A disturbing video has surfaced of a female, alleged to be a rape victim, attempting to jump out of the Kuri Dom Lecture Building at the University of Papua New Guinea.
UPNG Students Representative Council (SRC) president Joel Rimbu has dispelled this allegation, saying that the female was not a student — she was an outsider visiting her boyfriend, who is alleged to be a staff member.
An argument broke out during their rendezvous where the frustrated female attempted to jump out of the building, while students filmed.
Rimbu said he was at the location assessing the situation with Uniforce Security of UPNG.
“She was later dropped of at the nearest bus stop to go home,” he said.
“She refused to take the matter to the police.”
Speaking about the safety of female students on campus, the SRC female vice-president, Ni Yumei Paul, immediately raised the incident with the Campus Risk Group (UniForce) and they were assured that the group would investigate and report back next week.
The report, spanning 1990 and 2022, found the rate of obesity quadrupled among children and adolescents.
Sir Collin Tukuitonga — who is associate professor, associate dean Pacific and a research director at Auckland University’s medical school — said the results for children were especially concerning.
“The local data here will show that two-thirds of young Pacific girls are obese, overweight. There’s increasing trends in childhood obesity.
Sir Collin said obesity was a longstanding fight for Pacific nations.
“The problem of course is that it’s so difficult to tackle, and it’s all to do with our food systems, how people are not as active as they used to be.”
“There is a need throughout the world for social and agricultural policies and food programmes that address the remaining burden of underweight while curbing and reversing the rise in obesity by enhancing access to healthy and nutritious foods,” it said.
The Lancet report said there was an urgent need for major changes in how obesity is tackled.
Obesity can increase the risk of developing many serious health conditions, including heart disease, type 2 diabetes and some cancers.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Rendall, Lecturer in Conservation Biology, School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Deakin University
The eastern barred bandicoot was once found in abundance across the basalt plains of western Victoria. But habitat destruction and predation by introduced red foxes drove the species to the brink of extinction on the mainland.
Establishing populations in fenced reserves was critical in providing insurance against extinction. To further increase bandicoot numbers to provide long-term security against extinction, we needed more fox-free land.
A bold plan was hatched: move the species to where the predators weren’t. Introduce them to Victoria’s fox-free Phillip and French islands.
Six years later, the bandicoot made conservation history, as the first species in Australia to be reclassified from extinct in the wild to endangered.
Why don’t we translocate all endangered species to islands? The technique can be effective, but can come with unwanted consequences.
The surprising benefits of translocation
Eastern barred bandicoots are ecosystem engineers. As they dig for their dinner of worms, beetles, bulbs, fungi and other foods, their industrious work improves soil quality, and in turn, the health of vegetation.
So when we translocate threatened species, we can get a double win – a rapid increase in their populations and restoration of lost ecosystem functions.
Australia’s landscapes look very different than they did before European colonisation around 230 years ago.
Industrialised farming, introduced predators and habitat destruction and fragmentation are driving biodiversity decline and extinctions. As species die out, ecosystems lose the vital functions wildlife perform. Without them, ecosystems might not operate as well or even collapse – a little like a poorly serviced car engine.
We feel the loss most acutely when we lose keystone species on which many other species depend, such as oysters and bees. Restoring these functions can improve biodiversity and the sustainability of food production. For instance, encouraging owls to return to farmland can cut the use of damaging rodent poisons, as owls eat thousands of mice and rats yearly.
Before colonisation, industrious digging mammals and their soil excavations were extremely widespread. Regrettably, introduced foxes and cats have made short work of many of Australia’s diggers. Six of 29 digging species are now extinct, including the lesser bilby, pig-footed bandicoot and desert rat-kangaroo. Many others are endangered.
New environments don’t necessarily need to be predator-free. The eastern barred bandicoot is thriving on Phillip and French Island, in the presence of feral and domestic cats. The key is there are no foxes.
Many islands are now being thought of as conservation arks, able to provide safe havens for several threatened species at once. Dirk Hartog Island, Western Australia’s largest, is now home to reintroduced western quolls, dibblers, mulgaras and other small mammals, as well as two translocated hare-wallaby species.
Why is translocation not more common?
The technique can work very well – but it can also backfire.
In the 1920s, conservationists undertook the first translocation in Australia by moving koalas to Phillip and French Island – the same Victorian islands now a refuge for bandicoots. While this protected koalas from hunting pressure, koala populations exploded, and the tree-dwelling marsupials ate themselves out of house and home in some areas.
In 2012, conservationists began introducing Tasmanian devils to Maria Island, just off Tasmania’s east coast. They wanted to conserve a healthy population free from the contagious facial tumour which has devastated their populations. On Maria Island, the devils became too successful, wiping out the island’s penguin and shearwater populations.
You can see translocations aren’t a silver bullet. We have to carefully consider the pros and cons of any such conservation intervention. Ecosystems are complex. It’s not easy to predict what will happen to an ecosystem if we introduce a species new to the area.
The decision to translocate a species is a value judgement – it prioritises one species over the broader ecosystem. Opponents of translocation question whether we are doing the right thing in valuing efforts to conserve a single species over the innate value of the existing ecosystem.
Translocation is not the end goal. Islands cannot support the vast array of threatened species in Australia.
The end goal is to establish and expand threatened species populations on the mainland in fenced reserves before eventually reintroducing them to the wild where they will encounter introduced predators.
Research is being done to explore how we can make this work, such as:
1) Predator-savvy wildlife: some native species may be able to adapt to living alongside introduced predators – with some help. For example, conservationists have exposed semi-captive bilbies to small numbers of feral cats with the aim of increasing their wariness and ultimately boosting their chances of survival. Results have been encouraging.
2) Building ecosystem resilience: we know more intact native ecosystems can reduce the chance of damage from invasive species . That means re-establishing native ecosystems could boost their resilience.
Moving a species from its home is a bold and risky decision. It’s critical local communities and First Nations groups are consulted and able to guide discussions and any eventual actions.
For their part, governments, land managers and conservationists must think more broadly about how we might best conserve species and ecosystems in a rapidly changing world.
Anthony Rendall receives funding from the Department of Energy, Environment, and Climate Action. Anthony is a member of the Australian Mammal Society.
Amy Coetsee works for Zoos Victoria, a not-for-profit zoo-based conservation organisation.
Aviya Naccarella is a member of the Ecological Society of Australia, Australian Mammal Society and Royal Zoological Society of NSW.
Euan Ritchie receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Department of Energy, Environment, and Climate Action. Euan is a Councillor within the Biodiversity Council, and a member of the Ecological Society of Australia and the Australian Mammal Society.
Before the cost of living hit Australian families hard, a group of consumers were already paying top dollar for their staples. Whether it be gluten free, dairy free or lactose free, people with special dietary requirements are used to spending more at the supermarket checkout.
Current examples are easy to find. A white sandwich loaf at Coles costs A$2.40 (or A$0.37 per 100g), whereas the cheapest gluten-free option costs $5.70 (or $1.14 per 100g). That’s over three times as much. Prices are closer comparing Coles Full Cream Milk at A$1.50 per litre with Coles Lactose Free Lite Milk at A$1.60, the exception that confirms the rule.
If manufacturers pay more for ingredients, this is usually reflected in the price of the final product. Regular and gluten-free bread share many common ingredients, but there is a substantial change where wheat flour is replaced by gluten-free flour. This ingredient may cost manufacturers around two times as much given the uniqueness of gluten-free grains, seeds, and nuts. These special ingredients are not as abundant or easy to process as wheat, and are also a bit more difficult to buy in very large scale.
Gluten, a complex mixture of hundreds of related but distinct proteins, has unique properties. It is a binding agent that improves texture in recipes. Gluten-free bread therefore needs extra help to, literally, hold it together. Additional items such as thickeners, tapioca and maize starches are added to gluten-free recipes to improve viscosity and keep baked items in shape. That means a longer ingredient list and a slightly more complex manufacturing process.
So, from an ingredient perspective, gluten-free bread costs more than regular bread. This applies for other allergen-free products as well. But with so many common ingredients, it is reasonable to say that this is not the main explanation.
People with dietary restrictions face higher costs for everyday staples. doublelee/Shutterstock
Is it manufacturing and transporting?
A substantial part of price differences between regular and allergen-free foods comes from economies of scale. Regular products are manufactured in very large quantities, while allergen-free products involve much smaller volumes.
Bulk buying from large suppliers gets you bigger discounts. The more machines in a factory, the cheaper it is to run them. Larger outputs coming from the same place mean smaller costs for each individual product. Given that you have fixed costs to pay anyway, size is king.
You pay the same amount for a grain mill regardless of whether you grind one kilo or one tonne of grains a day. Sure, you spend more on electricity or gas, but those are variable costs.
Deep cleaning machines, thoroughly checking that standards are met, and scrapping whole batches when they are not makes manufacturing allergen-free products more complex and expensive. The implications for non-compliance vary in severity, from a simple recall to a costly infringement notice, plus reputational damage to consumer trust.
It is hard to exactly measure the impact of economies of scale and quality costs on the price of allergen-free products. Each manufacturer will have its own challenges and solutions. But it is reasonable to say a considerable chunk of the difference we see when comparing gluten-free bread with its regular counterpart comes from these factors.
Transportation costs follow a similar rule. If it is easier and quicker to fill your trucks with regular products, while allergen-free products have a hard time making a full load, there are disadvantages in the latter.
Is it the marketing strategy?
The final consideration on allergen-free food prices has to do with competition and willingness to pay.
A quick search on Coles’ website shows 276 results for “bread” once you remove the 42 items that are gluten-free. That means that there are many more brands and products competing for bread consumers than for gluten-free bread consumers.
That’s over six to one! This means customers with dietary restrictions are at a disadvantage as they are beholden to the limited options on offer. As noted by the Australian Competition & Consumer Commission, “competition leads to lower prices and more choice for consumers”.
Fewer allergen-free options means less competition and higher prices. TY Lim/Shutterstock
There is also the willingness to pay, where consumers pay more for products deemed as having higher value. Research shows that on average consumers are willing to pay 30% more for food products that they perceive to be healthier.
Manufacturers and retailers more often than not will capitalise on that, increasing their profit margins for allergen-free products.
4 tips for saving money if you have allergies
People with dietary requirements looking to ease the cost of their weekly grocery shop should use the same strategies as every savvy consumer:
research prices
buy larger quantities where possible
keep a keen eye on price reduction and items on sale
consider replacing products tagged “allergen-free” with alternatives from other categories, such as going for rice instead of gluten-free pasta in a dish.
In the long run, if more customers choose allergen-free products it could lead to more volume and competition, bringing prices down.
Just over a week ago, European physicists announced they had measured the strength of gravity on the smallest scale ever.
In a clever tabletop experiment, researchers at Leiden University in the Netherlands, the University of Southampton in the UK, and the Institute for Photonics and Nanotechnologies in Italy measured a force of around 30 attonewtons on a particle with just under half a milligram of mass. An attonewton is a billionth of a billionth of a newton, the standard unit of force.
The researchers say the work could “unlock more secrets about the universe’s very fabric” and may be an important step toward the next big revolution in physics.
But why is that? It’s not just the result: it’s the method, and what it says about a path forward for a branch of science critics say may be trapped in a loop of rising costs and diminishing returns.
Gravity
From a physicist’s point of view, gravity is an extremely weak force. This might seem like an odd thing to say. It doesn’t feel weak when you’re trying to get out of bed in the morning!
Still, compared with the other forces that we know about – such as the electromagnetic force that is responsible for binding atoms together and for generating light, and the strong nuclear force that binds the cores of atoms – gravity exerts a relatively weak attraction between objects.
And on smaller scales, the effects of gravity get weaker and weaker.
It’s easy to see the effects of gravity for objects the size of a star or planet, but it is much harder to detect gravitational effects for small, light objects.
The need to test gravity
Despite the difficulty, physicists really want to test gravity at small scales. This is because it could help resolve a century-old mystery in current physics.
Physics is dominated by two extremely successful theories.
The first is general relativity, which describes gravity and spacetime at large scales. The second is quantum mechanics, which is a theory of particles and fields – the basic building blocks of matter – at small scales.
These two theories are in some ways contradictory, and physicists don’t understand what happens in situations where both should apply. One goal of modern physics is to combine general relativity and quantum mechanics into a theory of “quantum gravity”.
One example of a situation where quantum gravity is needed is to fully understand black holes. These are predicted by general relativity – and we have observed huge ones in space – but tiny black holes may also arise at the quantum scale.
At present, however, we don’t know how to bring general relativity and quantum mechanics together to give an account of how gravity, and thus black holes, work in the quantum realm.
However, these approaches are entirely theoretical. We currently don’t have any way to test them via experiments.
To empirically test these theories, we’d need a way to measure gravity at very small scales where quantum effects dominate.
Until recently, performing such tests was out of reach. It seemed we would need very large pieces of equipment: even bigger than the world’s largest particle accelerator, the Large Hadron Collider, which sends high-energy particles zooming around a 27-kilometre loop before smashing them together.
Tabletop experiments
This is why the recent small-scale measurement of gravity is so important.
The experiment conducted jointly between the Netherlands and the UK is a “tabletop” experiment. It didn’t require massive machinery.
The experiment works by floating a particle in a magnetic field and then swinging a weight past it to see how it “wiggles” in response.
This is analogous to the way one planet “wiggles” when it swings past another.
By levitating the particle with magnets, it can be isolated from many of the influences that make detecting weak gravitational influences so hard.
The beauty of tabletop experiments like this is they don’t cost billions of dollars, which removes one of the main barriers to conducting small-scale gravity experiments, and potentially to making progress in physics. (The latest proposal for a bigger successor to the Large Hadron Collider would cost US$17 billion.)
Work to do
Tabletop experiments are very promising, but there is still work to do.
The recent experiment comes close to the quantum domain, but doesn’t quite get there. The masses and forces involved will need to be even smaller, to find out how gravity acts at this scale.
We also need to be prepared for the possibility that it may not be possible to push tabletop experiments this far.
There may yet be some technological limitation that prevents us from conducting experiments of gravity at quantum scales, pushing us back toward building bigger colliders.
Back to the theories
It’s also worth noting some of the theories of quantum gravity that might be tested using tabletop experiments are very radical.
Some theories, such as loop quantum gravity, suggest space and time may disappear at very small scales or high energies. If that’s right, it may not be possible to carry out experiments at these scales.
After all, experiments as we know them are the kind of thing that happen at a particular place, across a particular interval of time. If theories like this are correct, we may need to rethink the very nature of experimentation so we can make sense of it in situations where space and time are absent.
On the other hand, the very fact we can perform straightforward experiments involving gravity at small scales may suggest that space and time are present after all.
Which will prove true? The best way to find out is to keep going with tabletop experiments, and to push them as far as they can go.
Sam Baron receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
This year marks 50 years since Australia established diplomatic ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the political bloc that represents over 650 million people across 10 countries in the region.
Over the years, the relationship has benefited both sides. In 2022, for instance, trade between Australia and ASEAN reached around A$178 billion – greater than our two-way trade with Japan, the United States or the European Union.
However, this is a pivotal time in the region with many pressing challenges, from the ongoing conflict in Myanmar to competing claims and rising tensions with China over the South China Sea.
For example, many of the analysts, academics, policymakers and young leaders we interviewed said Australia has rarely, if ever, been as attentive to Southeast Asia as it has in recent years.
These experts wondered whether this level of enthusiasm, resourcing and engagement could survive a significant geopolitical or economic shock. They raised gentle questions about the viability of long-term Australian engagement in the region at a time when migration, terrorism and strategic competition are, once again, prominent in the Australian public debate.
As one senior Indonesian analyst told me:
It is natural that relations between Australia and ASEAN should be good. We take this for granted. And we take for granted that it will still be in good in the future. But might it not be so good?
In our study, we found the greatest divergence of views on the strength of the relationship is not based on geography. Rather, it is generational.
The emphasis among older, established analysts and policymakers is on sustaining institutional links and maintaining high-level connections between the two sides – traditionally considered the essence of good diplomacy.
Younger leaders, however, were almost all heavily focused on the need to find more innovative and creative ways to foster exchanges. Many had their earliestexperiences of ASEAN-Australia engagement during the COVID-19 pandemic, when they were confined to home and connected to the world through Zoom and other virtual meeting spaces.
They would also like greater opportunities to connect with like-minded, emerging Australian leaders, particularly on issues related to the environment, and social and human rights.
The reality, according to one young ASEAN leader, is “we have a very positive sense of Australia, but the Australia-ASEAN relationship isn’t something that immediately comes to mind”.
The reason, he suggests, is that the great power rivalry between the United States and China dominates much of the discussion among leaders in Southeast Asia. This leaves less space to consider other important countries contributing to the region’s success, such as Australia.
On the flip side, Australians have likely underestimated the importance of ASEAN and its role in resolving conflicts “in a quiet and understated way”, as one senior Australian business figure told me. He added:
We have often desperately underestimated the value of ASEAN for managing China. […] Because in Southeast Asia they’re not shouting we assume they are subservient.
Rather than presuming to act as mediator or providing our own guidance on managing these relationship, perhaps the more prudent Australian approach would be to spend as much time as possible listening. There are many thoughtful voices in the region considering their own futures adjacent to China.
In this context, our report offers some recommendations on how to develop a stronger Australia-ASEAN partnership.
In response to what younger Southeast Asian leaders told us, for instance, we believe a future-focused ASEAN-Australia Centre should be established. This centre could focus on analytically driven and commercially oriented ways to bring Australia and Southeast Asia even closer together.
Australia has also invested heavily in developing educational ties with Southeast Asia, and has become a top education destination for many students. What is lacking, however, is a model to better integrate these students, creating a shared sense of purpose, direction and belonging.
This would provide more opportunities for high-potential future leaders to build connections with one another from a young age. As one youth leader told us:
There is a chance to build a bridge where Australia can also help us to better figure ourselves out.
The ASEAN-Australia Strategic Youth Partnership is already partly fulfilling this appetite for engagement. It has more than 300 members aged 18-29 from Australia and every ASEAN member. The Australia-ASEAN Emerging Leaders Program (or A2ELP, for short) is another organisation geared toward Southeast Asian and Australian social entrepreneurs.
They are a great start. We should now build on the fact Australia has a wide constellation of universities, think tanks, community organisations and other stakeholders that are deeply committed to further developing connections between the regions. For instance, a number of universities have already set up campuses in Southeast Asia, such as RMIT University in Vietnam, Monash University in Malaysia and James Cook University in Singapore.
And a growing number are looking to expand specifically in Indonesia, following the lead of Monash in recent years.
It’s important for graduates to also have greater opportunities to live and work in Australia – and vice versa. Australia’s recent moves towards supporting working holiday visas for young Southeast Asians are a good example, as are the New Colombo Plan scholarships, which support Australian undergraduates studying and undertaking internships in the Indo-Pacific region.
We should now look for other ways to foster talent mobility between Australia and the ASEAN members. As one emerging leader in Southeast Asia who wants to spend more time in Australia explained:
Australia is really open, with good work-life balance, and a business culture that brings people together.
As Pro Vice-Chancellor at the University of Tasmania, Nicholas Farrelly engages with a wide range of organisations and stakeholders on educational issues, including at the ASEAN-Australia interface. The report discussed here was commissioned and funded by the Australian Mission to ASEAN, a part of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Nicholas has also previously received funding from the Australian Research Council for Southeast Asia-focused work. He is on the board of the Australia-ASEAN Council, which is an Australian government body, and also a director of NAATI, Australia’s government-owned accreditation authority for translators and interpreters. These are his personal views, shaped by strong collaboration with his co-authors for this report.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vikki McLeod, PhD Graduate, Centre for Clean Energy Technologies and Practices, Queensland University of Technology
Unsurprisingly, rooftop solar output is growing fast. In 2022, one-in-three homes had solar panels. Total rooftop solar capacity exceeded 30 gigawatts, compared to the remaining 21GW of coal generation.
Rooftop solar photovoltaic (PV) systems will soon supply half of our electricity demand. At times of the day, they already supply close to 100% of electricity demand and in some regions can briefly meet all demand.
This means renewable energy is displacing the electricity traded through the wholesale market and supplied via the transmission system. The National Electricity Market (NEM) is the wholesale market where large generators and retailers buy and sell electricity to supply the eastern and south-eastern states. It was never designed to cope with large amounts of renewable energy feeding into the grid at large, medium and small scales.
The market’s design doesn’t allow for harnessing the full economic and technical potential of the millions of consumer-owned generators, known as distributed energy resources (DERs). Comprehensive market reforms are urgently needed to achieve an energy transition at least cost to energy users.
What are the challenges of reform?
The National Electricity Market has operated largely in its current form since the 1990s. It was designed for large fossil-fuelled power stations, but many of these are on the way out.
Millions of rooftop solar systems are now connected to the grid. The market needs to change to a system that can manage and co-ordinate these small renewable energy generators.
To minimise disruption, a reformed market has to be able to accommodate and value the electricity and power system services that these millions of distributed energy resources can provide. They offer flexibility and can help balance supply and demand, thus improving grid stability.
Between 2019 and 2023, the former Energy Security Board (ESB) and regulators were tasked with delivering a new market design for the clean energy transition. Reforms to better integrate variable renewable generation included:
The Energy Security Board also proposed a two-sided market to allow energy users to actively trade electricity. The design of the reform fell short, but the intent remains valid. This reform needs to be revisited.
The electricity market rules define what commodities are valued and traded, how they are to be traded and by whom. These rules are embedded in thousands of pages of legislation. Each change takes about two years to progress.
These incremental market and policy patches fall short of the systemic change needed for a clean energy future. The whole National Electricity Market and its processes must be redefined.
The current focus of attention is on the large scale. What is being overlooked is the potential of small-scale and local generation to supply electricity where it is needed. This oversight creates a risk of building too much transmission infrastructure at great cost.
The opportunity of energy market reform is that the millions of small, privately owned, behind-the-meter generators could economically provide a big share of Australia’s future electricity and power system services.
A new Sydney townhouse development has solar panels installed on every roof. HDC Creative/Shutterstock
Government must lead the transformation
The clean energy transition is a national priority. Change on this scale requires governments to work together to deliver economic productivity, affordable energy and climate action.
A clear set of principles is needed to guide these changes. The principles from the National Energy Transformation Partnership agreement between federal, state and territory governments are a good place to start. It recognises consumers’ needs as central to the transformation, and that a strong economy depends on affordable, clean and secure energy sources.
The agreement also recognises the role electricity networks and demand-side participation will play in the energy transition. The demand side includes all the small, behind-the-meter, grid-connected, rooftop solar systems and interruptible uses of electricity such as hot-water systems.
Reforming the electricity market is complex work. It requires an in-depth knowledge of governance and regulatory frameworks, commercial realities and consumer needs.
Putting energy users at the heart of these complex reforms requires a holistic systems thinking approach to policy and regulatory design. Such an approach takes into account how all parts of a complex system interact.
With the consumer having such a key role, the focus, planning and investment in these smaller energy sources must be on par with that given to the large generators.
Renewable Energy Zones – areas with the greatest potential to develop renewable energy projects – have shown that, with the right policy settings, billions of dollars of investment can be mobilised. The same level of focus on policy settings and market reforms is needed at the small scale of “Community Energy Zones”.
Each zone must be able to accommodate the unique characteristics of its energy users. It must create an investment environment that supports a local ecosystem of skills, trades and community benefit, ultimately leading to a zero-emission community. It must also support technological and business innovation and allow distribution networks to transition to a smart grid at low risk and low cost.
Vikki McLeod is in receipt of a PhD write-up scholarship from the RACE for 2030 CRC. She has recently commenced a role as energy market reform adviser at Rewiring Australia.
Prof. Marcus Foth receives research funding from the Australian Research Council and the RACE for 2030 CRC. He is a member of the Queensland Greens.
The federal government has released the final report on a Universities Accord. Taking more than a year to prepare, it is billed as a “blueprint” for reform for the next decade and beyond. It contains 47 recommendations across student fees, wellbeing, funding, teaching, research and university governance. You can find the rest of our accord coverage here.
The Universities Accord final report calls for meaningful steps to increase the numbers of Indigenous graduates and Indigenous leaders in higher education. In post-referendum Australia, this is more important than ever.
The philosophy of “nothing about us without us” runs through the report, with recommendations for Indigenous leadership in policies, programs, funding and decision-making. Is this enough?
What does the accord recommend?
One of the key recommendations of the report is to raise Indigenous participation at university. The accord wants Australia’s university student population to reflect the demographic composition of Australian society.
It wants to do this by introducing equity targets. At the moment, Indigenous Australians make up 3.7% of the Australian population but only 1.5% of university completions.
It also has a strong element of self-determination, with a proposed First Nations-led review of universities and a First Nations council to provide advice to the federal education minister and sector. The report also calls for an increase of more Indigenous people in leadership and governance positions within universities.
This is not the first time
While the sentiments in the report are welcome, this is not the first time there have been plans to boost Indigenous enrolment at university. Although previous reports have advocated for increased Indigenous Australian participation at universities, completion rates have remained low.
So we need more than just good intentions or targets. Preparing Indigenous Australian students for university also needs to involve recognising and valuing different pathways into higher education. This should include recognising work experience and preparatory programs (and not just Year 12 results) and/or participation in pre-university experiences and courses.
It also needs to include mentorships, career counselling and work experience in high school.
Once students are enrolled, universities also need to provide support to Indigenous students throughout their study. This may include culturally responsive approaches to teaching, access to support services, and nurturing a sense of belonging on campus.
For example, Indigenous support units for both undergraduate students and postgraduate students are essential. This support must be tailored to the individual needs of each student.
Financial challenges can prevent students from completing their degrees, especially those from low socioeconomic backgrounds, regional areas or Indigenous students.
Many Indigenous students may also experience intergenerational poverty as a legacy of colonisation. As the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation notes, poverty is “reinforced and entrenched” by ongoing experiences of racism.
Our research involving 308 Indigenous Australian students who completed their university degrees between 2018 and 2022 found economic conditions, particularly financial hardship, were one of the key factors affecting Indigenous students’ completion. Students often had to rely on support from family and/or take on work while studying to make ends meet.
So it is vital that Indigenous students get adequate financial support that covers the cost of food, accommodation and study materials. The review suggests financial support to students needs to increase. While costly, this should be a priority.
Approximately 63% of Australia’s Indigenous population also live in outer regional areas or very remote areas.
The report talks at length about boosting infrastructure for regional campuses. This is a crucial component. Indigenous Australians need to be able to study in places close to where they live and that they can easily access.
The report recommends a First Nations-led review of tertiary education with a view to “strengthening” student and university workforce numbers of Indigenous peoples, as well as First Nations knowledge of research.
The Indigenous higher education sector has been calling for reforms for years, which have been documented in various government reports. National Aboriginal and torres Strait Islander Higher Education consortium: Accelerating Indigenous Higher Education consultation paper.
So while this proposed new review sounds like a significant and comprehensive piece of work, it isn’t a new idea. What’s really needed is a commitment to implement recommendations from the years of work by Indigenous experts in the higher education sector, rather than starting a new process.
The accord aims to build a more inclusive and equitable higher education for all Australians, but we need to see more detail and timelines for action.
The government is still considering the report and has indicated it will take several budgets to implement.
So at this stage, it is only a call to action. Whether the call will be answered remains to be seen.
Peter Anderson receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC)
Levon Ellen Blue previously received funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).
Angela Baeza Pena, Melanie Saward, and Thu Dinh Xuan Pham do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This article is the first in The Conversation’s series examining the housing crisis. Read the other articles in the series here.
The paradox of Australian housing is the abundance of land – 7.5 million square kilometres of it – and the shortage of accommodation.
The pandemic lockdowns and the changes that flowed from them have disrupted the paradox and will take some time to settle down.
By 1911, most of today’s towns were already established. Regional Australia was then home to 60% of the population.
Since then small towns have died, and regional centres have grown, much of the population has moved to the coast and cities for work, and new towns have grown to support mining in the north and west and farming in irrigation areas.
Only 7% of the population lives outside capital cities.
While the first census in 2011 recorded 24% of the workforce was employed in agriculture, forestry or fishing, the most recent survey recorded less than 3%.
Cities made housing expensive
Packing Australia’s population into capital cities helped push up land prices because the supply of well-located land in cities was limited.
The resultant housing stress is worse than the official figures suggest.
The Bureau of Statistics defines housing stress as occurring when a lower-income household spends more than 30% of its gross household income on housing costs.
But as homebuyers have moved further away from city centres to avoid high housing costs, they’ve been hit with higher commuting costs, boosting the number who are in financial stress because of housing.
A study I conducted with University of Canberra colleagues in the mid-2000s found that when commuting costs were included in housing costs the proportion of home owning couples with children in housing stress jumped from 15% to 19%.
Housing became an ‘investment’
Rising prices have made buying an extra home a “safe investment” for existing homeowners – all the more so when accompanied by generous tax concessions..
The more homeowners bought second (and even third) properties, the more price pressure they added to prices which made lightly-taxed capital gains on investment properties seem an even safer bet.
The latest tax figures show 2.2 million Australians owning investment properties, up from 1.2 million two decades earlier. This means that at a time when Australia’s population grew 32%, the number of Australians owning investment properties grew 83%.
The more homeowners make investment decisions on the assumption that prices will keep rising, the more resistant they become to measures that wind those price rises back.
Among those measures are relaxed planning rules that would increase the supply of competing properties, and changes to tax rules that would make investing less attractive.
Labor campaigned in 2016 and again in 2019 on restricting negative gearing to new housing (with a grandfather clause that would allow it to continue on properties that were already negatively geared) and halving the capital gains tax concession.
It lost both elections.
Modelling published in Australian Economic Papers finds that if Labor’s 2019 program had been adopted, the share of households who own their home rather than rent would have climbed 4.7 percentage points.
For most households that would have been able to buy but now have to rent,
renting is an inferior substitute.
But for landlords the displaced would-be owners are useful. They become tenants, helping the investment make sense.
The pandemic lockdowns prompted a rethink of how and where Australians lived.
Home offices became more attractive and group houses became less attractive pushing down the average number of residents per home and pushing up the demand for homes even before borders reopened.
But many Australians discovered they didn’t need to live as close to their work and moved further away to more distant suburbs, and away from cities altogether to regional locations where housing was more affordable.
While this improved their quality of life by cutting housing and commuting costs, it overwhelmed the supply of houses in those regions and pushed up prices.
In time more homes will be built in those regions to accommodate more of them, unless there’s a return to the office.
The changes wrought by COVID will provide challenges and lessons for planning, especially planning for housing and infrastructure away from Australia’s cities.
Their enduring legacy is likely to be a demand for more housing per Australian, which will take some time to meet.
But even then, the dynamics of cities and tax concessions for householders who own more than one home are likely to conspire to keep pushing prices higher.
Yogi Vidyattama previously (in 2020) received funding from ACT Government for economic research related to housing.
This year, all the Oscar nominees for best documentary feature come from outside of the United States.
The dominance of international nonfiction films has some in Hollywood concerned. The North American market has become saturated with true crime and celebrity-powered offerings – often to the detriment of makers of rigourous investigations, riveting real-life stories or innovative artistic expressions.
My research finds, with courage and persistence, documentary filmmakers outside established centres of power draw attention to global problems at the local level. This year’s nominees demonstrate how the industry has shifted from safe topics for English-speaking viewers. This is good news for audiences who want to see depictions from more of the world in which we live.
Here is your guide to the 2024 nominees for best documentary feature.
Bobi Wine: The People’s President
Bobi Wine: The People’s President charts the journey of Ugandan musician Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (stage name Bobi Wine) from humble roots in a Kampalan slum to contesting the corrupt rule of the inexorable Yoweri Museveni as a presidential candidate in 2021.
The first crossroad comes as Museveni changes the country’s constitution to allow him to rule until his death, which Wine and his supporters oppose. On concocted charges, police arrest and torture the popstar-turned-politician. But Wine has the hearts of young voters, as well as his wife Barbie, who adds a personal insight to this fight for freedom.
Although it contains confronting material, Moses Bwayo and Christopher Sharp’s film is the most accessible of the nominees. The documentary features an uplifting Afrobeat soundtrack, and includes astonishing sequences of “people power” at rallies and in protest against state-sanctioned interference to Wine’s campaign.
Maite Alberdi’s portrait of patience and love, The Eternal Memory, has a strong chance at this year’s awards. The film won a top prize at the 2023 Sundance Film Festival and this is Alberdi’s second Oscar nomination for best documentary, after The Mole Agent in 2021.
Journalist Augusto Góngora witnessed many momentous events of Chilean history but his memories are being ravaged by Alzheimer’s disease. His wife of many years, Paulina Urrutia, attempts to stimulate her husband’s confused mind.
Archival footage of Góngora’s reports during the military overthrow of the democratic socialist government in 1973 intersperse this tender documentary. His efforts to record the violence of the Pinochet regime serve as a warning against forgetfulness, and the lyrical tone and steady pace of The Eternal Memory remind the viewer that time passes quickly, so seize the day.
Four Daughters
Filmmaker Kaouther Ben Hania tells the heartrending story of a Tunisian family affected by Islamic radicalisation. The documentary blends fact and fiction by casting actors to play the roles of two absent daughters, Ghofrane and Rahma.
Since the 2011 uprising that ousted autocratic former President Ben Ali, Tunisia has experienced poverty and violence, leading many young people to go to nearby countries to enlist as jihadists.
We watch as mother Olfa Hamrouni meets her surrogate daughters, played by Ichrak Matar and Nour Karoui. Together with the remaining girls, Eya and Tayssir, they reenact scenes from their lives together. Another actor, Hend Sabry, is on standby to take Olfa’s place for parts that are “too difficult” to play as herself.
Four Daughters examines themes of generational loss for women in the Arab world, but not without moments of resilience and humour. Ben Hania’s therapeutic approach to working with her participants challenges practitioners who deploy exploitative modes of documentary production.
Indian-born Canadian filmmaker Nisha Pahuja’s stunningly shot and scored documentary deals with the gang rape of a 13-year-old girl during a wedding party in Jharkhand in eastern India.
Rice farmer Ranjit seeks justice for his eldest daughter Kiran through the court system: a rare course of action in rural India. Activists from the Srijan Foundation join Ranjit’s quest, hoping to garner a crucial conviction for the crime and to end entrenched prejudices that lead most gender-based violence in India to go unreported.
Pressure and threats mount as Pahuja and her crew capture an all-or-nothing battle. To Kill A Tiger has several unforgettable scenes – and the glimmer of hope on the horizon.
20 Days in Mariupol
Predicted as the favourite to win in a tight race, Pulitzer-prize winning journalist Mstyslav Chernov’s observational-style account of the Russian invasion of the Ukrainian port city Mariupol makes for tense viewing. When Russian troops surround the city, the bombarded citizens and journalists are left without utilities and unable to escape.
This film follows an investigative journalism approach. Chernov sends dispatches to his editors of ordinary people during extraordinary times, and the resulting news items become punctuation points in the film.
Chernov’s camera goes on to tape several atrocities that are terrible yet crucial to witness, making the account an apt recipient of recognition. The bravery to point the camera in the face of oncoming danger is remarkable, and the documentary greatly benefits from a tight assembly by editor Michelle Mizner, who also produced.
Phoebe Hart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Israel continues its annihilation of Gaza despite ICJ finding a prima facie case of genocide exists.
COMMENTARY:By David Robie
New Zealand has taken another shameful act in its tone deaf approach to Israel’s War on Gaza this week by declaring Hamas a “terrorist entity” at a time when millions are marching worldwide for an immediate ceasefire and a lasting peace founded on an independent state of Palestine.
It would have been more realistic and just to condemn Israel for its genocidal war and five months of atrocities.
Instead, it has been corralled into the Five Eyes clique with an increasingly isolated United States as it continues to support the war with taxpayer funded armaments and providing the cloak of diplomacy.
It was really unwise of Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s coalition government to declare the Hamas political wing as terrorist, after already having declared the military wing terrorist in 2010.
Many argue around the world with increasing insistence that actually Israel is a rogue terrorist state.
Also, it is very unlikely that Benjamin Netanyahu will succeed in his aims of “destroying” the Hamas movement, whatever the final outcome of the war.
As John Minto points out, Palestinian resistance movements have the right under international law to take up arms to fight against their colonial occupiers just as the African National Congress (ANC) had the right to take up arms to fight for freedom in apartheid South Africa.
Hamas represents an ideal, an independent Palestinian state and that can never be defeated.
Factions meet for unity
The various factions of the Palestinian resistance and political movements, including Fatah and Hamas, have been meeting in Moscow this week to settle their differences and stitch together a framework for a “Palestinian government of unity” as a basis for the future political architecture of independence.
Meet Gaza’s 11-year-old war reporter Sumayya Wushah, who says she was inspired by Shireen Abu Akleh to tell Palestine’s stories. pic.twitter.com/a7vB99nkqa
This includes the right to choose their own representatives, including Hamas, a nationalist independence movement defending their illegally occupied territory, not a “terrorist” movement that the US and Israel try to have the world believe.
They are still very likely to be in the post-war line-up ending the status quo after five decades of illegal military occupation of Palestinian lands and the rash of illegal Israeli settlements.
American economist and public policy analyst Professor Jeffrey Sachs . . . “Israel is a criminal. Israel is in non-stop war crime status. Image: Judging Freedom
American economist and public policy analyst Professor Jeffrey Sachs summed up the reality over Israel’s colonial settler project in an interview this week by describing the Netanyahu government as a “murderous gang” and “zealots”, warning that “they are not going to stop”.
“Israel has deliberately starved the people of Gaza. Starved. I am not using an exaggeration.
“I’m talking literally starving a population,” said the director of the Centre for Sustainable Development at New York’s Columbia University.
‘Israel is criminal’
“Israel is a criminal. Israel is in non-stop war crime status. Now, I believe, it is in genocidal status, and it is without shame, without remorse, without truth, without insight into what it is doing.
“But what it is doing is endangering Israel’s fundamental security because it is driving the world to believe that the Israeli state is not legitimate.
“This will stop when the United States stops providing the munitions to Israel. It will not be by any self-control in Israel. There is none in this government.
“This is a murderous gang in government right now. These are zealots. They have some messianic vision of controlling all of today’s Palestinian lands. They are not going to stop.
“They believe in ethnic cleansing, or worse, depending on whatever is needed. And it is, again, the United States, which is the sole support. And it our mumbling, bumbling president and the others that are not stopping this slaughter.”
In addition, to the growing massive protests around the world against the Israeli extremism, a growing number of countries and organisations, inspired by two International Court of Justice cases against Israel — one by South Africa alleging genocide by Israel and the other by the UNGA seeking a ruling on the legality of Israel’s military occupation of Palestine — have introduced lawsuits.
A Dutch court last month ordered the government to block all exports of F-35 fighter jet parts to Israel following concern that the country may be violating international laws such as the Genocide Convention.
Follow-up lawsuit
South Africa is preparing a follow-up lawsuit against the US and the UK for “complicity” in Israel’s war crimes in Gaza. South African lawyer lawyer Wikus Van Rensburg said: “The United States must now be held accountable for the crimes it committed.”
Nicaragua is suing Germany at the ICJ for funding Israel – its export of weapons and munitions to the country has risen ten-fold since the Hamas deadly attack on Israel last October 7 — and cutting aid to the UN Palestinian refugee agency (UNRWA), the major humanitarian agency in Gaza.
It has called for emergency measures that would force Germany to cease military aid to Israel, and restart funding to the UNRWA.
Nicaragua lawyers said in their lawsuit that the action was necessary because of Germany’s “participation in the ongoing plausible genocide and serious breaches of international humanitarian law” in Gaza.
“Would it be OK for you if they killed me?” . . . placard with child in pram at the Palestine solidarity rally in Auckland on Saturday. Image: David Robie/APR
Instead of joining the US-led coalition in the Red Sea operation against the Houthis, who are targeting US, UK and Israeli-linked ships to disrupt maritime trade in support of the Palestinians, New Zealand would have been more constructive by joining the South African case against Israel in The Hague.
Nicaragua lawyers said in their lawsuit that the action was necessary because of Germany’s “participation in the ongoing plausible genocide and serious breaches of international humanitarian law” in Gaza.
No time to be ‘neutral’
This is no time to be “neutral” over the War on Gaza, there are fundamental issues of global justice and human rights at stake. As various global aid officials have been saying, every day that passes without a ceasefire and a step towards an independent Palestine as a long-term solution means more children dying of starvation or from the bombing.
The death toll is already a staggering more than 30,000 — mostly women and children. The war is clearly directed at the people of Gaza, collective punishment.
“At least be real with yourself that by refusing to pick a position you are licking the boot of a nuclear-armed ethnostate that is backed by the most powerful empire the world has ever seen.”
Depending how you want to read it, you can say not a great deal happened in Saturday’s Dunkley byelection, or you find there are messages in it for everyone.
On the first view, Labor’s comfortable win suggests people are feeling the cost-of-living pinch but they’re not blaming the Albanese government.
The Liberals are making the most of a modest swing (3.56% in two-party preferred terms on the latest figures), but it’s par for the course for a byelection. You can’t necessarily say much about other seats from what happened in this one, let alone for a general election more than a year away.
But the parties, naturally and sensibly, will take the view the Dunkley entrails send signals.
We heard this on Saturday when Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles said “there are many messages in the result tonight and I want to assure every Australian that we will examine this closely and understand every message that is there”.
We’ll see the outcome of this examination initially in the budget. Anthony Albanese’s reworking of the Stage 3 tax cuts helped in Dunkley and more cost-of-living assistance will be rolled out.
Education Minister Jason Clare, who’s just released his universities accord report, should be in a good position to win something on the Higher Education Loan Program (HELP) and/or assistance for teaching and nursing students during their placements. Labor will want to keep its firm grip on younger voters.
What message will the Greens take from the dive in their vote? Perhaps they won’t worry overmuch. Reportedly they were light on the ground at the booths on Saturday. Dunkley is not where they’re trying to be competitive. Their eyes are on inner urban areas.
Most significantly, what lessons will the Liberals garner from Dunkley? Will Peter Dutton adjust his strategy, tactics and team?
In an article on Sunday in the Australian Financial Review, two former MPs, Tim Wilson and Jason Falinski, questioned the hope that the Liberals’ road back to power is via concentrating on the outer suburbs.
They write, “like in Aston nearly twelve months ago, the outer suburbs aren’t sending Liberal MPs to Canberra. An area can’t be the new heartland if your primary vote has a three in front of it.”
Wilson and Falinski are coming from a distinct corner. They lost to teals, in Goldstein in Victoria and Mackellar in NSW respectively; Wilson is seeking preselection for another run and there is speculation Falinski will too. So there is some self-interest at play. Nevertheless their argument will resonate with some Liberals who think Dutton has written off these seats (which he’d strongly deny).
“Dunkley was a critical test for those in circles who theorise that the Liberal heartland has shifted from affluent communities to working class ones,” Wilson and Falenski write. They challenge this theory on the basis of the pattern of swings in Dunkley, and find: “What stands out is the return of the Liberal Party’s traditional stomping ground [such as Mount Eliza North] that has been at risk of going teal”.
Dunkley showed well-off households are “voting defensive once more” in the face of being hit by Labor, Wilson and Falinski say.
“Liberals need to win seats like Dunkley to form government. But it is not their heartland; communities like Curtin, Higgins, Mackellar, Warringah, North Sydney and Wentworth are.”
Their conclusion is the need for the Liberals to have a convincing economic plan (although threading the needle between the outer suburban and former “heartland” constituencies could be much more complicated).
Such a plan, it might be said, requires content and salesmanship. The Liberals are presently lacking in both.
Expectations are now being raised about Peter Dutton’s budget reply – will it contain some serious and major policy?
Whether policy comes then, or around then, the opposition surely cannot delay much longer telling people what it would do in some key areas. Anthony Albanese’s small target approach worked when the Coalition and especially its PM were seriously on the nose. But it’s quite likely the public will still be relatively patient towards the Albanese government next year.
Dutton intends soon to announce a reshuffle of his frontbench, filling the vacancies of shadow assistant treasurer and shadow cabinet secretary (left by the departures of Stuart Robert and Marise Payne), and making some other minor changes.
The reshuffle is long overdue. But it will not address core problems Dutton has with his weak frontbench. His shadow treasurer, Angus Taylor is not up to the job when that job is to match and better Treasurer Jim Chalmers. And Dutton’s deputy, Sussan Ley, has become shrill and displays poor judgement, as shown by her inflammatory social media post last week saying, “If you do not want to see Australian women being assaulted by foreign criminals, vote against Labor”.
But both Taylor and Ley are effectively locked into their positions, and Dutton is the loser.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
For years news media bosses warned the creaking business model backing journalism would fail at a major local outlet. It finally happened this week when Newshub’s owners proposed scrapping it. Then TVNZ posted losses prompting warnings of more cuts to come there. Can TV broadcasters pull a crowd without news? And what might the so-far ambivalent government do?
After Warner Bros Discovery top brass broke the bad news to staff on Wednesday, Newshub at 6 that night became a news event in itself.
After Warner Bros Discovery top brass broke the bad news to staff on Wednesday, Newshub at 6 that night became a news event in itself.
In her report, political reporter Amelia Wade reminded viewers more than 30 years of TV news and current affairs — spanning the entire period of commercial TV here — could come to an end in June.
Before TV3 launched in 1989, state-owned TVNZ had been the only game in town.
But for most of its recent history, TV3’s parent company MediaWorks was owned by private equity funds and it was hamstrung with debts.
There were periodic financial emergencies too which seemed to signal the end.
In 2015, the boss Mark Weldon axed the current affairs shows Campbell Live and 3D and replaced them with ones that didn’t pull in more viewers or pull up many trees with their reporting.
“Reports of our death at 6pm have been greatly exaggerated”, host Hilary Barry responded to reports 3 News might be for the chop the following year.
But Weldon persuaded the owners to stump up a significant sum to launch Newshub instead.
When the huge global company Discovery bought MediaWorks loss-making TV channels in December 2020, many in the media were pleased a major media outfit was now in charge.
Using the Official Information Act, Newsroom later reported the Overseas Investment Office fast tracked Discovery’s application and sought no guarantees of a commitment to local news.
“Tova O’Brien breaking stories on CNN NZ at 6pm, before an evening of local reality TV souped up by global budgets and distribution — with major sports and drama rights for good measure,” was one scenario.
“It could also swing the other way, with the New Zealand linear asset seen as too small and obscure,” he warned.
After losses including a $35 million one last year, the owners now “propose” to slice out the entire on-screen and online news operation. New Zealand could lose more than 15 percent of its full-time journalists in one go.
Beginning of the end?
Current affairs journalist Eugene Bingham . . . “this was a moment we’ll look back on as a watershed moment in democracy and journalism.” Image: RNZ
“Oh, the irony, right? When those so-called ‘vulture funds’ had it, the operation still continued, albeit always run on the smell of an oily rag. Then a big media organisation was the one which axed it,” long-serving TV3 current affairs journalist Eugene Bingham told Mediawatch.
“I’ve been around long enough to see death by a thousand cuts over the years. But this was a moment we’ll look back on as a watershed moment in democracy and journalism,” Bingham said.
Former MediaWorks executive Andrew Szusterman told RNZ’s Morning Report the next day this decision would also ripple out to local drama and entertainment.
“We’re going to start to see how this is going to impact the production sector. Irrevocably, possibly,” said Szusterman, now the chief executive at production company South Pacific Pictures.
Does Newshub’s demise also kill off Three?
Mediaworks chief news officer Hal Crawford . . . “The loss of the newsroom represents the loss of the ability to respond to any event in real time.” RNZ
There’s been no shortage of people this week pointing out the appetite for TV news — and linear TV in general — is not what it was. That’s the main reason for the ad revenue slump cited by WBD.
Some who do tune in to Three (and WBD’s other channels) for The Block, Married at First Sight and free movies may not miss the news shows from June 30. So maybe Three will be fine?
“The loss of the newsroom represents the loss of the ability to respond to any event in real time. That is the heart and soul of a traditional TV broadcaster,” Hal Crawford — chief news officer at MediaWorks (and effectively Newshub’s boss) until early 2020 — told Mediawatch.
“When the Queen dies you can send a team to London, you can have someone in the studio talking about it, you can interact in a way that makes people feel like it is alive and a real human entity.”
Warner Bros Discovery executives Glen Kyne (left) and Jamie Gibbons fronting up on Newshub at 6pm last Wednesday. Image: Newshub at 6 screenshot/RNZ
Channels without the live element news brings are effectively just “content databases”, Crawford told Mediawatch.
“News is the one programme that runs 365 days a year . . . which the schedule is going to rely on to lead into prime time. So the rest of your schedule is going to dwindle. Ratings are gonna fall off and everything is going to go to pieces.
“It really is going to dwindle as a cultural entity in New Zealand because you’re not going to be able to justify the funding from NZ on Air if you aren’t getting audiences. It’s hard for me to see a way out of Three basically going away as a cultural force in New Zealand.”
But TV-style news and current affairs is also now being done online.
After Eugene Bingham’s TV3 show 3D was axed in 2016, four members formed the Stuff Circuit investigative team. Its video documentary productions won awards until it was axed by Stuff late last year.
“Of course, there have been changes in viewing habits . . . but there’s still a reason that the ‘1’ and the ‘3’ on remotes around the country are worn down. Hundreds of thousands of people at six o’clock flip the channel. Without a TV bulletin there, doesn’t (Three) just become like Bravo, where there’s just programmes running and you either switch on or you don’t?”
In the end, journalists have to confront the fact that not quite enough people these days care about what they do — including executives at media companies, politicians not inclined to intervene and members of the public.
Most New Zealanders are happy to use services like Netflix or Google search or Facebook that carry news and local content but contribute almost nothing to it.
“But I don’t think people quite understand the depth of the problem facing media and the implications. That certainly came through to me watching the broadcasting minister saying, well, people can still watch programmes like Sky for news,” Bingham said.
The National Party went into the last election without a media or broadcasting policy or any specific manifesto commitments.
What should/could the government do?
Media minister Melissa Lee . . . a case of a private company taking action because “their business model actually wasn’t working”. Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver
While Wednesday’s announcement shocked the 300-odd staff, the local chief executive Glen Kyne — close to tears on Newshub at 6 — told Newshub’s Michael Morrah he had known about the possibility since January.
The government also got a heads-up earlier this week.
Media minister Melissa Lee told reporters WBD made no requests for help, prompting Glen Kyne to tell Newshub WBD did ask both the current and previous government for assistance, such as a reduction in the multi-million dollar fee paid to state-owned transmission company Kordia.
Lee later clarified her comment but was firm that the government had no role to play because this was a case of a private company taking action because “their business model actually wasn’t working.”
On Morning Report, Andrew Szusterman disagreed.
“Channels 7,9 and 10, SBS, ABC, and Fox in Australia all run news services. I don’t think their government would let the last commercial free-to-air news broadcaster just walk away. The fact the broadcasting minister hasn’t fronted . . . it’s quite shameless,” he told RNZ’s Morning Report.
Stuff’s Tova O’Brien — who famously turned on her former employer MediaWorks on air in real time last year when it closed Today FM — called the minister’s response “cold and tone-deaf” and accused the government of a “glib shrug”.
That was partly because Lee’s first response to the Newshub announcement was to tell reporters: “There’s Sky as well, there’s a whole lot of other media about.”
Sky contracts Newshub to produce its 5.30pm free-to-air news bulletin — and Sky subscribers won’t find any locally-made news on Sky TV’s pay channels.
Lee should have known that. She was a programme-maker before she was an MP and was National’s spokesperson on broadcasting for years in opposition.
Lee declined all interview requests this week — including from Mediawatch — but did tell reporters at Parliament: “I wasn’t as articulate as I could have been. But I am taking this seriously.”
The PM told Stuff he is expecting an update at Cabinet on Monday. The media will be watching that space with pens and cameras poised.
There is legislation currently before a select committee which could compel the big online tech platforms to pay local producers of news for it.
In opposition, Lee opposed it and called it “literally a shakedown” in Parliament. (This weekend Facebook’s owner Meta announced it would not do any more deals with media under Australia’s News Media Bargaining Code, prompting a likely confrontation with the government there.)
“The government’s position on this will obviously take into account these latest developments in terms of the wider media landscape. This government is committed to working with the sector on ways to ensure sector sustainability, while still preserving the independence of a fourth estate and avoiding market interference,” Lee said in Parliament on Thursday when questioned.
The government already heavily intervenes in the market by overseeing the state-owned broadcasters and agencies — including TVNZ — and putting over a quarter of a billion dollars every year onto broadcasting, programmes and other content.
The former government also put $80 million over two years into Māori media content, partly in the expectation there might also be a new public media entity to broadcast it.
His chief executive also urged the government to intervene. AM show host Duncan Garner switched the studio lights off as an on-air stunt.
Crawford is now a digital media consultant based in his native Australia. The broadcasting funding agency in NZ On Air hired him in 2021 to review its own spending of public money on the media.
“It’s not a good idea for governments to knee jerk and sponsor particular commercial companies in some sort of bailout,” he said.
“To give money to the people who are in financially the worst position is the most ineffective and unfair use of public money that I can think of. If the market is telling you that something isn’t wanted and needed, you have to listen to that.
“But it doesn’t mean that you have to always listen to the market and do things that have never been done before.”
He cites the Public Interest Journalism Fund which put $55 million into new content and created new jobs for cash-strapped news media companies.
Crawford’s fact-finding report on the planned PIJF in 2021 records media managers feared cuts and possible closures to come.
“Many of our interviewees believed that if an organisation could show that cuts were imminent, they should be able to apply for funded roles under the PIJF. Many saw the dangers in this non-incremental funding, but argued for exceptions in extreme circumstances. Although these arguments are compelling, Funding could evaporate quickly trying to keep the newsrooms of big commercial companies afloat if this became the primary aim of the fund.”
“Around the world and in New Zealand, there’s ample evidence that public funding of journalism is becoming more essential. There has to be a way there, because what we’re seeing with the the planned closure of Newshub is the end result of the factors that we’ve known about for at least a decade,” Crawford told Mediawatch.
“Direct subsidy from the government to a commercial newsroom isn’t going to work. The government has to find a way to sensibly finance news and structure it so that it doesn’t become a political football.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
The government’s easy retention of the Melbourne seat of Dunkley at Saturday’s byelection is a poor result for Peter Dutton. The two-party swing against the government is modest – 4% (soon after 10 pm).
This swing is in the conventional range of byelection swings – although there are multiple measures of those swings, and during the campaign each side has been promoting its preferred one.
For all the media hype and some serious Labor fears beforehand, the story of the Dunkley byelection is that the government has skated home on what was seen as slippery ice.
This contest had been made for Dutton. Cost of living was the front-and-centre issue, and this outer suburban electorate is the sort of seat the opposition leader is targeting for the 2025 election.
The Liberals will take some comfort from their primary vote rising substantially (6.82% to 38.87%). Many Liberals, alienated in the 2022 election by Scott Morrison, have gone back. The party has benefited from the fact One Nation and the United Australia Party were not in the field.
While the Liberals have regained many of their base voters they have not cut into Labor’s primary vote.
That primary vote is stable (up a whisker to 41.02%), despite fears Labor might lose support because of the personal popularity of Peta Murphy, the former member whose death caused the byelection.
Notably, bucking the recent trend away from the major parties, in this byelection the combined vote of the majors has increased.
The Greens vote flopped (down 3.96% to 6.50%). One explanation being canvassed is that in this electorate, the Greens strong pro-Palestinian position has not gone down well, although it would be more popular in some other electorates.
The result vindicates Anthony Albanese’s decision to break his word on the Stage 3 tax cuts, reworking them so that most taxpayers, including most in Dunkley, will be better off on July 1 they would have been under the original Stage 3.
The Dunkley outcome will reinforce Albanese’s belief in his electoral appeal. But the hard heads in Labor will be drilling down into the detail for lessons. Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles told the Labor faithful on Saturday night:“there are many messages in the result tonight and I want to assure every Australian that we will examine this closely and understand every message that is there”.
Regardless of Saturday’s vote, the cost of living remains a huge issue that Labor will have to continue to address, most immediately as it puts together the May budget.
The Dunkley result will put pressure on Dutton, despite the improvement in the Liberal vote. It reminds that the Liberals and Dutton have big problems in Victoria. More generally, it reinforces the point that negative campaigning is not enough. Scares on ex-detainees and boat people didn’t cut it (neither did the large spend by Advance).
The Coalition has to start rolling out policies, to tell people what it is for, not just what it is against. And not just roll out policies, but policies that stack up and can convince swinging voters.
Dutton needed to extract some momentum from Dunkley. He didn’t get it.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Negotiations for the release of New Zealand pilot Phillip Mark Mehrtens, who has been held captive by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) for more than a year, has been hindered by customary issues and “interference of other parties”, say the Indonesian police.
Senior Commander Faizal Ramadhani, head of the Cartenz Peace Operation, made this statement following a visit from New Zealand’s Police Attaché for Indonesia, Paul Borrel, at the operation’s command post in Timika, Mimika Regency, Central Papua Province, last Tuesday.
Mehrtens has been held by the pro-independence group since he was seized on February 7 last year.
The armed group led by Egianus Kogoya seized Mehrtens after he landed his aircraft at Paro Airport and the militant group also set fire to the plane.
The senior commander told local journalists he had conveyed this information to Borrel.
“The negotiation process is still ongoing, led by the Acting Regent of Nduga, Edison Gwijangge,” said Senior Commander Faizal.
“However, the negotiation process is hindered by various factors, including the interference of other parties and customary issues.”
The commander was not specific about the “other parties”, but it is believed that he may be referring to some calls from pro-independence groups for an intervention by the United Nations.
Negotiations ongoing The chief of Nduga Police, Adjutant Senior Commmander VJ Parapaga, said that efforts to free the Air Susi pilot were still ongoing. He said the Nduga District Coordinating Forum (Forkopimda) was committed to resolving this case through a “family approach”.
NZ Police Attaché to Indonesia, Paul Borrel (left) during a visit to the Cartenz Peace Operation Main Command Post in Timika, Mimika Regency, Central Papua Province, last Tuesday. Image: Cartenz Peace Operation/Jubi
“We bring food supplies and open dialogue regarding the release of the pilot,” said Parapaga when contacted by phone on Tuesday. He said efforts to release Phillip Mehrtens remained a top priority.
A low resolution image of New Zealand hostage pilot Philip Mehrtens . . . medication delivered to him, say police. TPNPB-OPM video screenshot APR
New Zealand’s Police Attaché Borrel commended the efforts made by the Cartenz Peace Operation Task Force, saying he hoped Mehrtens would be released safely soon.
“We express our condolences for the loss of the Indonesian Military (TNI) and police members during the pilot’s liberation operation,” Borrel said.
“We hope that the Cartenz Peace Operation can resolve the case as soon as possible.”
The armed group led by Egianus Kogoya seized Mehrtens after he landed his aircraft at Paro Airport and the militant group also set fire to the plane.
Inspector-General Fakhiri said the police always provided assistance to anyone who could deliver logistical needs or requests made by Mehrtens.
He added that the security forces were ready to help if the New Zealand pilot fell ill or needed medicine, shoes or food.
“We hope that he continues to receive logistical support so that he remains adequately supplied with food. This may also include other necessities for his well-being, including medication,” said the inspector-general.
‘Free Papua’ issue Inspector-General Fakhiri said it had been hoped to reach an agreement in November and January.
But he said there were other parties “deliberately obstructing and hindering” the negotiations, resulting in stalled operation.
“From our perspective, they are exploiting the issue of the abduction of the Susi Air pilot as a Free Papua issue,” he said.
The inspector-general said he hoped that the New Zealand government would trust Indonesia to work towards the release of Mehrtens.
“There is a third party that always tries to approach the New Zealand government to use the hostage issue to bring in a third party. We hope that [this request] will not be entertained,” he said.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
With all ordinary booths in Dunkley having primary vote counts and 51% of enrolled votes counted, The Poll Bludger is projecting a final Labor margin of 52.6–47.4, a 3.6% swing to the Liberals. This means Labor candidate Jodie Belyea will win the seat after a byelection was called in the wake of the death of former MP Peta Murphy. There have also been some postals and pre-poll votes included. The Poll Bludger’s Labor win probability is 99%.
This would be a reasonable result for Labor, as analyst Kevin Bonham said the average swing against governments in government-held seats at byelections is 6.1% since federation, and 6.3% in the last 40 years.
Labor holding Dunkley will be a big relief for the party, but it does not predict the next election result. There were four national polls taken last week, and only Newspoll gave Labor a steady lead, with slumps for Labor in Resolve, Essential and Morgan polls.
It’s still likely over a year until the next federal election. What happens in the polls over that time is far more important than the result of this byelection.
Coalition takes lead in Essential for first time this term
A national Essential poll, conducted February 21–25 from a sample of 1,145, gave the Coalition a 48–47 lead including undecided, a reversal of a 50–46 Labor lead last fortnight. This is the first lead for the Coalition this term in this poll.
Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up one), 30% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (down one), 7% One Nation (steady), 2% UAP (up one), 8% for all Others (down one) and 4% undecided (down one). Bonham estimated a Labor lead of 51.4–48.6 from the primaries using 2022 election preference flows, but respondent preferences have been bad for Labor.
Albanese’s net approval improved one point from January to -5, with 47% disapproving and 42% approving. Dutton’s net approval also improved one point to -4.
Labor led the Coalition by 41–28 on supporting higher wages and better working conditions and by 31–23 on addressing climate change. But the Coalition led by 33–28 on reducing cost of living pressures and by 41–23 on keeping Australia’s borders secure.
By 62–19, voters supported making “doxing” (publicly releasing private individual data with malicious intent) a criminal offence. By 76–8, voters would support random alcohol and drug testing of politicians.
Morgan poll and additional questions from Resolve and Newspoll
In this week’s federal Morgan poll, conducted February 19–25 from a sample of 1,682, Labor and the Coalition were tied at 50–50, a 2.5-point gain for the Coalition since the previous week. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (up one), 31.5% Labor (down 2.5), 12% Greens (down one), 5% One Nation (up one) and 13.5% for all Others (up 1.5).
I previously covered the federal Resolve poll and Newspoll that were conducted in late February. Additional questions are below.
Newspoll asked voters their opinion of a proposal to build several small modular nuclear reactors to produce zero-emissions energy on the sites of existing coal-fired power stations once they are retired, finding a 55–31 approval margin. This question is biased in favour of nuclear reactors as it didn’t suggest any other options for replacement.
In the Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, 35% expected the economy to get worse in the next year, 30% get better and 19% stay the same. There was more pessimism for shorter time horizons (six months and three months).
Asked whether the changes to the stage three tax cuts were a broken promise or a changed policy to suit the times, by 46–34 voters backed the changed policy. On whether voters would personally be better or worse off under the changes, 25% said better off, 20% worse off and 55% no change.
By 36–23, voters supported the use of nuclear power, with 27% saying they did not have a strong view and were open to the government investigating its use.
On alcohol in parliament, 68% said politicians should not drink at all during work hours, 20% they could, but not to excess and 4% said drinking alcohol was fine. The most popular options for dealing with an MP suspected of being under the influence were alcohol and drug tests (55% support) and a temporary suspension from parliament (53% support).
Tasmanian EMRS poll: Liberals lead, but likely short of majority
The Tasmanian state election will be held on March 23. An EMRS poll, conducted February 15–21 from a sample of 1,000 – after the election was announced – gave the Liberals 39% (steady since November), Labor 26% (down three), the Greens 12% (steady), the Jacqui Lambie Network 9% (new) and independents 14% (down three).
Incumbent Liberal Premier Jeremy Rockliff led Labor’s Rebecca White as preferred premier by 41–38 (42–35 in November).
Tasmania uses a proportional representation system, so a two party estimate is not applicable. At this election, there will be 35 lower house seats, up from 25 previously. These will be elected in five seven-member electorates, with the quota for election reduced from one-sixth or 16.7% to one-eighth or 12.5%.
Bonham, who is a Tasmanian, estimated that if this poll was accurate, the Liberals would win 15–16 seats, Labor 10, the Greens 2–3, the JLN 2–3 and independents 3–5. If this is the result, the Liberals would be short of the 18 seats needed for a majority, but would likely continue as a minority government.
Bonham also reported on a Tasmanian poll for the Hospitality Association from a large sample of 4,000 taken during the first week of the campaign that was published by The Mercury. Seat numbers in this poll would be similar to the EMRS poll.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
New Zealand news media came under fire at today’s Palestine solidarity rally in Auckland calling for an immediate ceasefire in the war in Gaza with speakers condemning what they said was pro-Israeli “bias” and “propaganda”.
About 500 protesters waved Palestinian flags and many placards declaring “If you’re not heartbroken and furious, you’re not paying attention – stop the genocide”, “Killing kids is not self-defence” and “Western ‘civility, democracy, humanity, morality’ – bitch, where?”.
They gave Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s government a grilling for the “weak” response to Israel atrocities.
Many speakers were angry over the massacre of starving Palestinians when Israeli military forces opened fire on a crowd seeking aid in the central Gaza City area on Thursday with latest Gaza Health Ministry reports indicating that at least 115 Gazans had been killed with 760 wounded.
The UN Human Rights office called for a swift and independent probe into the food aid shootings, saying “at least 14 “similar attacks had occurred since mid-January.
The Biden administration has announced a plan with Jordan to airdrop aid into Gaza but former USAID director Dave Harden has criticised the move as “ineffectual” for the huge humanitarian need of Gaza.
Airdrops ‘symbol of failure’ “Airdrops are a symbol of massive failure,” he told Al Jazeera.
The bodies of three more Palestinians killed in the food aid slaughter were recovered.
Responses to the Gaza food aid massacre . . . “If you’re not hearbroken and furious, you’re not paying attention.” Image: David Robie/APR
The New Zealand media were condemned for relying on “flawed” media coverage and journalists embedded with the Israeli military.
“The New Zealand media ‘scalps’ information to create public perceptions rather than informing the public of the facts so that we can come to the conclusion that what Israel is doing in Gaza is genocide,” Neil Scott, secretary of the Palestine Solidarity Network (PSNA), told the crowd.
PSNA’s Neil Scott addressing the Palestine solidarity crowd today. Video: APR
“What Israel is doing in Palestine is apartheid, what Israel is doing in Palestine is occupation – each of those three, plus way more, are crimes against humanity.
“And what is the New Zealand media doing and saying about this?”
“Nothing,” shouted many in the crowd.
“Nada,” continued Scott.
‘Puppies are cute’ “Puppies? Puppies are cute. We’ll get those on TV.
“Genocide. Apartheid. Occupation. Crimes against humanity. Don’t give us news.”
Television New Zealand’s 1News headquarters in Auckland . . . target of a protest yesterday and condemnation today over its Gaza war coverage. Image: APR
Scott led a deputation of protesters to the headquarters of Television New Zealand yesterday, citing many examples of misinformation of lack of fair and “truthful” coverage.
But management declined to speak to the protesters and the 1News team failed to cover the protest over TVNZ’s coverage of the war on Gaza.
Criticisms have been mounting worldwide against Western news media coverage, especially in the United Kingdom and the United States, the staunchest supporters of Israel and the source of most of NZ’s global news services, including the Middle East.
CNN ‘climate of hostility’ Yesterday, the investigative website Intercept reported how CNN media staff, including the celebrated international news anchor Christiane Amanpour, had confronted network executives over what they claimed as stories about the war on Gaza being changed and a “climate of hostility” towards Arab journalists.
According to a leaked internal recording, Amanpour told management that the CNN policy was causing “real distress” over “changing copy” and ”double standards”.
Meanwhile, one of some 50 protests across New Zealand today – in Christchurch – was disrupted by a group of counter-demonstrators supporting Israel who performed a haka at the Bridge of Remembrance.
The group from the Freedoms and Rights Coalition – linked to the Destiny Church – waved Israeli flags and chanted “go back to Israel”. The pro-Palestinian supporters yelled “shame on them” and carried on with their regular weekly march to Cathedral Square.
As women and children seek hope of a future without tribal fighting, the cycle of killing continues in Papua New Guinea’s remote Highlands.
Tribal warfare dating back generations is being said to show no signs of easing and considered a complicated issue due to PNG’s complex colonial history.
Following the recent massacre of more than 70 people, community leaders in Wabag held mediation talks in an effort to draw up a permanent solution on Tuesday, with formal peace negotiations set down for yesterday between the warring factions.
A woman, who walked 20 hours on foot with seven children to flee the violence in the remote highlands, was at the meeting and told RNZ Pacific she wants the fighting to stop so she can return home.
In 2019, the then police minister said killings of more than two dozen women and children “changed everything”.
But a tribesman, who has asked to remain anonymous, told RNZ Pacific the only thing that had changed was it was easier to get guns.
Multiple sources have told RNZ Pacific the government appears to be powerless in such remote areas, saying police and security forces are sent in by the government when conflict breaks out, there is a temporary pause to the fighting, then the forces leave, and the fighting starts again.
More than 70 people died in the recent tribal fighting in the PNG Highlands. Many Engans have lamented that the traditional rules of war have been ignored as children have not been spared. Image: RNZ Pacific
There are also concerns about a lack of political will at the national level to enforce the law using police and military due to tribal and political allegiances of local MPs, as recommendations made decades ago by former PNG Defence Force commander Major-General Jerry Singirok are yet to be fully implemented.
While the government, police and community groups look at peaceful solutions, mercenaries are collecting munitions for the next retaliatory fight, multiple sources on the ground, including a mercenary, told us.
Killing pays After “Bloody Sunday”, which left dozens dead in revenge killings, the men with guns were out of bullets.
Tribal fighting in Papua New Gunea’s Enga Province reached boiling point on February 18, fuelled by a long-standing feud between different clans, which resulted in a mass massacre.
The tribesman who spoke to RNZ Pacific said they did not want to fight anymore but believed there was no other option when someone from the “enemy” turned up on their land wanting to burn down their village.
“Prime Minister [James Marape] — we want development in our villages,” he said, speaking from a remote area in the Highlands after his village was burnt to the ground.
There is no employment, no infrastructure, no support, he said, adding that those were the things that would keep people busy and away from engaging in tribal conflict.
At the moment killing people paid, he said.
Hela, Southern Highlands, Enga, West Sepik and Western Province were the provinces most affected by PNG’s February 2018 earthquake. Image: RNZ Pacific/Koroi Hawkins
‘Hundreds of lives lost’ “Businessmen, leaders and educated elites are supplying guns, bullets and financing the engagement of gunmen,” Wapenamanda Open MP Miki Kaeok said.
The MP is worried about the influence of money and guns, saying they have taken over people’s lives especially with the increase in engagement of local mercenaries and availability of military issued firearms.
“Hundreds of lives have been lost. Properties worth millions of kina have been ransacked and destroyed. I don’t want this to continue. It must stop now,” Kaeok pleaded.
Meanwhile, men in the Highlands are paid anything between K3000 (NZ$1300) to K10,000 (NZ$4,400) to kill, the tribesman claimed during the interview.
Then, he called over one of the men involved in that fight, an alleged killer, to join the video interview.
“Um this is the hire man,” he introduced him. “If they put K2000 (NZ$880) for him and say go burn down this village — he goes in groups — they clear the village, they give him money and he goes to his village . . . ”
The “hire man”, standing slouched over holding a machete, looked at the camera and claimed 64 people were killed on one side and eight on another pushing the total death toll to more than 70.
Wabag police told RNZ Pacific on Tuesday that 63 bodies had been recovered so far.
“A lot of people died,” an inspector from Wabag told RNZ Pacific.
The killings have not stopped there; a video has been circulating on social media platforms of what appears to be a young boy pleading for his life before he was killed.
The video, seen by RNZ Pacific, shows the child being hit by a machete until he falls to the ground.
The man who allegedly carried out the brutality was introduced to RNZ Pacific by the tribesman via video chat.
“They recognise that this person was an enemy,” the tribesman — translating for the killer, who was standing in a line with other men holding machetes — told RNZ Pacific.
“This small guy (referring to the dead child) came out of the bush to save his life. But he ended up in the hands of enemies.
“And then they chopped him with a bush knife and he was dead.”
“In revenge, he killed that small boy” because the killer’s three family members were killed about five months ago.
Asked whether they were saddened that children have died in the violence, the killer said: “No one can spare their lives because he was included in the fight and he’s coming as a warrior in order to kill people,” our source translated.
Killing people — “that’s the only way”, they said.
Exporting guns The source explained military guns are a fairly recent addition to tribal fighting.
He said that while fighting had been going on most of his life, military style weapons had only been in the mix for the last decade or so.
He said getting a gun was relatively easy and all they had to do was wait in the bush for five days near the border with Indonesia.
“We are using high-powered rifle guns that we are getting exported from West Papuans.”
He added the change from tribe-on-tribe to clan-to-clan fighting has exacerbated the issue, with a larger number of people involved in any one incident.
Mediation underway A Wapenamanda community leader in Enga Province Aquila Kunza said mediation was underway between the warring factions in the remote Highlands to prevent further violence.
“The policemen are facilitating and meditating the peace mediation and they are listening,” Kunza said.
Revenge killings had been ongoing for years and there was no sign of gunmen stopping anytime soon, Kunza said.
“This fight has lasted about four years now and I know it will continue. It occurs intermittently, it comes and goes,” he said.
“When there’s somebody around (such as the military), they go into hiding, when the army is gone because the government cannot support them anymore, the fighting erupts again.”
Kunza has been housing women and children who fled the violence and after years of violence and watching police come and go, he is calling for a community-led approach.
At a large community gathering in Wabag the main town of Enga on Tuesday people voiced their concerns.
“The government must be prepared to give money to every family [impacted] and assist them to resettle back to their villages to make new gardens to build new houses,” Kunza said.
He said formal peace negotiations are taking place today as residents from across the Enga Province are travelling to Wabag today for peace talks between the warring factions.
‘Value life’ Many Engans have lamented that the traditional rules of war have been ignored as children have not been spared in the conflict and societal norms that governed their society have been broken.
A woman who was kidnapped last year in Hela in the Bosavi region — a different area to where the recent massacre took place — and held for ransom said PNG was on the verge of being a failed state.
“I’ve gone through this,” Cathy Alex told RNZ Pacific.
“People told us who gave them their guns in Hela, people told us who supplied them munitions. People told us the solutions. People told us why tribal fights started, why violence is happening,” Alex shared.
She said they managed to find out that killers got paid K2000 (NZ$880) for killing one person, that was in 2017.
“For a property that’s worth K200/300,000 [up to NZ$130,000] that’s destroyed, the full amount goes to the person who caused the tribal fight,” she said.
“How can you not value the life of a person?”
Prime Minister James Marape says he was “deeply moved” and “very, very angry” about the massacre. Image: Screengrab/Loop PNG
Government help With retaliations continuing the “hire man” who claims to have killed more than 20 people from warring tribes, said he is staring down death.
“He would have to die on his land because…when they come they will fight…we have to shoot in order to protect my village,” the tribesman explained.
“He said he’s not scared about it. He is not afraid of dying. He got a gun in order to shoot, they shoot him, and that’s finished.”
“He’s really worried about his village not to burn down.”
The tribesman said that without government committing financial support for infrastructure, jobs and community initiatives the fighting will continue.
He also wants to see a drastic change in police numbers and a more permanent military presence on the ground.
“We don’t have a proper government to protect us from enemies in order to protect ourselves, our houses . . . and to protect assets we have to buy guns in order to protect them.”
Parliament urged to act Last week, the PNG Parliament discussed the issue of gun violence.
East Sepik Governor Allan Bird, who is on the opposition benches, has called on the government “to respond”.
He said the “terrorists in the upper Highlands” needed their guns to be stripped from them.
“We are a government for goodness sake — let’s act like one,” Bird said.
Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso agreed with Bird’s sentiments and acknowledged that the situation was serious.
He called on the whole of Parliament to unite to fix the issue together.
RNZ Pacific has contacted the PM Marape’s office for comment with no response yet.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
A vote of no confidence in Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape is set to be moved on May 29.
Sinasina-Yongamugl Open MP Kerenga Kua told the media yesterday that the Marape government had “subverted the opposition’s attempts to hold them accountable for their actions”.
“I want to give confidence to the people of Papua New Guinea that this opposition is committed to ensuring that this government is brought to account,” Kua, an opposition MP, said at a media conference in Port Moresby.
“People are screaming for accountability. On behalf of the people. We are serious. The people are sick and tired of this government.
“They want to see the back of this government. They want to see them out.”
The opposition bloc stands by the motion filed on February 20 despite discrepancies raised by the overseeing Private Business Committee in a letter.
“The Acting Speaker was clear and advised that there was a discrepancy or discrepancies and so on legal advice, we have opted to not challenge that stance.
“But then by the position that the integrity of the notice of motion that we have filed is intact,” said opposition MP Keith Iduhu.
Accused the opposition He said in their view there were no issues with the paper despite the Prime Minister having “rubbished it” and accused the opposition of forging names.
“If the committee or this chair decides to tamper with the motion . . . in any manner other than contemplated by the Supreme Court, section 23 of the constitution will be invoked and punitive measures will be sought from the courts,” Iduhu said.
“What that means is that penalties to the tune of even imprisonment up to 10 years,” he said.
“We will not hesitate to exercise our rights and the cause under the constitution.”
RNZ Pacific understands that Acting Speaker Koni Iguan and the Private Business Committee would be impacted on if that is the case.
Meanwhile, Marape said last week he would refer the second motion of no confidence paper — the one the opposition bloc said it stands by — to the Parliamentary Privileges Committee following allegations of forgery.
“It looks as if somebody is cutting and pasting these signatures and filling in names,” Marape said.
Acting Speaker Iguan told Parliament on Thursday last week that the first motion of no confidence did not qualify to be listed on the notice paper.
All MPs accountable – watchdog Transparency International PNG (TIPNG) said the abuse of Parliament’s processes undermined public confidence and “fed corruption”.
TIPNG said all MPs were ultimately accountable to the people of PNG.
The anti-corruption watchdog said undermining democratic processes not only erodes public trust but hinders the country’s progress and development.
It said the refusal of the acting speaker to allow the motion for a vote against the prime minister, followed by an adjournment until May raises serious questions.
TIPNG chair Peter Aitsi said the motion is a fundamental tool within the parliamentary system, allowing MPs to hold the executive accountable.
He said denying a no confidence motion without due process was an affront to the democratic rights of both the opposition and the people they represented.
It “perpetuates a culture of impunity and weakens the already fragile checks and balances within the government and fuels an environment rife to corrupt behaviour,” he said.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Today is Remembrance Day — marking the 70th anniversary of the largest US nuclear test detonation, Castle Bravo, which took place over Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands on 1 March 1954.
As one Marshallese resident noted: “It’s not the middle of nowhere to those who call it home.”
When Castle Bravo was detonated over Bikini Atoll, the immediate radioactive fallout spread to Rongelap and Utrik atolls and beyond.
“The impacts of that test, and the 66 others which were carried out above ground and underwater in Bikini and Enewetak atolls between 1946 and 1958, left a legacy of devastating environmental and health consequences across the Marshall Islands,” said World Council of Churches (WCC) programme executive for human rights and disarmament Jennifer Philpot-Nissen.
“The UK and France followed the US and also began a programme of testing nuclear weapons in the Pacific, the final such test taking place as recently as 1996.”
Philpot-Nissen noted that the consequences of the testing across the Pacific had largely remained invisible and unaddressed.
“Very few people have received compensation or adequate assistance for the consequences they have suffered,” she said.
Advocated against nuclear weapons The WCC has consistently advocated against nuclear weapons.
In 1950, the WCC executive committee declared that
“[t]he hydrogen bomb is the latest and most terrible step in the crescendo of warfare which has changed war from a fight between men and nations to a mass murder of human life.
Man’s rebellion against his Creator has reached such a point that, unless staved, it will bring self-destruction upon him.”
The WCC has continued to call for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons since that time, through its governing bodies, functional commissions, and member churches.
At the WCC 6th Assembly in Vancouver in 1983, Marshallese activist Darlene Keju made a speech during the Pacific Plenary, sharing that the radioactive fallout from the 67 nuclear tests was more widespread than the US had admitted, and spoke of the many unrecognised health issues in the Marshall Islands.
During a WCC visit in 2023, this speech was referred to as the moment in which the Marshallese found their voice to speak out about the continuing suffering in their communities due to the nuclear testing legacy.
Climate change link Philpot-Nissen also noted the nexus with climate change and the environment.
“When the US ended the 12 years of nuclear testing in the Marshall Islands, they buried approximately 80,000 cubic metres of radioactive waste under a concrete dome on Runit island, Enewetak Atoll,” she said.
“In addition, 130 tons of soil from an irradiated Nevada testing site were also deposited in the dome.”
Scientists and environmental activists around the world are concerned that, due to rising sea levels, the dome is starting to crack, releasing its contents into the Pacific Ocean.
“In the Marshall Islands, the human-caused disasters on climate change and nuclear-testing converge and compound each other,” said Philpot-Nissen.
“While the Pacific islanders are faced with the remnants of a vast and sobering nuclear legacy — they have faced this with great resilience and dignity.
“The young people of the Pacific particularly are now leading the calls for an apology, for reparations, compensation, and for measures to be taken to address the damage which was done to their lands, their waters, and their people.”
Facebook’s parent company, Meta, has announced it will stop paying for news content in Australia when the current deals it has expire. Meta will also cease news aggregation on the site.
Three years ago, the company signed deals with Australian news outlets after the government introduced laws requiring tech companies to pay for the news on their platforms. The law only comes into effect if no commercial deal is struck.
Meta has now decided that the cost of providing news in Australia is too high. Its reason for the change is to “better align our investments to our products and services people value the most”. That is, it saves money.
So what does this mean for news on Facebook? What can users expect to find on the platform?
This decision was largely predictable, as it’s consistent with Meta’s actions in the UK, France, and Germany in December 2023. The same “deprecation” will occur simultaneously in the US.
Meta’s rationale is that news is “a small part of the Facebook experience for the vast majority of people” and is not a reason for the use of the platform as it “makes up less than 3% of what people around the world see in their Facebook feed”. It does not comment on the percentage in Australia.
Meta says “this does not impact our commitment to connecting people to reliable information on our platforms”. However, this “reliable information” is a reference to fact-checking in the context of misinformation.
Meta does not see a link between reliable information and Australian news. It has not addressed the issue of the sustainability of news journalism in Australia.
Facebook says that it will simply remove the dedicated tab on the site for news content.
For many users, this will not have an effect. However, for those who use Facebook as a news aggregator, access to links to news publishers will disappear.
Facebook users will need to go to the Facebook page of their favourite news publishers in order to be able to keep up with events. This means having to “follow” all of the news publishers with which Facebook currently has a commercial agreement.
Unlike the approach in 2021, Facebook is not going to shut down all of the pages that its systems thought were “media pages” (including emergency services and helplines such as 1-800-RESPECT).
Instead, Meta is encouraging news publishers to buy the tech giant’s services to increase their own traffic.
However, this means Meta expects that the flow of funds will be from news publishers to Meta, rather than the other way around.
What does this mean for news?
There is already a concern that social media is replacing legacy news sources.
Meta has consistently argues that news is not a driver of its business. In submissions to government, it has sought to differentiate Meta and Google. In fact, news publishers often report having their content buried by algorithms over which they have no control.
Meta contends that news is so unimportant that it would rather not have news options than pay news publishers for content.
The Facebook news ban of 2021 was largely in response to the government’s News Media Bargaining Code – an arrangement in which news organisations could negotiate with big tech companies over payment and inclusion of their content on digital platforms.
In contrast, Google has previously been willing to enter into commercial deals or to launch news aggregator services rather than having a code imposed on it.
It is not clear whether Google will change its view in Australia as a result of the Meta decision. The News Media Bargaining Code has the potential to apply to both businesses. However, Google relies more on news content than Meta.
Can the government do anything?
The relevant ministers, Stephen Jones and Michelle Rowland, have already referred to the decision as a “dereliction of its commitment to the sustainability of Australian news media.”
As a practical matter, the News Media Bargaining Code is only triggered if there is no commercial deal in play. The current commercial deals with news outlets are due to expire in a few months.
Meta has said that it “will not offer new Facebook products specifically for news publishers in the future”. It will let the existing commercial agreements lapse in in Australia, France, and Germany as they already have in the UK and the US.
The treasurer is now faced with a tough decision. He can “designate” Meta under the code and force it to the bargaining table, or he can agree that news is not a driver of Facebook use. This decision will need to take into account the issue of news journalism sustainability.
However, it also risks a repeat of the 2021 shut down in Australia and a similar one in Canada last year.
Rob Nicholls received funding from the Australian Research Council. He has previously received funding from Google (at the University of New South Wales).
Public trust and confidence in NSW Police has been sorely tested in the past two weeks. The charging of a police officer with the murders of a Sydney gay couple, Jesse Baird and Luke Davies, has seen shock turn to grief and then anger.
NSW Police Commissioner Karen Webb’s framing of the case as a “crime of passion” downplayed the alleged culpability of the accused, and overlooked the murders as possible domestic violence. The commissioner’s gratitude to the accused for leading police to the location of the remains of the deceased drew further ire.
Yet the most heated debate has been about the appropriateness of the police force’s presence in the 2024 Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras parade. This focus has brought to the surface a spectrum of viewpoints on diversity and inclusion. Much of this focus has ignored the reasons why there is growing dissatisfaction with NSW police among many LGBTQ+ people. This is amid ten-year lows of public perceptions of police integrity nationally. Emotions have been running high.
But these recent events are part of a long and complicated history of the policing of LGBTQ+ people, and of Mardi Gras in particular.
The first Mardi Gras in 1978 was a protest that ended with violence between the police and protesters, and the beating of many of the 53 arrestees while in police custody. The damage was exacerbated by the publication in The Sydney Morning Herald of the names, addresses and professions of those arrested.
The first Mardi Gras was held six years before the decriminalisation of homosexuality in NSW in 1984. That was a time when public attitudes were becoming more accepting of homosexuality. But coming out could still lead to you losing your job, and still can. Acting on your same-sex desire could also get you killed.
The deeper background to the policing of homosexuality in the 1970s was the expansion of laws and penalties against homosexuality amid increased vilification and discrimination against gays and lesbians after the second world war. The legacy of criminalisation continues through stigma that targets gay men, drag queens and transgender women as “child groomers”.
It continues through so-called “conversion” therapies that seek to “correct” same-sex desire, often with catastrophic consequences.
Central to that agreement was that Mardi Gras should be policed in a way that is safe and welcoming for all participants and spectators.
The issues with drug detection dogs were documented comprehensively by the NSW Ombudsman in 2006, yet NSW Police continues to use them at Mardi Gras and other festivals.
This is despite the NSW coroner in 2019 recommending stopping the use of drug detection dogs at music festivals in NSW. This is because, among other things, the presence of the dogs can cause panic ingestion of drugs by party-goers.
NSW Law Enforcement Conduct Commission investigations into strip searches conducted by NSW police officers found that many of the searches were unlawful.
Apologies only go so far
There have been apologies to the LGBTQ+ community over the years from politicians, police and the media, mainly about the treatment of the “78ers” who marched in the first Mardi Gras.
The most recent apology has come from the NSW police commissioner. The commissioner has apologised to the families of gay hate crime victims whose deaths were not properly investigated by NSW police over four decades from 1970 to 2010.
That apology was foregrounded by Justice John Sackar, who led the NSW Special Commission of Inquiry into LGBTIQ+ hate crimes in NSW. It handed down its findings in late 2023.
The police commissioner has come under fire for the time and placement of the apology, which was issued as an exclusive to The Sunday Telegraph as the search for Baird and Davies continued. Further, NSW police has not officially responded to the special commission’s recommendations.
Justice Sackar’s overall impression was that “in significant respects”, NSW Police’s engagement with the inquiry was “adversarial or unnecessarily defensive”. The judge noted that police strike forces Macnamir (2013), Parrabell (2015) and Neiwand (2015) failed in their assessment of hate as a motivator in historical homicides of gay men.
Two of these inquiries occurred after the Mardi Gras and NSW Police Force memorandum was established. In 2023, about two-thirds of the Mardi Gras membership voted to withdraw from it.
Community taking back ownership
Mardi Gras is a member-based organisation that champions LGBTQ+ social issues through leveraging the power of arts, culture, partnerships and celebration.
NSW police-branded pride paraphernalia at the festival sits in stark contrast with its invasive and harmful drug detection dog operations, aggressive policing, and ambivalence about addressing historic wrongs.
For many viewers of the Mardi Gras parade, the presence of the police in uniform may suggest the relationship between the LGBTQ+ community and NSW Police is a positive one. This is partly true.
The force’s negative reaction to Mardi Gras’ request not to march in the 2024 parade illustrates the symbolic significance to police of marching in the parade, and its public relations value.
Mardi Gras members, and the Mardi Gras board, have decided that police force participation in the event is conditional. Police will now march, but out of uniform.
It remains to be seen whether NSW Police will deliver on greater transparency and accountability. If it decides to do so, the benefits will be realised well beyond LGBTQ+ communities.
Nicole L. Asquith is the Convener of the Australian Hate Crime Network, and in that role was contracted by the Special Commission of Inquiry into LGBTIQ Hate Crimes to provide paid, expert testimony.
Justin Ellis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Vaping is on the rise among young Australians. Recent figures from the National Drug Strategy Household Survey show current use of e‑cigarettes among teenagers aged 14–17 increased five-fold from 1.8% in 2019 to 9.7% in 2022–2023. For young adults aged 18–24, use quadrupled from 5.3% to 21% over the same time period.
If these young Australians were using e-cigarettes to quit smoking, perhaps we would have slightly less to worry about. But many young Australians using e-cigarettes do so recreationally and haven’t previously been exposed to nicotine. Although we’re still learning about how vaping will affect health in the long term, we know e-cigarettes are harmful.
Reforms introduced this year by the federal government will be key to reducing rates of e-cigarette use among young Australians, while ensuring those who are genuinely using e-cigarettes to quit smoking have a pathway to do so.
It will take some time to see a reduction in e-cigarette use as a result of these reforms. We need to be patient, and give the laws time to work. Enforcement will be key. But if there’s anything we’ve learnt from decades of tobacco control, it’s that we need a comprehensive approach.
This is where the federal government’s latest initiative – a social media campaign targeting youth vaping – comes in.
Many will be familiar with the anti-smoking TV ads that have aired over the past several decades. Who could forget the “Sponge” campaign featuring tar being squeezed out of a sponge into a jar to represent the tar in the lungs of those who smoke.
Or the hard-hitting testimonial featuring a former smoker named Terrie diagnosed with oral and throat cancer, who had her larynx removed.
But times have changed. Tobacco smoking continues to decline and young Australians spend a lot of their time on social media. For better or worse, platforms such as Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube and Instagram have become a source of information for youth.
And so we need to be creative with our campaigns. We need to present information in a fresh way.
The government’s new influencer-led youth vaping campaign aims “to spark a conversation with the next generation of Australians about the harms of vaping and nicotine addiction”.
This campaign will feature a range of influencers seeking to combat the large amount of pro-vaping content on social media platforms. These influencers – people like Ella Watkins (a writer and actor), Ellyse Perry (a cricketer), Zahlia and Shyla Short (surfers), the Fairbairn Brothers (comedians), and JackBuzza (a gamer) – span multiple areas to ensure young Australians with diverse interests are reached. Some have vaped in the past and subsequently quit.
The government hopes these influencers will engage young people using their own unique style and tone, and communicate authentically about the harms associated with e-cigarette use.
The campaign capitalises on what can be powerful parasocial relationships: one-sided relationships where a person becomes emotionally connected to a public figure such as a celebrity or influencer. Social media influencers are in our children’s bedrooms, bathrooms, and classrooms. Why not use them to promote healthy attitudes and behaviours?
Emerging research suggests the use of social media influencers in anti-vaping campaigns could be a promising strategy for improving the reach of public health messaging and engagement with the target audience.
In the context of vaccination, the use of social influencers in a campaign promoting the flu vaccine in the United States led to significant increases in positive beliefs about the vaccine and marked decreases in negative attitudes toward it.
The use of social influencers to promote a healthy lifestyle is still a relatively new frontier in health communication, and whether this campaign will be effective is a tricky question to answer.
There are several benefits to this approach, such as leveraging the relationships influencers have built with their audience, enhanced authenticity, and meaningful communication of health information.
It also provides an opportunity to shift social norms. In the context of tobacco and vaping control specifically, public health has far fewer resources compared to the tobacco and vaping industries. The strategic use of social influencers can help organisations involved in health promotion to overcome this commercial imbalance.
But there could also be risks associated with this campaign, such as the lack of control over the content an influencer may choose to share, and their actions and opinions on other topics, which may affect their credibility. Vetting influencers and implementing risk mitigation plans will be crucial steps for the government to take.
Specific details of the campaign are yet to be released, so we don’t know exactly how the influencers will be engaged to combat increasing rates of e-cigarette use among youth. But we will be closely watching this innovative approach.
Michelle Jongenelis currently receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the WA Health Promotion Foundation (Healthway). She is affiliated with the Australian Council on Smoking and Health and the World Federation of Public Health Associations’ Tobacco Control Working Group.
Michelle has never received services, assistance, or support (whether monetary or non-monetary in nature) from the tobacco industry and/or e-cigarette industry. Michelle has never provided services, assistance, or support (whether monetary or non-monetary in nature) to the tobacco and/or e-cigarette industry.
On February 1, senior Australian and New Zealand ministers signed a Joint Statement of Cooperation, acknowledging the long history of collaboration between the two nations.
The same week, New Zealand rejected an Australian proposal on sustainable fishing at the annual fisheries meeting of nations that fish in the high seas of the South Pacific. The move has driven a wedge between these traditional allies.
At stake was an agreement by those nations to protect 70% of special and vulnerable marine ecosystems, such as ancient corals, from destructive fishing practices like bottom-trawling.
Until December 2023, NZ was jointly leading the work to implement this agreement with Australia. But New Zealand’s new government, a coalition of conservative parties, rejected the proposed restrictions, citing concerns about jobs and development.
This sudden about-face raises many questions for Australia, and for progress on sustainable fishing more generally. On fishing, Australia must now be prepared to consider New Zealand an opponent rather than ally.
Sustainable fishing alliance no more?
In 2009, Australia, New Zealand and Chile led successful negotiations for a convention governing sustainable fishing in the South Pacific high seas beyond a nation’s marine exclusive economic zones, meaning more than 370km off the coast. The goal was to make sure fish stocks were not fished out and to protect marine ecosystems. (Tuna are not included, as they are dealt with under a separate convention.)
Since then, New Zealand and Australia have led much of the development of regulations governing the sustainable use of deepwater fish species and the conservation of vulnerable marine ecosystems in the South Pacific region. Their work led to the first measures governing deepwater fisheries, science-based catch limits for deepwater species, and a joint assessment of seafloor fishing methods such as trawling.
But the idea of banning or restricting trawling was controversial. Bottom-trawling, in which boats deploy giant nets that scrape along the ocean floor, is very effective – so much so that it can devastate everything in its path.
In 2015, the United Nations’ first worldwide ocean assessment found bottom-trawling causes widespread, long-term destruction to deep-sea environments wherever it is done. Scientists have compared it to clear-felling a forest. The practice is banned in the Mediterranean and in shallow waters of the Southern Ocean, and is increasingly restricted by many nations, including Australia.
Bottom trawling is effective – but can lay waste to everything else living in the deep. Allexxandar/Shutterstock
The UN has repeatedly called for better protection, as well as specific actions to make it a reality. And many nations and organisations are heeding that call.
The science is clear. But the politics is not. International waters in the South Pacific are one of the few areas where deepwater bottom-trawling is still permitted on seamounts – underwater mountains rich in life – and similar features.
Last year, South Pacific nations agreed to protect a minimum of 70% of marine ecosystems vulnerable to damage from fishing. This agreement came from research done largely by New Zealand.
Other countries pushed for a higher level of protection, but New Zealand insisted on 70% to ensure its fishing could continue. These kinds of compromises are common at meetings like this.
The meeting in February was meant to agree on how to make the consensus decision a reality. But it was not to be. Now that NZ has withdrawn support, the original decision remains but without the mechanisms to make it happen. Bottom-trawling will likely continue in the South Pacific.
Why? The new NZ fisheries minister, Shane Jones, has publicly stated he was “keen to ensure that, number one, we’re looking after our own people, looking after jobs and opportunities for economic development to benefit New Zealand.”
While high seas fishing is an important industry for New Zealand, their bottom trawling activity in the South Pacific is small. One vessel fished the bottom in 2021-2022, catching only 20 tonnes of orange roughy. No bottom trawling has happened since then.
Since coming to power, New Zealand’s new government has questioned 2030 renewable energy targets, promised to “address climate change hysteria”, declared mining more important than nature protection – and supported bottom-trawling.
Many of these changes will be of considerable concern to Australia. For the past 15 years, Australia has taken a prominent leadership role – alongside New Zealand – in sustainable ocean management.
With Pacific island nations, Australia and NZ worked long and hard to progress the High Seas Treaty – a breakthrough opening new legal avenues to protect up to 30% of the unregulated high seas where illegal and exploitative fishing practices are common.
The NZ government’s willingness to jettison long collaborative work, abandon agreed commitments and risk existing agreements bodes poorly for cooperation across the Tasman. Australia must sadly now treat New Zealand as an opponent when it comes to protecting the seas and managing fisheries for the long term.
Lynda Goldsworthy has attended South Pacific regional fisheries meetings as an academic advisor on the Australian delegation for the past 5 years, and provides occasional consultancy advice to the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition on high seas conservation issues.
The Theatre of War video still, Stanislava Pinchuk, image courtesy of the artist.
Through a nuanced exploration of place, time, and memory, a new video work invites audiences to reflect on landscape and its relationship to the echoes of conflict.
Stanislava Pinchuk’s three-channel installation The Theatre of War uses a diverse range of performers, people and locations, interlacing the introductory passages of Homer’s The Iliad across three films which contend with grief, memory and place.
Pinchuk is a Ukrainian-Australian artist who grew up in Melbourne and now resides in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Her body of work traces the shifting topographic landscapes of war zones across the world. Her pieces range from large-scale sculpture to data-maps and tapestries, and incorporate drawing, film, tattoo and installation.
At the launch event for this new work on display at ACMI, Pinchuk spoke compellingly of the time the work took to compose, the support she received, and the grief that surrounded it. Commissioned in 2019, the making of The Theatre of War was interrupted by the COVID pandemic, and deeply inflected by the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
Artist Stanislava Pinchuk. James Hartley
Describing the piece as “an odd work that has borne the brunt of my grief”, Pinchuk shared memories of months in combat training with the Ukrainian army, where she and the soldiers would spend one minute of silence each day for those who had died.
A carefully constructed sonic world
In the darkened exhibition space, we sit facing three screens with three films in different locations and contexts.
In a Sarajevo theatre, six female performers in traditional costume take their seats on a stage. At the tomb of Homer on the island of Ios, a long path to a craggy isthmus overlooks the Mediterranean, where two young people perch on the rocky bluff. In a remote and destroyed village in the United Kingdom, masked and armed Ukrainian soldiers engage in very realistic combat training: boots, guns and all.
The Theatre of War video still, Stanislava Pinchuk, image courtesy of the artist.
Each film has its own discrete audio which makes for random or purposeful intersection. The soldiers, in full battle gear, run drills, shouting to clear rubble-filled rooms and firing off automatic weapon rounds as the choir’s singing swells and the wind gusts. Ammunition and cartridge cases clink as the opening lines of the Iliad – “Sing, goddess, the wrath of Achilles, Peleus’ son!” – are repeated in text and voice across the three screens: from a smiling chorister and then like a radio broadcast to the soldiers as they move through the destroyed landscape.
At times the films synchronise sets of still, detailed images: discarded bullet casings in the dust, a nose ring, a kneeling soldier. Long fingernails holding a mobile phone, a laughing singer, the metal discs of her head piece dangling. A shoe, a necklace, a freighter in the blue mist. The work builds to a sonic crescendo as the sounds of sirens and songs intersect with the bluster of automatic weapon fire echoing across the concrete bunker. At Homer’s grave, the scene is an azure, infinite sea.
Storytelling at the heart
The Theatre of War is rich, resonant and thoughtful. There is an essence of storytelling at its heart which coheres the work, reminiscent of Pinchuk’s interest in Homer’s universal, timeless themes of migration, battle, loss and yearning.
At times, extreme closeups of lines and wrinkles on hands and lips remind us of the resilience and the frailty of the body in war. There is a potent metaphor of landscape in the work: as a geographic descriptor, certainly, but also as a container for memory, and as a way to think about the terrain of bodies.
The Theatre of War video still, Stanislava Pinchuk, image courtesy of the artist.
There is something vulnerable and arresting about the faces, hands and legs in the work, which are variously marked, lipsticked, wrinkled or pierced. We are reminded of the traces that life leaves on our bodies, as well as the traces through time from ancient stories of war to modern, horrific ones: how innocent people become, as Homer describes, “the spoil for dogs and birds of every kind”.
I am struck by my own inadequate set of understandings as I view this work. I feel lucky, privileged, deeply moved. I notice my attention to the details, the physical bodies, the half hidden bits and pieces, but also the challenge established by the artist in the creation of three films viewed concurrently. Where do I look, and for how long? What is important? What might I miss?
Pinchuk has created a work which is somehow serene and gritty in equal measure. A meditation on memory and sadness, it considers, with compassion and courage, the ways in which places bear witness to history. The Theatre Of War asks us, compels us, to look.
Stanislava Pinchuk: The Theatre of War is at ACMI, Melbourne, until June 9.
Kate Hunter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
How do germs and fungi get in my brushes and sponges?
Germs and fungi can make their way into your makeup kit in lots of ways.
Ever flushed a toilet with the lid open with your makeup brushes nearby? There’s a good chance faecal particles have landed on them.
Perhaps a family member or housemate has used your eyeshadow brush when you weren’t looking, and transferred some microbes across in the process.
Bacteria that trigger a pimple outbreak can be easily transferred from the surface of your skin to a makeup brush or sponge.
And tiny little mites called Demodex mites, which have been linked to certain rashes and acne, live on your skin, as well, and so may end up in your sponge or brushes.
Germs and fungi can make their way into your makeup in lots of ways. Chay_Tee/Shutterstock
Bacterial contamination of lip cosmetics, in particular, can pose a risk of skin and eye infections (so keep that in mind if you use lip brushes). Lipsticks are frequently contaminated with bacteria such as Staphylococcus aureus, E. coli, and Streptococcus pneumoniae.
Low-quality cosmetics are more likely to have higher and more diverse microbial growth compared to high-quality cosmetics.
Brushes exposed to sensitive areas like the eyes, mouth and nose are particularly susceptible to being potential sources of infection.
The range of conditions caused by these microorganisms includes:
abscesses
skin and soft tissue infections
skin lesions
rashes
and dermatitis.
In severe cases, infections can lead to invasion of the bloodstream or deep tissues.
Commercially available cosmetics contain varying amounts and types of preservatives aimed at inhibiting the growth of fungi and bacteria.
But when you apply makeup, different cosmetics with unique formulations of preservatives can become mixed. When a preservative meant for one product mixes with others, it might not work as well because they have different water amounts or pH levels.
So preservatives are not foolproof. We also need to observe good hygiene practices when it comes to brushes and other cosmetics applicators.
Start with the basics: never share makeup brushes or sponges. Everyone carries different microbes on their skin, so sharing brushes and sponges means you are also sharing germs and fungi.
If you need to share makeup, use something disposable to apply it, or make sure any shared brushes are washed and sterilised before the next person uses it.
Clean makeup brushes by washing with hot soapy water and rinsing thoroughly.
How often? Stick to a cleaning routine you can repeat with consistency (as opposed to a deep clean that is done annually). Once a week might be a good goal for some, while others may need to wash more regularly if they are heavy users of makeup.
Definitely wash straight away if someone else has used your brushes or sponges. And if you’ve had an eye infection such as conjunctivitis, ensure you clean applicators thoroughly after the infection has resolved.
You can use bactericidal soap, 70% ethanol or chlorhexidine solutions to wash. Just make sure you wash very thoroughly with hot water after, as some of these things can irritate your skin. (While some people online say alcohol can degrade brushes and sponges, opinion seems to be mixed; in general, most disinfectants are unlikely to cause significant corrosion.)
For some brushes, heating or steaming them and letting them dry may also be an effective sterilisation method once they are washed with detergent. Microwaving sponges isn’t a good idea because while the heat generated by a domestic microwave would kill microbes, it would need temperatures approaching 100°C for a decent period of time (at least several minutes). The heat could melt some parts of the sponge and hot materials could be a scalding hazard.
Once clean, ensure brushes and sponges are stored in a dry place away from water sources (and not near an open toilet).
If you’re having makeup applied professionally, brushes and applicators should be sterilised or changed from person to person.
Not only is this expensive, it’s unnecessary. The same benefits can be achieved with cheaper detergents or alcohol (just rinse brushes carefully afterwards).
Disinfection methods such as using bactericidal soap, 70% ethanol, or chlorhexidine are all very good at reducing the amount of microbes on your brushes and sponges.
Rosalie Hocking is currently the recipient of an Australian government Future Fellowship.
Enzo Palombo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tim Windsor, Professor, Director, Generations Research Initiative, College of Education, Psychology and Social Work, Flinders University
“What are the main factors in forming someone’s personality?” – Emma, age 10, from Shanghai
Hello Emma, and thank you for this very interesting question!
Let’s start by exploring what we mean by personality. Have you noticed no two people are completely alike? We all see, experience, and understand the world in different ways.
For example, some people love spending time with friends and being the centre of attention, whereas other people are more shy and enjoy having time to themselves.
Your unique personality is shaped by your genes as well as various influences in your environment. And your personality plays an important role in how you interact with the world.
Did you know there are scientists who spend time researching personality? Their research is concerned with describing the ways people differ from each other, and understanding how these differences could be important for other parts of life such as our health and how well we do in school or at work.
There are many different perspectives on personality. A widely accepted viewpoint based on a lot of research is called the five factor model or the “big five”. According to this theory, a great deal of a person’s personality can be summarised in terms of where they sit on five dimensions, called traits:
the introversion-extraversion trait refers to how much someone is outgoing and social (extroverted) or prefers being with smaller groups of friends or focusing on their own thoughts (introverted)
agreeableness captures how much someone tends to be cooperative and helps others
openness to experience refers to how much a person is creative and enjoys experiencing new things
neuroticism describes a person’s tendency to experience negative feelings, like worrying about things that could go wrong
conscientiousness encompasses how much a person is organised, responsible, and dedicated to things that are important to them, like schoolwork or training for a sports team.
A person can have high, low, or moderate levels of each of these traits. And understanding whether someone has higher or lower levels of the big five can tell us a lot about how we might expect them to behave in different situations.
A number of factors shape our personalities, including our genes and social environment.
Our bodies are made up of many very small structures called cells. Within these cells are genes. We inherit genes from our parents, and they carry the information needed to make our bodies and personalities. So, your personality may be a bit like your parents’ personalities. For example, if you’re an outgoing sort of person who loves to meet new people, perhaps one or both of your parents are very social too.
Our personalities are influenced by the genes we get from our parents. KieferPix/Shutterstock
Personalities are also affected by our environment, such as our experiences and our relationships with family and friends. For example, some research has shown our relationships with our parents can influence our personality. If we have loving and warm relationships, we may be more agreeable and open. But if our relationships are hurtful or stressful, this may increase our neuroticism.
Another study showed that, over time, young children who were more physically active were less introverted (less shy) and less likely to get very upset when things don’t go their way, compared to children who were less physically active. Although we don’t know why this is for sure, one possible explanation is that playing sport leads to reduced shyness because it introduces children to different people.
While we’re learning more about personality development all the time, research in this area presents quite a few challenges. Many different biological, cultural and environmental influences shape our development, and these factors can interact with each other in complex ways.
Is our personality fixed once we become adults?
Although we develop most of our personality when we are young, and people’s personalities tend to become more stable as they get older, it is possible for aspects of a person’s personality to change, even when they are fully grown.
A good example of this can be seen among people who seek treatment for conditions like anxiety or depression. People who respond well to working with a psychologist can show decreases in neuroticism, indicating they become less likely to worry a lot or feel strong negative feelings when something stressful happens.
Hello, Curious Kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to curiouskids@theconversation.edu.au
Tim Windsor receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Natalie Goulter receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.
For people on the long social housing waiting list, getting into secure, affordable housing is life-changing. Our study starkly illustrates what a difference it makes.
We interviewed people who were on the waiting list, and again about a year later. Some had moved into social housing and told us how it had transformed their lives.
The positive impacts included improved mental health, reintegration into society, reuniting with children, access to facilities the rest of us take for granted and greater job opportunities.
A sense of home and security
Julia*, who relies on a Disability Support Pension, had been struggling in the private rental market. When asked “What did it feel like to finally get a house?”, she said:
It was bloody amazing. I don’t have to worry about ever having to move again and I know I’ll always be able to afford the rent […] Inside my house, it just feels like peace […] It just feels so good. I mean, my mental health has improved a heap. I’ve got a bathtub for the pain […] This is my home […] I love it.
When first interviewed, Jade had been couch surfing. Her mental health also benefited from living in social housing.
It just gives you your own security, your own independence. […] It’s wonderful what having your own place can do to your self-esteem. It just really brings you out of that hole.
Moving into social housing was an enormous relief for Yvonne. She had felt intensely vulnerable in private rental housing.
It is just such a weight off my shoulders and knowing that I don’t have to be in a situation where I have had these horrible landlords that try and take advantage of you […] I have landlords now that don’t bother me […] they can’t hold anything over my head anymore: “You come and sleep with me or else I’ll put your rent up,” that sort of thing […] I don’t have to have that anxiety of looking for somewhere […] I can afford. And there’s not many places that you can afford on a disability pension […] I’m enjoying life again.
Jacqui, 65, had lived in her car for over three years.
[Getting into social housing] has impacted every aspect of my life really […] It means everything to be in a home and to have that privacy […] To have somewhere you can go and you know just to be out of sight […] It just makes such an impact on your life and your mental health.
Re-engaging with the world
Jack had been using most of his Disability Support Pension to pay rent.
I did not feel at all secure for another lease, so that was just ongoing stress […] There was a lot of things I couldn’t do or engage with, because there was no permanency […] I became increasingly more isolated, increasingly more disengaged with community activities […] It was just a horrid time.
Moving into social housing has allowed Jack to re-engage with the world.
Pretty much every aspect of your wellbeing is all connected to that simple basic thing, your accommodation […] I’ve got certainty for the future […] Now the goals have changed. It’s changed from just survival to trying to engage with the world, to engage with community, to be getting out of the house again. It feels possible to solve problems because I’ve got the foundation to build on.
Reuniting with children
When Fiona was homeless, her teenage son had to live with his grandmother. Fiona and her son were reunited in social housing.
[S]o you know now I’ve got a place for [him] […] Cos he was in care with his Nan, so they weren’t seeing eye to eye […] being able to […] give him […] a roof over his head as well like makes me feel not so useless […] I love having him here.
Access to facilities
Jacqui emphasised how having a home allowed her to do routine tasks that are extremely demanding when homeless.
Just to have a bathroom, to have a kitchen […] a laundry. All those things I had to drive away to a third-party place and pay for […] It’s such a saver to have all those things, because then you can get on with really living […] You can exist in a car and a tent, but you can’t live in a car and a tent.
Better employment possibilities
The circumstances of many of the people we interviewed had made it difficult to find jobs. Jessica had been in shelters for a long time. After moving into social housing, she started working two jobs.
Well, in a shelter there’s no way I’d be able to work the hours I’m working […] I could have gotten a job but the people that did have jobs at shelters, it was just hell for them because they’re trying to get back on time for curfew […] But having my space […] I know where I can and can’t work […] I can work those fucking late shifts and don’t have to worry.
Not all plain sailing
A few interviewees found the transition from homelessness challenging. Amy’s experience indicates some tenants need continued support.
I was feeling really uncomfortable anxiety and stuff about it, but I knew it [moving into social housing] was for the best […] I was so homeless and in need […] You get used to being in that discomfort zone and living tough.
Now, Amy says:
I love it, I really do […] This is definitely comfort zone for me and I really am very proud of this place and stuff.
In almost all cases, moving into social housing transformed our interviewees’ lives. They were able to lead a decent life.
It’s why governments in a country like Australia must strive to ensure everyone has decent, secure and affordable housing. Ultimately, the benefits for society far outweigh the costs.
* All names used in this article are pseudonyms.
Alan Morris receives funding from the Australian Research Council
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dominic O’Sullivan, Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Health and Environmental Sciences, Auckland University of Technology, and Professor of Political Science, Charles Sturt University
This week parliament acted urgently to disestablish the Māori Health Authority. The hurry was to circumvent an urgent Waitangi Tribunal hearing on whether the proposal breached te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) and its principles.
Te Pāti Maori’s co-leader, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, said: “The government’s use and abuse of urgency has created a dictatorship in what should be a Tiriti-led democratic state.”
We have heard a lot about the Treaty “principles” since last year’s election.
But just what these principles are, and how they should be interpreted in law, remain open to contest – including by those who argue the principles actually limit some of the political rights that fairly belong to Māori people.
No rigid rule book
When parliament established the Waitangi Tribunal in 1975, one of its jobs was to “provide for the observance, and confirmation, of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi”.
There isn’t a definitive and permanent list of principles. They have evolved as new problems and possibilities arise, and as different ideas develop about what governments should and shouldn’t do. Te Tiriti, in other words, can’t be a rigid rule book.
But the Treaty’s articles are clear:
governments should always be allowed to govern (article 1)
the powers of government are qualified by Māori political communities (iwi and hapu) exercising authority and responsibility over their own affairs (article 2)
and government is contextualised by Māori people being New Zealand citizens whose political rights and capacities may be expressed with equal tikanga (custom, values, protocol) (article 3).
Perhaps the real question, then, is how to bring these articles into effect. The Waitangi Tribunal, parliament and courts developed the principles over time as interpretative guides. They include partnership, participation, mutual benefit, good faith, reciprocity, rangatiratanga (independent authoity) and kāwanatanga (government).
It is the principles of the Treaty which are to be applied, not the literal words […] The differences between the [English and Māori] texts and shades of meaning are less important than the spirit.
But the “spirit” of te Tiriti, too, is vague and open to contest.
The Māori text prevails
The English text of te Tiriti says Māori gave away their sovereignty to the British Crown. The Māori text says they only gave away rights of government. But both texts were clear: Māori authority over their own affairs wasn’t surrendered, and government wasn’t an unconstrained power allowing other people to do harm to Māori.
It’s also significant that only 39 people signed the English-language agreement (they didn’t read English and had it explained to them in Māori). More than 500 signed the Māori text. The former chief justice Sian Elias said, “it can’t be disputed that the Treaty is actually the Māori text”.
The New Zealand First party argues the principles often appear in legislation without clear explanation of their relevance or what they’re intended to achieve. It says they should be clarified or removed.
The ACT party goes further and says the principles are often interpreted to give Māori greater political voice than other New Zealanders. It says the Treaty promised equality, and this should be enshrined in law – through rewritten principles that would limit Māori influence.
Equal political voice
There’s a counterargument, however, that says Māori influence is limited enough already. And it’s the principles that constrain Māori authority over their own affairs and give Māori citizens less than their fair influence over public decisions.
The idea that Māori are the Crown’s partners, rather than shareholders in its authority, seriously weakens Māori influence.
Participation, on the other hand, should strengthen it, and was one of the Treaty principles the Māori Health Authority was established to support. Abolishing the authority overrides that principle. But it also takes decision-making about Māori health away from Māori experts.
This may undermine effective health policy. But it also undermines te Tiriti’s articles themselves. These include the idea that government is for everybody and everybody should share decision-making authority; and the idea that Māori people use their own institutions to make decisions about their own wellbeing.
Ultimately, the question is: if some people can’t contribute to policy-making in ways that make sense for them, then do they really have equal opportunities for political voice?
The problem with ‘race’
The picture is further confused by reference to “race”. In 1987, the Court of Appeal said the “Treaty signified a partnership between races”. It said partnership – a significant Treaty principle – should help the parties find a “true path to progress for both races”.
But te Tiriti doesn’t use the word “race”, or anything similar. It recognised hapu as political communities, and established kawanatanga as a new political body.
So, whether we just focus on the Treaty articles, or find it useful to have principles to help with interpretation, we need to work out what hapu do and what government does, and how they relate to one another.
We don’t need to know what different “races” should do. Race is simply a “classification system” colonial powers use to place themselves above the colonised in a hierarchy of human worth.
Instead, people are born into cultures formed by place, family and language – what Māori call “whakapapa”. Te Tiriti gave settlers a place and a form of government to secure their belonging. It also said Māori continue to belong on their own terms.
There can’t be equality without acceptance of these ideas of who belongs, and how.
A simpler solution
Citizenship tells us who “owns” the state. If partnership implies the Crown represents only non-Māori, it puts Māori people on the outside. It says government really belongs to “us”, and “you” don’t participate in “our” affairs.
The liberal democratic argument, however, is that the state is “owned” equally by each and every citizen. Māori citizens are as much shareholders in the authority of the state as anybody else. They should be able to say the powers, authority and responsibilities of the state work equally well for them.
People think and reason through culture. Colonial experiences influence what people expect politics to achieve. This is why it’s fair to insist that Māori citizenship is exercised with equal tikanga.
The Treaty principles can be critiqued from many perspectives. They change because they are only interpretive guides that can be accepted, rejected, challenged and developed.
So, rather than refer to these principles in legislation, and leave them for courts and the Waitangi Tribunal to define, maybe there’s a simpler solution.
Each act of parliament could simply state: “This Act will be interpreted and administered to maintain and develop rangatiratanga, and otherwise work equally well for Māori as for other citizens.”
The principle of equality would be established. And it would be for Māori citizens to determine what “equally well” means for them.
Dominic O’Sullivan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Kerry, Adjunct Senior Research Fellow, James Cook University, Australia and Senior Marine and Climate Scientist, OceanCare, Switzerland, James Cook University
Shutterstock
The United Nations Environment Assembly this week considered a resolution on solar radiation modification, which refers to controversial technologies intended to mask the heating effect of greenhouse gases by reflecting some sunlight back to space.
Proponents argue the technologies will limit the effects of climate change. In reality, this type of “geoengineering” risks further destabilising an already deeply disturbed climate system. What’s more, its full impacts cannot be known until after deployment.
The draft resolution initially called for the convening of an expert group to examine the benefits and risks of solar radiation modification. The motion was withdrawn on Thursday after no consensus could be reached on the controversial topic.
A notable development was a call from some Global South countries for a “non-use agreement” on solar radiation modification. We strongly support this position. Human-caused climate change is already one planetary-scale experiment too many – we don’t need another.
A risky business
In some circles, solar geoengineering is gaining prominence as a response to the climate crisis. However, research has consistently identified potential risks posed by the technologies such as:
the infringement of human rights across generations – including, but not limited to, passing on huge risks to generations that will come after us.
Here, we discuss several examples of solar radiation modification which exemplify the threats posed by these technologies. These are also depicted in the graphic below.
An infographic showing the effects of solar engineering methods. Authors provided
A load of hot air
In April 2022, an American startup company released two weather balloons into the air from Mexico. The experiment was conducted without approval from Mexican authorities.
The intent was to cool the atmosphere by deflecting sunlight. The resulting reduction in warming would be sold for profit as “cooling credits” to those wanting to offset greenhouse gas pollution.
Once started, this stratospheric aerosol injection would need to be carried out continually for at least a century to achieve the desired cooling effect. Stopping prematurely would lead to an unprecedented rise in global temperatures far outpacing extreme climate change scenarios.
Injecting aerosols into the atmosphere may lead to more droughts. Shutterstock
Heads in the clouds
Another solar geoengineering technology, known as marine cloud brightening, seeks to make low-lying clouds more reflective by spraying microscopic seawater droplets into the air. Since 2017, trials have been underway on the Great Barrier Reef.
The project is tiny in scale, and involves pumping seawater onto a boat and spraying it from nozzles towards the sky. The project leader says the mist-generating machine would need to be scaled up by a factor of ten, to about 3,000 nozzles, to brighten nearby clouds by 30%.
After years of trials, the project has not yet produced peer-reviewed empirical evidence that cloud brightening could reduce sea surface temperatures or protect corals from bleaching.
The Great Barrier Reef is the size of Italy. Scaling up attempts at cloud brightening would require up to 1,000 machines on boats, all pumping and spraying vast amounts of seawater for months during summer. Even if it worked, the operation is hardly, as its proponents claim, “environmentally benign”.
The technology’s effects remain unclear. For the Great Barrier Reef, less sunlight and lower temperatures could alter water movement and mixing, harming marine life. Marine life may also be killed by pumps or negatively affected by the additional noise pollution. And on land, marine cloud brightening may lead to altered rainfall patterns and increased salinity, damaging agriculture.
More broadly, 101 governments last year agreed to a statement describing marine-based geoengineering, including cloud brightening, as having “the potential for deleterious effects that are widespread, long-lasting or severe”.
Another proposed intervention is spraying the ocean with microbubbles or sea foam to make the surface more reflective. This would introduce large concentrations of chemicals to stabilise bubbles or foam at the sea surface, posing significant risk to marine life, ecosystem function and fisheries.
No more distractions
Some scientists investigating solar geoengineering discuss the need for “exit ramps” – the termination of research once a proposed intervention is deemed to be technically infeasible, too risky or socially unacceptable. We believe this point has already been reached.
Since 2022, more than 500 scientists from 61 countries have signed an open letter calling for an international non-use agreement on solar geoengineering. Aside from the types of risks discussed above, the letter said the speculative technologies detract from the urgent need to cut global emissions, and that no global governance system exists to fairly and effectively regulate their deployment.
Calls for outdoor experimentation of the technologies are misguided and detract energy and resources from what we need to do today: phase out fossil fuels and accelerate a just transition worldwide.
Climate change is the greatest challenge facing humanity, and global responses have been woefully inadequate. Humanity must not pursue dangerous distractions that do nothing to tackle the root causes of climate change, come with incalculable risk, and will likely further delay climate action.
James Kerry is an Adjunct Senior Research Fellow at James Cook University, Australia, and Senior Marine and Climate Scientist for the non-governmental organisation, OceanCare, Switzerland.
Aarti Gupta is a professor of global environmental governance at Wageningen University in the Netherlands, and a signatory to the academic Open Letter calling for an ‘International Non-Use Agreement on Solar Geoengineering’.
Terry Hughes receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
The 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13) of members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) is being held in Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates.
Adam Wolfenden, who is there on behalf of Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG), says the concerns of small Pacific nations centre on the subsidy provided by larger nations to fishing companies.
He said Fiji, in particular, was seeking a strong outcome on fisheries subsidies’ negotiations.
Wolfenden said the reason they were so concerned around fisheries subsidies was because of “the revenue and the importance of fisheries to the Pacific both at a governmental level, but also for the livelihoods of Pacific Islanders is enormous”.
He said this then raised concerns about how countries deal with overfishing and overcapacity, but did not prevent the small island nations from “developing their own domestic fleets to fish their resources and create a development pathway built on fisheries”.
Fiji’s Deputy Prime Minister and Trade Minister, Manoa Kamikamica, who is at the meeting, said: “Fiji will ask from its partners for stronger disciplines on subsidies contributing to overfishing and overcapacity in the negotiations that has caused the global depletion of fish stocks.”
“For us, this is more than a matter of national interest — it is a matter of national survival,” he said.
“Additionally, Fiji will highlight the importance of special and differential treatment for developing and least developed countries, including small island states, to ensure that trade policies take into account the specific challenges and vulnerabilities faced by these nations.”
Solomon Islands Foreign and Trade Minister, Jeremiah Manele, said the deliberations continued to undermine the responsible growth in his country’s fisheries sector “and further, the preservation of our fishing arrangements and differential licensing arrangements”.
“The current text maintains the status quo, leaning favourably towards the major subsidisers, with a mere focus on notifications and sustainability.”
MC13 is also focusing on reform of the WTO and Samoa’s Trade Negotiations Minister, Leota Laki Lamositele, said last year that “we reaffirmed that special and differential treatment for developing and Least Developed Country Members is an integral part of the WTO and its agreements”.
“As such, Samoa concurs with others in supporting the work of the WTO and that MC13 should ensure inclusive, transparent, and rules-based outcomes, to accommodate the diversity of WTO Membership in implementing current.”
‘A lot of uncertainty’ Civil society organisations have found themselves being shut out at this WTO meeting.
Wolfenden said there was a lot of concern about how non-government organisations were being treated in Abu Dhabi.
He said a lot of the activities that the groups would normally have been able to do — even just providing leaflets to journalists or directly engaging in advocacy — was being restricted.
“There’s a lot of uncertainty and a lack of clarity around what the security situation is with, you know, colleagues being detained for sending information to journalists for taking photos.
“We have sent a letter to the WTO director-general, I know this has been raised by a number of governments, including New Zealand, and the concerns around the way civil society is being treated.
“Yet there’s still no clarity and if anything, it feels like the way that we have been dealt with by local security is escalating.”
He added there was a lot of concern for participants and their safety within the conference venue.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
You were probably taught that we have five senses: sight, sound, smell, taste and touch. This is not quite right: “touch” is not a single sense, but rather several working together.
Our bodies contain a network of sensory nerve cells with endings sitting in the skin that detect an array of different physical signals from our environment. The pleasant sensation of a gentle touch feels distinct from the light pressure of our clothes or the hardness of a pencil gripped between our fingers, and all of these are quite different from the pain of a stubbed toe.
How do these sensory neurons communicate such a wide range of different inputs?
In new research published in Science, the two co-authors of this article and our colleagues have found a force-sensing molecule in nerve cells called ELKIN1, which is specifically involved in detecting gentle touch. This molecule converts gentle touch into an electrical signal, the first step in the process of gentle touch perception.
How we sense gentle touch
Sensing gentle touch begins with tiny deformations of the skin due to a light brush. While they may not seem like much, these deformations generate enough force to activate sensory molecules that are found in specialised nerve endings in the skin.
These molecular force sensors form a pore in the surface of the cell that is closed until a force is applied. When the cell is indented, the pore opens and an electrical current flows.
This electrical current can generate a signal that moves along the sensory nerve to the spinal cord and up to the brain.
Our new research, led by Gary Lewin and Sampurna Chakrabarti from the Max Delbruck Center in Berlin, showed the force sensor ELKIN1 is necessary for us to detect very gentle touch.
They found mice lacking the ELKIN1 molecule did not appear to sense a cotton bud being gently drawn across their paw. The mice retained their ability to sense other environmental information, including other types of touch.
Different molecules for different kinds of touch
This new finding reveals one reason we can sense multiple types of “touch”: we have multiple, specialised force-sensing proteins that can help us distinguish different environmental signals.
ELKIN1 is the second touch-receptor molecule discovered in sensory neurons. The first (PIEZO2) was found in 2010 by Ardem Patapoutian, who was later awarded the Nobel Prize for the work. PIEZO2 is involved in sensing gentle touch, as well as a sense known as “proprioception”. Proprioception is the sense of where our limbs are in space that helps us regulate our movements.
Mouse neurons with the new ion channel ELKIN1 (cyan), which is responsible for touch sensation, nucleus (yellow) and the already known ion channel PIEZO2 (magenta). Sampurna Chakrabarti / Max Delbrück Center
Identifying these force-sensing molecules is a challenge in itself. We need to be able to study nerve cells in isolation and measure electrical currents that flow into the cell while simultaneously applying controlled forces to the cells themselves.
Do cells feel?
While much of our research studied mouse neurons, not all scientific data obtained from mice can be directly translated to humans.
With team members at the University of Wollongong, one of us (Mirella Dottori) tried to determine whether ELKIN1 worked the same way in humans. They reprogrammed human stem cells to produce specialised nerve cells that respond to “touch” stimuli. In these human cells, ELKIN1 had similar functional properties of detecting touch.
Experiments on sensory neurons confirmed the role of the ELKIN1 molecule. Felix Petermann / Max Delbrück Center
While this research expands our understanding of how we make sense of the world around us, it also raises an additional, intriguing possibility.
ELKIN1 was first identified by one of us (Kate Poole) and her team at UNSW, with Gary Lewin and his team, while studying how melanoma cells break away from model tumours and “feel” their way through their surroundings. This could mean these tiny molecular force sensors give not only us, but our individual cells, a nuanced sense of touch.
Future research will continue to search for more molecular force sensors and endeavour to understand how they help our cells, and us, navigate our physical environment.
Kate Poole receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Australian Research Council and the US Air Force Asian Office of Aerospace Research and Development
Mirella Dottori receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, Friedreich’s Ataxia Research Alliance and Friedreich Ataxia Research Association.
Foxes and cats kill about 2.6 billion mammals, birds and reptiles across Australia, every year. To save native species from extinction, we need to protect them from these introduced predators. But land managers tend to focus on foxes, which are easier to control. Unfortunately this may have unintended consequences.
We wanted to find out how feral cats respond to fox control. In one of the biggest studies on this issue to date, we worked with land managers to set up 3,667 survey cameras in a series of controlled experiments. We studied the effects on cat behaviour and population density.
But most wildlife conservation programs in southern Australia only control foxes. That’s largely because controlling foxes is relatively straightforward. Foxes are scavengers and readily take poison baits. Feral cats, on the other hand, prefer live prey. So they’re much more difficult to control using baits.
Consequently, foxes have become the most widely controlled invasive predator in Australia, while feral cat control has been relatively localised.
Some native species have thrived following fox control or eradication, but others have continued to decline. For example, one study found numbers of common brushtail possums, Western quolls and Tammar wallabies increased following fox control in southwest Western Australia. However, seven other species crashed: dunnarts, woylies, southern brown bandicoots, western ringtail possums, bush rats, brush-tailed phascogales and western brush wallabies.
People suspected controlling foxes could inadvertently free feral cats from competition and aggression, particularly if there were no dingoes around.
Foxes devastate native wildlife, but may also suppress feral cats. Matthew Rees
Experimenting with fox control
To investigate how cats respond to fox control programs, we worked with land managers to run two large experiments in southwest Victoria. Foxes are the top predator in these forests and woodlands, because dingoes have already been removed.
We studied cat behaviour and population density before and after fox control in the Otway Ranges. In a separate study, we compared conservation reserves with and without fox control in the Glenelg region.
We put out 3,667 survey cameras over seven years. The cameras photograph animals as they walk by, allowing us to analyse where and when invasive predators and native mammals are active.
From these photographs, we were also able to identify individual feral cats based on their unique coat markings.
When multiple photographs of one cat were taken by several different cameras, we could track their movement. Combining information on the tracks of all the cats in an area allowed us to estimate cat population density.
It was a painstaking process. We went through almost 1.5 million images manually to check for animals, eliminate false triggers and identify individual cats.
Feral cat density was generally higher in areas with fox control. The strength of this effect varied with the extent and duration of fox management. We found up to 3.7 times as many cats in fox-baited landscapes.
Feral cats appeared more adventurous where fox populations were suppressed. In dry forests, for example, foxes were largely nocturnal, as were most native mammals. Feral cats became more active at night when there were fewer foxes, potentially giving them access to different prey species.
We found some threatened species, such as long-nosed potoroos, were doing much better in areas with long-term fox control, although others, such as southern brown bandicoots, showed no improvement.
Areas where foxes were controlled had more feral cats. They also tended to be behave differently. Matthew Rees
A conservation balancing act
Broad-scale fox control is an important tool in the ongoing battle to protect Australia’s wildlife. Fox baiting is relatively simple and effective. But we have to balance the known benefits of fox control against potential unintended consequences.
Our study reinforces the need to carefully consider what could happen if you only control one pest animal, and to monitor carefully rather than assume that fox control will benefit all native species. We are not saying people should stop fox baiting, because there are clear benefits to species such as long-nosed potoroos. But we need to keep an eye on the cats and might need to also manage their impacts on native prey.
Matthew Rees receives funding from the Australian Government, Parks Victoria, Victorian Government Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action, University of Melbourne, Holsworth Wildlife Research Endowment, Conservation Ecology Centre and the Grains Research and Development Corporation. He is affiliated with the Queensland Conservation Council.
Bronwyn Hradsky receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Victorian Government Department of Energy, Enviroment and Climate Action, Parks Victoria and Zoos Victoria. She is a member of the Australian Wildlife Management Society and volunteers with Mange Management
Australia’s National Rugby League will launch its 2024 season in Las Vegas this weekend, in the boldest attempt yet to capture the hearts and wallets of Americans.
It’s been tried before.
In the 1930s, legendary League administrator Harry Sunderland took the game to France and offered to take it to the United States as manager of the 1929–30 Kangaroos.
He told the San Francisco Examiner the team was “willing to line up, with eleven men, against a regular American football team, and to see what would happen”.
Later, in 1954, Australia and New Zealand played exhibition matches in Long Beach and Los Angeles on the US west coast. Only 1,000 people turned up at Long Beach and 4,554 at Los Angeles.
Russell Crowe explains the rules and laws of rugby league, 2024.
Australia did better at Long Beach in 1987, putting on a State of Origin match between New South Wales and Queensland in front of 12,349 fans.
Film star Russell Crowe tried again in 2008, staging an exhibition match between the South Sydney Rabbitohs and UK Super League champions Leeds in Florida, attended by 12,500.
Will Rugby League Commissioner Peter V’landys be able to succeed this time, in a nation where his predecessors have failed to make much headway?
I think the odds are good. This is why.
No helmets, no pads, no timeouts
The potential reach of the NRL, promoted as football with “no helmets, no pads, no timeouts”, is vast, extending to the 309 million Americans who own a smartphone rather than the few thousand who might turn up.
And after the H-shaped posts leave Allegiant Stadium and the NRL’s branding is taken down from New York’s Times Square, the league’s presence will continue.
It has reportedly committed to five years of season openers in Las Vegas.
During those five years the NRL will attempt to build and sustain familiarity with the US public, as well as scout out US athletes about making the switch to rugby league.
There are 520,000 student-athletes in the US, many of whom are trying to get into the US National Football League. But the NFL can only accommodate 1,696 active players.
V’landys has turned the game around
During COVID lockdowns three years ago, the NRL was “three to four months” from being insolvent, according to V’landys.
He and chief executive Andrew Abdo say the league is now in the best financial position it has ever been in.
9% growth in grassroots participation in schools and clubs
40% growth in video views on YouTube
ten clubs vying for the women’s championship in a final watched by more than a million viewers
expanding representation in the men’s game with the admission of the Dolphins
Clearly, the NRL do not think their work is done.
This time it might work
Sports research has mapped the processes that create fans for a sport.
The first pivotal step is awareness. Potential fans need to know about the sport in order to sign up. That’s the objective of the Las Vegas round and the advertising in Times Square.
The second is something that allows them to like and then identify with it. The advertisements point out rugby league’s similarities to the NFL, saying it’s “football, but not as you know it”, while at the same time emphasising the crucial and hopefully enticing differences.
My own work has pointed to the role key individuals play in developing sport fans. And this could be the ace in the hand of the NRL.
“The Beckham Effect” is a term coined to explain the uplift in support when David Beckham joined Major League Soccer in the US in 2007.
Argentinian footballer Lionel Messi achieved a similar feat when he joined MLS club Inter Miami in 2023.
Closer to home, the Gold Coast Suns cemented their legitimacy when they signed football legend Gary Ablett Jnr (and rugby league player Karmichael Hunt) to their inaugural AFL squad in 2011.
Big names build recognition
It’s not a strategy that can easily be applied to the US, but a raft of Australians familiar to US audiences including actors, fashion designers, media moguls, businesspeople and musicians are doing what they can.
Currently independent from the NRL, plans are also underway to establish a ten-team American league with proposed ownership stakes being offered to figures such as wrestling and global movie star Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson.
If Las Vegas is a success, other US stars might just grab a franchise of their own.
Las Vegas is certainly a roll of the dice, but if the NRL succeeds in grabbing even a small slice of America’s vast sports market, it will have hit the jackpot.
It’s hard to believe March is here. Where did the time go?
By now many of us will be well into our regular routine at work or school. Perhaps life’s demands are starting to catch up and you’re already dreaming of your next break.
Fret not. Our experts have a range of new streaming suggestions. From the heartfelt romance One Day, which has already been in Netflix’s top ten list for three weeks – to a captivating Aussie drama centred on a local mosque community – there’s plenty to let off some steam.
House of Gods
iView
House of Gods is a gripping new Australian TV drama. It reveals the inner workings of an imam’s family and community, and the corrupting effects of power, ambition and secrets on family and faith.
Set in Western Sydney, the saga commences on election day at The Messenger mosque. Sheikh Mohammad (Kamel El Basha) is a progressive, charismatic contender for the esteemed position of head cleric. But he is embroiled in controversy when a young woman unexpectedly plants a kiss on his cheek while posing with him for a selfie.
The seemingly harmless gesture swiftly snowballs into a scandal that sparks a clash of ideologies within the mosque’s tight-knit community.
Fadia Abboud’s direction is enriched by her deep understanding of the Arabic community, lending genuine realism to every scene. The inclusion of Arab, Middle Eastern and Muslim actors adds an authentic touch to the drama. Their performances capture the cultural and social subtleties reminiscent of my own Arabic family and community.
Integrity shines through the costume and set design and in the meticulous portrayal of Muslim dress and architecture. These elements reflect a profound understanding of how faith influences the transition between private and public life, adding credibility to the storytelling.
For many in the Australian Arabic community, including Abboud, seeing a project created and written by Arabs, and featuring Arabs as lead characters, is an exciting and welcome development.
If the balance of Five Blind Dates is occasionally a little off, it is nonetheless a lovely film, one I could see becoming a comfort watch for a lot of people – it’s as warm and familiar as the cups of tea purveyed by its heroine.
Lia (Shuang Hu, also the cowriter) runs a traditional Chinese tea shop in Sydney, but is in Townsville for the wedding of her sister (Tiffany Wong).
The film’s premise is established very quickly when, at one of the pre-wedding events, Lia is told by a fortune teller she will meet her soulmate on one of the next five dates she goes on. And then, when she re-encounters her ex-boyfriend Richard (Yoson An) at Alice’s engagement party, Lia ends up on a mission to go on these five dates as fast as possible so she can bring her soulmate to the wedding – and thus show up Richard, who is the best man.
While there is nothing particularly surprising in Five Blind Dates, it is nevertheless a really refreshing film. We don’t have a lot of rom-coms set in Australia, much less ones that centre on Chinese Australian characters. It’s a playful, joyful film with a likeable and layered heroine which doesn’t outstay its welcome (it clocks in at under 90 minutes).
Fashion, cars and 1960s politics provide an engaging context for Lessons in Chemistry, a miniseries based on Bonnie Garmus’ best-selling novel. Those who loved the book might see shortcomings in the series, such as the dog’s role being downgraded. Yet it is entertaining and succeeds on its own terms.
Elizabeth Zott (Brie Larson) and Calvin Evans (Lewis Pullman) are totally engrossed by science; their every waking moment involves contemplating it. This makes them social outsiders who aren’t especially interested in others – something used productively to motivate story arcs. A meeting of minds and shared passion for the field quickly becomes love and mutual respect. Calvin supports Elizabeth to work as a chemist – no small feat for a woman in the era. Together, they outshine everyone around them.
The story stands out due to its ardent portrayal of a woman who is so passionately absorbed in her work.
Eventually, unfair circumstances lead to Elizabeth – who also loves to cook and applies science to achieve the perfect recipe – becoming a hugely popular cooking show host. From this platform she motivates her female fans to step into their aspirations, whatever they may be.
– Lisa French
Feud: Capote vs The Swans
Apple TV
Just in time for Mardi Gras, Feud: Capote versus The Swans is a delightfully bitchy yet subtly nuanced portrait of friendship between gay men and straight women, a topic I tackled in a documentary I recently produced.
When famed writer and high-society insider Truman Capote publicly airs the dirty laundry of his ultra-rich gal pals, the knives come out in an oh-so-fabulous way.
Based mostly on facts, the FX television series is set against a historically accurate 1960s and ‘70s North American milieu, but takes a few liberties. In my favourite episode so far, pioneering documentarians Albert and David Maysles capture Capote’s 1966 Black and White Ball at the Plaza Hotel – the ball happened but the Maysles Brothers never recorded the glamorous event in actuality.
Sumptuous production design, a dazzling cast (most notably Naomi Watts as New York socialite Barbara “Babe” Paley and Tom Hollander as Capote), and deft directing from queer provocateur Gus Van Sant all add up to a quality television viewing experience that prises open privilege in all its beautiful ugliness.
– Phoebe Hart
One Day
Netflix
At first glance, Netflix’s decision to adapt David Nicholls’s beloved novel One Day may seem strange after the 2011 film bombed so cataclysmically.
However, the book’s episodic structure lends itself beautifully to television resulting in a highly bingeable romance. Like its source material, the series depicts 20 years of friendship and a “will they, won’t they” angst between working-class Northerner Emma (Ambika Mod) and wealthy golden boy Dexter (Leo Woodall).
Each episode takes place on July 15, beginning with the unlikely duo’s booze-fuelled graduation night in 1988. This central conceit provides the narrative structure for the 14-part series, an unusually long runtime in today’s streaming market.
Arguably overly leisurely at times, One Day’s slower pacing ultimately creates space for old hurts and yearnings to wane, fester and reignite. It is ably helped along by compelling performances from Mod and Woodall. Mod brings warmth to Em’s prickly sarcasm, while Woodall infuses Dex’s privileged arrogance with enough genuine charm to make both Emma – and by proxy, us – forgive him.
One Day isn’t perfect, particularly regarding its superficial treatment of race and class. But its combination of 1990s nostalgia (hamburger phones! Eagle Eye Cherry! Portishead!) and swoony romance makes it a tissue-sodden winner.
– Rachel Williamson
True Detective, season four
Binge
The fourth season of True Detective, titled Night Country, has been created by showrunner Issa López, who notably directed the incredible film Tigers Are Not Afraid (2017).
This season is a terrifying exploration of ecological and First Nations justice. The lead detectives are Jodie Foster playing the gruff Police Chief Liz Danvers, and relative newcomer Kali Reis as the more junior trooper Evangeline Navarro. Also starring is the incredible Fiona Shaw as a spiritual woman living on the edge of town.
In the opening episode, several members of the nearby research station go missing, presumed dead. Navarro believes the disappearances are connected to the death of a First Nations woman several years ago, and the powerful Silver Sky mining company.
The series is notably different to previous seasons of True Detective in that López employs both magical realism (also used in Tigers Are Not Afraid) and folk horror to push this whodunit into horror territory. The shift has angered some fans, but I think it would do the show a disservice simply to repeat what came before.
In an interview with Vanity Fair, López shared that she sees this as an inverse of the first season:
Where True Detective is male and it’s sweaty, Night Country is cold and it’s dark and it’s female.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Montgomery, Faculty of Health Research Associate, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington
The ombudsman called for “change on a scale rarely required of a government agency”, and said Oranga Tamariki has lost the public’s trust.
He highlighted the story of a young person who spent years in a secure “care and protection” residence. He also acknowledged the harmful effects of residential care on young people.
Care and protection residences provide a secure living environment for children aged 12-16, when it’s considered unsafe for them to live at home or in their community. The ombudsman said these sorts of facilities should only be used as a last resort for the shortest time possible.
But care and protection residences are increasingly being used as a default solution for young people with the most complex needs. What needs to change to ensure they become a therapeutic safe space for children in need, rather than a dumping ground for “bad kids”?
Secure, locked environments
Care and protection residences are at the most intensive, institutional end of the state care continuum. They bear a striking similarity to prisons.
Young people are placed in these residences when they are considered to be at serious risk of physical or mental harm from others, or towards themselves, and cannot be placed in the community.
The length of time a young person spends in residence is largely unregulated and is often related more to a lack of community placement options than need.
Oranga Tamariki currently operates two care and protection residences, Epuni in Wellington and Puketai in Dunedin, as well as a care and protection “hub” in Auckland, Kahui Whetū. A third Oranga Tamariki residence, Te Oranga in Christchurch, remains “non-operational”, following serious concerns about staff conduct. Barnardos operates Te Poutama, a specialised, contracted residence in Christchurch.
The Oranga Tamariki Rapid Review was released in September 2023 and highlighted significant, systemic and longstanding issues with the residences and the need for urgent change.
In 2021, Oranga Tamariki announced plans to close these residences by 2022 and “replace them with smaller purpose-built homes”. But residences continue to operate and are chronically under-resourced.
Traumatising effects of residential care
Youth in care and protection residences make up 2% of all children in state care.
Residential care claims to provide intensive and specialist support. But in reality, it has significant negative impacts for young people.
The number of children in residential care experiencing serious physical, sexual or emotional harm by staff or other young people in residence is increasing dramatically.
Part of the problem is the lack of specialist staff. Residences are predominantly staffed by support workers who have no minimum level of professional qualifications, skills or regulation. They have minimal support or supervision to address the complex needs of young people in residences.
The role of meeting the mental health needs of those in residences tends to be outsourced to already oversubscribed public mental health services.
This may be due to a range of complex and challenging life experiences in childhood. The experience of being uplifted and placed in a residential care environment can also be traumatic for youth and whānau.
Despite Oranga Tamariki’s intentions to develop a trauma-informed, system-wide framework, there is no clear or consistent model of care to guide practice, policies or service delivery in care and protection residences.
With the report from the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care due this year, we must listen to the experiences young people, whānau and youth advocacy groups like Voyce Whakarongo Mai, to avoid the mistakes of the past and prevent future traumatisation in care.
Key recommendations to transform Oranga Tamariki include increasing leadership and staffing expertise, service improvement investment, and collaborative inter-agency approaches. It is also recommended Oranga Tamariki devolve care to community partners and develop a therapeutic, trauma-informed model of care.
Healing from trauma is possible when a young person belongs to a strong network of people who enable them to feel loved, cared for and part of a community. Every young person deserves this.
Jennifer Montgomery received a Career Development Award with associated funding from the Health Research Council to complete this research.
Next week, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will be back on the international stage – while standing firmly on home ground. The foreign stage is coming to him, with a three-day special summit in Melbourne celebrating 50 years of dialogue partnership between Australia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The Monday-to-Wednesday gathering will have a leaders’ plenary session and retreat, and activities focusing on trade and investment, climate and clean energy, maritime cooperation, and long-term challenges.
Albanese relishes opportunities to rub shoulders with other leaders, and it’s a big deal for Australia to host this meeting, which affords an opportunity to spruik our middle-power credentials.
But the prime minister’s private mood as he greets leaders on Monday will be influenced by the outcome of a strictly domestic weekend event in Melbourne: the byelection in the bayside Labor seat of Dunkley.
On one level, nothing earth-shattering hangs on the Dunkley outcome. Labor could lose the seat and still have a narrow parliamentary majority. Albanese’s leadership would remain rock solid.
But on another level, the byelection result could affect the political dynamic for months.
The government has become more jittery about Dunkley in the past couple of weeks.
A Labor loss would be dramatic, sending the government into a spin and the media into a feeding frenzy. With an election a little over a year away, the normally quiescent caucus would be agitated. Extra pressure would be put on the framing of the May budget, with calls amplified for the government to do more to address the cost of living, the major issue in the Dunkley campaign.
If Labor holds the seat but only just, the angst will be immediate but limited. A win is a win. Nevertheless, that result would be seen in classic terms, as a “wake-up call”. The Liberals have been urging voters to send a protest message.
A big swing against Labor would call into question whether Albanese had really got away with compromising his integrity by breaking his word over the Stage 3 tax cuts. National polling suggests he has, even though the new tax regime has not given Labor a positive bounce. But a bad Dunkley result could raise longer-term worries for Albanese on the trust issue.
The announcement of the reworked tax package was timed for Dunkley, despite Albanese’s denials. The government has relentlessly pushed the tax cuts in parliament’s question time, slicing and dicing their rewards for teachers, nurses, police, women and every other conceivable cohort (even plumbers in Antarctica). Most voters in Dunkley will benefit, compared with where they’d have been under the old Stage 3 plan. But it’s unclear how much they will reward the government.
A Labor setback would probably bring a sharper focus on Albanese’s style. Already some in Labor believe he should cut back on the high-profile fun events he’s seen at. Eyebrows went up last weekend when, after attending a Friday night Taylor Swift concert, he went on Saturday to a celebrity bash at packaging magnate Anthony Pratt’s Raheen mansion in the Melbourne suburb of Kew.
Albanese could say he gave a speech to food-and-beverage industry people there, but with US pop star Katy Perry brought in at large expense to perform, this was undeniably a party.
Incidentally, this is the second time the billionaire has managed to lure a prime minister into a situation that didn’t play entirely well for him. When Scott Morrison was in the US in 2019, Pratt invited him and the then President Donald Trump to the opening of his $500 million paper mill in Ohio. But the event took on the hue of a Trump rally, which was awkward for Morrison.
A Liberal flop in Dunkley – a failure to get a substantial swing – wouldn’t be the end of Peter Dutton’s leadership. Last year’s loss of the Liberal seat of Aston seemed devastating at the time, yet a few months later Dutton had revived, with the defeat of the referendum and Labor in a slump. The suggestion that if Dutton can’t win Dunkley he should be replaced is overblown, not least because there is no viable alternative anyway.
Nevertheless, a bad Liberal result would be a notable knock for the opposition leader, because Dunkley is the prototype of the seats he’s targeting for the 2025 election.
In the final week, both sides have tried to manage expectations ahead of a result they’ve found hard to predict. They’ve set their own benchmarks for what “swing” figure is relevant.
Dunkley sits on a margin of 6.3%. Albanese has painted this as a flimsy buffer, by pointing to a 7.1% average byelection swing against governments in government-held seats since 1984. By contrast, the opposition casts 6.3% as a mountain to climb, saying since the second world war, the average swing against a government in a federal byelection has been only 3.6%, and even less against a first-term government. Dutton says a 3% swing would be “bad for the government”.
ABC election analyst Antony Green says there have been 52 byelections since the election of the Hawke government in 1983, 28 of them traditional two-party contests like Dunkley. Across these, the average anti-government two-party preferred swing was 3.5%.
One uncertainty is what the “Peta Murphy” effect will be. Murphy, the popular local member whose death prompted the byelection, won the seat from the Liberals in 2019. She increased her margin in 2022, picking up some who deserted the Liberals for various reasons. Will they now return to the Liberals? Labor has been trying to hang onto the “Murphy vote” by saying that backing its candidate, Jodie Belyea, a Murphy protege, would be a way of carrying on Murphy’s legacy.
Another unknown is what effect the extensive anti-Labor campaign by the advocacy group Advance will have. Advance, which styles itself as committed to the “fight for mainstream Australian values”, had a big presence in the Voice referendum. It is for the political right what GetUp! has in the past been for the left. With a big war chest, it has been very active on social media. If the Dunkley outcome and the post mortems were to attribute significant influence to the Advance campaign, the group would be emboldened for the 2025 election.
Labor will have spent about $1 million on its Dunkley campaign. The Liberals declined to say what they’ve spent. Labor national secretary Paul Erickson says:“We estimate the Liberals have easily matched this, and then Advance have (according to Advance) spent a further $300,000 on top of that. So, the combined efforts of the Liberal Party and Advance put the Liberals at a distinct advantage. The campaign to defeat Labor has been 30% larger than Labor’s campaign to retain the seat.”
After the tension of the Dunkley battle, there’s relief on both sides that Labor has flagged it is unlikely to fight the byelection that follows Scott Morrison vacating Cook.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Fa’anānā’s unexpected death came as a shock to many, with his aiga — including wife Fia and daughters Kaperiela and Asalemo — saying he was “the anchor of our tight-knit family”.
Politicians and members of the public, including school students, were among those attending Fa’anānā’s funeral at Due Drop Event Centre in Manukau on Thursday afternoon.
Many of the guests were dressed in traditional Pacific clothing, and a gospel choir sang as the crowd filled the room.
Fa’anānā’s wife and daughters were described as his “constant bullseye”. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
To start the service, poet Karlo Mila read a poem that finished: “You become the ancestor we always knew you were.”
Family spokesman Taito Eddie Tuiavii then gave a formal greeting in Samoan, paying tribute to Fa’anānā and his villages.
‘Larger than life’ He described Fa’anānā as “larger than life”.
It was an “indescribable feeling” to mourn the loss of “our champion”, Tuiavii said.
Fa’anānā’s sisters took the stage to share stories from his life.
His sister Jemima . . . “We didn’t have much growing up in Ōtara, but we were raised with an abundance of love, and that made us pretty rich.” Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
As a child, Fa’anānā was known as ‘Boppa’, his sister Jemima said. He loved playing and watching cricket.
“We didn’t have much growing up in Ōtara, but we were raised with an abundance of love, and that made us pretty rich.”
Fa’anānā preferred watching the TV news to children’s programmes and loved trivia.
He attended Auckland Grammar School for just two weeks, before deciding to leave due to “racist comments”, his sister said. He then transferred to “the mighty” Tangaroa College before going on to Auckland University.
Mourners embrace at the Due Drop Events Centre. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
‘Deep friendship with Jesus’ Fa’anānā always had “a deep friendship with Jesus”, the crowd heard.
“Efeso was able to reach so many people because of his relationship with Jesus.”
Jemima signed off by saying: “Manuia lau malaga (rest in peace), Boppa. Until we meet in the clouds.”
Another of Fa’anānā’s sisters, Millie Collins, described her brother as “our family’s golden boy”.
“He was my mum and dad’s sunshine, and to his brothers and sisters, his cousins and friends, he was our superstar.”
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon. Photo: RNZ/Nick Monro
He was always helping out his extended family, Millie Collins said.
“[He was] born to impact the world, born to lead through service. A visionary, a loving, honourable son, husband, father, brother, cousin, nephew and friend.”
Heartbroken at parting Dickie Humphries, who has known Fa’anānā since they attended Auckland University, addressed his friend’s widow directly, saying he was heartbroken that they had been parted.
“This is not what our friend wanted for you. He wanted to love you through a long life,” he told Fia.
However, he was also happy Fa’anānā had found “his best friend, his greatest champion”, he said.
Te Pāti Māori co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
Fa’anānā’s legacy had showed him “we must live big lives”, Humphries said.
“Lives of service, lives that leave this world better for having been in it. Lives that make right on the legacy of Efeso.”
He said all gathered there must keep working towards a better Aotearoa — one where Pasifika people did not die young, or face racist abuse while in Parliament.
Humphries remembered his friend as someone with “an inquiring mind and a curious heart”.
‘Unwavering belief in people’s brilliance’ “He had an unwavering belief in the brilliance of our people.”
The Green Party’s seats in Parliament were empty today as all 15 MPs attended their colleague’s funeral. Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver
Among the people at the funeral were Green Party co-leaders Marama Davidson and James Shaw, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Labour leader Chris Hipkins, and National’s Gerry Brownlee, Auckland Mayor Wayne Brown, Te Pāti Māori co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi.
Fa’anānā’s wife and daughters were wearing the dresses they wore at Parliament earlier this month, when Fa’anānā gave his maiden speech as an MP.
Like Humphries, Davidson addressed Fia directly in her speech, saying Fa’anānā valued her opinion above all else.
“He lived for the power of Pacific women.”
Family was his “constant bullseye”, Davidson said.
Green Party co-leaders Marama Davidson and James Shaw with Labour leader Chris Hipkins in the crowd at Fa’anānā Efeso Collins’ funeral. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
She promised the Green Party would wrap their arms around their colleague’s family for their whole lives. All 15 Green MPs were at the funeral.
Legacy of self-determination The party would also continue his legacy of fighting for the self-determination and wellbeing of Pasifika people, Davidson said.
“My friend, my brother Fes. What I wouldn’t give to hug you close and long right now, even just one more time. You beautiful man. I love you always.”
In his speech, Fa’anānā’s friend Te’o Harry Fatu Toleafoa said the MP was kind to everyone, “whether you’re Christopher Luxon in the Koru Lounge or the cleaner”.
“He treated absolutely everybody with value, dignity, respect and he made them feel special.” Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
“He treated absolutely everybody with value, dignity, respect and he made them feel special.”
Te’o also paid tribute to the next generation of leaders following in Fa’anānā’s footsteps.
“He was the best of us … but if you think Fes is the best, wait ’til the next generation comes up.”
Te’o mentioned the death threats Fa’anānā received in his role as a public servant, before addressing his daughters directly: “Thank you for giving us your dad, even though we didn’t deserve him.”
Racist hate mail Pasifika journalist Indira Stewart also talked about the difficulties Fa’anānā faced while running for and serving in office.
Fa’anānā . . . “one of the finest leaders of our generation” Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
He received racist hate mail and a bomb threat was made to the home he shared with his wife and daughters.
Fa’anānā was “one of the finest leaders of our generation”, she said.
“We are so proud of the legacy you leave behind for the next generation of Pasifika.”
Fa’anānā’s widow Vasa Fia Collins was the last speaker and took the stage with her daughters beside her.
She introduced herself by saying: “I am an ordinary woman who married an extraordinary man.”
The funeral of Fa’anānā Efeso Collins. Video: RNZ
Fa’anānā was “born to lead”, she said.
“If you knew him, you’d know that he always tried to discreetly enter spaces and sit at the back. But how can you miss a man who’s 6’4 with a booming voice and a beautiful big smile?”
A doting father He was also a doting father, taking their daughters to school, teaching them how to pray and “feeding them ice cream when I wasn’t looking”, she said.
“He treated me like a queen, every single moment we were together . . . a true gentleman, always serving our needs before his own.”
Fa’anānā had a great capacity for the “square pegs” in society — those who did not fit in, she said.
He valued the knowledge of his Pasifika ancestors and always mentored and love young people, she said.
“Fes died serving others. He has finished his leg of the race and the baton is now firmly in our hands.
“Please don’t let all that he did, all his hard work — blood, sweat and tears — be for nothing.”
Fa’anānā’s sisters in the crowd. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro
Fa’anānā was charismatic, humble and wise, she said. He saw the potential in others and made them better people.
Be ‘the very best of us’ “[He] never stopped encouraging people to rise, to aim high, to be the best version of themselves . . . he was the very best of us.”
Vasa told her daughters she was proud of them: “Daddy would be, too.”
Fa’anānā was the family’s “warrior” and protector, she said, and now he was their “eternal Valentine”.
“I’m so grateful for the life that we built together. But I trust and know that Fes is in the presence of God.”
Vasa finished her speech by singing a Samoan hymn.
Fa’anānā would be laid to rest privately after his casket was driven through Ōtara and Ōtāhuhu one last time.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has designated the political wing of Hamas as a “terrorist” entity.
New Zealand designated the military wing of Hamas as a terrorist entity in 2010.
Foreign Minister Winston Peters said the government unequivocally condemned the “brutal” terrorist attacks by Hamas in October, and the move had been taken after he received official advice.
“What happened on 7 October reinforces we can no longer distinguish between the military and political wings of Hamas,” Peters said.
“The organisation as a whole bears responsibility for these horrific terrorist attacks.”
The designation means any assets of the terrorist entity in New Zealand are frozen. It also makes participation in or supporting Hamas’ activities, or recruiting for it a criminal offence.
However, Peters made clear the designation would not affect the provision of humanitarian support to Palestinians, and would not stop New Zealand providing aid to benefit civilians in Gaza.
‘Gravely concerned’ “Nor does it stop us providing consular support to New Zealand citizens or permanent residents in the conflict zone,” he said.
“We remain gravely concerned about the impact of this conflict on civilians and will continue to call for an end to the violence and an urgent resumption of the Middle East Peace Process.
“A lasting solution to the conflict will only be achieved by peaceful means.”
The coalition government has also banned several extremist Israeli settlers from travelling to New Zealand.
Peters said those banned had committed violent attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank.
It was not clear how many settlers have been banned and who exactly they are.
There has been a significant increase in extremist violence perpetrated by Israeli settlers against Palestinian populations in recent months, Peters said.
He acknowledged the official advice provided to him had been commissioned by then Prime Minister Chris Hipkins in October.
A day later, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon issued a joint statement with his Australian and Canadian counterparts calling for the same thing.
It included a call for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, the release of hostages, condemned Hamas for its terror attacks on Israel, and said Israel must protect Palestinian civilians.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Last night, ASIO boss Mike Burgess made another powerful public statement in delivering the Annual Threat Assessment for 2024. Burgess stated that ASIO has seen “terrorists and spies […] talking about sabotage, researching sabotage, sometimes conducting reconnaissance for sabotage”.
He also highlighted the increasing focus on cyber (online methods) as a way that sabotage might be conducted. He said:
ASIO is aware of one nation state conducting multiple attempts to scan critical infrastructure in Australia and other countries, targeting water, transport and energy networks.
But what exactly is sabotage, and should we be worried?
The legal definition
“Sabotage” is a French term originally used to refer to deliberate acts by workmen to destroy machinery during the Industrial Revolution. Since then, “sabotage” has been used to describe acts that undermine military power without a battle – such as destroying train lines, cutting telephone wires, or setting fuel dumps on fire.
However, the legal definition is a bit bigger than that.
In Australia, sabotage is both a federal crime under the Criminal Code and also a crime under state and territory laws. At the federal level, sabotage has three key elements:
engaging in conduct that results in “damage to public infrastructure”
intending to or risking the act will “prejudice Australia’s national security” or “advantage the national security of a foreign country”
an act on behalf of, in collaboration with, or with funding from a “foreign principal” (that is, a foreign government or one of its authorities, such as their intelligence service).
“Public infrastructure” is a broad concept, and includes anything belonging to the Commonwealth, defence and military bases and equipment, and telecommunications.
In some circumstances, it could also include banks, supermarkets, food, farms and other services provided to the public. Essentially, pretty much anything needed to run the country could be “public infrastructure”.
New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, the ACT and the Northern Territory also have specific sabotage offences. Those offences capture deliberate acts to damage or destroy public facilities, where the person intends to cause major disruption to “government functions”, major disruption to the “use of services by the public” or major “economic loss”.
So what is ASIO doing?
ASIO’s annual threat assessment mentioned that sabotage has increasingly been discussed between agents of foreign countries, spies and would-be terrorists. While Burgess did not name which countries have been involved, ASIO has been watching China, perhaps because a hacking group called “Volt Typhoon” has been named as allegedly working on behalf of the Chinese government.
Yet, there have been very few cases of sabotage pursued in the courts.
Unfortunately, there can be several barriers to prosecuting foreign agents who engage in espionage, foreign interference and/or sabotage. These include gathering the necessary evidence that might reveal how the spies were detected, in turn potentially compromising ASIO’s ability to operate in the future.
However, foreign agents can still be deterred from engaging in this kind of activity. Just last year, Burgess detailed how a Russian spy ring was expelled rather than prosecuted. In this year’s threat assessment, Burgess also said ASIO often puts foreign agents on notice – that ASIO knows what they’re up to – or it shines a “disinfecting light” on Australia’s adversaries so the public is aware of what they’re up to.
However, one of the cases mentioned by Burgess in the assessment – a politician alleged to have “sold out Australia” for a foreign nation – probably won’t be identified. That’s strange on its own, as Burgess’ usual approach in these cases seems to be to “name names” – in going public, ASIO removes the one thing foreign agents need to operate: anonymity.
What more is needed?
ASIO will need to continue (and possibly even ramp up) its surveillance operations in Australia. That in turn will require the attorney-general to step up the review of Australia’s surveillance laws, which is yet to get started.
There are some niche areas in the law that might need some tweaking. Last year, we published research that demonstrated Australia’s laws might not protect an act of sabotage that was aimed at our natural environmental assets such as the Great Barrier Reef.
However, we may not need more laws – we just need to better use the ones we have. As Keiran Hardy argues in the context of counter-terrorism laws:
Australia’s counter-terrorism laws are already extensive […] If a criminal offence or power is needed to combat terrorism, Australia already has it and more.
More broadly, Australia needs to confront its “this won’t happen to us” attitude to national security. Chris Taylor, head of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s Statecraft and Intelligence Program, recently revived the words of Harvey Barnett (a former boss of ASIO) when he said:
With the simple self-confidence which living in an island state breeds, Australians are sometimes doubtful that their country might be of interest to foreign intelligence services. “It can’t really happen here” is a stock attitude. It has, it does, it will.
Those words should resonate with us all.
The views contained in this article are those of the individual author, and it does not necessarily reflect the views of any organisation, department or agency with which the author may be affiliated.
This article was written in Sarah Kendall’s personal capacity as a PhD candidate at the University of Queensland School of Law. It does not reflect the views of any organisation with which the author is affiliated.
