to some of the most pressing cultural questions we have about human autonomy and responsibility in the digital age.

The precarity of human control

The enduring appeal of the evil robot narrative lies in the way horror often channels our deepest cultural anxieties about the speed of technological advancement and the precarity of human control in an increasingly digital (and robotic) world.

In The Spark of Fear, scholar Brian Duchaney posits that improvements in technology necessitate new types of horror stories, and that horror as a genre acts out our distrust of the social advances that new technology brings.

In the late 1960s, there was unease about the growing sophistication of computers and the impacts of the Space Race. HAL 9000 of 2001: A Space Odyssey (1968) represented this threat through a disembodied AI that icily turned against its human creators.

The android Ash in Alien (1979) added another layer of menace, disguised as a human embedded in the spacecraft crew and programmed to prioritise corporate interests over human life. In this case, Ash became a proxy for concerns over corporate adoption of automation, and the increasing role of technology in military and industrial contexts.

During the Cold War era, fears of nuclear annihilation and concerns over reaching a point where we could no longer switch off the machines led to the unforgettable T-800 and shape-shifting T-1000 in the first two Terminator films (1984 and 1991).

In the 21st century, as artificial intelligence and robotics became more prevalent in everyday life, the cinematic robot has entered our homes, culminating in M3GAN’s companion-gone-rogue.

In M3GAN (2022), Gemma (Allison Williams) is a robotics designer who creates an AI-powered companion doll to help her orphaned niece Cady (Violet McGraw) cope with her grief. But the doll becomes dangerously overprotective.

In M3GAN 2.0 (2025), the consciousness of the titular robot appears to have survived the 2022 film and, in a move that borrows from The Terminator 2, M3GAN shifts from villain to protector.

The new film explores the consequences of the underlying tech for M3GAN being stolen and misused by a powerful defence contractor to create a military-grade robot, known as Amelia. The only option to counteract Amelia is for Gemma to resurrect M3GAN – complete with upgrades to make her faster, stronger and more deadly.

Our technological anxieties

Why is M3GAN such an effective avatar for our contemporary anxieties?

Horror theorist Noël Carroll argues that monsters are often frightening because they don’t fit neatly into normal categories. They may be “in-between” things (such as part human, part machine) or contradictory (for example a zombie: both alive and dead at the same time).

M3GAN is a great example of both. She looks and acts like a young girl, with expressive facial features and a snarky sense of humour. But she’s really just artificial intelligence inside a robot body.

She’s also contradictory: she is designed to care for and protect her owner, yet she does so in exceedingly violent and deadly ways. These paradoxes make her both frightening and fascinating for audiences.

M3GAN and M3GAN 2.0 bring to the surface our technological anxieties, and defuse them through their camp qualities.

One sequence in the earlier film sees M3GAN break into a fluid yet unsettling dance, mimicking the performance of many a TikTok teen, only for the dance to end abruptly when she snatches a paper cutter blade and returns to stalking her victim.

This meme-ified moment – combined with some deadpan one-liners and often comically ironic facial expressions – have led to M3GAN becoming a gay icon in the wake of the original film.

M3GAN’s campiness doesn’t completely neutralise the horror. It reformulates it, offering a cathartic release that makes the subject matter more digestible. While we feel fear, we do so without real-world consequences. The fear is disarmed through humour.

This multifaceted horror experience more fully reflects the complexities of our evolving relationship with new technology. These relationships often move through a spectrum of concern, anxiety and fear before we find ways to manage and normalise those feelings.

Humour and catharsis are two of these coping mechanisms. Movies provide us with a way of neatly and temporarily resolving what often remain unresolved questions.

Films like M3GAN 2.0 illustrate how horror narratives can also transform alongside the technologies they critique, offering not only tension and jump scares, but also philosophical consideration, comedy and cathartic release.

The Conversation

Adam Daniel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. From HAL 9000 to M3GAN: what film’s evil robots tell us about contemporary tech fears – https://theconversation.com/from-hal-9000-to-m3gan-what-films-evil-robots-tell-us-about-contemporary-tech-fears-258397

Yes, Victoria’s efforts to wean households off gas have been dialled back. But it’s still real progress

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University

MirageC/Getty

On the question of gas, Victoria’s government faces pressure from many directions.

The Bass Strait wells supplying Australia’s most gas-dependent state are running dry. Gas prices shot up in 2020 and have stayed high. Natural gas is mainly methane, a potent greenhouse gas.

But weaning more than two million gas-using households off the fossil fuel is hard. The gas lobby pushed back against proposed changes, as did the Victorian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, while resistance from some stakeholders led to a backdown on plans to phase out gas cooktops.

That’s why the government’s decision to introduce most of the proposed changes is good news. Early plans to require dead gas heaters to be replaced with electric are gone for private housing. But from 2027, new homes have to be all-electric, while landlords will have to replace defunct gas appliances with electric and have ceiling insulation. The move will cut energy bills and accelerate the shift away from gas.

How did we get here?

This week’s announcement comes after lengthy consultation on changes first proposed in 2021.

Some early responses have been supportive, though the gas industry isn’t happy, claiming the reforms will restrict customer choice and cost households more.

Premier Jacinta Allan pitched the announcement as a way to reserve dwindling and more expensive gas supplies for industry, stating:

by 2029, these reforms will unlock just under 12 petajoules of gas every year […] by 2035, they’ll deliver 44 PJ annually – enough to meet 85% of Victoria’s forecast industrial demand.

What are the main changes?

From January 2027, all newly built homes have to be all-electric. This closes a loophole in existing rules where the all-electric rule only applied to new houses requiring a planning permit.

When a gas hot water system reaches end of life in an existing house, it will have to be replaced with an efficient electric alternative from March 2027.

The news is even better for the rental sector.

In 2021, the state government introduced minimum requirements for rentals. These are now being upgraded to include improved energy efficiency.

From March 2027, new energy efficiency rules will apply to rentals and public housing, including:

  • gas hot water systems and heaters must be replaced with efficient heat pumps at end of life

  • at the start of a new lease, the rental must have draught proofing, ceiling insulation installed with a minimum R5.0 rating when there is no insulation already, and an efficient electric cooling system in the main living area.

To help households transition, all upgrades are covered under the Victorian Energy Upgrades program which will help reduce capital costs.

These plans are welcome. They will cut household energy bills and help meet wider sustainability goals.

As any Victorian who has sweltered over summer or frozen through winter knows, many of the state’s houses are not great on thermal performance. Most existing homes were built before the introduction of minimum standards in the early 2000s.

Older homes are also more likely to present health risks such as mould and damp.

gas hot water system.
Old gas hot water units in Victoria can be repaired, but replacements will have to be electric from 2027.
Rusty Todaro/Shutterstock

Trade-offs proved necessary

During the consultation period, the Victorian government floated even more ambitious plans, such as requiring all households to replace dead gas heaters with efficient electric options.

The government originally explored making electric induction cooktops mandatory in new builds. These plans didn’t get through, potentially because of the attachment some householders feel to their gas heaters and cooktops, as we found in our research.

The state government looks to have decided not to let perfect be the enemy of the good. Better to make significant improvements even with some trade-offs.

When the market isn’t enough

Policymakers usually prefer the market to find solutions rather than requiring change through regulations.

This isn’t always possible. Here, Victoria’s gas supply challenges, subpar housing stock and the pressing need to act on climate change means regulatory nudges are needed.

Could the government’s changes trigger a backlash? It’s possible, especially if the changes are framed as an added cost to landlords and their tenants. All-electric households are cheaper to run, but it costs money upfront to replace appliances. Waiting until an appliance’s end of life and providing upgrade subsidies will help reduce the cost impact. High gas-users save more – a Melbourne household quitting gas would save almost A$14,000 over ten years.

18 months until launch

The first of these changes will be in place in just 18 months.

Schemes such as this have to be structured carefully. To ensure they work as well as possible for renters in particular, we suggest measures to avoid unintended consequences, such as means-testing any subsidy schemes to avoid leaving out lower-income households.

We found many householders cannot access reliable information on retrofits and don’t always trust the skills and information given by tradespeople. This is why it’s vital to have accessible, independent, accurate and trustworthy support in understanding how best to replace gas appliances with electric – and how to assess tradie qualifications.

The government’s decision to exempt rentals with existing ceiling insulation means rentals with old or compacted insulation will miss out.

Victoria should instead look to the Australian Capital Territory, which mandates installation of new R5.0 insulation if existing insulation isn’t at least R2.

The government must also ensure renters don’t carry the upfront cost of the upgrades in higher rent. In Sweden, rent increases linked to energy efficiency upgrades were banned.

For the public to take to these changes, the government must ensure communication is clear and early and that any financial support is adequate and targeted to those most in need.

The Conversation

Trivess Moore has received funding from various organisations including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian government and various industry partners. He is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network.

Nicola Willand has received funding for research from various organisations, including the Australian Research Council, the Victorian state government, the Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation, the Future Fuels Collaborative Research Centre, the National Health and Medical Research Council, Energy Consumers Australia and the British Academy. She is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network charity and affiliated with the Australian Institute of Architects.

Sarah Robertson has received funding from various organisations, including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian state government, Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation, and VicHealth. She is a Steering Committee member for Future Earth Australia.

ref. Yes, Victoria’s efforts to wean households off gas have been dialled back. But it’s still real progress – https://theconversation.com/yes-victorias-efforts-to-wean-households-off-gas-have-been-dialled-back-but-its-still-real-progress-259695

From HAL 9000 to ME3AN: what film’s evil robots tell us about contemporary tech fears

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Daniel, Associate Lecturer in Communication, Western Sydney University

© 2025 Universal Studios. All Rights Reserved.

Filmgoers have long been captivated by stories about robots. We are fascinated by their utopian promise, their superhuman intelligence and, in the case of the cyborg, their often uncanny resemblance to humans.

But it is the evil robot – the machine that malfunctions, rebels or was built to harm – that has most powerfully gripped the collective imagination of audiences.

From the silent menace of Maschinenmensch in 1927’s Metropolis, to the relentless pursuit of the Terminator, to the campy violence of M3GAN, evil robots continue to resonate.

These films not only thrill, scare and entertain audiences. They also reflect deep-seated cultural anxieties about the unpredictable consequences of the current and future human-robot relationship.

The killer robot is far from a simple villain. It is a mirror held up to some of the most pressing cultural questions we have about human autonomy and responsibility in the digital age.

The precarity of human control

The enduring appeal of the evil robot narrative lies in the way horror often channels our deepest cultural anxieties about the speed of technological advancement and the precarity of human control in an increasingly digital (and robotic) world.

In The Spark of Fear, scholar Brian Duchaney posits that improvements in technology necessitate new types of horror stories, and that horror as a genre acts out our distrust of the social advances that new technology brings.

In the late 1960s, there was unease about the growing sophistication of computers and the impacts of the Space Race. HAL 9000 of 2001: A Space Odyssey (1968) represented this threat through a disembodied AI that icily turned against its human creators.

The android Ash in Alien (1979) added another layer of menace, disguised as a human embedded in the spacecraft crew and programmed to prioritise corporate interests over human life. In this case, Ash became a proxy for concerns over corporate adoption of automation, and the increasing role of technology in military and industrial contexts.

During the Cold War era, fears of nuclear annihilation and concerns over reaching a point where we could no longer switch off the machines led to the unforgettable T-800 and shape-shifting T-1000 in the first two Terminator films (1984 and 1991).

In the 21st century, as artificial intelligence and robotics became more prevalent in everyday life, the cinematic robot has entered our homes, culminating in M3GAN’s companion-gone-rogue.

In M3GAN (2022), Gemma (Allison Williams) is a robotics designer who creates an AI-powered companion doll to help her orphaned niece Cady (Violet McGraw) cope with her grief. But the doll becomes dangerously overprotective.

In M3GAN 2.0 (2025), the consciousness of the titular robot appears to have survived the 2022 film and, in a move that borrows from The Terminator 2, M3GAN shifts from villain to protector.

The new film explores the consequences of the underlying tech for M3GAN being stolen and misused by a powerful defence contractor to create a military-grade robot, known as Amelia. The only option to counteract Amelia is for Gemma to resurrect M3GAN – complete with upgrades to make her faster, stronger and more deadly.

Our technological anxieties

Why is M3GAN such an effective avatar for our contemporary anxieties?

Horror theorist Noël Carroll argues that monsters are often frightening because they don’t fit neatly into normal categories. They may be “in-between” things (such as part human, part machine) or contradictory (for example a zombie: both alive and dead at the same time).

M3GAN is a great example of both. She looks and acts like a young girl, with expressive facial features and a snarky sense of humour. But she’s really just artificial intelligence inside a robot body.

She’s also contradictory: she is designed to care for and protect her owner, yet she does so in exceedingly violent and deadly ways. These paradoxes make her both frightening and fascinating for audiences.

M3GAN and M3GAN 2.0 bring to the surface our technological anxieties, and defuse them through their camp qualities.

One sequence in the earlier film sees M3GAN break into a fluid yet unsettling dance, mimicking the performance of many a TikTok teen, only for the dance to end abruptly when she snatches a paper cutter blade and returns to stalking her victim.

This meme-ified moment – combined with some deadpan one-liners and often comically ironic facial expressions – have led to M3GAN becoming a gay icon in the wake of the original film.

M3GAN’s campiness doesn’t completely neutralise the horror. It reformulates it, offering a cathartic release that makes the subject matter more digestible. While we feel fear, we do so without real-world consequences. The fear is disarmed through humour.

This multifaceted horror experience more fully reflects the complexities of our evolving relationship with new technology. These relationships often move through a spectrum of concern, anxiety and fear before we find ways to manage and normalise those feelings.

Humour and catharsis are two of these coping mechanisms. Movies provide us with a way of neatly and temporarily resolving what often remain unresolved questions.

Films like M3GAN 2.0 illustrate how horror narratives can also transform alongside the technologies they critique, offering not only tension and jump scares, but also philosophical consideration, comedy and cathartic release.

The Conversation

Adam Daniel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. From HAL 9000 to ME3AN: what film’s evil robots tell us about contemporary tech fears – https://theconversation.com/from-hal-9000-to-me3an-what-films-evil-robots-tell-us-about-contemporary-tech-fears-258397

Remote cave discovery shows ancient voyagers brought rice across 2,300km of Pacific Ocean

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hsiao-chun Hung, Senior Research Fellow, School of Culture, History & Language, Australian National University

Ritidian beach, Guam. Hsiao-chun Hung

In a new study published today in Science Advances, my colleagues and I have uncovered the earliest evidence of rice in the Pacific Islands – at an ancient cave site on Guam in the Mariana Islands of western Micronesia.

The domesticated rice was transported by the first islanders, who sailed 2,300 kilometres of open ocean from the Philippines about 3,500 years ago.

The discovery settles long-standing academic debates and satisfies decades of curiosity about the origins and lifestyles of early Pacific peoples.

The case of the Marianas, located more than 2,000km east of the Philippines and northeast of Indonesia, is especially intriguing. These islands were the first places in Remote Oceania reached by anyone, in this case inhabited for the first time by Malayo-Polynesian-speaking populations from islands in Southeast Asia.

For nearly two decades, scholars debated the timing and the overseas source of these first islanders, the ancestors of today’s Chamorro people. How did they come to Guam and the Marianas?

Archaeological research has confirmed settlement in the Mariana Islands 3,500 years ago at several sites in Guam, Tinian and Saipan.

In 2020, the first ancient DNA analysis from Guam confirmed what archaeology and linguistics had suggested: the early settlers came from central or northern Philippines. Further ancestral links trace them back to Taiwan, the homeland of both their language and their genetics.

A well-planned journey with rice onboard

Was this epic voyage intentional or accidental? What food source allowed these early seafarers to survive?

Today, Pacific islanders rely mostly on breadfruit, banana, coconut, taro and yams. Rice, though a staple food in ancient and modern Asian societies, is challenging to grow in the Pacific due to environmental constraints, including soil type, rainfall and terrain.

Rice was originally domesticated in central China about 9,000 years ago and was spread by Neolithic farming communities as they migrated to new regions. One of the most remarkable of these expansions began in coastal southern China, moved to Taiwan, and spread through the islands of Southeast Asia into the Pacific.

The migration laid the foundations of the Austronesian world, which today comprises nearly 400 million individuals dispersed across an expansive area stretching from Taiwan to New Zealand, and from Madagascar to Easter Island.

For more than a decade, we searched for evidence of early rice in open archaeological sites across the Mariana Islands, but found nothing conclusive.

This study marks the first clear evidence of ancient rice in the Pacific Islands. It also confirms renowned American linguist Robert Blust’s hypothesis that the earliest Chamorros brought cultivated plants with them, including rice.

We found evidence of rice in the Ritidian Beach Cave, which would have been used for ceremonial purposes.
Hsiao-chun Hung

How we identified the rice

Our research took us to Ritidian Beach Cave in Guam. To confirm what we found in the cave were rice remains, we used phytolith analysis. Phytoliths are microscopic silica structures formed in plant cells that persist long after the plant has decayed.

Once our initial results confirmed the presence of rice, a more detailed analysis revealed we had found the traces of rice husks preserved on the surfaces of ancient earthenware pottery.

Next, we used detailed microscopic analysis to figure out whether these husks had been mixed into the clay to keep it from cracking when it dried (a tempering technique commonly used by ancient potters) or had arrived by other means. We also analysed the sediment to rule out that the husks were deposited at the site later than the pottery.

Our findings showed the rice husks were not used for manufacturing the pottery. Rather, they came from a separate, deliberate activity using the finished pottery bowls.

Rice phytoliths from excavations at Ritidian Beach Cave in Guam.
Hsiao-chun Hung

Ritual use in sacred caves?

The setting of the discovery – a beach cave – gives us another interpretive perspective.

In Chamorro traditions, caves are sacred places for important spiritual practices.

According to records of 1521 through 1602, the Chamorro people in the Marianas grew rice in limited amounts and consumed it only sparingly, reserved for special occasions and critical life events, such as the impending death of a loved one. Rice became more common after the intensive Spanish colonial period, after 1668.

In this context, the ancient islanders more likely used rice during ceremonial practices in or around caves, rather than as a staple food for daily cooking or agriculture.

One of the greatest journeys in human history

This study provides strong evidence that the first long-distance ocean crossings into the Pacific were not accidental. People carefully planned the voyages. Early seafarers brought with them not only the tools of survival but also their symbolic and culturally meaningful plants, such as rice.

They were equipped, prepared and resolute, completing one of the most extraordinary voyages in the history of humanity.

Hsiao-chun Hung receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Remote cave discovery shows ancient voyagers brought rice across 2,300km of Pacific Ocean – https://theconversation.com/remote-cave-discovery-shows-ancient-voyagers-brought-rice-across-2-300km-of-pacific-ocean-259667

500,000 Australians live with mental illness but don’t qualify for the NDIS. A damning new report says they need more support

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sebastian Rosenberg, Associate Professor, Health Research Institute, University of Canberra, and Brain and Mind Centre, University of Sydney

stellalevi/Getty

Half a million Australians are living with moderate to severe mental illness, but they don’t qualify for the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) and cannot access the support they need.

In a damning report released on Tuesday, the Productivity Commission says addressing this gap must be an urgent priority for all governments.

The commission is currently reviewing the Mental Health and Suicide Prevention Agreements, signed by the federal government and each state and territory. They aim to improve the community’s mental health and reduce suicide.

The commission has found little progress, calling the agreements “not fit for purpose”.

So, how did we get here? And what should happen next?

More than a lack of funding

In 1992, the year of Australia’s first national mental health policy, 7.25% of the total health budget was allocated to mental health. In 2022-23, it was still only 7.31%.

Yet, mental health and drug and alcohol issues account for nearly 15% of Australia’s total burden of disease. While mental health remains woefully underfunded, it is hard to expect much change.

However, the commission’s main criticism isn’t about funding – it’s about the fragmented way mental health is tackled and the failure of federal and state governments to work together.

While the agreements may have set out “what to do”, the report says they have failed to describe how change should happen.

This lack of specific objectives, goals and targets has prevented national mental health reform at the scale required.

Psychosocial supports

The report says addressing the lack of psychosocial supports outside the NDIS – a gap that affects 500,000 Australians – must be an urgent priority for states, territories and the federal government.

Psychosocial supports are non-clinical services for people experiencing mental illness that enable them to live independently and safely in the community.

For decades, community and charitable organisations have provided these support services in Australia. They can connect people with mental illness to health, housing, employment, education or other community services. This helps people socialise and maintain relationships and daily living skills.

There is already very strong Australian evidence that psychosocial support services can help people recover from even severe mental illness, improve their quality of life, provide earlier intervention and reduce the burden on hospital-based mental health care.

Yet, Australia has never adequately funded psychosocial care.

In 1992, these services received just under 2% of total spending on mental health by the states and territories. In 2022-23, it was 6%.

The ‘missing middle’

The lack of psychosocial services, and of community-based mental health care more broadly, is one of the key gaps in Australia’s existing mental health system, giving rise to the term “the missing middle”. This describes people with needs too complex for primary care (such as general practice), but not urgent enough to warrant hospital admission.

The introduction of the NDIS failed to arrest this gap – and may have made it worse. The scheme was only ever designed to provide support to 64,000 Australians with the most severe, enduring, psychosocial disability.

In providing funds to set up the NDIS, the federal government, in fact, closed some psychosocial programs it had only recently begun, such as Partners in Recovery and Personal Helpers and Mentors. State and territory funding for psychosocial services was already extremely limited, but they, too, withdrew some community-based supports.

The neglect of psychosocial services fits into a broader pattern that affects all community mental health services because responsibility for mental health is split.

The federal government manages primary mental health services, mostly provided by GPs and psychologists under Medicare. Meanwhile, state and territory governments focus on hospital-based, emergency, acute inpatient and outpatient services.

Currently, nobody is responsible for community mental health care. No wonder these “secondary” services, both clinical and psychosocial, have failed to flourish.

What’s next?

The Productivity Commission’s interim report rightly recommends Australia urgently address this gap in psychosocial care.

Governments are now considering a “foundational supports” funding stream, which would provide psychosocial services for people outside the NDIS.

However, in 2020, the Productivity Commission found our mental health system to be fragmented and disorganised. Just adding one more funding stream or program to this environment probably won’t help.

Before considering who funds what, real mental health reform should be based on a clear map that lays out how our mental health system should be organised and the respective role of medical, clinical and psychosocial care in that system.

Where does the evidence indicate people should go for care? What services should they receive? And what should happen next if their mental health improves or declines?

This kind of system-wide map can guide investments and prioritise reform, region by region. This would properly put the person, not the funders, at the centre of care.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

Sebastian Rosenberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 500,000 Australians live with mental illness but don’t qualify for the NDIS. A damning new report says they need more support – https://theconversation.com/500-000-australians-live-with-mental-illness-but-dont-qualify-for-the-ndis-a-damning-new-report-says-they-need-more-support-259549

‘I’m not going to give up’: how to help more disadvantaged young people go to uni and TAFE

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lucas Walsh, Professor and Director of the Centre for Youth Policy and Education Practice, Monash University

Oliver Rossi/ Getty Images

On Wednesday, Education Minister Jason Clare hailed an increase in the numbers of Australians starting a university degree. In 2024, there was a 3.7% increase in Australian students starting a degree, compared to the year before.

This follows Clare’s ambition to see more Australians with a tertiary qualification. The federal government wants 80% of workers to have a TAFE or university qualification by by 2050, up from the current 60%.

A key part of this will be supporting more young people from disadvantaged backgrounds to go on to further study.

How can we do this? New data from the OECD and a new report from The Smith Family give us further insight into the issues and shows what is working for a group of disadvantaged young Australians.

Young people and career uncertainty

Last month, the OECD launched a tool to track teenagers’ career readiness across internationally comparable indicators.

This shows us how disadvantaged Australian students are less likely than advantaged students to have certainty about the kind of job they would like at age 30 (69% compared to 77%).

In this context, we are talking about socioeconomic disadvantage, including parents’ education and occupation and resources at home. This can have a “powerful influence” on students’ learning outcomes.

Career uncertainty is an issue because studies suggest teenagers who have clear plans typically have better employment outcomes.

What about ambition?

Even for those with some certainty about the kind of occupation they would like to be working in at age 30, there is a significant gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students’ ambitions.

The OECD tool shows 55% of disadvantaged students aspire to work as a senior manager or professional, compared to 80% of advantaged students. Similarly, 56% of disadvantaged students aspire to undertake tertiary education (either via a short course or university) compared to 85% of advantaged students.

Disadvantaged students are also more likely to aspire to an occupation that requires tertiary education while not planning to complete a qualification at that level. One in four (26%) disadvantaged students are misaligned in such ambitions compared to 9% of advantaged students.

Disadvantaged students are less likely to say they feel well-prepared for their future after school (57% compared to 70%) and less likely to have searched the internet for information about careers (80% compared to 91%).

These trends suggest a need to enhance career education in school that supports disadvantaged students to better plan and prepare for their post-school pathways.

What can help?

A new report provides insight into how we can better support disadvantaged young people in their careers.

From 2021 to 2023, The Smith Family did surveys and interviews with the same group of financially disadvantaged young people. There were almost 800 young people in the group, who were in Year 12 in 2020. They came from all Australian states and territories.

Echoing the OECD data, participants were often uncertain about where to go for help or how to develop and pursue a career pathway they valued. The study showed several things can help young people find a path to work, training or study after school. They include:

  • a focus on direct career development skills both at school and post-school. This should include personalised career advice and support, which helps young people articulate their post-school plans and the steps required to achieve this plan

  • support that starts earlier than Year 12

  • support for family members’ to access up-to-date labour market, education and training information and support strategies

  • providing more opportunities to meet employers and build career-related adult networks.

One young person, Byron, talked about how his careers adviser at school had organised for him to meet a paramedic and find out what the role involved.

[My teacher] helped me get information for how I could achieve that goal […].

Braden – whose parents had not finished school – also talked about emotional support provided by his high school teachers:

There were a lot of teachers who were very supportive and really wanted to see me make it through.

Does it work?

With these supports, most young people in the study were trying to build their careers, through work, study or a combination of both.

By their third year after leaving school, 87% were working and/or studying and 60% were on track to complete a post-school qualification. This is up from 77% in the first year of the study. As Evanna, who is working towards her goal of joining the police, said “I’m not going to give up”.

Lucas Walsh receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He has worked with The Smith Family and sits in a voluntary capacity on the Growing Careers Project External Reference Group. He was not involved in the creation of the report discussed in this article

ref. ‘I’m not going to give up’: how to help more disadvantaged young people go to uni and TAFE – https://theconversation.com/im-not-going-to-give-up-how-to-help-more-disadvantaged-young-people-go-to-uni-and-tafe-259444

New climate reporting rules start on July 1. Many companies are not ready for the change

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Baird, Senior Lecturer , University of Tasmania

PaeGAG/Shutterstock

A new financial year starts on July 1. For Australia’s large companies, that means new rules on climate-related disclosures come into force.

These requirements are the culmination of years of planning to ensure companies disclose climate-related risks and opportunities for their business. The Albanese government passed the legislation in September 2024.

To be clear, the time to prepare is gone. From July 1, large public companies and financial institutions must gather significant amounts of information and data to include in a new year-end sustainability report. Collecting all this information is one challenge; another is finding the specialists across many fields to compile the reports.

This is a huge change for corporate Australia. It is a whole new reporting regime, supported by volumes of technical detail. Directors will need to sign off on the report. Investors must also upskill to make sense of the disclosures. Neither of these outcomes is assured.

And it is not clear the increased disclosures will do anything to reduce actual emissions.

Climate impacts in focus

Though it’s called a sustainability report, in reality it is very much focused on climate-related disclosures. If you go looking for wider sustainability matters such as social impact, environmental performance and ethical choices, you will be disappointed.

Markets and ultimately the millions of Australians who hold shares will be watching to find out if:

  1. Corporate Australia is prepared for the transition to this new regulatory regime

  2. End users of the new reports are equipped to decipher and understand the huge amount of additional data.

My research suggests the answer to both questions is a resounding no.

Starting with the big end of town

The government has wisely adopted a three-year transition for the new reporting regime, with only the big end of town facing the music this year. Think the big four banks, big supermarkets and large miners.

Some large corporations have been publishing sustainability reports for years. National Australia Bank, for example, published its first one in 2017.

Over the next two years, medium and then smaller companies will join the fold. By 2027–28, companies will be required to report if they meet two of three thresholds: consolidated revenue of A$50 million, or consolidated gross assets of $25 million, or more than 100 employees.

The reasoning behind the transition is they have the benefit of watching how the larger companies adapt to the new laws.

What has to be disclosed?

Reporting entities must include:

– climate statements for the year plus any notes, and

– the directors’ declaration about these statements and notes

This sounds rather simple and straightforward, but it is not.

Arriving at a completed sustainability report involves an understanding of two detailed documents: the international standards and a new Australian Accounting Sustainability Standard.

The Australian standards are mandatory and based on the international rules. In broad terms, companies will be required to gather and disclose information on many micro-level issues, which are grouped into four categories. These are: governance, strategy, risk management, and metrics and targets.

Some issues will straddle all four categories.

For example, the physical risk of climate change (floods, uninsurable properties, supply chain disruption) can be considered at the board level and in dedicated climate committees (goverance); in planning for alternative supply chains in a climate transition plan (strategy); in risk assessment (risk management) and in data prediction of the costs involved (metrics and targets).

The big challenge for corporate Australia is that the people, expertise and time required to deliver a sustainability report are in short supply.

More than a quarter of ASX 200 companies do not use the international standards. This means they are not positioned to adapt to the new reporting regime. Even for those that have been early adopters, there has been selective use of the four categories.

For the smaller companies that will follow the first reporting year, the stakes are high.

More information is not always better

The amount of new information (much of it technical) to be disclosed will be overwhelming for the producers of the sustainability reports – and for the readers, whether they are institutional or mum-and-dad investors.

The cost of collecting and making sense of the data required to meet detailed reporting requirements will lead to many companies being swamped in data. More data collected does not equal better data.

Deciding what data to collect and then making sense of it so it supports disclosures will be a major headache for most companies.

The new climate disclosure rules will have a profound impact on corporate Australia. There is a significant gap in capacity and capability to meet the requirements of the new reporting regime. And there is a corresponding need to educate the readers of these new reports to make effective use of the disclosed information.

Rachel Baird does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New climate reporting rules start on July 1. Many companies are not ready for the change – https://theconversation.com/new-climate-reporting-rules-start-on-july-1-many-companies-are-not-ready-for-the-change-258706

Whose story is being told — and why? 4 questions museum visitors should ask themselves this school holidays

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Olli Hellmann, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Waikato

The winter school holidays will mean families across Aotearoa New Zealand will be looking for indoor activities to entertain children. With millions of visitors each year, museums focused on the country’s history will inevitably play host to local and international visitors.

Museums tend to enjoy a high level of trust among the public. They’re widely seen as neutral, factual sources of historical knowledge.

But like all forms of storytelling, museums present the past in particular ways. They narrate events from a certain group’s or individual’s perspective and explain why events unfolded in the way they did.

In this respect, museums are not so different from historical films. Consider the different ways two recent movies – 1917 and the remake of All Quiet on the Western Front – narrate the first world war.

In 1917, the storyteller takes the British side, encouraging viewers to invest in the bravery and endurance of British soldiers. But All Quiet on the Western Front is narrated from a German perspective, inviting viewers to grieve for German soldiers as victims of a political system that glorified war.

Museum exhibitions tell stories in a similar way. Visitors should be asking not just what story is told, but why.

Spoiler alert: it often has to do with national identity. Museums tell particular stories of the past because these stories support a particular image of New Zealand as a nation.

Four questions for your next museum visit

At its core, every story has two basic ingredients: actors and events. To turn these into a compelling narrative, the storyteller connects the events into a plot, so they build on each other. The storyteller also transforms actors into characters by giving them particular traits — brave, selfish, wise, cruel and the like. Museums do this, too.

As you move through a museum exhibition, try asking yourself the following questions:

1. Which historical events are included — and which are left out?

Every story begins somewhere. Museums choose which events to include and which to leave out, shaping how visitors understand what happened and why.

Take Te Papa’s Gallipoli: The Scale of Our War exhibition. It opens with the landing at ANZAC Cove but skips over events in the lead-up to WWI — such as Britain’s earlier moves to seize Ottoman territories like Cyprus and Egypt.

Leaving these out helps frame Gallipoli as a noble – albeit tragic – “coming of age” for New Zealand. But in reality, ANZAC soldiers were fighting to support Britain’s imperial ambitions in the Middle East.

2. How are events organised into a plot?

Museums don’t just say “this happened, then that happened”. They link events into a larger plot — a chain of cause and effect that explains how one thing led to another. This can happen through text, but also through spatial layout, lighting, sound and other techniques that guide visitors through rising and falling moments of narrative tension.

Often, museums use familiar plot types to connect events. One common example is the quest narrative — a story in which heroes must navigate unknown terrain, and where mistakes are part of the journey and threaten to derail the mission. It’s a bit like The Lord of the Rings: a journey full of challenges, wrong turns and personal growth.

At Te Kōngahu Museum of Waitangi, Aotearoa New Zealand’s Treaty story is told using this quest structure. The Treaty is presented as something unique and unfamiliar and the British, confronted with this unknown, fall back on familiar colonial practices — the “mistake” that led to the New Zealand wars.

Because this misstep is treated as part of the learning curve typical of any quest, the exhibition avoids harder questions about this violent part of history, and instead preserves the image of Aotearoa New Zealand as fundamentally tolerant and respectful.

3. Who are the main actors in the story — and who is missing?

Every story needs protagonists, and whose perspective frames the story matters. In many smaller regional museums, history is still told almost entirely from the viewpoint of European settlers. But what about Māori experiences of colonisation? Or the histories of Chinese communities and other migrants who arrived in the 1800s?

By focusing narrowly on European settlers as the main actors, these museums present a one-sided view of the past and construct an image of New Zealand as a European nation — one that expects others to assimilate.

4. How are the main actors characterised — and how are we meant to feel about them?

It’s not surprising that museums portray some actors positively and others less so. What’s more revealing is how certain individuals are elevated as symbols of the nation and how museums invite us to form personal connections with them.

In Te Papa’s Gallipoli exhibition, visitors can open drawers and boxes containing soldiers’ personal belongings. This intimate activity encourages us to feel close to these figures — not just learning about them, but identifying with them as embodying national qualities: bravery, resilience and a commitment to peace.

Why does this matter?

Historical museum narratives aren’t necessarily inaccurate — but, much like historical movies, they are selective. They highlight certain events, actors and cause-and-effect chains to tell a particular kind of story. Often, that story supports a specific idea of what it means to be an Aotearoa New Zealander.

By reading museum exhibitions with a critical eye, visitors can better understand not just the past, but how storytelling shapes national identity in the present — and imagine how it might be shaped differently.

The Conversation

Olli Hellmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Whose story is being told — and why? 4 questions museum visitors should ask themselves this school holidays – https://theconversation.com/whose-story-is-being-told-and-why-4-questions-museum-visitors-should-ask-themselves-this-school-holidays-259538

Philly psychology students map out local landmarks and hidden destinations where they feel happiest

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eric Zillmer, Professor of Neuropsychology, Drexel University

Rittenhouse Square Park in Center City made it onto the Philly Happiness Map. Matthew Lovette/Jumping Rocks/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

What makes you happy? Perhaps a good night’s sleep, or a wonderful meal with friends?

I am the director of the Happiness Lab at Drexel University, where I also teach a course on happiness. The Happiness Lab is a think tank that investigates the ingredients that contribute to people’s happiness.

Often, my students ask me something along the lines of, “Dr. Z, tell us one thing that will make us happier.”

As a first step, I advise them to spend more time outside.

Achieving lasting and sustainable happiness is more complicated. Research on the happiest countries in the world and the places where people live the longest, known as Blue Zones, shows a common thread: Residents feel they are part of something larger than themselves, such as a community or a city.

So if you’re living in a metropolis like Philadelphia, where, incidentally, the iconic pursuit of happiness charge was ratified in the Declaration of Independence, I believe urban citizenship – that is, forming an identity with your urban surroundings – should also be on your list.

A small boat floats in blue-green waters in front of a picturesque village.
The Greek island of Ikaria in the Aegean Sea is a Blue Zone famous for its residents’ longevity.
Nicolas Economou/NurPhoto via Getty Images

Safety, social connection, beauty

Carl Jung, the renowned Swiss psychoanalyst, wrote extensively about the relationship between our internal world and our external environment.

He believed that this relationship was crucial to our psychological well-being.

More recent research in neuroscience and functional imaging has revealed a vast, intricate and complex neurological architecture underlying our psychological perception of a place. Numerous neurological pathways and functional loops transform a complex neuropsychological process into a simple realization: I am happy here!

For example, a happy place should feel safe.

The country of Croatia, a tourist haven for its beauty and culinary delights, is also one of the top 20 safest countries globally, according to the 2025 Global Peace Index.

The U.S. ranks 128th.

The availability of good food and drink can also be a significant factor in creating a happy place.

However, according to American psychologist Abraham Maslow, a pioneer in the field of positive psychology, the opportunity for social connectivity, experiencing something meaningful and having a sense of belonging is more crucial.

Furthermore, research on happy places suggests that they are beautiful. It should not come as a surprise that the happiest places in the world are also drop-dead gorgeous, such as the Indian Ocean archipelago of Mauritius, which is the happiest country in Africa, according to the 2025 World Happiness Report from the University of Oxford and others.

Happy places often provide access to nature and promote active lifestyles, which can help relieve stress. The residents of the island of Ikaria in Greece, for example, one of the original Blue Zones, demonstrate high levels of physical activity and social interaction.

A Google map display on right with a list of mapped locations on the left.
A map of 28 happy places in Philadelphia, based on 243 survey responses from Drexel students.
The Happiness Lab at Drexel University

Philly Happiness Map

I asked my undergraduate psychology students at Drexel, many of whom come from other cities, states and countries, to pick one place in Philadelphia where they feel happy.

From the 243 student responses, the Happiness Lab curated 28 Philly happy places, based on how frequently the places were endorsed and their accessibility.

Philadelphia’s founder, William Penn, would likely approve that Rittenhouse Square Park and three other public squares – Logan, Franklin and Washington – were included. These squares were vital to Penn’s vision of landscaped public parks to promote the health of the mind and body by providing “salubrious spaces similar to the private garden.” They are beautiful and approachable, serving as “places to rest, take a pause, work, or read a book,” one student told us.

Places such as the Philadelphia Zoo, Penn’s Landing and the Philadelphia Museum of Art are “joyful spots that are fun to explore, and one can also take your parents along if need be,” as another student described.

The Athenaeum of Philadelphia, a historic library with eclectic programming, feels to one student like “coming home, a perfect third place.”

Some students mentioned happy places that are less known. These include tucked-away gardens such as the John F. Collings Park at 1707 Chestnut St., the rooftop Cira Green at 129 S. 30th St. and the James G. Kaskey Memorial Park and BioPond at 433 S. University Ave.

A stone-lined brick path extends through a nicely landscaped outdoor garden area.
The James G. Kaskey Memorial Park and BioPond in West Philadelphia is an urban oasis.
M. Fischetti for Visit Philadelphia

My students said these are small, unexpected spots that provide an excellent opportunity for a quiet, peaceful break, to be present, whether enjoyed alone or with a friend. I checked them out and I agree.

The students also mentioned places I had never heard of even though I’ve lived in the city for over 30 years.

The “cat park” at 526 N. Natrona St. in Mantua is a quiet little park with an eclectic personality and lots of friendly cats.

Mango Mango Dessert at 1013 Cherry St. in Chinatown, which is a frequently endorsed happiness spot among the students because of its “bustling streets, lively atmosphere and delicious food,” is a perfect pit stop for mango lovers. And Maison Sweet, at 2930 Chestnut St. in University City, is a casual bakery and cafe “where you may end up staying longer than planned,” one student shared.

I find that Philly’s happy places, as seen through the eyes of college students, tend to offer a space for residents to take time out from their day to pause, reset, relax and feel more connected and in touch with the city.

Happiness principals are universal, yet our own journeys are very personal. Philadelphians across the city may have their own list of happy places. There are really no right or wrong answers. If you don’t have a personal happy space, just start exploring and you may be surprised what you will find, including a new sense of happiness.

See the full Philly Happiness Map list here, and visit the exhibit at the W.W. Hagerty Library at Drexel University to learn more.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

The Conversation

Eric Zillmer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Philly psychology students map out local landmarks and hidden destinations where they feel happiest – https://theconversation.com/philly-psychology-students-map-out-local-landmarks-and-hidden-destinations-where-they-feel-happiest-258790

Macron invites all New Caledonia stakeholders for Paris talks

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

French President Emmanuel Macron has sent a formal invitation to “all New Caledonia stakeholders” for talks in Paris on the French Pacific territory’s political and economic future to be held on July 2.

The confirmation came on Thursday in the form of a letter sent individually to an undisclosed list of recipients and June 24.

The talks follow a series of roundtables fostered earlier this year by French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls.

But the latest talks, held in New Caledonia under a so-called “conclave” format, stalled on  May 8.

This was mainly because several main components of the pro-France (anti-independence) parties said the draft agreement proposed by Valls was tantamount to a form of independence, which they reject.

The project implied that New Caledonia’s future political status vis-à-vis France could be an associated independence “within France” with a transfer of key powers (justice, defence, law and order, foreign affairs, currency ), a dual New Caledonia-France citizenship and an international standing.

Instead, the pro-France Rassemblement-LR and Loyalistes suggested another project of “internal federalism” which would give more powers (including on tax matters) to each of the three provinces, a notion often criticised as a de facto partition of New Caledonia.

Local elections issue
In May 2024, on the sensitive issue of eligibility at local elections, deadly riots broke out in New Caledonia, resulting in 14 deaths and more than 2 billion euros (NZ$3.8 billion) in damage.

In his letter, Macron writes that although Valls “managed to restore dialogue…this did not allow reaching an agreement on (New Caledonia’s) institutional future”.

“This is why I decided to host, under my presidency, a summit dedicated to New Caledonia and associating the whole of the territory’s stakeholders”.

Macron also wrote that “beyond institutional topics, I wish that our exchanges can also touch on (New Caledonia’s) economic and societal issues”.

Macron made earlier announcements, including on 10 June 2025, on the margins of the recent UNOC Oceans Summit in Nice (France), when he dedicated a significant part of his speech to Pacific leaders attending a “Pacific-France” summit to the situation in New Caledonia.

“Our exchanges will last as long as it takes so that the heavy topics . . . can be dealt with with all the seriousness they deserve”.

Macron also points out that after New Caledonia’s “crisis” broke out on 13 May 2024, “the tension was too high to allow for a dialogue between all the components of New Caledonia’s society”.

Letter sent by French President Emmanuel Macron to New Caledonia’s stakeholders for Paris talks on 2 July 2025. Image: RNZ Pacific

A new deal?
The main political objective of the talks remains to find a comprehensive agreement between all local political stakeholders, in order to arrive at a new agreement that would define the French Pacific territory’s political future and status.

This would then allow to replace the 27-year-old Nouméa Accord, signed in 1998.

That pact put a heavy focus on the notions of “living together” and “common destiny” for New Caledonia’s indigenous Kanaks and all of the other components of its ethnically and culturally diverse society.

It also envisaged an economic “rebalancing” between the Northern and Islands provinces and the more affluent Southern province, where the capital Nouméa is located.

The Nouméa Accord also contained provisions to hold three referendums on self-determination.

The three polls took place in 2018, 2020 and 2021, all of those resulting in a majority of people rejecting independence.

But the last referendum, in December 2021, was largely boycotted by the pro-independence movement.

‘Examine the situation’
According to the Nouméa Accord, after the referendums, political stakeholders were to “examine the situation thus created”, Macron recalled.

But despite several attempts, including under previous governments, to promote political talks, the situation has remained deadlocked and increasingly polarised between the pro-independence and the pro-France camps.

A few days after the May 2024 riots, Macron made a trip to New Caledonia, calling for the situation to be appeased so that talks could resume.

In his June 10 speech to Pacific leaders, Macron also mentioned a “new project” and in relation to the past referendums process, pledged “not to make the same mistakes again”.

He said he believed the referendum, as an instrument, was not necessarily adapted to Melanesian and Kanak cultures.

In practice, the Paris “summit” would also involve French minister for Overseas Manuel Valls.

The list of invited participants would include all parties, pro-independence and pro-France, represented at New Caledonia’s Congress (the local parliament).

But it would also include a number of economic stakeholders, as well as a delegation of Mayors of New Caledonia, as well as representatives of the civil society and NGOs.

Talks could also come in several formats, with the political side being treated separately.

The pro-independence platform FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) has to decide at the weekend whether it will take part in the Paris talks.

FLNKS leader Christian Téin . . . still facing charges over last year’s riots, but released from prison in France providing he does not return to New Caledonia and checks in with investigating judges. Image: Opinion International

Will Christian Téin take part?
During a whirlwind visit to New Caledonia in June 2024, Macron met Christian Téin, the leader of a pro-independence CCAT (Field Action Coordination Cell), created by Union Calédonienne (UC).

Téin was arrested and jailed in mainland France.

In August 2024, while in custody in the Mulhouse prison (northeastern France), he was elected in absentia as president of a UC-dominated FLNKS.

Even though he still faces charges for allegedly being one of the masterminds of the May 2024 riots, Téin was released from jail on June 12 on condition that he does not travel to New Caledonia and reports regularly to French judges.

On the pro-France side, Téin’s release triggered mixed angry reactions.

Other pro-France hard-line components said the Kanak leader’s participation in the Paris talks was simply “unthinkable”.

Pro-independence Tjibaou said Téin’s release was “a sign of appeasement”, but that his participation was probably subject to “conditions”.

“But I’m not the one who makes the invitations,” he told public broadcaster NC la 1ère on 15 June 2025.

FLNKS spokesman Dominique Fochi said in a release Téin’s participation in the talks was earlier declared a prerequisite.

“Now our FLNKS president has been released. He’s the FLNKS boss and we are awaiting his instructions,” Fochi said.

At former roundtables earlier this year, the FLNKS delegation was headed by Union Calédonienne (UC, the main and dominating component of the FLNKS) president Emmanuel Tjibaou.

‘Concluding the decolonisation process’, says Valls
In a press conference on Tuesday in Paris, Valls elaborated some more on the upcoming Paris talks.

“Obviously there will be a sequence of political negotiations which I will lead with all of New Caledonia’s players, that is all groups represented at the Congress. But there will also be an economic and social sequence with economic, social and societal players who will be invited”, Valls said.

During question time at the French National Assembly in Paris on 3 June 2025, Valls said he remained confident that it was “still possible” to reach an agreement and to “reconcile” the “contradictory aspirations” of the pro-independence and pro-France camps.

During the same sitting, pro-France New Caledonia MP Nicolas Metzdorf decried what he termed “France’s lack of ambition” and his camp’s feeling of being “let down”.

The other MP for New Caledonia’s, pro-independence Emmanuel Tjibaou, also took the floor to call on France to “close the colonial chapter” and that France has to “take its part in the conclusion of the emancipation process” of New Caledonia.

“With the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister, and the political forces, we will make offers, while concluding the decolonisation process, the self-determination process, while respecting New Caledonians’ words and at the same time not forgetting history, and the past that have led to the disaster of the 1980s and the catastrophe of May 2024,” he said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Opposition starts on challenge of crafting (yet another) energy policy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The opposition is commencing the challenging task of framing a new energy policy, including deciding whether to stick by its commitment to net zero emissions by 2050.

Liberal leader Sussan Ley, appearing at the National Press Club, announced a Coalition working group on energy and emissions reduction policy. It will report to her and Nationals leader David Littleproud.

Led by energy spokesman Dan Tehan, the group will include shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien, resources spokeswoman Susan McDonald, industry spokesman Alex Hawke, environment spokeswoman Angie Bell and shadow assistant ministers Dean Smith and Andrew Willcox.

The work comes against the background of a significant number of the Nationals and some Liberals wanting to drop the commitment to 2050 net zero. The Coalition signed up to net zero under then Prime Minister Scott Morrison.

Ley said over the course of the term the Coaltion’s task would be to develop a plan with two goals

  • a stable energy grid producing affordable and reliable power for households and businesses, and

  • reducing emissions so Australia was playing its part in the global effort.

“Our approach must be practical and principled as we address both these goals,” she said.

Ley said every member of both Coalition parties would have the opportunity to engage with the work.

She said crippling power price increases had been taking small businesses and factories to the brink.

The opposition this week is having meetings of its frontbenchers and party room, as it ponders on the election disaster. Ley declared bluntly in her speech that the Liberals didn’t just lose – they were “totally smashed”.

The Liberal party has already set up a review of the election defeat but Ley said more was needed.

“This is why our federal executive will soon discuss a more broad-ranging and wider review process of the fundamentals of the Liberal party.

“I believe there is a need for the party as a whole to have a deeper look at the existential issues we face, how our divisional constitutions operate and how we can better serve, support and most importantly grow our membership.

“This will not be an academic exercise. My parliamentary team and I will stay in close touch with out state and territory divisions to ensure success in this important area.”

Queensland Liberal senator James McGrath “will play an integral role in bringing this longer term body of work together”.

“It will be a crucial part of our efforts to better respect, reflect and represent modern Australia.”

Ley stressed she was highly committed to getting more women into the Liberal ranks, without being wedded to a particular way of doing it.

“I’m agnostic on specific methods to make it happen, but I am a zealot that it does actually happen.

“Current approaches have clearly not worked, so I am open to any approach that will.

“The Liberal Party operates as a federated model, meaning each state division determines its own preselection rules.

“If some state divisions choose to implement quotas, that is fine. If others don’t, that is also fine.

“But what is not fine is not having enough women.

“As the first woman leader of our federal party, let me send the clearest possible message: we need to do better, recruit better, retain better and support better.

“That is why I will work with every division, as will my parliamentary team, to ensure we preselect more women for the 2028 election.”

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Opposition starts on challenge of crafting (yet another) energy policy – https://theconversation.com/opposition-starts-on-challenge-of-crafting-yet-another-energy-policy-259683

Election flows reveal nearly 90% of Greens preferenced Labor ahead of Coalition

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

Minor party preference flows for the federal election have been released, with Labor winning Greens preferences by 88.2–11.8, while the Coalition won One Nation preferences by 74.5–24.5. I also cover a SA state poll that gave Labor a massive 67–33 lead.

The Australian Electoral Commission’s results for the May 3 federal election now show how minor parties’ preferences flowed between Labor and the Coalition. The Greens won 12.2% of the national primary vote, and their preferences favoured Labor over the Coalition by 88.2–11.8. That’s a 2.5% preference flow gain for Labor since the 2022 election.

One Nation had 6.4% of primary votes. Their preferences favoured the Coalition over Labor by 74.5–25.5, a 10.2% preference flow gain for the Coalition. Independents made up 7.3% of primary votes, and their preferences favoured Labor by 67.2–32.8, a 3.4% gain for Labor.

Including Trumpet of Patriots (1.9% of primary votes) with others, others made up 7.7% of primary votes and their preferences favoured the Coalition by 57.3–42.7, a 0.6% gain for the Coalition since 2022 if United Australia Party (4.1% in 2022) is included with others then.

The AEC formally declared the poll by returning the writs on June 12. Results can be legally challenged within 40 days of this declaration, so by July 22.

In Bradfield, Teal Nicolette Boele only won by 26 votes against the Liberals, and this result could be challenged.

As the AEC does not want to disturb the ballot papers until any challenge is resolved by the courts, it is for now using an estimated two-party result in Bradfield (55.0–45.0 to the Liberals against Labor). Analyst Ben Raue believes this estimate is understating Labor in Bradfield by 4.4%.

If Raue is right, the current national two-party vote (55.22–44.78 to Labor) is very slightly understating Labor.

While One Nation’s preference shift helped the Coalition, there were compensatory shifts to Labor from Greens and independent voters. The combined primary vote for One Nation and Trumpet of Patriots was down 0.8% from 2022 to 8.3%, while independents were up 2.0%.

Applying 2022 election flows to primary votes at this election only overstates Labor by 0.1% compared to their actual two-party vote.

In my poll review article on June 5, I said respondent allocated preferences in final polls did not show a large gap in the Coalition’s favour from using 2022 election flows that had occurred in polls earlier in the year.

It’s likely that Labor’s share of preferences from Greens and Teal-type independents rose close to the election. People who voted for these candidates may have been disappointed with Labor’s environmental record, but both Peter Dutton and Donald Trump helped Labor with these people.

In the last term, the Greens were economically left-wing as well as pro-environment. Voters who supported the Greens because of their economic agenda are probably less likely to prefer the Coalition to Labor than environmental voters.

The Poll Bludger has a graph that shows that, in federal elections since 2004, Labor’s share of Greens preferences was at a record high this election, but their share of One Nation preferences was at a record low.

Weak Labor flows to Boele

In Bradfield, Labor preferences favoured Boele by 68.6–31.4 against the Liberals.
There were 16 other seats where Labor preferences were distributed between the Coalition and a non-Coalition candidate. The Labor flow to Boele was the second weakest in such seats. This weak flow almost cost Boele Bradfield.

The only seat that had a weaker Labor preference flow to a non-Coalition candidate was Maranoa, where the non-Coalition candidate was One Nation. Labor preferences in Maranoa split 57.9–42.1 to the Liberal National Party against One Nation. In 13 of the 17 seats, Labor preferences flowed at over 75% rates to the non-Coalition candidate.

In early April, the ABC reported Boele had made a crude sexual remark to a 19-year-old employee at a hair salon after receiving a haircut and was banned from that salon. This may explain the weaker preference flow from Labor voters.

Weak Greens flows to Teals in Teal vs Labor contests

There were three seats where the final two were Labor and a Teal independent: Bean, Franklin and Fremantle. In Bean and Fremantle, the Liberals recommended preferences to the Teal on their how to vote material, but not in Franklin.

Labor held all three seats, but only by 50.3–49.7 in Bean and 50.7–49.3 in Fremantle. Labor won much more easily in Franklin, by 57.8–42.2, where they benefited from Liberal how to vote cards.

In Bean, Greens preferences only favoured Teal Jessie Price by 50.6–49.4 over Labor, while Liberal preferences favoured her by 80.0–20.0. In Fremantle, Greens preferences favoured Teal Kate Hulett by 52.9–47.1, while Liberal preferences favoured her by 76.5–23.5. In Franklin, Greens preferences favoured Teal Peter George by 53.8–46.2.

In Bean and Fremantle, had Greens preferences been stronger for the Teal, Labor would have lost to a more pro-environment candidate. Perhaps Labor benefited on Greens preferences owing to the Greens’ more economic left-wing agenda.

And a national Morgan poll, conducted June 2–22 from a sample of 3,957, gave Labor a 58–42 lead, unchanged from the previous Morgan poll in May. Primary votes were 37.5% Labor (up 0.5), 31% Coalition (steady), 12% Greens (up 0.5), 6% One Nation (steady) and 13.5% for all Others (down one).

By 43–41.5, voters thought the country was headed in the right direction, the first time right direction has led since February 2023. The overall net +1.5 rating is +48 with Labor voters, +11.5 with Greens, -43 with Coalition voters, -80.5 with One Nation voters and -17.5 with all Others.

Labor holds massive lead in SA

The next South Australian state election will be held in March 2026. A YouGov poll for The Adelaide Advertiser, conducted May 15–28 from a sample of 903, gave Labor a massive 67–33 lead over the Liberals (54.6–45.4 to Labor at the March 2022 election). Primary votes were 48% Labor, 21% Liberals, 14% Greens, 7% One Nation, 8% independents and 2% others.

If the results at next March’s election reflect this poll, the Liberals would hold just two of the 47 lower house seats on a uniform swing. It would be easily their worst result in SA state history.

In Australian electoral history, there has only been one bigger landslide: when Western Australian Labor defeated the Liberals and Nationals by 69.7–30.3 at the March 2021 state election.

Socialist likely to be next New York City mayor

I covered today’s AEST New York City Democratic mayoral primary election for The Poll Bludger. While preferences won’t be tabulated until next Tuesday, the socialist Zohran Mamdani leads former New York governor Andrew Cuomo by 43.5–36.4 on primary votes, and is virtually certain to win. As the Democratic nominee, Mamdani is likely to win the November general election.

The article also covers Donald Trump’s ratings and polls in Israel.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Election flows reveal nearly 90% of Greens preferenced Labor ahead of Coalition – https://theconversation.com/election-flows-reveal-nearly-90-of-greens-preferenced-labor-ahead-of-coalition-259438

Australia’s native bees struggled after the Black Summer fires – but a world-first solution brought them buzzing back

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kit Prendergast, Postdoctoral Researcher, Pollination Ecology, University of Southern Queensland

Kit Prendergast (@bee.babette_performer)

After a devastating bushfire, efforts to help nature recover typically focus on vertebrates and plants. Yet extreme fires can threaten insects, too.

After the Black Summer fires of 2019–20, I embarked on world-first research into whether “bee hotels” – a type of artificial nesting structure – could help native bees recolonise an area.

I installed 1,000 bee hotels in the Jarrah forests of Western Australia, parts of which burned during the Black Summer fires.

After months of monitoring, I concluded – with great excitement and relief – that the project was a success. Native bees were using the structures to lay eggs and raise young. The work shows pollinators such as bees can be aided after fires, to help bring damaged landscapes back to life.

A burnt area of bushland.
WA’s Jarrah Forest was affected by the Black Summer fires.
Kit Prendergast

Vital wild pollinators

Australia has more than 2,000 species of native bees. They help keep our ecosystems healthy, and play a crucial role in pollinating wildflowers.

Native bees typically nest in holes in trees that occur naturally when beetles bore through wood. When fire destroys trees, bees can be left without a place to nest and reproduce. This prevents them from recolonising habitats after fire.

Under climate change, bushfires in Australia are becoming more frequent and severe. Wood-nesting bees are especially vulnerable to bushfires. For example, fires are recognised as a major threat to the glittering green carpenter bee (Xylocopa aerata), which creates its own holes in wood to nest in.

The worsening fires take place at a time when global populations of wild pollinators, such as bees, are in steady decline. This problem has been well-publicised, although the plight of Australia’s native bees has received less attention.

My research tested whether bee hotels could help our native bees bounce back after fire.

What the research found

The Jarrah Forest of southwest Western Australia is a biodiversity hotspot. The 1,000 bee hotels were installed across five sites in the northern part of the forest, where bushfires burned during the summer of 2019–20.

Bee hotels replicate the holes in wood that native bees nest in. In August 2021, I installed bee hotels of two types: wooden blocks with 15 holes drilled in them, and bunches of about 50 bamboo stems bundled together. I monitored them from September 2021 to March 2022.

At the end of the period I concluded – with great excitement and relief – that the project was a success. Across all bee hotels at the five sites, 832 cavities were occupied by native bees.

Assuming four cells per cavity for each offspring, this meant more than 3,300 native bees would likely emerge in the next generation.

Uptake by bees was initially slow. This was to be expected, because the main group of species that used bee hotels – from the Megachile genus – tend to not be active in the region until late spring.

I found the nests were also used by bees of the genus Hylaeus, as well as tiny Exoneura bees. Other inhabitants included wasps, spiders, ants and crickets.

I also surveyed three burnt sites where bee hotels were not installed. There, I recorded the numbers of native bees foraging on flowers, and compared it to the sites with bee hotels. More native bees were present at the latter sites, which reinforced my findings.

Importantly, the research allowed natural recolonisation. It did not involve installing bee hotels at unburnt sites, then moving them to burnt areas once they were occupied. This could have been disastrous.

Aside from depleting one population, it may have meant native bees were moved to an area where there were not enough flowers, or were forced to compete with existing bee populations.

The research also showed European honey bees could pose a problem for native bees in fire-damaged landscapes. At sites with a higher density of honey bees, fewer native bees were foraging and fewer nests were occupied in the bee hotels.

This supports previous findings by myself and others that honey bees can negatively affect native bees. It adds further evidence that honey bees should not be permitted in sensitive habitats, such as bushland following fire or in national parks.

Empowering bee-saving efforts

My research provides proof that bee hotels can aid in the recovery of cavity-nesting native bees after fires.

This work fills a major gap. While there has been much attention on the recovery of furry animals and plants after fires, there has been far less investment into the recovery of plant pollinators.

Leaving insects to languish after fires isn’t just bad for those species. It also hampers the ability of ecosystems to recover from fire and other damage. This is especially true for pollinators such as native bees, which are vital for plant reproduction.

This work empowers us to help native bees after fires, by providing nesting resources to promote populations.

The Conversation

Kit Prendergast received funding from the federal government’s Bushfire Recovery Grant to undertake this research project, and from Flow Hive to write the research paper. She was previously a member of the Australian Native Bee Association.

ref. Australia’s native bees struggled after the Black Summer fires – but a world-first solution brought them buzzing back – https://theconversation.com/australias-native-bees-struggled-after-the-black-summer-fires-but-a-world-first-solution-brought-them-buzzing-back-258299

Wild swings in the oil price make the Reserve Bank’s job harder

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Head, Canberra School of Government, University of Canberra

It looks, at least for now, as though tensions in the Middle East are easing somewhat. It appears much less likely Iran will try to close the
Strait of Hormuz, through which flows about a fifth of the world’s oil.

In response, oil prices have dropped to a two-week low below US$70 a barrel.

The economists at the Reserve Bank will be breathing a sigh of relief. A surge in oil prices would have injected more uncertainty into the global outlook. It would have made a decision on whether to cut interest rates in July harder.

Financial markets are betting on a rate cut at the July 7–8 meeting, but three of the four major bank economists are tipping August as more likely.

A tough global backdrop

The global economic environment is particularly challenging. Even before the recent increased tensions in the Middle East, the Trump tariff announcements (and withdrawals and re-impositions) were the major cause of the uncertainty around the domestic economy.

And there is a lot of “uncertainty”. Journalist Shane Wright noted the word “uncertain” appeared 134 times in the Reserve Bank’s latest Statement on Monetary Policy. Something similar has been noted in the United Kingdom.

There have been wild swings in the oil price in recent days. There was a surge on market fears Iran would close the Strait of Hormuz. The price slid when a ceasefire was announced. It rose again when the ceasefire was broken within hours. As the fragile truce appeared to hold, the price of oil has now gone back down.

Assumptions on the oil price

Forecasting where it will be in a day or week, let alone in a month or a year, is difficult. But economic forecasts underlying monetary policy decisions need to incorporate some view. The Reserve Bank generally assumes the oil price stays at its current level in the short term. It then uses the price in forward contracts as a basis for its forecasts beyond that.

A sustained jump in oil prices would have posed quite a dilemma for the Reserve Bank.

Generally a shock that adds to inflation would lead to the bank raising interest rates. In contrast, a shock that weakens economic activity would lead to the Bank lowering rates.

But a surge in oil prices would likely both increase inflation (by pushing up petrol prices) and weaken activity (by disrupting world trade and eroding consumers’ purchasing power).

If the oil price surge was expected to be short-lived, it is unlikely to get baked into inflationary expectations. The bank would then probably disregard it. But assessing the longevity of disruptions to the global oil market is not easy.

Monthly inflation drops to 2.1%

On Wednesday, the monthly consumer price index (CPI) fell to 2.1% in May from 2.4% in April. This is the equal lowest level since March 2001.

But the monthly reading will probably not impress RBA Governor Michele Bullock. In her most recent press conference, she commented that “we get four readings on inflation a year”, referring to the quarterly inflation reports. She was dismissive of what she termed “the monthly indicator which is very volatile”.

In taking its decisions, the bank often relies on an underlying inflation measure called the “trimmed mean”. This excludes items with the largest price movements up or down, so it removes petrol prices when they move by large amounts. This measure was 2.4% in the monthly report.

Petrol prices are also a significant contributor to the volatility of the monthly CPI.

Further cuts are likely

Both headline and underlying inflation are now within the central bank’s 2–3% target range. In its most recent outlook, the Reserve Bank forecast underlying inflation would remain in the target band, even if it made another two cuts in rates this year.

So a further interest rate cut remains likely. If it doesn’t cut in July, the bank could wait for the next quarterly inflation report on July 30, and then cut at the August 12 meeting.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers described the global economy as being “in a pretty dangerous place right now”.

“There’s a lot of volatility, unpredictability, uncertainty in the global economy,” he said. That is one thing that is not uncertain.

The Conversation

John Hawkins was formerly a senior economist at the Reserve Bank.

ref. Wild swings in the oil price make the Reserve Bank’s job harder – https://theconversation.com/wild-swings-in-the-oil-price-make-the-reserve-banks-job-harder-259555

What’s the difference between an eating disorder and disordered eating?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma Sharp, Researcher in Body Image, Eating and Weight Disorders, Monash University

PIKSEL/Getty

Following a particular diet or exercising a great deal are common and even encouraged in our health and image-conscious culture. With increased awareness of food allergies and other dietary requirements, it’s also not uncommon for someone to restrict or eliminate certain foods.

But these behaviours may also be the sign of an unhealthy relationship with food. You can have a problematic pattern of eating without being diagnosed with an eating disorder.

So, where’s the line? What is disordered eating, and what is an eating disorder?

What is disordered eating?

Disordered eating describes negative attitudes and behaviours towards food and eating that can lead to a disturbed eating pattern.

It can involve:

  • dieting

  • skipping meals

  • avoiding certain food groups

  • binge eating

  • misusing laxatives and weight-loss medications

  • inducing vomiting (sometimes known as purging)

  • exercising compulsively.

Disordered eating is the term used when these behaviours are not frequent and/or severe enough to meet an eating disorder diagnosis.

Not everyone who engages in these behaviours will develop an eating disorder. But disordered eating – particularly dieting – usually precedes an eating disorder.

What is an eating disorder?

Eating disorders are complex psychiatric illnesses that can negatively affect a person’s body, mind and social life. They’re characterised by persistent disturbances in how someone thinks, feels and behaves around eating and their bodies.

To make a diagnosis, a qualified health professional will use a combination of standardised questionnaires, as well as more general questioning. These will determine how frequent and severe the behaviours are, and how they affect day-to-day functioning.

Examples of clinical diagnoses include anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge eating disorder and avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder.

How common are eating disorders and disordered eating?

The answer can vary quite radically depending on the study and how it defines disordered behaviours and attitudes.

An estimated 8.4% of women and 2.2% of men will develop an eating disorder at some point in their lives. This is most common during adolescence.

Disordered eating is also particularly common in young people with 30% of girls and 17% of boys aged 6–18 years reporting engaging in these behaviours.

Although the research is still emerging, it appears disordered eating and eating disorders are even more common in gender diverse people.

Can we prevent eating disorders?

There is some evidence eating disorder prevention programs that target risk factors – such as dieting and concerns about shape and weight – can be effective to some extent in the short term.

The issue is most of these studies last only a few months. So we can’t determine whether the people involved went on to develop an eating disorder in the longer term.

In addition, most studies have involved girls or women in late high school and university. By this age, eating disorders have usually already emerged. So, this research cannot tell us as much about eating disorder prevention and it also neglects the wide range of people at risk of eating disorders.

Is orthorexia an eating disorder?

In defining the line between eating disorders and disordered eating, orthorexia nervosa is a contentious issue.

The name literally means “proper appetite” and involves a pathological obsession with proper nutrition, characterised by a restrictive diet and rigidly avoiding foods believed to be “unhealthy” or “impure”.

These disordered eating behaviours need to be taken seriously as they can lead to malnourishment, loss of relationships, and overall poor quality of life.

However, orthorexia nervosa is not an official eating disorder in any diagnostic manual.

Additionally, with the popularity of special diets (such as keto or paleo), time-restricted eating, and dietary requirements (for example, gluten-free) it can sometimes be hard to decipher when concerns about diet have become disordered, or may even be an eating disorder.

For example, around 6% of people have a food allergy. Emerging evidence suggests they are also more likely to have restrictive types of eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa and avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder.

However, following a special diet such as veganism, or having a food allergy, does not automatically lead to disordered eating or an eating disorder.

It is important to recognise people’s different motivations for eating or avoiding certain foods. For example, a vegan may restrict certain food groups due to animal rights concerns, rather than disordered eating symptoms.

What to look out for

If you’re concerned about your own relationship with food or that of a loved one, here are some signs to look out for:

  • preoccupation with food and food preparation

  • cutting out food groups or skipping meals entirely

  • obsession with body weight or shape

  • large fluctuations in weight

  • compulsive exercise

  • mood changes and social withdrawal.

It’s always best to seek help early. But it is never too late to seek help.


In Australia, if you are experiencing difficulties in your relationships with food and your body, you can contact the Butterfly Foundation’s national helpline on 1800 33 4673 (or via their online chat).

For parents concerned their child might be developing concerning relationships with food, weight and body image, Feed Your Instinct highlights common warning signs, provides useful information about help seeking and can generate a personalised report to take to a health professional.

The Conversation

Gemma Sharp receives funding from an NHMRC Investigator Grant. She is a Professor and the Founding Director and Member of the Consortium for Research in Eating Disorders, a registered charity.

ref. What’s the difference between an eating disorder and disordered eating? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-an-eating-disorder-and-disordered-eating-256787

Joh: The Last King of Queensland captures Bjelke-Petersen’s political persona – but omits key details of the story

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Mickel, Adjunct Associate Professor, School of Justice, Queensland University of Technology

Stan

The new documentary film Joh: The Last King of Queensland offers a dramatised account of Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen’s premiership from 1968 to 1987.

Directed by Kriv Stenders, using reenactments (Bjelke-Petersen is played by Richard Roxburgh), archival footage and contemporary interviews, the film portrays him as a complex and polarising figure.

We are given a man who is socially conservative, economically ambitious and politically divisive. A man who profoundly shaped Queensland’s governance and development.

But while the film effectively captures his popular appeal and role in the state’s economic transformation, it simplifies key aspects of his political ascent.

In particular, it doesn’t capture the complexities of electoral mechanics, internal party maneuvering and the influence of the public service.

National Party dominance

We start with Bjelke-Petersen’s rural upbringing. Stenders emphasises the formative impact of his Lutheran faith, personal abstinence, strong work ethic and family values. These would be foundational to his leadership style.

Roxburgh highlights Bjelke-Petersen’s rhetorical simplicity. He presented himself as an advocate for “ordinary” Queenslanders, especially in rural and conservative communities.

A central critique of Bjelke-Petersen was his manipulation of Queensland’s electoral system.

The film illustrates how electoral malapportionment advantaged rural constituencies, fuelling the National Party’s dominance. But this treatment lacks nuance.

Roxburgh as Joh
Richard Roxburgh plays Joh Bjelke-Petersen, highlighting his rhetorical simplicity.
Stan

Former MP David Byrne’s claim that Bjelke-Petersen remained premier solely due to the electoral system is presented uncritically.

The National Party outpolled the Liberals from 1977 on. Labor failed to win a statewide majority until 1989, under boundaries drawn by Bjelke-Petersen’s administration in 1986.

The narrative also omits the fact that electoral bias originated under earlier Labor governments.

While Roxburgh’s character mentions this legacy, his claim that there was “not a peep” of dissent overlooks sustained criticism from opposition leader Frank Nicklin throughout the 1950s.

The party apparatus

The film omits several key figures whose contributions were instrumental to the success of the Bjelke-Petersen era.

The organisational acumen of National Party president Robert Sparkes and state secretary Mike Evans played a critical role in constructing a highly efficient party apparatus.

Through the coordination of financial resources and the strategic mobilisation of grassroots support, Sparkes and Evans substantially reinforced Bjelke-Petersen’s leadership and electoral resilience.

Also excluded are prominent members of the premier’s personal staff, such as media advisor Allen Callaghan and policy researcher Wendy Armstrong. Both contributed significantly to shaping public messaging and policy development.

Archival photo: Joh talks to the press.
Bjelke-Petersen was premier of Queensland from 1968 to 1987.
Stan

We do not hear about the contributions of senior public servants such as Sydney Schubert, coordinator-general, and Leo Hielscher, under-treasurer.

Schubert was instrumental in expediting infrastructure development across the state. Hielscher ensured Queensland maintained its AAA credit rating and successfully attracted international investment.

These administrative achievements were central to the state’s economic growth.

Bjelke-Petersen was frequently detached from the formal processes of cabinet and Westminster governance. But his reliance on a capable and loyal bureaucracy underscores a distinct, if unconventional, mode of operation.

This model, characterised by strong administrative delegation, contributed to the longevity and effectiveness of his premiership.

Winning seats, suppressing rights

The film addresses his opposition to the Whitlam government and his promotion of states’ rights. Both cemented his popularity. It highlights his decision to abolish death duties – a move that allowed him to present a low-tax, pro-development agenda.

Bjelke-Petersen’s authoritarian style is explored through archival footage of the 1971 protests during South Africa’s rugby tour of Australia. But the film fails to contextualise electoral reaction.

The government won seats, including central Brisbane and Maryborough, in by-elections held at the height of the protest activity.

His later suppression of civil liberties, particularly against students, unions and Indigenous activists, is acknowledged.

Archival photo: Joh at a conference table.
Corruption flourished under Bjelke-Petersen’s administration due to insufficient oversight and a permissive political culture.
Stan

The depiction of the “Joh for PM” campaign presents it as a significant strategic miscalculation. Stenders illustrates the limits of Bjelke-Petersen’s political judgement beyond the state level.

Investigative journalist Chris Masters is interviewed about his role in creating the Four Corners exposé which served as a catalyst for the Fitzgerald Inquiry (1987–89).

This inquiry uncovered extensive political and police corruption. It exposed entrenched institutional malpractice, and contributed decisively to the erosion of Bjelke-Petersen’s political legitimacy.

Such corruption was longstanding and predated Bjelke-Petersen’s tenure. It flourished under his administration due to insufficient oversight and a permissive political culture.

Emotional resonance, but not fully nuanced

While the film suggests that Bjelke-Petersen was never personally corrupt (and he was never convicted of any criminal offence) it omits a pivotal episode in his political downfall.

According to journalist Matthew Condon, Springwood MP Huan Fraser publicly accused the Premier of corruption during a 1987 National Party meeting.

Fraser’s confrontation, reportedly triggered by Bjelke-Petersen’s push to approve what was then the world’s tallest building, marked a significant rupture within the party.

The proposed project symbolised growing concerns about impropriety and unchecked executive power during his premiership.

Joh: The Last King of Queensland succeeds in capturing the emotional resonance of Bjelke-Petersen’s political persona. But it stops short of delivering a fully nuanced account.

His legacy continues to polarise. To supporters, he remains a visionary who championed economic growth and conservative values. To critics, he presided over an era of democratic erosion, civil rights suppression and entrenched corruption.

His story reflects the enduring tension between executive authority and democratic accountability in modern Australian political history.

Joh: The Last King of Queensland is on Stan now.

The Conversation

John Mickel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Joh: The Last King of Queensland captures Bjelke-Petersen’s political persona – but omits key details of the story – https://theconversation.com/joh-the-last-king-of-queensland-captures-bjelke-petersens-political-persona-but-omits-key-details-of-the-story-257813

Antoinette Lattouf’s unfair dismissal win shows ABC must be more courageous in defending its journalists

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

Broadcast journalist Antoinette Lattouf was sacked by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) for her political opinions concerning the war in Gaza, the Federal Court has found.

Lattouf has been awarded $70,000 in damages for non-economic loss, based on findings that her sacking caused her what the judge called “great distress”.

Justice Darryl Rangiah said this was obvious from her demeanour in the witness box. She had given evidence of feeling shock and humiliation at being sacked, and that this had affected her sleep and put strain on her personal relationships.

However, the court found Lattouf’s race or ethnicity had played no part in the ABC’s decision to sack her, as she had claimed.

The decision to sack her had been made by Chris Oliver-Taylor, who at the time was chief content officer of the ABC. His decision had been fortified by the views of the then managing director and editor-in-chief of the ABC, David Anderson, that Lattouf had expressed antisemitic opinions.

The court found Oliver-Taylor was under pressure from many sources: the external complaints, Anderson’s view of the matter, and the wishes of the then chair Ita Buttrose to put an end to it.

There was also a desire to appease the pro-Israel lobby, to defend the ABC’s reputation for impartiality, and to mitigate the impact of a story that he knew The Australian newspaper was about the publish on the issue.

Oliver-Taylor has since resigned from the ABC.

The case arose from events that occurred in December 2023.

The ABC hired Lattouf, a journalist of Lebanese heritage, as a relief presenter on the mornings program of Sydney ABC Radio for one week leading up to Christmas. The mornings program consisted of light entertainment interspersed with hourly news bulletins. It did not otherwise offer news or current affairs content.

Lattouf had worked for the ABC previously and was well-regarded inside the organisation. Her appointment was uncontroversial among those involved in making it, and she started work on Monday December 18.

Before this stint began, Lattouf had made a series of personal social media posts accusing Israeli soldiers of using rape as a weapon of war. Then, early in the week she was on air, she posted on her personal social media profile a report by Human Rights Watch alleging Israel was using starvation as a weapon of war in Gaza. A few days earlier, the ABC had also posted this report on its own website.

Like the ABC, Lattouf posted it without comment.

However, an orchestrated campaign by the Jewish lobby to have her taken off air had already begun, on the basis of what she had previously published on her private social media account, and Justice Rangiah observed that this had caused consternation among senior ABC management.

This consternation turned to panic after the posting of the Human Rights Watch report, and the campaign intensified. A coordinated email campaign by a pro-Israel lobbying group called “Lawyers for Israel”, and another group called “J.E.W.I.S.H creatives and academics”, demanded Lattouf be sacked, threatening legal action if she was not.

Messages from a WhatsApp group leaked to The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age showed that in this way, the campaigners put intense pressure on the ABC’s most senior officers at the time, Anderson and Buttrose.

On December 20, Lattouf was told when she came off air she would not be required for the final two days of her engagement. The Fair Work Commission subsequently found this amounted to sacking her. She then sued the ABC in the Federal Court for unlawful termination, alleging she had been dismissed because of her race and political views.

When the matter came before the Federal Court in February 2025, the ABC argued she had been dismissed not because of her race or political views but because she had disobeyed a lawful instruction not to post anything “controversial” on social media while working for the ABC.

The ABC alleged her act of disobedience was the posting of the Human Rights Watch report. In the course of the proceedings, emails between Anderson and Buttrose were admitted into evidence. They showed Buttrose telling Anderson she was “over” getting these complaints about Lattouf, and asking “can’t she come down with flu or COVID or a stomach upset? We owe her nothing.”

Giving evidence during the court hearing, Buttrose said she had proposed this as a face-saving device for Lattouf’s benefit.

In making a formal determination that Lattouf had been terminated, Justice Rangiah dismissed the ABC’s argument that she had simply been told there would be no work for her on the final two days of her contracted period of employment.

He also found Lattouf had not been instructed not to post on her social media account but had merely been told she would be ill-advised to publish anything “controversial” while on air.

In dismissing Lattouf for her political opinions, the ABC breached section 772 of the Fair Work Act, and by depriving her of an opportunity to defend herself before dismissing her it also breached the ABC’s enterprise bargaining agreement.

The question of whether the ABC should suffer a financial penalty for these breaches will be decided at a later date.

It was evident throughout the proceedings that the ABC had been concerned not just to put an end to the complaints about Lattouf but to protect the organisation’s reputation for impartiality.

In the event, the way the case was handled has done substantial damage to the ABC’s reputation, not just for impartiality but for its capacity to stand up for its journalists and presenters when they come under external attack.




Read more:
Antoinette Lattouf sacking shows how the ABC has been damaged by successive Coalition governments


Lattouf is one of several journalists whom the ABC has failed to defend from attacks by politicians, pressure groups and News Corporation. The latter’s flagship newspaper, The Australian, has conducted virulent campaigns against ABC journalists, most notably Stan Grant, as well as Lattouf and others.

The managerial consternation and panic observed by Justice Rangiah in Lattouf’s case were discernible also in the Grant case and in the way the ABC handled the controversy over star journalist Laura Tingle’s observation at a writer’s festival that Australia was a racist country.

This is a cultural weakness in the ABC. Its editorial leadership seems not to understand that the first duty of an editor is to create a safe space in which their staff can do good journalism.

It is a malaise that goes back at least as far as the 2018 debacle in which a former chair, Justin Milne, and former managing director, Michelle Guthrie, showed themselves susceptible to pressure from the Turnbull government.

Both resigned within a few days of each other after a stream of sensational allegations leaked to the press about Milne allegedly calling on Guthrie to fire the chief economics correspondent, Emma Alberici, and the political editor, Andrew Probyn.

Perhaps the Lattouf case will at last stiffen their sinews and make standing up for their journalists a primary qualification for editorial leadership.

The Lattouf case also leaves unresolved the question of the extent to which a media organisation is entitled to place restrictions on a staff journalist’s private activities to protect its interests and reputation.

The Conversation

Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Antoinette Lattouf’s unfair dismissal win shows ABC must be more courageous in defending its journalists – https://theconversation.com/antoinette-lattoufs-unfair-dismissal-win-shows-abc-must-be-more-courageous-in-defending-its-journalists-259445

ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for June 25, 2025

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 25, 2025.

Bats get fat to survive hard times. But climate change is threatening their survival strategy
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Wu, Lecturer in Wildlife Ecology, Murdoch University Rudmer Zwerver/Shutterstock Bats are often cast as the unseen night-time stewards of nature, flitting through the dark to control pest insects, pollinate plants and disperse seeds. But behind their silent contributions lies a remarkable and underappreciated survival strategy: seasonal

Japanese prime minister’s abrupt no-show at NATO summit reveals a strained alliance with the US
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Craig Mark, Adjunct Lecturer, Faculty of Economics, Hosei University Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has sent a clear signal to the Trump administration: the Japan–US relationship is in a dire state. After saying just days ago he would be attending this week’s NATO summit at The Hague,

Why have athletes stopped ‘taking a knee’?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ciprian N. Radavoi, Associate Professor in Law, University of Southern Queensland Eli Harold, Colin Kaepernick and Eric Reid of the San Francisco 49ers kneel ahead of a game in 2016. Michael Zagaris/San Francisco 49ers/Getty Images It’s almost a decade since San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick started

Nearly half of Kiwis oppose automatic citizenship for Cook Islands, says poll
By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist A new poll by the New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union shows that almost half of respondents oppose the Cook Islands having automatic New Zealand citizenship. Thirty percent of the 1000-person sample supported Cook Islanders retaining citizenship, 46 percent were opposed and 24 percent were unsure. The question asked: The Cook

Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders discuss Middle East conflict before ceasefire
RNZ Pacific Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape says the Middle East conflict was one of the discussions of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) in Suva this week — and Pacific leaders “took note of what is happening”. The Post-Courier reports Marape saying the “12 Day War” between Israel and Iran was based on

The ancients also had to deal with a cost-of-living crisis. Here’s how they managed
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia Louis Le Brun, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY Talk to anyone today, and they will probably have something to say about how expensive life has become. While the rate of inflation has

Video games can help trans players feel seen and safe. It all starts with design
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Phoebe Toups Dugas, Associate Professor of Human-Centred Computing, Monash University Shano Liang There is a comfort in finding and being yourself. Video games offer opportunities for this comfort. They allow people to exist in safe spaces, to develop community, and to explore the self – as well

How old are you really? Are the latest ‘biological age’ tests all they’re cracked up to be?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University We all like to imagine we’re ageing well. Now a simple blood or saliva test promises to tell us by measuring our “biological age”. And then, as many have done, we can share how “young” we really are on social

Global rankings fuel hype, but students have more to consider when choosing a uni
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie Message, Professor of Public Humanities and Director of the ANU Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University At this time of year, many year 12 students are seriously turning their minds to the future. Should they go to university next year? If so, which one? June is

Playful or harmful? David Seymour’s posts raise questions about what’s OK to say online
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin Veale, Senior Lecturer in Media Studies, part of the Digital Cultures Laboratory in the School of Humanities, Media, and Creative Communication, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images Deputy Prime Minister and ACT Party leader David Seymour says he is being “playful” and

Shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien accepts invitation to government’s economic roundtable
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The federal opposition has accepted an invitation from Treasurer Jim Chalmers for shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien to attend the August economic roundtable. The acceptance contrasts with the position taken by former opposition leader Peter Dutton last term. He refused to

Fiji advocacy group slams Indonesian role in MSG as a ‘disgrace’
Asia Pacific Report A Fiji-based advocacy group has condemned the participation of Indonesia in the Melanesian Spearhead Group which is meeting in Suva this week, saying it is a “profound disgrace” that the Indonesian Embassy continues to “operate freely” within the the MSG Secretariat. “This presence blatantly undermines the core principles of justice and solidarity

Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University Amir Levy/Getty Images After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades. Israel

Ramzy Baroud: The fallout – winners and losers from the Israeli war on Iran
COMMENTARY: By Ramzy Baroud, editor of The Palestinian Chronicle The conflict between Israel and Iran over the past 12 days has redefined the regional chessboard. Here is a look at their key takeaways: Israel:Pulled in the US: Israel successfully drew the United States into a direct military confrontation with Iran, setting a significant precedent for

Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University Amir Levy/Getty Images After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades. Israel

eSafety boss wants YouTube included in the social media ban. But AI raises even more concerns for kids
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tama Leaver, Professor of Internet Studies, Curtin University Irina WS/Shutterstock Julie Inman Grant, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, today addressed the National Press Club to outline how her office will be driving the Social Media Minimum Age Bill when it comes into effect in December this year. The bill,

Trouble getting out of bed? Signs the ‘winter blues’ may be something more serious
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, Swinburne University of Technology Justin Paget/Getty Winter is here. As the days grow shorter and the skies turn darker, you might start to feel a bit “off”. You may notice a dip in your mood or energy levels.

A carbon levy on global shipping promises to slash emissions. We calculated what that means for Australia’s biggest export
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Brear, Director, Melbourne Energy Institute, The University of Melbourne Costfoto/NurPhoto via Getty Images Moving people and things around the world by sea has a big climate impact. The shipping industry produces almost 3% of global greenhouse gas emissions – roughly the same as Germany – largely

The war won’t end Iran’s nuclear program – it will drive it underground, following North Korea’s model
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Burke, Professor of Environmental Politics & International Relations, UNSW Sydney The United States’ and Israel’s strikes on Iran are concerning, and not just for the questionable legal justifications provided by both governments. Even if their attacks cause severe damage to Iran’s nuclear facilities, this will only

Iran’s internet blackout left people in the dark. How does a country shut down the internet?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mohiuddin Ahmed, Senior Lecturer of Computing and Security, Edith Cowan University Dylan Carr/Unsplash In recent days, Iranians experienced a near-complete internet blackout, with local service providers – including mobile services – repeatedly going offline. Iran’s government has cited cyber security concerns for ordering the shutdown. Shutting off

Bats get fat to survive hard times. But climate change is threatening their survival strategy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Wu, Lecturer in Wildlife Ecology, Murdoch University

Rudmer Zwerver/Shutterstock

Bats are often cast as the unseen night-time stewards of nature, flitting through the dark to control pest insects, pollinate plants and disperse seeds. But behind their silent contributions lies a remarkable and underappreciated survival strategy: seasonal fattening.

Much like bears and squirrels, bats around the world bulk up to get through hard times – even in places where you might not expect it.

In a paper published today in Ecology Letters, we analysed data from bat studies around the world to understand how bats use body fat to survive seasonal challenges, whether it’s a freezing winter or a dry spell.

The surprising conclusion? Seasonal fattening is a global phenomenon in bats, not just limited to those in cold climates.

Even bats in the tropics, where it’s warm all year, store fat in anticipation of dry seasons when food becomes scarce. That’s a survival strategy that’s been largely overlooked. But it may be faltering as the climate changes, putting entire food webs at risk.

Climate shapes fattening strategies

We found bats in colder regions predictably gain more weight before winter.

But in warmer regions with highly seasonal rainfall, such as tropical savannas or monsoonal forests, bats also fatten up. In tropical areas, it’s not cold that’s the enemy, but the dry season, when flowers wither, insects vanish and energy is hard to come by.

The extent of fattening is impressive. Some species increased their body weight by more than 50%, which is a huge burden for flying animals that already use a lot of energy to move around. This highlights the delicate balancing act bats perform between storing energy and staying nimble in the air.

Sex matters, especially in the cold

The results also support the “thrifty females, frisky males” hypothesis.

In colder climates, female bats used their fat reserves more sparingly than males – a likely adaptation to ensure they have enough energy left to raise young when spring returns. Since females typically emerge from hibernation to raise their young, conserving fat through winter can directly benefit their reproductive success.

Interestingly, this sex-based difference vanished in warmer climates, where fat use by males and females was more similar, likely because more food is available in warmer climates. It’s another clue that climate patterns intricately shape behaviour and physiology.

Climate change is shifting the rules

Beyond the biology, our study points to a more sobering trend. Bats in warm regions appear to be increasing their fat stores over time. This could be an early warning sign of how climate change is affecting their survival.

Climate change isn’t just about rising temperatures. It’s also making seasons more unpredictable.

Bats may be storing more energy in advance of dry seasons that are becoming longer or harder to predict. That’s risky, because it means more foraging, more exposure to predators and potentially greater mortality.

The implications can ripple outward. Bats help regulate insect populations, fertilise crops and maintain healthy ecosystems. If their survival strategies falter, entire food webs could feel the effects.

Fat bats, fragile futures

Our study changes how we think about bats. They are not just passive victims of environmental change but active strategists, finely tuned to seasonal rhythms. Yet their ability to adapt has limits, and those limits are being tested by a rapidly changing world.

By understanding how bats respond to climate, we gain insights into broader ecosystem resilience. We also gain a deeper appreciation for one of nature’s quiet heroes – fattening up, flying through the night and holding ecosystems together, one wingbeat at a time.

The Conversation

Nicholas Wu was the lead author of a funded Australian Research Council Linkage Grant awarded to Christopher Turbill at Western Sydney University.

ref. Bats get fat to survive hard times. But climate change is threatening their survival strategy – https://theconversation.com/bats-get-fat-to-survive-hard-times-but-climate-change-is-threatening-their-survival-strategy-259560

Japanese prime minister’s abrupt no-show at NATO summit reveals a strained alliance with the US

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Craig Mark, Adjunct Lecturer, Faculty of Economics, Hosei University

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has sent a clear signal to the Trump administration: the Japan–US relationship is in a dire state.

After saying just days ago he would be attending this week’s NATO summit at The Hague, Ishiba abruptly pulled out at the last minute.

He joins two other leaders from the Indo-Pacific region, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and South Korean President Lee Jae-myung, in skipping the summit.

The Japanese media reported Ishiba cancelled the trip because a bilateral meeting with US President Donald Trump was unlikely, as was a meeting of the Indo-Pacific Four (IP4) NATO partners (Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan).

Japan will still be represented by Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya, showing its desire to strengthen its security relationship with NATO.

However, Ishiba’s no-show reveals how Japan views its relationship with the Trump administration, following the severe tariffs Washington imposed on Japan and Trump’s mixed messages on the countries’ decades-long military alliance.

Tariffs and diplomatic disagreements

Trump’s tariff policy is at the core of the divide between the US and Japan.

Ishiba attempted to get relations with the Trump administration off to a good start. He was the second world leader to visit Trump at the White House, after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

However, Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs imposed a punitive rate of 25% on Japanese cars and 24% on all other Japanese imports. They are already having an adverse impact on Japan’s economy: exports of automobiles to the US dropped in May by 25% compared to a year ago.

Six rounds of negotiations have made little progress, as Ishiba’s government insists on full tariff exemptions.

Japan has been under pressure from the Trump administration to increase its defence spending, as well. According to the Financial Times, Tokyo cancelled a summit between US and Japanese defence and foreign ministers over the demand. (A Japanese official denied the report.)

Japan also did not offer its full support to the US bombings of Iran’s nuclear facilities earlier this week. The foreign minister instead said Japan “understands” the US’s determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Japan has traditionally had fairly good relations with Iran, often acting as an indirect bridge with the West. Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe even made a visit there in 2019.

Japan also remains heavily dependent on oil from the Middle East. It would have been adversely affected if the Strait of Hormuz had been blocked, as Iran was threatening to do.

Unlike the response from the UK and Australia, which both supported the strikes, the Ishiba government prioritised its commitment to upholding international law and the rules-based global order. In doing so, Japan seeks to deny China, Russia and North Korea any leeway to similarly erode global norms on the use of force and territorial aggression.

Strategic dilemma of the Japan–US military alliance

In addition, Japan is facing the same dilemma as other American allies – how to manage relations with the “America first” Trump administration, which has made the US an unreliable ally.

Earlier this year, Trump criticised the decades-old security alliance between the US and Japan, calling it “one-sided”.

“If we’re ever attacked, they don’t have to do a thing to protect us,” he said of Japan.

Lower-level security cooperation is ongoing between the two allies and their regional partners. The US, Japanese and Philippine Coast Guards conducted drills in Japanese waters this week. The US military may also assist with upgrading Japan’s counterstrike missile capabilities.

But Japan is still likely to continue expanding its security ties with partners beyond the US, such as NATO, the European Union, India, the Philippines, Vietnam and other ASEAN members, while maintaining its fragile rapprochement with South Korea.

Australia is now arguably Japan’s most reliable security partner. Canberra is considering buying Japan’s Mogami-class frigates for the Royal Australian Navy. And if the AUKUS agreement with the US and UK collapses, Japanese submarines could be a replacement.

Ishiba under domestic political pressure

There are also intensifying domestic political pressures on Ishiba to hold firm against Trump, who is deeply unpopular among the Japanese public.

After replacing former prime minister Fumio Kishida as leader of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) last September, the party lost its majority in the lower house of parliament in snap elections. This made it dependent on minor parties for legislative support.

Ishiba’s minority government has struggled ever since with poor opinion polling. There has been widespread discontent with inflation, the high cost of living and stagnant wages, the legacy of LDP political scandals, and ever-worsening geopolitical uncertainty.

On Sunday, the party suffered its worst-ever result in elections for the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly, winning its lowest number of seats.

The party could face a similar drubbing in the election for half of the upper house of the Diet (Japan’s parliament) on July 20. Ishiba has pledged to maintain the LDP’s majority in the house with its junior coalition partner Komeito. But if the government falls into minority status in both houses, Ishiba will face heavy pressure to step down.

The Conversation

Craig Mark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Japanese prime minister’s abrupt no-show at NATO summit reveals a strained alliance with the US – https://theconversation.com/japanese-prime-ministers-abrupt-no-show-at-nato-summit-reveals-a-strained-alliance-with-the-us-259694

Why have athletes stopped ‘taking a knee’?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ciprian N. Radavoi, Associate Professor in Law, University of Southern Queensland

Eli Harold, Colin Kaepernick and Eric Reid of the San Francisco 49ers kneel ahead of a game in 2016. Michael Zagaris/San Francisco 49ers/Getty Images

It’s almost a decade since San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick started a worldwide trend and sparked fierce debate when he knelt during the US national anthem.

In 2016, Kaepernick refused to follow the pre-game protocol related to the national anthem and knelt instead, saying:

I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of colour.

Soon, many athletes and teams began “taking a knee” at sports events to express their solidarity with victims of racial injustice.

Now, they appear to have stopped, which prompted us to research the decline.

Initial widespread support

Following the intense public debate over the appropriateness of Kaepernick’s act, the ritual quickly spread worldwide, with athletes in major soccer leagues, cricket, rugby, Formula 1, top-tier tennis and the US’s Major League Baseball and National Basketball Association taking a knee.

Athletes didn’t always kneel during national anthems, with the majority kneeling at certain points pre-game.

Despite the occasional “defection” of a small number of players who would stand while their teammates knelt – such as Israel Folau in rugby league, Wilfried Zaha in soccer and Quinton de Kock in cricket – the ritual was widely embraced by teams and athletes and helped raise awareness of the issue.

Even major sports organisations notorious for prohibiting any type of political activism generally accepted the kneeling ritual. For example, soccer’s International Football Federation (FIFA) showcased kneeling as a “stand against discrimination” and as human rights advocacy.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) initially stood firm by its Rule 50, which states “no kind of demonstration or political, religious, or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas”.

But just three weeks before the 2021 Olympic and Paralympic Games in Tokyo, the IOC relaxed its interpretation, and athletes were permitted to express their views in ways that included taking a knee.

A surprising turn of events

Despite permission and even encouragement from sports governing bodies, our research shows the practice is disappearing from major sports competitions.

Take soccer, for example. At the FIFA World Cup 2022, England and Wales were the only national teams that knelt at their games in Qatar.

At the FIFA Women’s World Cup 2023 in Australia and New Zealand, no teams or players knelt.

The same happened at the 2024 Olympic soccer tournament in Paris.

That only a handful of teams knelt in Tokyo at the 2021 Olympics, two at the FIFA Mens’ World Cup in Qatar in 2022, none at the FIFA Womens’ World Cup in Australia and New Zealand in 2023, and again none at the Paris 2024 Olympics indicates a growing reluctance throughout the sports world.

This surely cannot mean athletes have become indifferent to racial injustice or other forms of oppression in the interval between the late 2010s and the mid-2020s.

The explanation must be sought elsewhere. A hint was provided when Crystal Palace soccer player Zaha, the first player of colour in the UK who refused to kneel, explained:

I feel like taking the knee is degrading, because growing up my parents just let me know that I should be proud to be Black no matter what and I feel like we should just stand tall.

The explanation may therefore be, at least in part, the players’ uncomfortable feelings related to the kneeling posture.

In sociology, this bothersome state of mind is called “cognitive dissonance”: the mental conflict a person experiences in the presence of contrasting beliefs.

A history of kneeling

The body posture of kneeling is not deemed, in any culture, as expressing solidarity.

Ancient Greek and the Roman societies, on whose values Western civilisation was built, rejected kneeling as improper, even when praying to gods.

Then, with the spread of Christianity in the Western world, kneeling became widely used, but only as an act of worship, confessing guilt, or praying for mercy.

When performed outside the church, kneeling meant submission to nobility or royalty.

The significance of kneeling as humility is not limited to the Western world.

In African tribal culture, the young kneel in front of elders, and everyone kneels before the king.

In China in 1949, Chairman Mao famously proclaimed at the first plenary of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference:

From now on our nation […] will no longer be a nation subject to insult and humiliation. We have stood up.

With this in mind, kneeling may be deemed unfit at sporting events, which often feature a powerful cocktail of emotions, values and social expectations.

The inconsistency between the excitement of competition and the expectation to kneel — a gesture associated with submission and humility — likely creates a bothersome state of mind for athletes.

This potentially motivates some players to reject one of the two – in this case, the kneeling – to restore cognitive harmony.

What could replace the kneeling ritual?

After refusing, by unanimous players’ vote, to take a knee before their October 2020 game against the All Blacks, the Australian rugby union team chose instead to wear a First Nations jersey.

The same year, several teams in German soccer’s top league chose to show their support for Black Lives Matter by wearing distinctive armbands.

So it appears wearing a distinctive jersey or at least an armband is more easily accepted by modern-day athletes. This may be challenging given the governing bodies of many sports, such as FIFA, ban athletes from wearing political symbols on their clothing.

Depending on whether sports code accept this type of activism in the future, wearing suportive clothing could replace taking a knee as symbolic communication of solidarity with oppressed minorities.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why have athletes stopped ‘taking a knee’? – https://theconversation.com/why-have-athletes-stopped-taking-a-knee-259047

Nearly half of Kiwis oppose automatic citizenship for Cook Islands, says poll

By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

A new poll by the New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union shows that almost half of respondents oppose the Cook Islands having automatic New Zealand citizenship.

Thirty percent of the 1000-person sample supported Cook Islanders retaining citizenship, 46 percent were opposed and 24 percent were unsure.

The question asked:

  • The Cook Islands government is pursuing closer strategic ties with China, ignoring New Zealand’s wishes and not consulting with the New Zealand government. Given this, should the Cook Islands continue to enjoy automatic access to New Zealand passports, citizenship, health care and education when its government pursues a foreign policy against the wishes of the New Zealand government?
  • READ MORE: Other Cook Islands reports

Taxpayers’ Union head of communications Tory Relf said the framing of the question was “fair”.

“If the Cook Islands wants to continue enjoying a close relationship with New Zealand, then, of course, we will support that,” he said.

“However, if they are looking in a different direction, then I think it is entirely fair that taxpayers can have a right to say whether they want their money sent there or not.”

But New Zealand Labour Party deputy leader Carmel Sepuloni said it was a “leading question”.

‘Dead end’ assumption
“It asserts or assumes that we have hit a dead end here and that we cannot resolve the relationship issues that have unfolded between New Zealand and the Cook Islands,” Sepuloni said.

“We want a resolution. We do not want to assume or assert that it is all done and dusted and the relationship is broken.”

The two nations have been in free association since 1965.

Relf said that adding historical context of the two countries relationship would be a different question.

“We were polling on the Cook Islands current policy, asking about historic ties would introduce an emotive element that would influence the response.”

New Zealand has paused nearly $20 million in development assistance to the realm nation.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters said the decision was made because the Cook Islands failed to adequately inform his government about several agreements signed with Beijing in February.

‘An extreme response’
Sepuloni, who is also Labour’s Pacific Peoples spokesperson, said her party agreed with the government that the Cook Islands had acted outside of the free association agreement.

“[The aid pause is] an extreme response, however, in saying that we don’t have all of the information in front of us that the government have. I’m very mindful that in terms of pausing or stopping aid, the scenarios where I can recall that happening are scenarios like when Fiji was having their coup.”

In response to questions from Cook Islands News, Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown said that, while he acknowledged the concerns raised in the recent poll, he believed it was important to place the discussion within the full context of Cook Islands’ longstanding and unique relationship with New Zealand.

“The Cook Islands and New Zealand share a deep, enduring constitutional bond underpinned by shared history, family ties, and mutual responsibility,” Brown told the Rarotonga-based newspaper.

“Cook Islanders are New Zealand citizens not by privilege, but by right. A right rooted in decades of shared sacrifice, contribution, and identity.

“More than 100,000 Cook Islanders live in New Zealand, contributing to its economy, culture, and communities. In return, our people have always looked to New Zealand not just as a partner but as family.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders discuss Middle East conflict before ceasefire

RNZ Pacific

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape says the Middle East conflict was one of the discussions of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) in Suva this week — and Pacific leaders “took note of what is happening”.

The Post-Courier reports Marape saying the “12 Day War” between Israel and Iran was based on high technology and using missiles sent from great distances.

“In the context of MSG, the leaders want peace always. And the Pacific remains friends to all, enemies to none,” he said.

He said an effect on PNG would be the inflation in prices of oil and gas.

Yesterday morning, US President Donald Trump declared a ceasefire had been agreed  between Israel and Iran, and so far it has been holding in spite of tensions.

Australia had stepped in to help Papua New Guinea diplomats and citizens caught in the Middle East.

Foreign Affairs Minister Justin Tkatchenko confirmed last week that a group was to be evacuated through Jordan.

There had been six diplomats in lockdown at the PNG embassy in Jerusalem awaiting extraction.

Meanwhile, a repatriation flight for Australians stuck in Israel had been cancelled.

ABC News reported that it was the second day repatriation plans were scrapped at the last minute because of rocket fire. A bus meant to take people across the border into Jordan was cancelled the previous day.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The ancients also had to deal with a cost-of-living crisis. Here’s how they managed

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia

Louis Le Brun, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Talk to anyone today, and they will probably have something to say about how expensive life has become. While the rate of inflation has slowed, prices for many goods and services are still much higher than pre-pandemic.

Cost-of-living crises are not new. They have occurred at various times and places throughout the millennia.

If we look at cost-of-living pressures in ancient Greek and Roman times and how people back then dealt with them, we can learn something about how to face our own issues.

‘The price of land has gone up’

The cost of living was a conversation topic in antiquity, especially the price of land and food.

The Roman writer Pliny the Younger (circa 61–113 CE) in one of his letters remarked to his friend about the rising cost of real estate:

Have you heard that the price of land has gone up, particularly in the neighbourhood of Rome? The reason for the sudden increase in price has given rise to a good deal of discussion.

The ancient Greek scholar Athenaeus, who lived in Naukratis, in Egypt, around 200 CE, wrote a long book called The Learned Banqueters, depicting a dinner party.

The characters at this dinner party often complain about the price of food and goods. For example, one character complains about the price of fish:

I don’t think I’ve ever seen fish more expensive. Poseidon, if you got 10% of what’s spent on them every day, you’d be far away the richest god there is!

People often said that fish was exorbitantly expensive and thought fish sellers were trying to rip them off.

In fact, the poet Antiphanes (circa 408–330 BCE) complained “there’s no group more abominable” than fish sellers and money lenders.

How to lower costs?

Ancient people were well aware that a cost-of-living crisis can cause political disturbances.

As the Roman poet Lucan (39–65 CE) wrote:

the causes of hatred and mainsprings of political popularity are determined by the price of food.

So, how did ancient leaders deal with this sort of problem?

One solution was for the ruler to cover the cost of inflation.

For example, the Athenian statesman Demosthenes (384–322 BCE) mentions a problem with the price of grain that was solved by boosting imports:

When grain earlier advanced in price and reached sixteen drachmae per medimnus, we imported more than ten thousand medimni of wheat, and measured it out at the normal price of five drachmae a medimnus.

Alexander Severus  bust from Musei Capitolini
Alexander Severus helped trim the cost of meat.
Creative commons, CC BY

Another solution was to put extreme regulations on the market.

For example, the Roman emperor Alexander Severus (ruled 222–235 CE) was once faced by a group of angry citizens.

They demanded a reduction in the price of beef and pork, which had become unaffordable.

Alexander Severus “did not proclaim a general reduction in prices”, says the anonymous biographer who recounts this anecdote. Instead, the emperor

ordered that no one should slaughter a sow or a suckling pig, a cow, or a calf. In two years or even in little more than one year, there was such an abundance of pork and beef that while a pound previously cost eight minutili, the price of both these meats was reduced to two and even one per pound.

The city is so expensive

The Greek writer Plutarch of Chaeronea (46–119 CE) records a story about the famous philosopher Socrates (circa 470–399 BCE), who lived in Athens.

One day, according to Plutarch, a friend of Socrates complained to him about “how expensive the city was”:

Chian wine costs a mina, a purple robe three minae, a half-pint of honey five drachmas!

In response, Socrates took his friend by the hand and told him to search for bargains or for cheaper items, saying:

A sleeveless vest for ten drachmas! The city is cheap!

Socrates’ point was that even in expensive times it’s still possible to find bargains to save money. You just have to look harder for them and lower your standard of living. It can be difficult to do that, but it’s necessary.

Socrates also gave out employment advice for people who were struggling.

According to Socrates’ friend, the historian Xenophon of Athens (430–350 BCE), when a poor veteran came to Socrates complaining about lack of money and asking how to cope with expenses, Socrates told him to

take up some kind of work at once that will assure you a living when you get old.

Socrates thought making sure you still have money when you
are old is more important than fully enjoying your current job. You will likely have to put up with things you don’t like to achieve security.

From ancient to modern

Most ancient people would probably have said that during a cost-of-living crisis it’s best to be patient, live simply, and wait for better times to come.

As Pliny the Younger (circa 61–113 CE) once wrote in one of his letters, “my income is small or precarious, but its deficiencies can be made up by simple living”.

If politicians cannot solve the problems, then it is up to us to cope with them as best as we can.

The Conversation

Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The ancients also had to deal with a cost-of-living crisis. Here’s how they managed – https://theconversation.com/the-ancients-also-had-to-deal-with-a-cost-of-living-crisis-heres-how-they-managed-257896

Video games can help trans players feel seen and safe. It all starts with design

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Phoebe Toups Dugas, Associate Professor of Human-Centred Computing, Monash University

Shano Liang

There is a comfort in finding and being yourself. Video games offer opportunities for this comfort. They allow people to exist in safe spaces, to develop community, and to explore the self – as well as the potential self.

Our recently published study explores how video games can elicit feelings of gender euphoria for transgender people. This could be a result of a player developing a connection with a character they feel represented by. Or, they may simply appreciate the experience of a world in which they exist as their actual gender.

Far from just providing an escape, our research shows video games can play a major role in fostering inclusion for trans people, and in promoting the joy of being trans.

Why gender euphoria matters

Much of the discourse around transgender and gender diverse identities is damage-centred. People have come to understand transness through a medicalised lens that emphasises gender dysphoria.

Gender “dysphoria” refers to a person’s feelings of disconnection and dissatisfaction with their experience of gender, whether it’s their body, how others treat them, or how they present themselves to the world. For further reading, we recommend The Gender Dysphoria Bible (an online community resource), or Susan Stryker’s book Transgender History.

Gender “euphoria” refers to feelings of excitement, completeness and affirmation that come when someone truly experiences their gender identity. For cisgender people, gender euphoria is often unremarkable. But for transgender people, discovering this feeling – especially in a hostile world – can be profound and lifesaving.

In-game screenshot of Claire Russell during her quest line: The Beast in Me. The interior of Claire’s vehicle, showing the transgender pride flag painted across her centre stack.
In Cyberpunk 2077, Claire’s car interior displays the trans pride flag, signalling to the player that her identity is not a secret, nor a source of shame.
Michelle Cormier/Monash University, CC BY-SA

While gender “euphoria” is an old term used by the trans community to understand the potential for happiness, researchers have only recently begun studying it.

As a group of longtime gamers and trans people, we knew of many games that offered this experience to us. And as researchers and game designers, we had the tools to tease apart these games to understand what makes them meaningful.

Our study contributes language and a framework for analysing gender euphoria in video games. We hope it will help with developing games that are more inclusive and meaningful for trans players.

A reflexive thematic analysis

We used a qualitative research method called reflexive thematic analysis, which involves drawing from one’s own experiences as a source of data that frames the analysis.

We developed a list of games that were known for trans themes, and/or authored by trans designers, and/or which we had personally found comfort in playing. The list included both indie and mainstream games, such as Cyberpunk 2077, Anna Anthropy’s dys4ia, Animal Crossing: New Horizons and Celeste.

While analysing the games, we looked at the art, narratives, choices offered to players, and how characters were represented.

We also identified various “themes” relating to trans experiences which were common among the games. We organised these themes into the categories of design, dynamics and experiences, building on prior design theory.

A three-pronged framework

Design elements are what the game maker creates, such as the main story, or how you can manipulate a character. Certain games can be designed in a way that normalises transgender people, such as by offering a range of gender expressions for players, or by allowing trans identity disclosure during play.

In-game screenshot of Madeline from Celeste. Madeline is at her computer speaking to a friend. There is a trans pride flag behind her computer monitor and a pill bottle beside her bed.
In the game Celeste, the trans pride flag behind Madeline’s computer, and the pill bottle beside her bed, are intentional design choices that help the player understand Madeline’s identity.
Michelle Cormier/Monash University, CC BY-SA

The dynamics of a game refer to how it unfolds as a result of the design and players’ decisions. Dynamics, for instance, might address how players come to discover a trans character, or how they might encounter pain and healing through the story.

And experiences are the emotions players feel as a result of playing, such as the excitement of finishing a level, or sadness over the loss of a beloved character. For trans players, gender euphoric experiences centre on the self and how it relates to the broader world.

Although it has some issues with trans representation, the game Cyberpunk 2077 is a good example for understanding how we sorted our themes into these three categories.

The character Claire Russel is designed as a woman street racer, whose trans identity is not made explicit. The player’s interactions with Claire create certain dynamics, after which her character confides she is transgender. This offers the player the experience of having comfortable interactions with a transgender character, and of understanding how the character relates to the larger game world.

In-game screenshot of Claire Russel speaking to the player while sitting on a low wall overlooking Night City.
During an emotionally charged scene, Claire speaks candidly to the player about her past.
Michelle Cormier/Monash University, CC BY-SA

Unexpectedly, we found expressions of pain (including gender dysphoria) were an important aspect of some of the trans-inclusive games we analysed.

The games created gender euphoric experiences for players by acknowledging the painful parts of the transgender experience, and then providing opportunities to resolve or live through them.

Moving towards trans-inclusivity

Of course, there is more to do. While our reflexive analysis centred trans-femme experiences, there is a range of gender identities out there. More work is needed to see what other designs, dynamics and experiences should be on offer for trans players.

Gender euphoria is a salve to the unnecessary pain the world brings to trans people. It is therefore a worthy design goal – not just in video games, but in all kinds of interactive systems.

If we want trans joy in the world, we will have to design for it.

The Conversation

Phoebe Toups Dugas is affiliated with Monash University and is undertaking volunteer work with Transgender Victoria.

Michelle Cormier is affiliated with Monash University and is managing a community project for Transgender Victoria as a volunteer.

ref. Video games can help trans players feel seen and safe. It all starts with design – https://theconversation.com/video-games-can-help-trans-players-feel-seen-and-safe-it-all-starts-with-design-257901

How old are you really? Are the latest ‘biological age’ tests all they’re cracked up to be?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University

We all like to imagine we’re ageing well. Now a simple blood or saliva test promises to tell us by measuring our “biological age”. And then, as many have done, we can share how “young” we really are on social media, along with our secrets to success.

While chronological age is how long you have been alive, measures of biological age aim to indicate how old your body actually is, purporting to measure “wear and tear” at a molecular level.

The appeal of these tests is undeniable. Health-conscious consumers may see their results as reinforcing their anti-ageing efforts, or a way to show their journey to better health is paying off.

But how good are these tests? Do they actually offer useful insights? Or are they just clever marketing dressed up to look like science?

How do these tests work?

Over time, the chemical processes that allow our body to function, known as our “metabolic activity”, lead to damage and a decline in the activity of our cells, tissues and organs.

Biological age tests aim to capture some of these changes, offering a snapshot of how well, or how poorly, we are ageing on a cellular level.

Our DNA is also affected by the ageing process. In particular, chemical tags (methyl groups) attach to our DNA and affect gene expression. These changes occur in predictable ways with age and environmental exposures, in a process called methylation.

Research studies have used “epigenetic clocks”, which measure the methylation of our genes, to estimate biological age. By analysing methylation levels at specific sites in the genome from participant samples, researchers apply predictive models to estimate the cumulative wear and tear on the body.

What does the research say about their use?

Although the science is rapidly evolving, the evidence underpinning the use of epigenetic clocks to measure biological ageing in research studies is strong.

Studies have shown epigenetic biological age estimation is a better predictor of the risk of death and ageing-related diseases than chronological age.

Epigenetic clocks also have been found to correlate strongly with lifestyle and environmental exposures, such as smoking status and diet quality.

In addition, they have been found to be able to predict the risk of conditions such as cardiovascular disease, which can lead to heart attacks and strokes.

Taken together, a growing body of research indicates that at a population level, epigenetic clocks are robust measures of biological ageing and are strongly linked to the risk of disease and death

But how good are these tests for individuals?

While these tests are valuable when studying populations in research settings, using epigenetic clocks to measure the biological age of individuals is a different matter and requires scrutiny.

For testing at an individual level, perhaps the most important consideration is the “signal to noise ratio” (or precision) of these tests. This is the question of whether a single sample from an individual may yield widely differing results.

A study from 2022 found samples deviated by up to nine years. So an identical sample from a 40-year-old may indicate a biological age of as low as 35 years (a cause for celebration) or as high as 44 years (a cause of anxiety).

While there have been significant improvements in these tests over the years, there is considerable variability in the precision of these tests between commercial providers. So depending on who you send your sample to, your estimated biological age may vary considerably.

Another limitation is there is currently no standardisation of methods for this testing. Commercial providers perform these tests in different ways and have different algorithms for estimating biological age from the data.

As you would expect for commercial operators, providers don’t disclose their methods. So it’s difficult to compare companies and determine who provides the most accurate results – and what you’re getting for your money.

A third limitation is that while epigenetic clocks correlate well with ageing, they are simply a “proxy” and are not a diagnostic tool.

In other words, they may provide a general indication of ageing at a cellular level. But they don’t offer any specific insights about what the issue may be if someone is found to be “ageing faster” than they would like, or what they’re doing right if they are “ageing well”.

So regardless of the result of your test, all you’re likely to get from the commercial provider of an epigenetic test is generic advice about what the science says is healthy behaviour.

Are they worth it? Or what should I do instead?

While companies offering these tests may have good intentions, remember their ultimate goal is to sell you these tests and make a profit. And at a cost of around A$500, they’re not cheap.

While the idea of using these tests as a personalised health tool has potential, it is clear that we are not there yet.

For this to become a reality, tests will need to become more reproducible, standardised across providers, and validated through long-term studies that link changes in biological age to specific behaviours.

So while one-off tests of biological age make for impressive social media posts, for most people they represent a significant cost and offer limited real value.

The good news is we already know what we need to do to increase our chances of living longer and healthier lives. These include:

  • improving our diet
  • increasing physical activity
  • getting enough sleep
  • quitting smoking
  • reducing stress
  • prioritising social connection.

We don’t need to know our biological age in order to implement changes in our lives right now to improve our health.

The Conversation

Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How old are you really? Are the latest ‘biological age’ tests all they’re cracked up to be? – https://theconversation.com/how-old-are-you-really-are-the-latest-biological-age-tests-all-theyre-cracked-up-to-be-257710

Global rankings fuel hype, but students have more to consider when choosing a uni

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie Message, Professor of Public Humanities and Director of the ANU Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University

At this time of year, many year 12 students are seriously turning their minds to the future. Should they go to university next year? If so, which one?

June is also the start of the global ranking season. Last week saw the release of the QS Quacquarelli Symonds 2026 world university rankings, amid reports of a “wake-up call” for Australian universities. About 70% of Australian universities fell in the rankings albeit only by small margins.

Should students be worried about this? What should they – and the rest of us – understand about global rankings?

What are rankings?

Global university rankings aim to evaluate all universities in the world through a a single comparative framework.

Apart from QS, other high-profile global rankings include those by Shanghai Ranking and the Times Higher Education.

Each ranking system has a slightly different focus and methodology.

QS looks at student-to-staff ratios, student employability, the reputation of the university as an employer, sustainability, global engagement and academic citations. It also ranks specific subjects across universities, which can be helpful if you want to know about the quality of teaching in a particular discipline or field.

It is comprehensive. QS included 36 of Australia’s 43 universities in their latest assessment. These universities were also compared to more than 1,400 other institutions across 105 other countries.

What impact do rankings have?

These rankings are promoted as objective indicators and markers of prestige. They can be very influential in terms of attracting potential donors and students.

One analysis suggests academic rankings are more influential than are research results for attracting philanthropic investment in Australian universities.

The rankings can also directly affect the resources available for students.

We know rankings can influence where international students (and the resources that accompany them) go. Australian universities have long relied on fees from international students to support funding shortfalls.

Rankings are not everything

But global rankings have many critics. They may include a lot of information but this is not necessarily what students in diverse situations and locations need.

The rankings also do not reflect how much time and how many resources some universities put into the information that goes back to the ranking process.

In November 2023, an independent expert group, convened by the United Nations issued a statement criticising the rankings system.

It said “the very idea of global university rankings is fundamentally flawed”.

It is simply not possible to produce a fair and credible global league table of universities given their multiple missions and their diverse social, economic and political contexts around the world.

It also noted the rankings advantaged “historically privileged institutions”.

The statement also said there was a bias towards the English language, certain types of research, and science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) subjects. “This undermines the importance of teaching and of the humanities and social sciences,” it said.

A bias against regional unis?

The rankings also do not favour regional universities, which is particularly relevant for Australian students.

The QS 2026 survey shows four regional Australian universities slipped in rank and all are positioned outside the global top 400.

This shows how global rankings are a blunt instrument and don’t account for the broader place of universities in regional areas. Here they play a vital role in their communities, driving economic growth and providing essential services.

What should prospective students consider?

Although universities within countries are ranked as better or worse than each other in a global league table, it is important to recognise specific national factors are not considered in the rankings. And individual student experience is rarely taken into account.

Student experience includes the quality of teaching and the types of support individuals have access to, as well as the facilities and the culture on and around campus. We also know student experience continues to be affected by loneliness in the post-Covid era.

So prospective students should be careful when it comes to making a decision about where to go to university. Rankings are a useful tool but so is talking to friends and family and going to open days.

More than anything else, Year 12 students should know this is not the most important decision of their lives. They can take a gap year or change degrees. In fact many students do one or both of these things.

The Conversation

Kylie Message does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Global rankings fuel hype, but students have more to consider when choosing a uni – https://theconversation.com/global-rankings-fuel-hype-but-students-have-more-to-consider-when-choosing-a-uni-259443

Playful or harmful? David Seymour’s posts raise questions about what’s OK to say online

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin Veale, Senior Lecturer in Media Studies, part of the Digital Cultures Laboratory in the School of Humanities, Media, and Creative Communication, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

Deputy Prime Minister and ACT Party leader David Seymour says he is being “playful” and having “fun” with his “Victim of the Day” social media posts, targeting opponents of his Regulatory Standards Bill.

But the posts – which have singled out academics and MPs who have criticised or made select committee submissions against the bill, accusing them of suffering from “Regulatory Standards Derangement Syndrome” – have now led to at least two official complaints to Cabinet.

Wellington City mayor Tory Whanau has alleged they amounted to “online harassment and intimidation” against academics and were in breach of the Cabinet Manual rules for ministers. According to the manual, ministers should

behave in a way that upholds, and is seen to uphold, the highest ethical and behavioural standards. This includes exercising a professional approach and good judgement in their interactions with the public, staff, and officials, and in all their communications, personal and professional.

Academic Anne Salmond, one of those targeted by the posts, has also alleged Seymour breached the behaviour standards set out by the manual. According to Salmond:

This “Victim of the Day” campaign does not match this description. It is unethical, unprofessional and potentially dangerous to those targeted. Debate is fine, online incitements are not.

When is a joke not a joke?

Seymour’s claim he was being “playful” while using his platform to criticise individuals follows a pattern of targeting critics while deflecting criticism of his own behaviour.

For example, in 2022 Seymour demanded an apology from Māori Party co-leader Rawiri Waititi, after Waititi earlier joked about poisoning Seymour with karaka berries. At the time, Seymour said:

I’m genuinely concerned that the next step is that some slightly more radical person doesn’t think it’s a joke.

But the same year, Seymour defended Tauranga by-election candidate Cameron Luxton’s joke that the city’s commission chair Anne Tolley was like Marie Antoinette and should be beheaded.

In 2023, Seymour joked about abolishing the Ministry of Pacific Peoples:

In my fantasy, we’d send a guy called Guy Fawkes in there and it’d be all over, but we’ll probably have to have a more formal approach than that.

Māori researcher and advocate Tina Ngata criticised Seymour’s argument that he was joking:

Calling it a joke does not make it any less white-supremacist. What it does is point to the fact that in David Seymour’s mind, violence against Pacific peoples is so normalised, that he can make a joke out of it […] but he’s not any person is he? He is a politician, a leader of a political party, with a significant platform and the means and opportunities to advance that normalised violence into policy and legislation.

Designed to silence

An analysis of Seymour’s recent social media posts by researcher Sanjana Hattotuwa at the Disinformation Project has argued they have the potential to lead to online harassment, saying they are:

designed to silence opposition to the controversial Regulatory Standards Bill whilst maintaining plausible deniability about the resulting harassment, harms and hate.

The “Victims of the Day” posts about Anne Salmond and former Green leader Metiria Turei were textbook examples of “technology-facilitated gender-based violence and online misogyny”, Hattotuwa argued. And the use of the term “derangement” framed academic criticism as a mental disorder – undermining expertise.

As my own research shows, online harassment and violent rhetoric can raise the chances of real-world violence.

Since the early 2000s, researchers have used the term “stochastic terrorism” to describe a way of indirectly threatening people. Nobody is specifically told “harm these people”, so the person putting them at risk has plausible deniability.

Seymour is already aware of these dynamics, as shown by his demand for an apology from Waititi over the karaka berry poisoning “joke”.

Free speech for who?

Seymour and ACT have long presented themselves as champions of free speech:

Freedom of expression is one of the most important values our society has. We can only solve our most pressing problems in an open society in which free thought and open enquiry are encouraged.

By going after critics of the Regulatory Standards Bill, Seymour may only be ridiculing speech he does not like. But he has taken things further in the past.

In 2023, he criticised poet Tusiata Avia for her poem “Savage Coloniser Pantoum”, which Seymour said was racist and would incite racially motivated violence. He made demands that the government withdraw NZ$107,280 in taxpayer money from the 2023 Auckland Arts Festival in response.

ACT list MP Todd Stephenson also threatened to remove Creative NZ funding after Avia received a Prime Minister’s Award for Literary Achievement. Avia said she received death threats after ACT’s criticism of her work.

The more serious purpose of saying something contentious is “just a joke” is to portray those who disagree as humourless and not deserving to be taken seriously.

ACT’s “Victim of the Day” campaign does something similar in attempting to discredit serious critics of the Regulatory Standards Bill by mocking them.

But in the end, we have to be alert to the potential political double standard: harmless jokes for me, but not for you. Dangerous threats from you, but not from me.

The Conversation

Kevin Veale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Playful or harmful? David Seymour’s posts raise questions about what’s OK to say online – https://theconversation.com/playful-or-harmful-david-seymours-posts-raise-questions-about-whats-ok-to-say-online-259658

Shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien accepts invitation to government’s economic roundtable

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The federal opposition has accepted an invitation from Treasurer Jim Chalmers for shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien to attend the August economic roundtable.

The acceptance contrasts with the position taken by former opposition leader Peter Dutton last term. He refused to attend the government’s jobs and skills summit although the Nationals leader David Littleproud did so.

The opposition’s decision is in line with the indication from its leader Sussan Ley that she wants to be more constructive than the Liberals were last term.

The roundtable, focused on productivity, has broadened into a meeting where tax reform is expected to figures heavily. Chalmers is looking for consensus for reforms but the extent to which that can be achieved remains to be seen.

Chalmers said on Tuesday he had provided the invitation to O’Brien “in good faith. I think it would be a good thing to have the shadow treasurer engaged at the economic reform roundtable.

“I think it will give us a better chance of making the kind of progress that we desperately need to see on reform and in our economy more broadly.”

Chalmers is still finalising the invitations, which will go to business, the union movement and civil society representatives.

O’Brien said he would engage at the roundtable “in a business-like fashion”.

He said the Coalition would be “constructive where we can and critical where we must”. It would hold the government to account and he would not be at the summit “to rubber stamp a talkfest”.

“It’s worth the treasurer knowing from the outset that I believe rhetoric is no substitute for reform. I want to see honesty in how the government defines the economic problems our nation faces, and I will be looking to tangible outcomes as real measures of success.”

On Wednesday Ley will appear at the National Press Club, speaking about her personal story, the Liberals’ federal election defeat, and some markers on policy areas where the Liberals will focus.

She will also outline some priority policy areas that she’ll champion during this parliamentary term.

In her address Ley will highlight “aspiration”, saying this is the “thread that connects every single part of Australian society”.

“Aspiration is the foundation of the Australian promise: that if you work hard, play by the rules, do your best for your kids and contribute to your community, you will be able to build a better life for yourself and your family.”

In her speech, part of which was released ahead of delivery, Ley acknowledges the opposition didn’t just lose the last election – “we got smashed. We respect the election outcome with humility. We accept it with contrition. And we must learn from it with conviction.”

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien accepts invitation to government’s economic roundtable – https://theconversation.com/shadow-treasurer-ted-obrien-accepts-invitation-to-governments-economic-roundtable-259691

Fiji advocacy group slams Indonesian role in MSG as a ‘disgrace’

Asia Pacific Report

A Fiji-based advocacy group has condemned the participation of Indonesia in the Melanesian Spearhead Group which is meeting in Suva this week, saying it is a “profound disgrace” that the Indonesian Embassy continues to “operate freely” within the the MSG Secretariat.

“This presence blatantly undermines the core principles of justice and solidarity we claim to uphold as Melanesians,” said We Bleed Black and Red in a social media post.

The group said that as the new MSG chair, the Fiji government could not speak cannot credibly about equity, peace, regional unity, or the Melanesian family “while the very agent of prolonged Melanesian oppression sits at the decision-making table”.

The statement said that for more than six decades, the people of West Papua had endured “systemic atrocities from mass killings to environmental devastation — acts that clearly constitute ecocide and gross human rights violations”.

“Indonesia’s track record is not only morally indefensible but also a flagrant breach of numerous international agreements and conventions,” the group said.

“It is time for all Melanesian nations to confront the reality behind the diplomatic facades and development aid.

“No amount of financial incentives or diplomatic charm can erase the undeniable suffering of the West Papuan people.

“We must rise above political appeasement and fulfill our moral and regional duty as one Melanesian family.

“The Pacific cannot claim moral leadership while turning a blind eye and deaf ear to colonial violence on our own shores. Justice delayed is justice denied.”

‘Peaceful, prosperous Melanesia’
Meanwhile, The Fiji Times reports that the 23rd MSG Leaders’ Summit got underway on Monday in Suva, drawing heads of state from Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and representatives from New Caledonia’s FLNKS.

Hosted under the theme “A Peaceful and Prosperous Melanesia,” the summit ended yesterday.

This year’s meeting also marked Fiji’s first time chairing the regional bloc since 1997.

Fiji officially assumed the MSG chairmanship from Vanuatu following a traditional handover ceremony attended by senior officials, observers, and dignitaries at Draiba.

Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape arrived in Suva on Sunday and reaffirmed Papua New Guinea’s commitment to MSG cooperation during today’s plenary session.

He will also take part in high-level talanoa discussions with the Pacific Islands Forum’s Eminent Persons Group, aimed at deepening institutional reform and regional solidarity.

Observers from the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and Indonesia were also present, reflecting ongoing efforts to expand the bloc’s influence on issues like self-determination, regional trade, security, and climate resilience in the Pacific.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

Amir Levy/Getty Images

After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

What did each side gain?

The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

What might future deterrence look like?

The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

The Conversation

Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/will-the-fragile-ceasefire-between-iran-and-israel-hold-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

Ramzy Baroud: The fallout – winners and losers from the Israeli war on Iran

COMMENTARY: By Ramzy Baroud, editor of The Palestinian Chronicle

The conflict between Israel and Iran over the past 12 days has redefined the regional chessboard. Here is a look at their key takeaways:

Israel:
Pulled in the US: Israel successfully drew the United States into a direct military confrontation with Iran, setting a significant precedent for future direct (not just indirect) intervention.

Boosted political capital: This move generated substantial political leverage, allowing Israel to frame US intervention as a major strategic success.

Iran:
Forged a new deterrence: Iran has firmly established a new equation of deterrence, emerging as a powerful regional force capable of directly challenging Israel, the US, and their Western allies.

Demonstrated independence: Crucially, Iran achieved this without relying on its traditional regional allies, showcasing its self-reliance and strategic depth.

Defeated regime change efforts: This confrontation effectively thwarted any perceived Israeli strategy aimed at regime change, solidifying the current Iranian government’s position.

Achieved national unity: In the face of external pressure, Iran saw a notable surge in domestic unity, bridging the gap between reformers and conservatives in a new social and political contract.

Asserted direct regional role: Iran has definitively cemented its status as a direct and undeniable player in the ongoing regional struggle against Israeli hegemony.

Sent a global message: It delivered a strong message to non-Western global powers like China and Russia, proving itself a reliable regional force capable of challenging and reshaping the existing balance of power.

Exposed regional dynamics: The events sharply exposed Arab and Muslim countries that openly or tacitly support the US-Israeli regional project of dominance, highlighting underlying regional alignments.

Dr Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of The Last Earth: A Palestinian Story (Pluto Press, London). He has a PhD in Palestine Studies from the University of Exeter (2015) and was a Non-Resident Scholar at Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies, University of California Santa Barbara. This commentary is republished from his Facebook page.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

Amir Levy/Getty Images

After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

What did each side gain?

The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

What might future deterrence look like?

The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

The Conversation

Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/iran-and-israel-agree-to-a-fragile-ceasefire-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

eSafety boss wants YouTube included in the social media ban. But AI raises even more concerns for kids

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tama Leaver, Professor of Internet Studies, Curtin University

Irina WS/Shutterstock

Julie Inman Grant, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, today addressed the National Press Club to outline how her office will be driving the Social Media Minimum Age Bill when it comes into effect in December this year.

The bill, often referred to as a social media ban, prevents under-16s having social media accounts. But Inman Grant wants Australians to consider the bill a “social media delay” rather than a ban.

When the ban was legislated in November 2024, the federal government carved out an exemption for YouTube, citing the platform’s educational purpose.

Inman Grant has now advised the government to remove this exemption because of the harm young people can experience on YouTube. But as she has also pointed out, there are new risks for young people that the ban won’t address – especially from generative artificial intelligence (AI).

Banning YouTube

According to eSafety’s new research, 37% of young people have encountered harmful content on YouTube. This was the highest percentage of any platform.

In her speech, Inman Grant argued YouTube had “mastered persuasive design”, being adept at using algorithms and recommendations to keep young people scrolling, and that exempting YouTube from the ban simply makes no sense in her eyes.

Her advice to Communications Minister Anika Wells, which she delivered last week, is to not exempt YouTube, effectively including that platform in the ban’s remit.

Unsurprisingly, YouTube Australia and New Zealand has responded with vigour. In a statement published today, the Google-owned company argues that

eSafety’s advice goes against the government’s own commitment, its own research on community sentiment, independent research, and the view of key stakeholders in this debate.

YouTube denies it is a social media platform and claims the advice it should be included in the ban is “inconsistent and contradictory”.

But given YouTube’s Shorts looks and feels very similar to TikTok, with shorter vertical videos in an endlessly scrolling feed, exempting YouTube while banning TikTok and Instagram’s Reels never appeared logically consistent.

It also remains the case that any public YouTube video can be viewed without a YouTube account. The argument that including YouTube in the ban would stop educational uses, then, doesn’t carry a lot of weight.

How will the ban work?

Inman Grant took great care to emphasise that the responsibility for making the ban work lies with the technology giants and platforms.

Young people who get around the ban, or parents and carers who help them, will not be penalised.

A raft of different tools and technologies to infer the age of users have been explored by the platforms and by other age verification and assurance vendors.

Australia’s Age Assurance Technology Trial released preliminary findings last week. But these findings really amounted to no more than a press release.

No technical details were shared, only high-level statements that the trial revealed age-assurance technologies could work.

These early findings did reveal that the trial “did not find a single ubiquitous solution that would suit all use cases”. This suggests there isn’t a single age-assurance tool that’s completely reliable.

If these tools are going to be one of the main gatekeepers that do or don’t allow Australians to access online platforms, complete reliability would be desirable.

Concerns about AI

Quite rightly, Inman Grant opened her speech by flagging the emerging harms that will not actually be addressed by new legislation. Generative AI was at the top of the list.

Unregulated use of AI companions and bots was of particular concern, with young people forming deep attachments to these tools, sometimes in harmful ways.

Generative AI has also made the creation of deepfake images and videos much easier, making it far too easy for young people to be harmed, and to cause real harm to each other.

As a recent report I coauthored from the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child highlights, there are many pressing issues in terms of how children and young people use and experience generative AI in their everyday lives.

For example, despite the tendency of these tools to glitch and fabricate information, they are increasingly being used in place of search engines for basic information gathering, life advice and even mental health support.

There are larger challenges around protecting young people’s privacy when using these tools, even when compared to the already privacy-averse social media platforms.

There are many new opportunities with AI, but also many new risks.

With generative AI being relatively new, and changing rapidly, more research is urgently needed to find the safest and most appropriate ways for AI to be part of young people’s lives.

What happens in December?

Social media users under 16, and their parents and carers, need to prepare for changes in young people’s online experiences this December when the ban is due to begin.

The exact platforms included in the ban, and the exact mechanisms to gauge the age of Australia users, are still being discussed.

The eSafety Commissioner has made her case today to include more platforms, not fewer. Yet Wells has already acknowledged that

social media age-restrictions will not be the end-all be-all solution for harms experienced by young people online but they will make a significant impact.

Concerns remain about the ban cutting young people off from community and support, including mental health support. There is clearly work to be done on that front.

Nor does the ban explicitly address concerns about cyberbullying, which Inman Grant said has recently “intensified”, with messaging applications at this stage still not likely to be included in the list of banned services.

It’s also clear some young people will find ways to circumvent the ban. For parents and carers, keeping the door open so young people can discuss their online experiences will be vital to supporting young Australians and keeping them safe.

The Conversation

Tama Leaver receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a chief investigator in the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

ref. eSafety boss wants YouTube included in the social media ban. But AI raises even more concerns for kids – https://theconversation.com/esafety-boss-wants-youtube-included-in-the-social-media-ban-but-ai-raises-even-more-concerns-for-kids-259561