Pacific Media Centre affiliated students and graduates have won several prizes at the annual School of Communication Studies awards night at Auckland University of Technology, including the Storyboard for diversity journalism.

The Storyboard and Spasifik Magazine prize went to a young Indian engineer-turned-journalist, Ami Dhabuwala, for her role in the Bearing Witness climate change project in Fiji and as part of a team covering diversity at the World Journalism Education Congress (WJEC) conference in Auckland last year.

The Storyboard was presented to her by PMC advisory board chair Camille Nakhid and the Spasifik prize by editor-in-chief Innes Logan.

Recently graduated, she takes up a job at the Greymouth Star next week.

Pacific Media Watch editor Kendall Hutt won the Radio New Zealand International Award for the top Asia-Pacific Journalism Studies student.

This was presented by RNZ journalist Alex Perrottet, himself a former Pacific Media Watch editor.

Julie Cleaver won the School of Communication Studies Award for excellent in communication theory.

Cleaver and Hutt head for Fiji next month on the Bearing Witness climate change project.

A Pacific student, Hulu Tu’inukuafe, won the FCB Change Agency Award for digital media excellence.

Postgraduate scholarships were awarded to a diverse range of students:  Shirin Brown, Jayakrishnan Sreekumar, Rebecca Trelease and Chao Zhang.

School of Communication Studies award winners 2016:
School of Communication Studies Award for Top Student in the Certificate in Communication Studies: Joshua Katz

School of Communication Studies Award for Top Year One Bachelor of Communication Studies: Hannah Dowsett

School of Communication Studies Award for Top Year Two Bachelor of Communication Studies: Adam Szentes

School of Communication Studies Award for Excellence in Communication Theory: Julie Cleaver

Communication Studies Postgraduate Scholarships:
Shirin Brown
Jayakrishnan Sreekumar
Rebecca Trelease
Chao Zhang

Dean’s Award for Best Postgraduate Diploma in Communication Studies: Sam Hewat

Dean’s Award awarded for Excellence in Master of Communication Studies – Thesis:
Taylor Annabell

Spasifik Magazine Prize and Storyboard Award for Diversity Reporting: Ami Dhabuwala

Radio New Zealand International Award for the top student in Asia-Pacific Journalism:
Kendall Hutt

John Foy Memorial Award for Excellence in Broadcast Journalism: Andrew Hallberg

New Zealand Herald Award for Top Post Graduate Diploma Student in Creative Practice – Journalism: Janie Cameron

National Business Review Award for the Outstanding Graduate in the BCS Journalism Major: Ophelia Buckleton

Public Relations Institute of New Zealand Award for the Top Year 2 Public Relations Student: Adam Szentes

Porter Novelli Joseph Peart Scholarship: Emma Hilton

Public Relations Institute of New Zealand President’s Award for the Top Academic Student in the Public Relations Major: Victoria Grayling

The Radio Bureau Award for Top Student Research Project: Radio: Molly Dagger

The Radio Bureau Award for Top Radio Student 2016: Hannah Bourke

FCB Change Agency Award for Digital Media Excellence: Hulu Tu’inukuafe

School of Communication Studies Award for Academic Excellence in the Creative Industries Major: Libby Houghton

School of Communication Studies Awards for:
Art Director of the Year – Harry Skelton
Copywriter of the Year – Marika Berney
Creative Team of the Year – Mike Hickmott and Blade Broome

Francis Porterfield Memorial Award for Excellence in Multi-Camera Production: Cerian Owen

Sponsors: FCB Media, John Foy Memorial Trust, National Business Review, New Zealand Herald, Porter Novelli, Public Relations Institute of New Zealand, Radio New Zealand International, Sky, Spasifik Magazine, The Radio Bureau

REVIEW: By Dr Wayne Hope

It can’t have been easy for the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) and their political leaders to deny the results of a botched military intervention in which 21 civilians were killed or wounded as outlined in Hit&Run.

The task becomes next to impossible in the face of testimonies from survivors and witnesses and the local government documents listing the names of the killed and wounded.

When such evidence is fact-checked against the known coordinates and timeline of the operation, only one conclusion seems plausible: the official deniers inhabit an alternative world beyond the reach of inquiry, research, proof, disproof and argumentation.

The situation reminds me of a hilarious Monty Python sketch in which hapless game show competitors make fabricated claims of authorship or accomplishment. It goes like this:

Host: Good evening and welcome to Stake Your Claim. And first this evening we have (John Cleese) with us Mr Norman Bowles from Gravesend who claims he wrote all Shakespeare’s works… Mr Bowles, I understand that you wrote all those plays normally attributed to Shakespeare.

Mr Bowles: That is correct, I wrote all his plays and my wife and I wrote his sonnets (Michael Palin)

Host: Mr Bowles, these plays are known to have been performed in the early 17th century. How old are you Mr Bowles?

Mr Bowles: Forty three.

Host: Well, how is it possible for you to have written plays performed over 300 years before you were born?

Mr Bowles: Ah well, this is where my claim falls to the ground. There’s no possible way of answering that argument, I’m afraid. I was rather hoping you wouldn’t make that particular point. But I can see that you are more than a match for me.

Here, Mr Bowles’ claims cannot survive the merest scrutiny. In the absence of time travel, he could not possibly have written any of Shakespeare’s plays.

Contradicts testimony
Satirically speaking, recent statements from the Chief of the New Zealand Defence Force, appear just as untenable. His claim that NZDF troops never operated in the villages of Naik and Khak Khuday Dad contradicts all available testimony and documentary records.

The onus of proof is on the NZDF. They have to demonstrate, empirically and legally, that the “hit and run” case compiled by Nicky Hager and Jon Stephenson is false.

The NZDF’s associated claim, that the military operation took place elsewhere in a settlement called Tirgiran requires justification. Available geographic evidence suggests that Tirgiran is a river valley rather than a settlement.

If the NZDF cannot prove that such a substantial raid occurred (at a particular location outside of Naik and Khak Khuday Dad), then Hager and Stephenson’s case stands.

These and other matters must be addressed by an independent commission of inquiry. The public needs to know whether the SAS committed war crimes in their pursuit of enemy combatants.

In this eventuality, Hit and Run represents a basic outline of the prosecution case. The authors argue that operation Burnham was an attempted retaliatory raid against the insurgents responsible for a roadside bomb which had killed a New Zealand solider, Lieutenant Timothy O’Donnell in August 2010.

Based on the intelligence gathered, and the kill-capture authorisations of US military commanders, the SAS along with Afghan commandos landed near the villages, supported by US Apache helicopters.

No insurgents found
Although no insurgents were found, a dozen houses were burnt or blown up. At Naik and Khak Khuday Dad, four civilians including a three-year-old child were killed by helicopter fire.

The extent to which Apache helicopter pilots were directed by the SAS on the ground is yet to be determined.

According to local testimony, two other deaths at Khak Khuday Dad are said to have resulted from bullet wounds, perhaps from sniper fire.

Hager and Stephenson maintain that SAS soldiers later returned to the villages to destroy partially rebuilt houses.

Furthermore, a leading insurgent, allegedly involved in the death of Tim O’Donnell, is said to have been bound and beaten inside an SAS vehicle after capture. These need to be legally tested at a commission of inquiry.

The construction of this book was a painstaking and dangerous enterprise. Jon Stephenson risked life and limb by returning to the villages and interviewing survivors, and assembling the family trees of the dead and wounded.

Empty shell casings from Apache helicopter cannon rounds were collected and photographed. A series of locally sourced stories from the Pajhwok News Agency, pointing to civilian deaths and casualties were filed.

Triangulated material
And, as mentioned earlier, a locally documented list of the dead and wounded was obtained and photocopied. By triangulating this material with the admissions of anonymous sources throughout the SAS and NZDF, Hager and Stephenson have built a powerful case.

The ramifications of the events described are considerable. Allow me to compile a small list:

• The official cover up and denials concerning the raids within the NZDF suggests a lack of top level accountability;
• Government deference to the NZDF has allowed a military clique to usurp civilian authority over foreign policy;
• The range of military sources available to the authors points to division and dysfunction within the Army, SAS and the NZDF itself; and
• The rationale and purpose of New Zealand’s foreign policy, in contradistinction to our “five eyes” obligations is impossible to determine.

Is the New Zealand government and New Zealand Defence Force likely to reflect upon these ramifications? Probably not. I think it is more likely that Mr Bowles did in fact write all of Shakespeare’s plays.

Dr Wayne Hope is a professor of communication studies at Auckland University of Technology. This review was first published by The Daily Blog.

The church in Indonesia has lent its weight behind an ongoing demonstration outside the presidential palace by Javanese farmers protesting against the establishment of a cement factory, which critics say would invite an environmental disaster.

Farmers from several villages in Central Java province’s Rembang district, who started their protest last week by having their feet encased in concrete, were joined by environmentalists on March 20. The church also offered a message of support.

“This protest symbolises our life which will be shackled by the factory,” said Joko Prianto, coordinator of the protest.

He said the factory would ruin the quality of groundwater in the Kendeng karst mountain range.

“The groundwater basin must be protected. If not, we will face drought during the dry season and floods during the rainy season,” he said.

The construction of the PT Semen Indonesia factory began in 2014 but protesters have doggedly delayed it. It was due to begin operating in April but the launch has been delayed, according to local news reports.

Responding to the farmers’ protest, PT Semen Indonesia Corporate Secretary Agung Wiharto said the company had offered a number of solutions, including employing a so-called block mining system to prevent water pollution.

Support for farmers
Father Aloysius Budi Purnomo, chairman of the Commission for Ecumenical and Interreligious Affairs of Semarang Archdiocese, supported the farmers.

“They fight because they see nature being damaged due to the exploitation of natural resources. This is exactly what Pope Francis spoke about in his encyclical Laudato si,” he said.

“The papal encyclical encourages the church to support those fighting for the integrity of creation,” he added.

Similar support came from Muhammad Nurkhoiron from the National Commission on Human Rights.

“One of our commission’s efforts is to protect the karst mountains’ ecology for the sake of all people. The right to water is part of human rights,” he said.

In April 2016, a similar rally ran for two days until presidential staff promised to schedule a meeting between the protesters and president. In August, they met with the president who said no permit would be issued until an environmental assessment was complete.

Experts involved in the assessment reportedly said that the factory’s activities were feasible. On February 23, Governor Ganjar Pranowo issued a permit but the farmers do not accept the finding.

Communications Minister Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum claims there is “absolutely nothing” stopping investigative journalism in Fiji, the major television network reports,

Media freedom – especially for critical and responsible reporting – has been an ongoing issue in Fiji.

In an interview with Fiji One News reporter Sofaia Koroitanoa, Sayed-Khaiyum claimed the government would “love to see more” investigative journalism.

The minister said there was a lack of investment in journalists.

“In developing countries like Fiji, the media needs to have a development focus. They need to be able to impart information not necessarily as viewing from a political perspective. You know, some newspapers, like The Fiji Times, run lots of opinion pieces by politicians and they, of course, have a skewed approach to it.

“What we’re saying is that journalists themselves, the media organisations themselves, [should] run articles imparting information objectively and that is what is very critical.”

Sayed-Khaiyum also said there was a lack of investigative journalism.

‘No restrictions’
When questioned by Fiji One News on concerns of a “non-enabling” environment for investigative and critical reporting, the minister claimed there were no restrictions.

“When I mean investigative journalism, do an investigation and say, ‘Oh, he stood up in Parliament, but the RBF report says this, the Bureau of Statistics says this, and therefore they are wrong.’ No journalist is actually doing that.

“So nobody’s stopping you from doing that, so get away from the political train and actually do a focus on those areas of imparting the correct information to members of the public,” Sayed-Khaiyum said.

Fiji Times editor-in-chief Fred Wesley has said his newspaper had always made every effort to be “fair and balanced” in political coverage at all times.

Opposition National Federation Party leader Professor Biman Prasad has previously stated that as long as the post-coup Fiji Media Industry Development Decree was in place, Fiji could not say it had press freedom.

Prasad said the Media Decree “put water on all the efforts” by the journalists and organisations to report accurately without fear or favour.

The Fijian Media Association has raised concerns over the penalties and the independence of the make-up of the Media Tribunal Authority.

Prominent Indonesian journalist Ahmad Taufik has died after an illness in Jakarta. He was 51.

Taufik, known as an opposition journalist during President Suharto’s dictatorship, joined other journalists in founding the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) on 7 August 1994. He was appointed the first presidium chairman of the organisation.

Following a series of articles in AJI’s news magazine Independent on presidential succession and Soeharto’s great personal wealth, in early 1995, Taufik was arrested and charged under Article 19 of the Press Law, which banned unlicensed publications, and Article 154 of the Criminal Code, which forbade the publication of “feelings of hostility, hatred or contempt for the government”.

He was convicted on both charges and sentenced to three years in prison in September 1995. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) protested against his arrest and that of other journalists and named Suharto as “one of 10 worst enemies of the press” on its annual list.

Taufik was paroled on 19 July 1997, having served two-thirds of his sentence.

Taufik spent his sentence in five different detention centers: the Jakarta police station, Salemba Penitentiary, Cipinang Penitentiary, Cirebon prison and Kuningan prison. While in Cipinang Penitentiary, Taufik became close to Xanana Gusmão, the future president of Timor-Leste. He was also visited by Jens Linde of the International Federation of Journalists.

Taufik was presented the AJI Suardi Tasrif award on July 22, 1995. The same year, he won the International Press Freedom Award of the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Due to his imprisonment, he was unable to accept the award in person until November 1997, following his release from prison. The following year he received the Digul Award.

By Ratri M. Siniwi and Muham in Jakarta

Palm oil is an important commodity for Indonesia’s economy, contributing US$17.8 billion, or about 12 percent, to its export revenue.

While this year the production of crude palm oil is likely to increase 16 percent, to up to
33 million tons, with expected conducive weather conditions, environmental issues and social conflicts continue to overshadow the sector’s future in the world’s biggest palm-oil producing country.

Just earlier this month, the European Parliament’s Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) approved a set of recommendations to the European Commission, which will phase out the use of palm oil as a component of biodiesel by 2020 and require exporters to prove responsible cultivation practices on their plantations.

A report prepared by the European Commission says that as the demand for palm oil is estimated to double by 2050, it poses severe environmental damages to oil-producing countries such Indonesia, Malaysia and others in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Palm oil industry has been accused of causing deforestation, environmental degradation, and human rights violations ranging from land disputes to child labor.

The report is due for a vote in the European Parliament on April 3-6.

In response to the report, Indonesian experts, executives of an organization seeking to promote sustainable development, and a former government official, have started to defend the industry that employs millions.

Black campaign
“This is a real black campaign, involving conflicts of interests, and deriving from trade competitors,” said Bayu Krisnamurthi, former Deputy Minister of Trade and Agriculture in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s cabinet.

Bayu is now the chairman of the Indonesian Society of Agricultural Economics, which provides expertise to the agricultural sector.

In November 2013, the EU set duties of 8.8 percent to 20.5 percent for Indonesian palm oil producers to apply for five years. It argued that by imposing duty on the raw products, an advantage will be given to domestic producers.

The Indonesian government’s is going to file a complaint to the World Trade Organisation against the duties.

Petrus Gunarso, a member of the Indonesian Forestry Scholars Association (Persaki), rebutted the claim that Indonesia’s palm oil industry is the main contributor to the country’s deforestation, claiming that most of the palm oil plantations, which currently cover about 11 million hectares, were previously rubber plantations.

Petrus said that many farmers had converted their plantations as the price of rubber has been declining and palm oil cultivation is more profitable.

“That’s why the sizes of our rubber plantations have shrunk,” he said, adding that plantations are also established on degraded forests, which the government classifies as non-forest estates.

‘Not deforestation’
“By Indonesian law, that’s not deforestation,” Petrus said.

While palm oil producers may need to work more on convincing Europeans to buy their products, at home they have to deal with social conflicts, especially regarding land disputes.

The Indonesia Business Council for Sustainable Development, IBCSD, has commissioned a team to study the costs of these conflicts.

Using 2016 data from five plantations in Kalimantan and Sumatra, the team concluded, in a report titled “The Cost of Conflict in Oil Palm in Indonesia,” that the tangible costs of social conflicts ranged from $70,000 to $2.5 million. The biggest direct costs were income losses due to disrupted operations.

The intangible costs, according to the report, ranged from $600,000 to $9 million, and were due to reputational losses, casualties and property damage.

The reputational losses, according to the study, affect the companies’ ability to obtain loans, decrease the demand for their products and their stock market value.

“Conflicts are going to exist in all industries, it’s our homework now to find the most feasible solutions for the companies and communities,” said Aisyah Sileuw, president director of consulting firm Daemeter, which published the report.

As the infamous commodity makes the industry the most favorite one to bash on, Aisyah believes it is “impossible to get rid of it,” not only because of the huge export revenue it generates, but also since 40 percent of the country’s smallholders depend on palm oil.

COMMENT: By Sharon Bhagwan Rolls in New York

Pacific — and global — feminists are facing challenging times this week in New York with efforts to squeeze out NGO access to United Nations negotiations.

“Pacific feminists and women led groups are pressing for a CSW61 Agreed Outcome document that shows governments showing courage to change the inequalities within and between states, examining and addressing sustainable consumption and production patterns, and envisioning a changing world of work for women that is not toward concentration of wealth and corporate power that prevents governments from investing in public services and social protection necessary for women’s economic rights, but rather toward a just and equitable future for all, including women and girls,” says Noelene Nabulivou, political adviser of DIVA for Equality in the final days of the 61st session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW61) here in New York.

But the shrinking spaces for women’s human rights are glaringly obvious.

This year’s CSW has seen attacks on NGO access to the consulting process as the negotiations come to a close today.

According to the NGO CSW Committee as well as We Rise Coalition partners outside the negotiations on Wednesday, UN Security staff removed NGOs from the building after 6pm while negotiations continued late into the night.

CSW Agreed Conclusion negotiations were moved to the ECOSOC Chamber and Trusteeship Council Chamber twice this week. These meeting rooms are on the second floor which are off-limits to NGOs.

This has severely restricted NGO/government informal discussions, hampering their ability to support the progress of the negotiations.

Gains at risk
This is putting at risk the gains we have made for women’s rights, as Nabulivou explains:
“We see more governments making links between women’s work and climate change, and we now want to see language on implementation; and on what components are needed for just and equitable transitions to low carbon economies.

“We also are concerned for language to help address structural issues such as the grossly imbalanced global economic and financial system; and a growing automation of work impacting on women already at the bottom of deeply unequal global supply chains.”

Caroline Lambert of International Women’s Development Agency has raised issues of universal human rights, and inclusion of all women as central to leaving no-one behind:
“For too long, the CSW has failed to recognise the human rights associated with sexual orientation and gender identity.

“It’s time for the CSW to uphold these critical human rights.”

She added: “The indivisibility of human rights, particularly the vital intersection of labour rights with women’s economic empowerment, must be a strong part of the Agreed Conclusions. This text must place the ILO as a central pillar of the outcomes.”

In this global political climate, feminist networks and women human rights defenders, says Nabulivou, hope for a text that better responds to multiple forms of misogyny and patriarchal behaviour, authoritarianism, conservatism and violence that are being used to try to restrict women’s bodily autonomy, movement, sexuality and decision-making over their lives:
“It is important that the CSW61 Agreed Outcomes reflect a strong universal human rights framework.”

Pressing issues
Feminists across the world now look to the UN Secretary-General, UN Women and all member states to ensure that the remainder of the negotiations are open to civil society engagement, and that the agreed conclusions respond to the most pressing issues facing women’s human rights.

It is after all part of the critical legacy of collaboration between member states and civil society at the Commission on the Status of Women which have delivered many advances for women’s human rights, from the development of the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women and its Optional Protocol; to the creation of the first International Year of Women as well as the adoption of the first Security Council Resolution on Women, Peace and Security.

Sharon Bhagwan Rolls of femLINKpacific is at the consultations as a representative of We Rise Coalition, led by four feminist organisations:

• Diverse Voices and Action for Equality (DiVA)
• femLINKpacific (femLINK)
• Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM)
• International Women’s Development Agency (IWDA)

A NZ Special Air Service soldier has confirmed civilians were killed in a 2010 raid carried out by the unit and says the truth is widely known among the elite military group, reports The New Zealand.

New Zealand’s largest and most influential newspaper today also published an editorial and a commentary by one of its leading columnists, Toby Manhire, calling for a full public inquiry.

According to the front-page report by investigative journalist David Fisher, the soldier told the Herald the two people found shot dead were killed by NZSAS sharpshooters who believed they were acting under “Rules of Engagement” governing their actions on the battlefield.

“They have taken out two,” the soldier told Fisher.

The soldier said the other four people killed died in a barrage of fire from United States aircraft called in by a New Zealander operating as the joint terminal air controller – the person responsible for directing air support, the Herald reports.

According to the unnamed soldier, it emerged no combatants were identified on the battlefield, Fisher reports.

The controversy over the NZSAS and civilian casualties has been sparked by this week’s release of a book, Hit & Run, written by author Nicky Hager and war correspondent Jon Stephenson.

‘Revenge’ raid claimed
The book alleged six civilians were killed and 15 injured in a “revenge” raid after the death of New Zealand soldier Lieutenant Tim O’Donnell on August 4, 2010.

The soldier told the Herald a number of those involved in the raid had received medals for their roles, “which sat uncomfortably when the civilian casualties emerged”.

Nicky Hager told the Herald last night the new details were “very timely” as the Defence Force and government continued to make denials.

“Another person has come forward and not only confirmed what we have said but has taken it further,” he said.

The Herald cited a NZDF spokeswoman saying its position of not commenting on the book’s allegations would not change.

Headlined “Now is our chance to do the right thing”, the Herald editorial said the story of the so-called War in Terror had been “riddled with controversy and failure”.

‘False reasoning’
“From the moment two passenger planes were flown into the Twin Towers in New York, the West has been challenged over its ability to meet an ill-defined enemy with conventional militaries in asymmetric warfare.

“From the false reasoning behind the war in Iraq to the horrors of Abu Ghraib prison, there have been events that have undermined the moral claim Western democracies have held to as their purpose for a conflict that has consumed a generation.

“Now, we have our own suggestions of a scandal in a new book, Hit & Run, from journalists Nicky Hager and Jon Stephenson. We have been told that the estimated 25,000 civilians killed in Afghanistan now include six people whose deaths fall at our feet. Those six people include a 3-year-old [a girl, Fatima].”

The Herald said the country now faced a choice: “The second part of the story is what we do next. Our allies have not always acquitted themselves well in this regard.”

With the scandal now embroiling the commanders and the politicians who sent the soldiers to Afghanistan, it was time for an “introspective study”.

“Inquiries are a health check on our democracy and the War on Terror has infected some of the principles which underpin the democracies of allied nations.

“Historically, we have prided ourselves on doing better. Now is our chance.”

Author and columnist Toby Manhire wrote in the Herald that the book’s damning claims demanded an inquiry.

“For their sake, for the sake of the NZ Defence Force, whether to censure or vindicate, for the sake of the government, for the sake of respecting international law, for the sake of the dead, and in the public interest, that investigation needs to happen.”

By Hans Nicholas Jong and Moses Ompusunggu in Jakarta

Though it may sound like a conspiracy theory, the Indonesian government has taken seriously allegations that foreign researchers have used all kinds of ways — including disguising themselves as tourists — to steal the nation’s genetic resources.

Indonesia is home to some of the richest biodiversity in the world and government officials are concerned that foreign parties are developing and exploiting local genetic resources without obtaining consent from or providing fair compensation to Indonesia as stipulated in the Nagoya Protocol, which Jakarta has ratified.

The Research and Technology and Higher Education Ministry, therefore, has recently issued a regulation to prevent this suspected biopiracy.

The 2017 ministerial regulation, released in February, stipulates that the government will no longer provide recommendations for foreign researchers to conduct research in less-explored regions prone to natural resources theft such as Papua and Maluku islands.

While the regulation does not impose a total ban on research in those areas, it makes it more difficult for foreign scientists to obtain a permit for research there.

“We will give the opportunities to our local researchers first to conduct research in those areas, where new species of flora and fauna have been found,” said the ministry’s Secretary of Foreign Research Permits, Sri Wahyono.

Wahyono said the threat of biopiracy in Indonesia was real. He argued that the government’s free-visa policy for 169 countries, aimed to boost foreign tourist arrivals to Indonesia, had made it easier for foreigners to access local biodiversity resources.

‘Caught red-handed’
“Right now, the common modus operandi includes ecotourism, where foreigners come to Indonesia with a visa on arrival to visit our protected forest areas and sanctuaries. Some of them have been caught red-handed [stealing resources].”

In February, Environment and Forestry Ministry (KLHK) investigators arrested a French national, identified as DL, in Papua for allegedly attempting to smuggle a rare butterfly species named Ornithoptera goliath, which is widely known as Goliath birdwing and is the second-largest butterfly on the planet.

Using a tourist visa, DL arrived at Manokwari in Papua on February 25 and then continued his journey to Mokwam village in Arfak Mountain where he allegedly collected the species.

“The butterfly is one of the rarest species [of butterfly] and was about to be smuggled to France,” said KLHK investigator Adrianus Mosa.

It has not been confirmed yet if DL has made an attempt to commit biopiracy, but the government is treating it as such, saying DL was not the first. As an example, Sri cited a 2012 case where several teenagers from the UK were caught collecting samples without permission at the Murung Raya protected forest in Central Kalimantan.

Visa abuse aside, Indonesia has seen an increase in the number of foreign researchers visiting the country to conduct cutting-edge science projects, including those that have huge economic potential.

“In the past, Indonesia only issued around 200 research permits per year. Since 2010, we issued around 500 permits. The interest is growing, especially in biodiversity, such as zoology, botany and marine biology,” Wahyono said.

The regulation thus also aims to fight a subtler and more controversial form of biopiracy: unfair research cooperation agreements between local and foreign scientists.

Evidence claimed
Rosichon Ubaidillah, the head of zoology at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) biology research department, claimed to have evidence showing that many agreements signed by Indonesian universities and their foreign counterparts tend to benefit the latter.

“Foreign researchers may have collected research materials legally, but what they have been doing is not always ethical,” Rosichon said.

LIPI, he said, had to cancel scientific cooperation with a German institution last year because the latter refused to change a material transfer agreement (MTA) LIPI deemed as disadvantaging Indonesia.

Dominique Roubert, press officer for the French Embassy in Jakarta, said they could not give any comment regarding this issue and would let Indonesian authorities continue the investigation process.

“We will fully abide by Indonesian law,” Dominique said.

By Brandon Ulfsby

Niuean taro has made a return to the shelves and the stomachs of many in New Zealand — but the humble vegetable has come at a cost.

The Niuean taro is being sold at the Mangere Food Market for $12.99 a kg – more than twice the price of the Fijian and Samoan equivalent.

Managing director for the Mangere Food Market, Vutha Hang says transport costs are to blame.

“Reason why it’s more expensive is because they send it via plane, if they send it via boat then it’ll be cheaper,” he says.

Hang was approached by Shopexports and Freight Ltd to sell the product. Others had declined the offer, he said.

“For me I’ll try, if the people buy it then I’ll carry on and sell it, but if people don’t buy it then I have to stop.”

Shopexports and Freight Ltd, which imports the taro for Mangere Food Market, claims on its Facebook page that the produce supports growers in Niue.

Niuean expats claim their country’s product is of a superior quality than other Pacific varieties.

Fotu Jackson, a Pacific engagement manager at AUT University, says from her extensive knowledge of the Pacific she believes Niuean taro is one of the best.

“I think Niuean taro has a lot more taste, the texture is different than other taro from the Pacific – and I say that as a Samoan,” she says.

Jackson says the soil in Niue is very rich, and she believes this contributes to the uniqueness of the Niuean variety.

Hang says a lot of customers come into his store and look for the taro but only a few actually buy it.

Jackson says despite the price of the Niuean taro, it is worth it.

“I was actually one of the people who drove to buy the taro.”

Jackson says there are not many places you can buy Niuean taro, whereas the Fijian and Samoan variety is readily available throughout the country.

“When it comes to New Zealand it’s really popular, it’s in high demand.”

Repeated efforts to get comment from Shopexports and Freight Ltd were not been successful.

Brandon Ulfsby is a student journalist with Auckland University of Technology’s traning newspaper Te Waha Nui.

Climate change protesters blockaded the Petroleum Summit in the New Zealand city of New Plymouth today where the government was expected to announce the 2017 “block offer” for new gas and oil exploration, reports Māori Television.

Since 2012, more than half a million square kilometers of land and sea have been proposed for release, imposing on people’s properties.

It will also encroach on the Marine Mammal Sanctuary for the critically endangered Maui’s dolphin.

“Today’s blockade intends to disrupt the Petroleum Summit by using non-violent direct action,”  says “People’s Climate Rally” spokesperson Emily Tuhi-Ao Bailey

“Not a single new oil well, gas field or coal mine can operate if we are going to avoid a climate catastrophe, yet year after year the government and oil industry keep meeting to find ways to expand the industry.”

The People’s Climate Rally was organised by a coalition of groups from Taranaki and around New Zealand in order to disrupt the conference and discuss clean and fair alternatives to the fossil fuel industry.

It is the first time the government and international oil delegates have held the oil conference in Taranaki.

Escalating protests
This move comes after years of escalating protests in Wellington and Auckland, which have seen thousands take to the streets and hundreds blockade the Sky City conference venue in Auckland.

“We demand a stop to all new oil and gas exploration, drilling and fracking,” said Bailey.

“The extraction and burning of fossil fuels is radically changing our climate, wreaking havoc on our critical infrastructure, agriculture, tourism, human health and food security. It is time to stop.

“Non violent direct action has a long and revered history. Social justice change has always involved people coming together, organising and put their bodies on the line to stand in the way of injustice.

“It is especially important that this is happening in Taranaki. Taranaki has long, bitter experience with the environmental, health and personal impacts from oil and gas activities including drilling, flaring and fracking.

“For many Māori this is seen as a continuation of colonisation.”

The book is about what the New Zealand military – and especially the Special Air Service (SAS) – did in Afghanistan in response to the first New Zealander dying in combat in August 2010.

The book, called Hit and Run, was released at a book launch at Unity Books in Wellington.

It was written by Nicky Hager following a long collaboration with Jon Stephenson, who brought the majority of sources to the project. For more than two years, they gradually gathered and pieced together the evidence.

The book describes a series of operations which proved to be ill-conceived, tragic and disastrous. These included an SAS attack on two isolated villages in Afghanistan’s Baghlan province where they mistakenly believed they would find the insurgents who had attacked a New Zealand patrol 19 days earlier in neighbouring Bamiyan. SAS officers commanded and led the attack, supported by US and Afghan forces.

The insurgent group was not there. Instead, at least 21 civilians were killed and injured – many of them women and children – and the SAS and US forces burned and blew up about a dozen houses. The SAS also failed to help the wounded. The Defence Force and government then tried to keep the whole thing secret.

They have never admitted nor taken responsibility for what they did.

Second raid
In a second raid on one of the villages about 10 days later, the SAS destroyed more property. When they eventually caught one of the targeted insurgents in Kabul he was beaten before being handed to the Afghan secret police and tortured.

Fragments of the story have reached the public before but the vast majority has remained secret until now. It is much worse than anyone knew. As former Chief Human Rights Commissioner Margaret Bedggood says, there needs to be a full, principled and independent inquiry into the actions described in this book, which, if confirmed, would seriously breach international law.

Hit and Run is based on numerous and extensive interviews with people involved in these events, including New Zealand and Afghan military personnel as well as residents of the villages. All wanted this story told to recognise the dead and the injured.

“This story also needs to be told to ensure our military is held to account for its actions,” says Hager.

“Whether or not the public agreed with New Zealand sending troops to the US-led war in Afghanistan, there is no doubt that what the SAS did was wrong and betrayed the defence force’s core values of courage, commitment and integrity.”

People in Timor-Leste went to the polls yesterday to elect a new president. Their choice was between eight candidates with former guerrilla fighter Francisco Guterres, nicknamed “Lu-Olo”, expected to win, reports RFI English.

Backed by Fretilin, the party that led the revolutionary struggle to the country’s independence, Guterres was leading earlier today with 59.24 percent of votes, reports The Sydney Morning Herald.

But the Herald also reported that only 34.34 percent of votes had been counted by early today, reflecting huge logistical problems in the largely mountainous country with a poor road network.

Reuter reported that vote had come at a challenging time for the Pacific fringe nation 15 years after independence from Indonesia, with oil reserves running dry and its leaders struggling to reach agreement with Australia over lucrative energy fields.

Timor-Leste has a population of just 1.2 million people but the results will take a few days to process.

But observers are happy.

“It’s been a very good election process,” says Professor Damian Kingsbury, an official observer from Australia. “It’s been quite well run, it has been a celebration of the opportunity and the right to be able to vote for political leaders.”

This is the first election that has been run without international assistance and, although there have been some minor technical problems, it has been a very successful process.

Guterres is expected to win. He was once the general coordinator of the resistance against Indonesian rule.

Resistance leaders
“The voting result as we have right now, shows that the country’s leadership is still largely dominated by high-profile resistance leaders,” says Khoo Ying Hooi, of the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur.

Former rebel leaders Xanana Gusmao, José Ramos-Horta, Taur Matan Ruak, Dr Maria Alkateri, all became presidents and prime ministers after independence and still call the political shots.

“Back in 2012, Xanana Gusmao’s influence was seen in his support of Taur Matan Ruat,” says Khoo Ying Hooi. “This time around, his strong support for Lu Olu as president has proven that Timorese are still looking at history when they vote.”

Timor-Leste is currently fighting another battle – this time against Australia in the courtrooms of the International Court of Justice in The Hague.

Dili is demanding access to large stretches of sea that may contain rich oilfields, potentially worth billions of euros.

With its other neighbour, former occupying power Indonesia, Timor-Leste seems to have reached an agreement.

Bilateral relationship
“There was an official decision taken many years ago that the two countries needed to establish a positive bilateral relationship,” says Professor Kingsbury, who crossed the border between Timor-Leste and Indonesian-ruled West Timor to find Indonesians “very curious about the election process”.

But he did not sense that Indonesia tried to influence the elections.

“Leaderships of both countries worked very hard to achieve cooperation,” he says, pointing at a recently developed joint Indonesian-East Timorese police training programme.

But he says that decades of occupation that ended in brutal bloodshed before independence is still felt among the Timorese, especially the fact that significant human rights abuses by the Indonesian military were not properly addressed.

If that will ever happen, he doesn’t know.

“The reality is that Timor-Leste, a very small country with only 1.2 million people is surrounded by big Indonesia with more than 240 million. So it is just a practical necessity to get along with this neighbour,” he says.

Back to politics. Even though the old fighters are still dominating the scene, change may be in the air.

“A younger generation of leaders is emerging,” says Khoo Ying Hooi. “Many are supporting the Popular Liberation Party.”

The newly formed PLP did not field a presidential candidate but is expected to campaign in parliamentary elections set for July.

The Pacific Media Centre’s popular “Bearing Witness” climate change project enters its second year next month.

As part of a collaborative venture between Auckland University of Technology’s PMC and the University of the South Pacific’s Pacific Centre for the Environment-Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD) and regional Pacific journalism programme, two new journalists are going to Fiji to take up the challenge.

Julie Cleaver, a Communication Studies Honours student journalist, and Pacific Media Watch contributing editor Kendall Hutt have been selected to go on the project this year.

The pair say they are looking forward to experiencing the effects of climate change first-hand.

They follow in the footsteps of former PMW editor TJ Aumua and postgraduate student journalism Ami Dhabuwala who went to Fiji last year.

Many small island states such as Kiribati, the Marshall Islands and Tuvalu live daily with the impact of sea level rise, while water and food supplies are plagued by salt water intrusion.

Cleaver, who has not “really experienced the true Pacific outside of hotels”, says seeing such effects will be a fascinating and eye-opening experience.

‘People’s stories’
“I’m really looking forward to going to Fiji to hear people’s stories, meet local people, and report on what is happening in the country,” she says.

“The story of our Pacific neighbours is extremely important, and it is my job as a journalist to tell the world what is happening.”

Cleaver is no stranger to the Asia-Pacific region, having volunteered throughout Southeast Asia in countries such as Cambodia, Indonesia and South Korea.

Next month will mark Cleaver’s first “proper” time in Fiji, however.

She first travelled to Fiji when she was just a four-year-old, but due to the George Speight coup in 2000, her family did not get beyond the airport.

Pacific Media Watch’s Kendall Hutt, who has yet to experience the Asia-Pacific, says she is looking forward to being on assignment in the region where her passion for journalism lies.

“Writing about the Pacific and climate change is one thing, being able to experience it yourself, first-hand, that’s another.

Forefront of climate change
“Pacific nations are at the forefront of climate change.  Islands are being inundated by rising sea levels, people are being forced to migrate, so we can’t really continue to deny climate change’s existence anymore.

“Bringing this to the wider public’s attention, that’s key for me.”

Pacific Media Centre director Professor David Robie, who initiated the project, said “live” assignments like this were a major boost for young journalists’ professional development.

He paid tribute to PaCE-SD’s Sarika Chand and USP journalism coordinator Dr Shailendra Singh and his team for their support in Fiji.

“Their help enables us to carry out challenging projects like this.”

• Watch for the “Bearing Witness” stories and multimedia reports on the PMC’s current affairs site Asia Pacific Report.

Kendall Hutt talking climate change on Radio 95bFM’s Southern Cross today.

By Nethy Dharma Somba in Jayapura

Indonesia’s Tembagapura Immigration Office has banned two French journalists, Jean Frank Pierre, 45, and Basille Marie Longhamp, 42, from entering the country for the next six months for allegedly violating the 2011 Immigration Law.

“The activities of these two journalists were basically good. However, there was a lack of coordination with related institutions,” said Tembagapura Immigration Office head Samuel Enock in Timika, Papua.

He further explained that the two French journalists were sponsored by the national airline Garuda to carry out journalistic investigation in Indonesia.

“However, they started their work before obtaining the necessary documents, which were still being processed. As a consequence, they are banned from entering Indonesia for the next six months,” Enock said.

Pierre and Longhamp were deported from Timika to France via Jakarta on a Garuda flight on Friday.

Enock said the two journalists had not yet obtained journalist visas from the Indonesian Embassy in Paris before they started working.

“They took pictures while on a tourist visa. They also had not yet obtained a reporting permit, although both of them already had a permit from the Tourism Ministry and their activities were sponsored by Garuda,” said Samuel.

Charged with violation
They were charged with violating Article 75 (1) of the 2011 Immigration Law.

The French journalists were taken into custody when they were about to take pictures of the Cartenz areas using a helicopter rented from Happi Live Aviation.

They also planned to take pictures in Asmat, Wamena, and Raja Ampat and Sorong in West Papua.

In 2014, Thomas Dandois, 40, and Valentine Bourrat, 29, were deported after being detained for carrying out journalistic activities while on a tourist visit.

Nethy Dharma Somba is Jayapura correspondent for The Jakarta Post.

By Annette Kora in Port Moresby

Lack of funds hampers addressing issues faced by the increasing number of people living with HIV in Papua New Guinea, says Cardinal Sir John Ribat.

Cardinal Ribat, chairman of the Christian Leaders Alliance on HIV/AIDS, said this before handing over the recommendations made at the two-day summit for PNG Christian Leaders Alliance on HIV and AIDS.

He said advocacy was the paramount role of Christian leaders.

Cardinal Ribat said that through their pastoral care duties, they would advocate on outgoing, current and emerging issues that affecting individuals and families such as HIV and AIDS, gender-based violence, stigma and discrimination, access to service and issues affecting key populations.

He said that it was recommended that heads of churches must take a more proactive role in educating and creating a learning environment for our people including the key populations.

“The key advocacy statement from this summit is ‘HIV is not a death sentence’.”

He added that all heads of churches must from now on advocate with that message throughout their church networks.

“The government, through the department of National Planning and Monitoring, must create a physical programme for PNGCLA on HIV and AIDS so that heads of churches can be able to access government development funding through the existing MoU between the church and the government and call it the Church and State Partnership Program.”

Strong concerns
The summit expressed strong concerns regarding the number of people being infected with HIV and also stressing on the continuing sustainability of the existing services that requires a strong commitment for funding.

The summit also called for a renewed national strategy with full cooperation between the government and churches in order to meet the emerging demands on the nation for the care, support and treatment for people living with HIV.

The summit was also told that Papua New Guinea had the highest HIV prevalence among the Pacific nations with a rate of 0.8 percent among the 15-49 age group.

The regional manager for the National Aids Council Secretariat, Valentine Tangoh said while
presenting his report that the Highlands region had a prevalence rate of more than 1 percent in HIV cases, placing Enga as the province with the highest rate (1.7 percent), followed by Morobe (0.77 percent). However,  National Capital District had 1.29 percent and Western Province 1.1 percent.

Tangoh said it was more concentrated in certain geographical locations within key population and groups but it was clear that it is mostly concentrated in the Highlands region with the prevalence rate more than 1 percent.

HIV prevalence of 1 percent or more was recorded mainly in the four Highlands provinces.

Enga had a prevalence rate of 1.7 percent, followed by Jiwaka (1.6 percent), Western Highlands (1.3 percent) and Eastern Highlands with 1 percent.

Sex workers
“Studies also indicate a high prevalence of HIV among female sex workers at 19 percent, male sex workers at 8.8 percent and 23 percent among transgender males.”

Tangoh said the main purpose of this summit was to unite all church leaders to inform and empower heads of churches in Papua New Guinea on the current HIV status, reports and studies as well as achievements and the response gaps of HIV and AIDS of the country.

This would create an opportunity for heads of churches to deliberate on HIV and related sensitive issues that are affecting the country and how they can advocate as a collective voice to deal with these issues.

Annette Kora is a Loop PNG reporter.

Predators of press freedom have seized on the notion of “fake news” to muzzle the media on the pretext of fighting false information, says the Paris-based global media freedom agency Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Nonetheless, many of them have taken recent statements by President Donald Trump as a means of justifying their repressive policies. This dangerous trend is a cause for concern, says RSF.

At a Washington news conference in February, Trump said: “We have to talk to find out what’s going on, because the press, honestly, is out of control. The level of dishonesty is out of control.”

By targeting journalists in this manner, the US president ended a longstanding American tradition of promoting freedom of expression and sent a powerful message to media censors.

The Washington Post called it “a gift to tyrants everywhere”.

In January, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan endorsed Trump’s latest allegations that the CNN television network was guilty of broadcasting “fake news” in its report on ties between the US president and Russia.

A warning to the media
The Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, appeared to have taken his cue from Trump when he said of journalists in February: “Donald Trump understands that they are an anarchic group.”

Two days earlier, his spokesman issued what he called a warning to foreign media outlets, threatening to “crush” those that endanger“peace and stability” and citing Trump’s treatment of the press as a justification for the warning.

“The so-called fight against fake news has become a propaganda tool for the predators of press freedom,” said RSF Secretary-General Christophe Deloire.

“Of course, it is more necessary than ever for internet users to disentangle fact from fiction in the flow of information. However, the fight against fake news should be conducted by promoting free and independent journalism as a source of reliable and high-quality information.”

The Russian telecoms regulator is preparing a draft decree designed purely and simply to block all content that contains false information. Before Trump’s statement, Russia, ranked 148^th in RSF’s World Press Freedom Index, had already made it a requirement “not to disseminate false information” for bloggers to operate legally.

The fight against “misleading information” has been a classic feature of post-Soviet Russia. The bill, imitated by several countries such as Uzbekistan, has enough leeway to allow for the broadest possible censorship.

Since July 2016, content aggregators are required to verify the veracity of reports that they publish if they do not come from media outlets registered in Russia, and could face harsh penalties.

The Russian Foreign Ministry has posted a new section on its official website dedicated to debunking fake anti-Russian news stories published by international news outlets.

Punishing “fake news” denies journalists the right to make mistakes
In sub-Sahara Africa, the concept of fake news is often abused to put pressure on journalists. Some countries’ laws provide for severe penalties without taking account of the intentions of journalists, who sometimes simply make mistakes.

In any case, the penalty is disproportionate to the seriousness of the news report, even if it is wrong. In Côte d’Ivoire, for example, insulting the head of state or the dissemination of false news reports may be enough for a journalist to be taken into custody, despite the fact that such offences were meant to be decriminalised under the 2004 press law.

Last month, six senior Ivorian journalists, including three newspaper publishers, were detained and questioned in Abidjan, accused of “publishing false news” about an army mutiny earlier in the month.

In Madagascar, a new communications code has been strongly criticised by journalists for referring to the criminal code in its rulings on press offences, which could lead to the criminalisation of the profession. It provides for heavy fines for infringements ranging from insults to defamation, and refers to the dissemination of “false news”, an imprecise offence which removes the right of journalists to make mistakes.

In Somalia, the Universal TV channel was suspended on March 5 for broadcasting false reports alleged to have threatened the stability and peace of the region after it referred to overseas trips by the president.

Information control is key
The South African government plans to impose a system of online control of the media in order to meet the “challenge” of “fake news”. Growing hostility to the media probably has its roots in an unprecedented crisis in President Jacob Zuma’s African National Congress, whose leaders tend increasingly to silence dissident voices.

In Burundi, the control of news and information is a key issue for the ruling authorities. The government fosters the idea that the media are partisan and that there is an international plot against the country.

Since 2015, any report or statement is instantly interpreted as either for, or against, the government and the goal of the authorities is to impose its version of events as the only one.

In Egypt, journalists are frequently accused of disseminating false information whenever they criticise the government, or report on sensitive issues that upset it. This widespread practice leads to self-censorship among journalists in their coverage of events for fear of joining the long list of colleagues who have been prosecuted and imprisoned.

The investigative journalist Ismail Alexandrani, an expert on the Sinai Peninsula, has been held since his arrest at Hurghada airport on the Red Sea in November 2015 on charges of publishing false information and of membership of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In Bahrain, the prominent citizen journalist and human rights campaigner, Nabeel Rajab, was accused last December of publishing false news about the kingdom of Bahrain in a cybercrime case. He could face up to two years’ imprisonment on this latest charge, which arises from interviews he gave in 2014 and 2015 to local and regional TV stations on human rights in Bahrain.

Fake news used by French politicians
The use of fake news to silence media critics is not the unique preserve of authoritarian or countries that are known for undermining press freedom.

In France, the National Front, through its vice-president Florian Philippot, who has frequently categorised the work of journalists as “fake news”. During the programme “l’Emission Politique” on the TV station France 2 on February 9, in which National Front leader Marine Le Pen took part, the party set up a “fake news alert team” which posted some 20 real-time alerts online “whenever members of the team believed that France 2 journalists put out fake news”.

Presidential candidate François Fillon earlier this month accused TV news channels of falsely reporting that his wife had committed suicide, before admitting no such reports had been broadcast.

In Italy, Beppe Grillo, the leader of the Five Star movement, accused Italian journalists of “manufacturing false news” designed to harm his party. He called for the creation of “a popular jury to determine the veracity of the news published”.

The FNSI journalists’ union said it amounted to the “lynching of all journalists”.

Five Star said journalists themselves were responsible for Italy’s low ranking in the World Press Freedom Index.

United Nations concern at growth of fake news
David Kaye, UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Organisation of American States, and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights issued a joint statement on 3 March expressing concern at the use of “fake news’ for government propaganda and to curb press freedom.

“Criminal defamation laws are unduly restrictive and should be abolished,” the signatories said.

“State actors should, in accordance with their domestic and international legal obligations and their public duties, take care to ensure that they disseminate reliable and trustworthy information.”

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.

By Jonas Cullwick in Port Vila

Kava export returns in 2015 after Tropical Cyclone Pam devastated parts of Vanuatu as it trekked through the country on March 12-14 reached Vt180 million (NZ$2.4 million).

One year later — in 2016 — the figure jumped to Vt800 million (NZ$10.4 million), according to the Director of Biosecurity Vanuatu, Timothy Tumukon.

Responding to questions from Kizzy Kalsakau host of 96 BuzzFM’s Vanuatu Nightly News programme if government was helping farmers grow more kava after Cyclone Pam, Tumukon responded: “Most definitely.”

Tumukon added: “In 2015, when the cyclone struck us 2 years ago exactly [Monday] you’re exactly right, our export data was that Vanuatu then earned Vt180 million from its export after Cyclone Pam destroyed most of our kava.

“Last year’s figures stood at Vt800 million that was earned from kava.

“Now that gives us a lot of comfort that kava has recovered since Cyclone Pam,” he said.

Tumukon said that to maintain the momentum, the government right now was looking at strengthening its assistance to rural communities along with the PHAMA programme to establish testing facilities and also to establish kava nurseries so that it can distribute planting material to areas where you don’t have enough planting materials for farmers to plant.

Tumukon said government was discussing this with the Department of Agriculture for the Government to provide additional funding to establish nurseries on islands where farmers would like to increase their production of kava.

There were also awareness materials being sent out to farmers about what kava varieties they should be planting, and also how they should be preparing their products for their market.

Jonas Cullwick, former general manager of the Vanuatu Broadcasting and Television Corporation (VBTC), is now a senior journalist with the Daily Post.

By Father Casibjorn Quia, Roy Abrahmn Narra and Jerome Villanueva in Manila

The year 2016 was a landmark year for the Philippines with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) setting annual and monthly records that are the highest since the country started counting HIV incidence 33 years ago.

This coincides with a new development plan for the country that is targeting a reverse trend for the number of new HIV detections in a year, meaning the growth rates of new infections are declining.

The year-end dataset of the Department of Health’s HIV and AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) Registry of the Philippines (HARP) noted that there were 750 cases in December 2016 alone, a month’s high.

The year 2016 tallied a total of 9,264 cases (including 1,113 full-blown AIDS cases and 439 deaths). The 33-year-total of recorded HIV cases, including deaths, is already near the 40,000 mark (39,622).

With the 9,264 total in 2016, the DOH said an average of 25.38 Filipinos have contracted HIV in a day. This contrasts with only one person a day in 2008.

Though latest 2017 figures are yet to be released, a Manila social hygiene clinic physician told Asia Pacific Report the unnamed centre had received 31 cases alone last month.

The Philippines passed a reproductive health law five years ago but it has yet to be fully implemented given court cases and strong opposition from the Catholic Church and from pro-life advocates.

Condom distribution plan
Months into the Rodrigo Duterte administration, the president had issued Executive Order 12 calling for the immediate implementation of Republic Act 10354 (Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act 2012).

Recently, health officials said recently DOH was set to distribute condoms.

Even schools are target distribution centres, say health officials, but Catholic-run schools and universities are vehemently opposing it.

Year-on-year, there were more adolescent deaths in 2016 (88 compared with 64 in 2015). HIV cases reported among Filipinos aged 15-to-24 at the time of their being reported reached 10,720 cases.

But a significant number — more than 60 percent of the 39,622 cases — contracted HIV through homosexual contact.

The Philippines is said to be a “low-prevalence” HIV country, with the 39,622 cases well below one percent of the total Philippine population. However, its annual growth rates of HIV infection rate are among the fastest in the Asia-Pacific region, says a December 2016 report by the US-based Human Rights Watch.

“The country’s growing HIV epidemic has been fuelled by a legal and policy environment hostile to evidence-based policies and interventions proven to help prevent HIV transmission,” HRW said.

HRW criticisms
Human Rights Watch also criticised the Philippine government for “failing to adequately target HIV prevention measures at men who have sex with men (MSM)”, also citing the “woefully inadequate” HIV prevention education in schools and the “non-existent” commercial marketing of condoms to MSM populations.

In reply, Archbishop Socrates Villegas, D.D., president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), said condom distribution in schools “will stimulate immorality”.

Dr Diana Mendoza, from a Manila-based social hygiene clinic, told Asia Pacific Report the Philippines could prevent an HIV epidemic especially through empowering citizens through awareness and protection.

In Tacloban City, site of supertyphoon Haiyan in 2013, a Catholic parish priest said that instead of condom distribution in schools, an “ABC method” may work: “A – abstinence from sex outside marriage; B – be faithful to one another; and C – conversion of heart to the value of love and sacredness of sex as a gift of God in marriage”.

This “ABC” advice from Father Raymund Sotto of the St. Rafael the Archangel parish in Tacloban City counters the policy advice of the World Health Organisation (WHO): the proper and consistent use of condoms will be “highly effective: in preventing HIV and other sexually-transmitted infections (STIs).

The recently-released 2017-2022 Philippine Development Plan under the Duterte administration noted the “substantial increase” in newly-diagnosed HIV cases since 2010. The report added that the “the increased reported cases may be due to better surveillance and testing methods.”

The Duterte government will also propose to the Philippine legislature to amend the current Philippine HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control Act 1998 (Republic Act 8504) to make the law “more responsive and relevant” to the current rise of HIV cases in the country, the PDP reported.

Jerome Villanueva and Roy Abrahmn Narra are graduate journalism students of the University of Santo Tomas, Manila. Catholic diocesan priest Father Casibjorn Qiua is taking up a graduate degree in communication from the same university.

The 20177-2022 Philippine Development Plan

EMTV News reports on the HIV Summit in Port Moresby and other Papua New Guinean news.

By Annette Kora in Port Moresby

The first HIV Summit for Papua New Guinean heads of churches has begun at a hotel in the capital of Port Moresby.

The summit was launched yesterday with welcoming remarks by the chairman for PNG Christian Leaders Alliance in HIV and Aids, Sir John Cardinal Ribat.

Cardinal Ribat said one of the great intentions for the HIV Summit was to bring the heads of churches together so that they are able to speak about the virus that was a public health issue in this nation.

He said they would work together, be one voice in advocating care, peace and unity.

“Today is one moment where we can share this intention and talk about it and work towards promoting it in future,” he said.

Cardinal Ribat said he was more than humbled to see about 20 heads of churches in the summit.

“It is indeed a milestone for PNG Christian Leaders Alliance for HIV and Aids to stage this historical national event.

Desired outcomes
“The summit is the first of its kind for the country. It is our hope and prayer that the desired outcomes of this summit are collectively achieved through the active involvement and participation of all heads of churches.”

He said it was also a time to learn about the current HIV situation in the nation, the region and globally, and to see where the response gaps were and how churches could respond.

“It is a time for us to discuss on the sensitive issues such as gender-based violence (GBV), stigma and discrimination, human rights, access to service and issue affect the population in PNG.”

He added that it was also a time for Papua New Guinea to make a proactive way forward and make recommendations on how the Christian churches in the country could respond in addressing the root causes of HIV transmission and sensitive issues associated with it.

The summit will continue tomorrow.