Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Stokes, Senior Lecturer in Digital and Information Literacy (Education Futures), University of South Australia

This article contains spoilers.

Finally, the highly anticipated Barbie feature has landed.

Barbie is a fabulous spectacle, offering nostalgic delights to audiences, reflexive nods for film buffs and turning a feminist lens on the world’s most famous doll.

Most excitingly, Barbie is an intersectional and liberal feminist comedy, sitting alongside mainstream successes Legally Blonde (2001) and Mean Girls (2004).

Much like Barbie, the protagonists in both films ultimately embrace their intellect as a source of strength and a voice for change – and pink as a colour of strength.

Read more:
Explainer: what does ‘intersectionality’ mean?

Liberal feminism

In contrast to radical feminism, which throws out existing systems to start afresh, liberal feminism works to effect change within systems. Liberal feminists work towards gender equality through raising awareness and political action.

Barbie sits in this second camp: a meta-commentary of Greta Gerwig and Margot Robbie’s work within the film industry, where both have moved from acting towards production roles. This is an industry where powerful roles are still dominated by men, and women’s and LGBTQI+ voices are often sidelined.

Robbie’s early career was dominated by roles as the blonde starlet in films like Wolf of Wall Street (2013). In Suicide Squad (2016), her broken-doll Harley Quinn engaged audiences and outshone The Joker.

In the sequel, Birds of Prey (2020), Robbie (now working as producer) engaged director Cathy Yan to show Harley’s perspective. Here, Harley was empowered to reject her toxic ex, gather a squad of supportive girlfriends, and even subvert fight scenes through gestures of feminine support by offering a hair-tie.

Strong female characters

Gerwig’s films have often explored how strong female characters overcome challenges on their journey to adulthood.

In Little Women (2019), Gerwig gives her characters greater agency than previous adaptations. Amy analyses marriage as an “economic proposition”. Jo negotiates a strong book contract, while also accepting editorial direction to choose a marketable ending of marriage – or death – for her female protagonist.

Much like Robbie’s Harley Quinn and Gerwig’s March sisters, this Barbie challenges expectations that little girls conform to preset moulds of being a woman. It is a critique of dolls as representations of idealised femininity.

By airing diverse voices, Gerwig conveys the strength and contradictions within female experiences. The film reflects how women might effect change within capitalist structures through political power and actively working to counter patriarchal discourses.

This Barbie doesn’t need to tear everything down and start again, instead she works with a collective to restore Barbieland and commits to individual action in the Real World.

Facing the real world

In Barbieland, life seems perfect. The diverse Barbies believe they have empowered women everywhere through choice (a goal Barbie creator Ruth Handler espoused).

Things go awry when Robbie’s “Stereotypical Barbie” starts having thoughts of death. Her heart-shaped breakfast waffle is burnt, her morning shower cold and her feet fall flat.

Weird Barbie (Kate McKinnon) advises dark thoughts have opened a portal to her owner and offers a Matrix-style choice between a pretty heel (Barbieland) and a brown Birkenstock (the Real World).

In the Real World (Los Angeles), Barbie and Ken experience confronting ideas. Barbie meets her owner, teenaged Sasha (Ariana Greenblatt), who denounces Barbie’s negative impact on women. Ken finds out about the patriarchy – and wants it for himself.

In LA, Barbie visits a construction site for “uplifting female energy”, but she is surprised by the all-male crew. One leers “I wanna see what’s under that”; she truthfully responds “Oh, I don’t have a vagina”.

At Mattel, Barbie accepts a glass of water. Tipping the glass, she splashes herself and laughs “there’s usually nothing in here”.

Witnessing male dominance in the Real World, Ken introduces patriarchy to Barbieland, creating a bro-topia where Barbies are subservient to Kens. Scenes of Kens man-splaining to Barbies highlight the folly of assuming women don’t grasp technology or cinema, offering humourous meta-commentary in a film created by strong women.

Doing the imagining

“I created you, so you wouldn’t have an ending,” Ruth’s ghost (Rhea Perlman) tells Barbie.

Feminist film theory critiques the male gaze, which renders women in film as objects to be gazed upon for the pleasure of male viewers.

Robbie’s Barbie works to escape the role of object, both literally and through the cinematography. She is beautiful, but not sexualised. She controls her narrative.

When Barbie finds her friends brainwashed, she falls into despair. Lost, she cries out she doesn’t even feel pretty. The narrator (Helen Mirren) drily notes the filmmakers needed to cast someone other than Robbie to make this point.

Gerwig’s Barbie recognises identity and gender are complex and messy. Sasha’s mother Gloria (America Ferrara) brings the Barbies back by voicing the contradictions women experience everyday. Even Ruth’s ghost fends off comments about perfection, noting her own double mastectomy and tax evasion.

These Barbies have agency, yet Barbie ultimately recognises the agency of a doll is limited.

Supported by Ruth’s ghost, Barbie expresses the desire to be not “just the idea”, but the one “doing the imagining”.

Much like Gerwig and Robbie, Barbie opts for the role of active changemaker, working to shift the system from within.

In bringing Barbie to life, Gerwig, Robbie and their team created a smart, enjoyable, feminist film. Barbie’s story doesn’t end with marriage or death; she steps into her future in pink Birkenstocks.

Jennifer Stokes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Life in plastic, it’s fantastic? How Barbie reimagines a childhood icon through a feminist lens – https://theconversation.com/life-in-plastic-its-fantastic-how-barbie-reimagines-a-childhood-icon-through-a-feminist-lens-208945

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

With the polls showing public support for the Voice flagging, some people believe the referendum should be deferred.

There is certainly reason for concern about the fate of the “yes” vote. The polls have been softening for a while, but the Resolve Political Monitor survey published in the Nine newspapers at the weekend showing support for the Voice down to 49% in New South Wales was particularly alarming for its supporters.

NSW and Victoria (where the “yes” vote is 52%) would be expected to form the backbone of a successful referendum.

“No” supporters have an interest in advocating delay, seeing it as a way to kill off the whole thing. But on the other side, some nervous “yes” advocates fear defeat and all the consequences that would bring, and are looking for salvage options.

Even before the Resolve poll, Liberal senator Andrew Bragg, a “yes” backer, suggested the referendum should be put off until mid-2024. He said in a 2GB radio interview on Friday

I fear that the process has not yielded enough consensus to garner a “yes” vote. And I think it would be worth considering recalibrating at this stage, to save the concept and to deliver a successful referendum.

Superficially tempting as this argument might seem, it is impractical and would almost certainly be counterproductive.

To back off the current wording and timetable (the vote is due in the last quarter of the year and is expected in October) would be nearly impossible for Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. He has come too far, invested too much.

It would spark a serious backlash from Indigenous leaders, many of whom would likely see it as a sellout by the prime minister. Albanese would be opening another battlefront for himself.

From the government’s point of view, prolonging the argument around the Voice into another year would distract attention from other parts of its agenda and take the issue dangerously closer to the next election. Some ministers would surely resist.

If the referendum were merely deferred, with the wording unchanged, there’s no reason to think the Voice proposal would become any more popular. That could just provide more time for opposition to build.

Bragg proposes “recalibrating” the Voice in an effort to get bipartisan support.

But trying to do this would be fraught, even if the government were willing to attempt it.

When it needed a relatively minor change in the proposed wording, it ran into opposition from its Indigenous advisers, and had to compromise.

To obtain bipartisan support – Bragg’s aim – the government would almost certainly have to retreat to seeking to put only recognition in the constitution, with a Voice simply legislated. Opposition leader Peter Dutton would not be able to sign up to anything other than a gutted Voice, which was not in the Constitution.

This would never be accepted by the Indigenous proponents.

And Bragg himself said: “I don’t think it’s the right thing to let go of the Voice in the Constitution concept”.

The easier road would always have been a constitutional amendment for recognition, with the Voice legislated.

But Albanese on the night of the election, and well before, embraced the full Uluru Statement from the Heart. That, in its entirety, committed him to a Voice in the Constitution, treaty and truth telling.

Indigenous people have argued strongly that without being in the Constitution, the Voice would be at risk of being scrapped, as previous bodies have been.

The risk now is that voters’ wariness of putting it in the Constitution might mean the Voice never starts.

The die is cast on the content of the question and the window in which the vote will be held. The government can only manage its campaign as effectively as it can, and hope enough of those who are undecided, “soft no” voters, or have yet to tune in to the debate fall the way of a “yes” vote when the time comes.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. View from The Hill: It’s just too hard and too late to delay and recalibrate Voice referendum – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-its-just-too-hard-and-too-late-to-delay-and-recalibrate-voice-referendum-210286

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Treasurer Jim Chalmers has appointed Chris Barrett, an economist with extensive public service experience, as the new chair of the Productivity Commission.

Barrett was former Treasurer Wayne Swan’s chief of staff when Chalmers was the deputy chief of staff. Later he was appointed by the Labor government as Australia’s ambassador to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

Barrett is presently deputy secretary of the economic division of the Victorian Department of Treasury and Finance.

The outgoing head of the Productivity Commission, Michael Brennan, was appointed by the Coalition and had worked for senior Liberals. He attracted criticism from the then-Labor opposition for having political connections.

Chalmers, announcing Barrett’s appointment, was at pains to stress he had been been through a rigorous recruitment process.

The treasurer made it clear the commission will soon have a new focus. A review, spearheaded by Treasury, is underway.

Chalmers said he wanted to “revitalise and renew and refocus” the commission, recognising that “productivity has evolved”.

“We’ve made it clear we think the productivity opportunity for Australia is not to make people work longer for less but to invest in human capital, it’s to invest in the energy transformation, to get much better at adapting and adopting tech as it evolves.

“I want to make sure the Productivity Commission is providing the kind of insights and perspectives about a more modern economy that a government can pick up and run with.”

Chalmers said the commission “will remain fiercely independent as it should be”. He would not put a date on the finalisation of the review, which will now involve the new chair, other than to say “months rather than years”.

Labour productivity as measured by GDP per hour worked has been falling since March 2022.

In the 1990s, labour productivity was increasing 2.2% a year; in the decades leading up to COVID it was growing at only half that rate.

Chalmers said: “The decade to 2020 was the worst for productivity growth in Australia in the last 60 years. And it will take time to turn that around.

“Nobody pretends that there’s a switch that you can flick to turn around what has been disappointing performance on the productivity front.”

Chalmers said Brennan had made a significant contribution to the commission, saying it had “featured prominently in the nation’s conversation about Australia’s productivity”.

Shadow Treasurer Angus Taylor said the test of Barrett’s performance “will be in whether he pursues genuine productivity reform or rubber stamps Labor’s union-led agenda that business is warning will take productivity further backwards”.

“The Productivity Commission has given a roadmap in its five-year review yet the government has buried it,” Taylor said.

At his news conference, Chalmers also gave the latest update for last financial year’s surplus, indicating it is likely to be above $20 billion.

He said the government was focused on delivering the cost of living relief it has announced but it was not working on a new package.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Chris Barrett becomes new head of the Productivity Commission, as Jim Chalmers flags fresh focus – https://theconversation.com/chris-barrett-becomes-new-head-of-the-productivity-commission-as-jim-chalmers-flags-fresh-focus-210277

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Anaf, Postdoctoral research fellow, Stretton Health Equity, Stretton Institute, University of Adelaide

Concerns about the use of private consultancy firms advising government – such as PwC, KPMG, Deloitte and EY – has led to a Senate inquiry.

Until now, much media interest has centred on PwC’s advisory role to the Australian Tax Office while also advising private clients on tax matters.

But such companies also advise government on health issues. And there’s growing concern about the potential for conflicts of interest and undue influence on health policy.

À lire aussi :
My 3-point plan to untangle the public service from consultants such as PwC

How do these firms consult on health?

Private consultants offer a range of health services and advice to government. These include contracts about electronic health systems, policy, taxation, program design and evaluation, improving hospital performance, and health sector restructuring. Firms also develop major public and private health-care initiatives.

There might be an argument for engaging external consultants when that expertise does not already exist in the public service. However, when consultants are engaged more widely, we have potential problems.

For example, we’ve raised concerns about KPMG’s involvement in the National Health and Climate Strategy, which aims to prepare the health system for the impacts of climate change. The firm also advises the fossil fuel industry.

Senator Barbara Pocock, Greens spokesperson for finance and the public service, shares our concerns:

KPMG’s work on the National Health and Climate Strategy is the latest worrying example. This is core public service work that should be conducted by a robust public sector where there is no risk of a conflict of interest between a consultant with a fossil fuel client list and the public interest.

Pocock is also concerned about KPMG auditing aged care facilities for government at the same time as charging others for advice on audits and accreditation. The firm says it has launched an internal inquiry.

The use of consultants to government has been noted at the state level too. New South Wales is running its own public inquiry, including looking into how consultants are used in health.

À lire aussi :
Blacklisting PwC won’t stop outsourcing: here are 3 reasons it has become embedded in the Australian public service

What are the concerns?

1. No scrutiny

Contracts between consultancies and government, and advice that arises, are not easily publicly available. So we cannot say if we’re getting good advice. There’s the risk consultants give answers government wants to hear, instead of the “frank and fearless” advice from public servants.

Then there’s the issue of whether that advice, or contracted service, provides value for money.

University College London economist Mariana Mazzucato refers to the extensive use of commercial consultants to government in her book Big Con. She says neither theory nor evidence show private sector consultancy is more efficient and cost effective than what the public sector can provide.

À lire aussi :
Who needs PwC when consultancy work could be done more efficiently in-house?

2. Conflicts of interests

There’s the risk of conflicts of interest, as we’ve highlighted above. This arises, for instance, when firms have both government clients, and private sector ones, and information is shared.

There are also conflicts of interest in the revolving doors phenomenon. This is the term used for staff movements between consultancy firms, government departments, revenue authorities or corporate regulators.

This has been well-documented for the tobacco industry, among others.

3. Impact on health policy

Consultants have extensive influence over health policy due to recurring government contracts. Such influence includes supporting a neoliberal policy agenda. This promotes small government, and puts profits above the public’s wellbeing and public interest. This risks influencing health outcomes.

For instance, our own research in South Australia points to policymakers outsourcing government functions to private firms being a factor in increasing health inequities.

Changes to the public sector since the 1980s have resulted from the adoption of “managerialism” or the growing reliance on professional managers and business models. This leads to a decline in evidence-based health policies and helpful collaboration between different sectors, and a shift away from addressing health inequities.

One example is the millions of dollars paid to private consultancies during the COVID pandemic. This did not prevent numerous failures in the rollout. Delays increased the risk of critical health impacts including outbreaks and community lockdowns. The secrecy around these contracts is unacceptable.

4. Impact on the public service and governance

A government audit showed outsourcing to consultants in 2021–2022 was equal to the cost of paying 954 full-time public sector staff. This, and other forms of outsourcing, forms a so-called “shadow public service”.

When governments rely on private firms, knowledge and expertise are lost from the public service. This makes it hard for governments to plan ahead to reduce long-term health policy problems. Consultants shaped by the neoliberal environment tend to offer solutions that are likely to stress more privatisation and use of consultants, as Canadian research has shown.

À lire aussi :
After robodebt, here’s how Australia can have a truly ‘frank and fearless’ public service again

How can we fix this?

These firms hold power due to their expert knowledge and insufficient regulation. So we need strong commitment by the major political parties to:

• reinvest in the public sector to foster the skills for planning long-term health policies in the public interest

• ensure full transparency over contractual arrangements and remove “commercial in confidence” legal clauses when consultants are used

• manage conflicts of interests transparently, especially when private firms advise both industry sectors and governments

• ban political donations from firms with extensive government contracts to avoid undermining principles of accountability.

À lire aussi :
PwC scandal shows consultants, like church officials, are best kept out of state affairs

In a nutshell

While commercial firms can make a positive contribution to society, they can potentially increase ill health, inequity, and harm to the planet via the advice or services they provide.

For as long as consulting firms act a “shadow public service” in Australia, health and equity will continue to be undermined. This must change.

Fran Baum receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Research Council

I am the immediate past co-chair of the People’s Health Network’s Global Steering Council and current member of their Advisory Council
I am a member of the Board of the Cancer Council SA and Australia 21

Julia Anaf ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. It’s not just tax. How PwC, KPMG and other consultants risk influencing public health too – https://theconversation.com/its-not-just-tax-how-pwc-kpmg-and-other-consultants-risk-influencing-public-health-too-209687

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Treasurer Jim Chalmers has appointed Chris Barrett, an economist with extensive public service experience, as the new chair of the Productivity Commission.

Barrett was former Treasurer Wayne Swan’s chief of staff when Chalmers was the deputy chief of staff. Later he was appointed by the Labor government as Australia’s ambassador to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

Barrett is presently deputy secretary of the economic division of the Victorian Department of Treasury and Finance.

The outgoing head of the Productivity Commission, Michael Brennan, was appointed by the Coalition and had worked for senior Liberals. He attracted criticism from the then-Labor opposition for having political connections.

Chalmers, announcing Barrett’s appointment, was at pains to stress he had been been through a rigorous recruitment process.

The treasurer made it clear the commission will soon have a new focus. A review, spearheaded by Treasury, is underway.

Chalmers said he wanted to “revitalise and renew and refocus” the commission, recognising that “productivity has evolved”.

“We’ve made it clear we think the productivity opportunity for Australia is not to make people work longer for less but to invest in human capital, it’s to invest in the energy transformation, to get much better at adapting and adopting tech as it evolves.

“I want to make sure the Productivity Commission is providing the kind of insights and perspectives about a more modern economy that a government can pick up and run with.”

Chalmers said the commission “will remain fiercely independent as it should be”. He would not put a date on the finalisation of the review, which will now involve the new chair, other than to say “months rather than years”.

Labour productivity as measured by GDP per hour worked has been falling since March 2022.

In the 1990s, labour productivity was increasing 2.2% a year; in the decades leading up to COVID it was growing at only half that rate.

Chalmers said: “The decade to 2020 was the worst for productivity growth in Australia in the last 60 years. And it will take time to turn that around.

“Nobody pretends that there’s a switch that you can flick to turn around what has been disappointing performance on the productivity front.”

Chalmers said Brennan had made a significant contribution to the commission, saying it had “featured prominently in the nation’s conversation about Australia’s productivity”.

Shadow Treasurer Angus Taylor said the test of Barrett’s performance “will be in whether he pursues genuine productivity reform or rubber stamps Labor’s union-led agenda that business is warning will take productivity further backwards”.

“The Productivity Commission has given a roadmap in its five-year review yet the government has buried it,” Taylor said.

At his news conference, Chalmers also gave the latest update for last financial year’s surplus, indicating it is likely to be above $20 billion.

He said the government was focused on delivering the cost of living relief it has announced but it was not working on a new package.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Chris Barrett becomes new head of the Productivity Commission, as Jim Chalmers flags new focus – https://theconversation.com/chris-barrett-becomes-new-head-of-the-productivity-commission-as-jim-chalmers-flags-new-focus-210277

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nerida Chazal, Lecturer in Criminal Justice and Sociology, University of South Australia

Modern slavery is back in the spotlight, after fresh media reports of migrants allegedly being brought to Australia as students but being forced to work long hours under harsh conditions with minimal pay.

In Australia, more than half of modern slavery survivors are migrants.

Across our research on modern slavery, survivors (and the caseworkers and service providers who support them) consistently say issues with Australia’s visa system prevent people from getting the help they need.

In other words, the current design of the system helps replicate and reproduce the shameful inequalities at the heart of modern slavery in Australia.

The system increases risk of exploitation

Australia’s temporary visa system promotes insecurity for migrants that can cause or contribute to exploitation.

For example, perpetrators can use a person’s insecure visa status to coerce victims to work for low pay or put up with poor conditions.

One survivor told us:

You need to have a visa to be in Australia, so you are going to do whatever is required.

In response to years of advocacy from migrant-led organisations, researchers and human rights experts, the Albanese government recently introduced new measures to protect migrant workers at risk of exploitation.

This is a welcome first step. But our research has found Australia’s visa system continues to harm migrants once they have experienced exploitation.

How visas make it hard to seek help

Visa fears can prevent people from seeking help. One survivor told us:

Sometimes you’re afraid to report, because you might be going to lose the job. You might be going to lose your visa and everything you know.

This situation is exacerbated by requirements for survivors of modern slavery to report to the Australian Federal Police (AFP) to access key services.

One caseworker told us:

People that have faced any type of exploitation may fear of authority and will be reluctant to go to the police to initiate any type of support, or they might be having a lot of fear in terms of the consequences of an insecure or unknown immigration status.

Australia’s modern slavery visa framework

The federal government’s human trafficking visa framework enables migrants assessed by the AFP as victims of slavery to get a visa.

Under this framework, only those willing to give evidence against their alleged perpetrator(s) are granted long-term visas.

However, even these visas are still “temporary”. Survivors remain on them for the duration of a criminal justice process, which can last for years.

More than half the survivors formally identified by the AFP are on temporary visas.

In other words, survivors often remain burdened by the insecurity that comes with temporary visas long after they’ve sought help.

Survivors locked out of mainstream services

Some temporary visa conditions can limit survivors’ access to support services such as Medicare and Centrelink.

One caseworker explained:

[Your] visa in Australia determines access to services. If it’s health, if it’s education, anything, it determines what happens next. The outcomes are not as good for people on temporary visas where they cannot access those payments.

Survivors described being left destitute, desperate and in a state of limbo without any access to services.

Temporary visa status can also make it impossible for survivors to find suitable and secure housing.

The combination of insecure visa status and insecure housing can prevent many survivors from regaining their independence and moving forward with their lives.

Risks of further harm

For survivors on temporary visas, not being able to access vital supports means many face risks of re-exploitation.

Survivors with children are particularly susceptible to experiencing further harm when temporary visas prevent them from supporting their families.

Caseworkers we interviewed told us survivors may

end up thinking, ‘well, I’m just going to have to try and get money anyway anyhow’.

Another caseworker said:

I’ve seen clients engaging with high-risk industries like sex work or fruit picking – where their work rights are not being met – in order to try and send something back to their children.

The human impact

The experience of Grace*, who participated in our research, shows how these elements conspire to produce exploitative conditions, hinder help-seeking and hamper recovery from slavery.

Grace met her former partner while in Australia and applied for a temporary partner visa when her existing visa expired. She was granted a bridging visa while her application was being processed.

Shortly after giving birth to their child, Grace and her child were trafficked out of Australia, allegedly by her partner.

Grace’s bridging visa was immediately cancelled, leaving her unable to return to Australia to support her child, who is an Australian citizen.

While overseas, Grace tried many times to seek support from Australian authorities but was constantly hindered by her lack of visa or residency.

When her case eventually came to the attention of the AFP, they facilitated her return to Australia, and she was granted a temporary visa through the government’s human trafficking visa framework.

Throughout her recovery from exploitation, Grace has constantly faced barriers to supporting herself and her child due to the temporary status of this visa, saying:

With the bridging visa, you can stay, you can work, but you can’t do much around it. You can’t go to school. I want to study, but I can’t afford it. And I’m really stuck with that. Even when I look for job, there’s some jobs that required to be a permanent resident or citizen. Every job I applied for asked about residency status. I felt uneasy to explain my case and the reason why I had that visa. Same issue regarding applying for rental. I can’t get over it. So, it’s just hard for the visa.

Protecting the system rather than the people

As modern slavery survivor and advocate Sophie Otiende puts it:

Care cannot exist when we focus on protecting the system rather than the people at all costs.

Australia’s visa system is entrenched within the problem of modern slavery, and future changes to it must refocus on caring for those who are most vulnerable to exploitation.

Migrant workers need further protections from exploitation caused by temporary visas, such as those recently proposed by government.

To support their recovery from exploitation, migrant survivors of modern slavery need:

• guaranteed access to mainstream supports

• swifter access to permanent visas and

• clearer pathways to residency.

*Names have been changed to protect identities. If you or someone you know needs help, contact the Australian Red Cross Support for Trafficked People Program on 03 9345 1800 or email national_stpp@redcross.org.au

Nerida Chazal has received funding Department of Social Services.

Kyla Raby works for the Australian Red Cross who has received funding from the Department of Social Services to undertake research discussed in this article.

– ref. ‘I’m really stuck’: how visa conditions prevent survivors of modern slavery from getting help – https://theconversation.com/im-really-stuck-how-visa-conditions-prevent-survivors-of-modern-slavery-from-getting-help-209139

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Holland, Associate Professor, Macquarie University

The Voice to parliament, if established, would not be the first Indigenous advisory body in Australia’s history.

In 1973, Gough Whitlam established the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee, which was superseded by Malcolm Fraser’s National Aboriginal Conference in 1978. Both were elected bodies that were advisory only, and there were other later attempts.

The longest-running body was the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), which operated for 15 years before being abolished by the Howard government in 2005.

It’s characterised by some commentators as a failure mired in bureaucratic dysfunction.

For those who promote “no” to the Voice to parliament proposal, ATSIC is either an example of why we don’t need a Voice, or, because of the way it was abolished, of government duplicity not to be trusted.

But here’s why it wasn’t a failure.

What was ATSIC?

ATSIC opened its doors as an independent statutory authority in 1990, following legislation passed by the Hawke government in 1989.

According to then Minister for Aboriginal Affairs Gerry Hand, it was recognition of Indigenous aspirations to be involved in the decision-making processes of government.

It was innovative because it ran programs and delivered services in addition to providing advice.

It consisted of 35 regional councils around Australia of 10-20 councillors elected every three years, who would elect a representative to sit on a national commission on which sat a government-appointed chair, deputy chair and chief executive.

ATSIC’s primary roles were to formulate and monitor programs, develop policy proposals, advise the minister and coordinate activities at all levels of government. It spent Commonwealth government funds on specific programs, measured in terms of achieving social justice.

Like any complex, multi-layered institution, ATSIC had its challenges and critics. On announcing its abolition in April 2004, Howard said the “experiment in separate representation […] for Indigenous people has been a failure”, a claim that was not explained or supported by evidence.

Looking through its archive in the National Library of Australia, it’s impossible to sustain this judgement.

What did ATSIC do?

It organised its programs around key areas of economic, social and corporate affairs, with a range of sub-programs such as land, law and justice, and heritage.

It had two highly successful flagships. This included Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) which, by 2003, employed 35,000 people in 270 projects, as well as the Community Housing and Infrastructure Program (CHIP). In 2002-03 alone, CHIP built 500 new houses and renovated 1,000 more for Indigenous people.

It supported and seeded other programs, including in areas such as sport, the arts, repatriation, legal aid, and revival of languages. It funded a broadcasting for remote Aboriginal community scheme and lobbied for a national Indigenous broadcaster.

It commissioned reports and provided advice to governments in reviews and parliamentary committees.

In 1993, ATSIC led the Indigenous vanguard in defence of native title, clawing it back from total extinguishment.

Misconceptions

At the time, and since, misconceptions about ATSIC’s funding have prevailed. As a supplementary funding body, intended to augment federal, state and territory funding, it administered less than 50% of the total federal government budget for Indigenous affairs.

It did not have primary responsibility for health, employment or education. Around two-thirds of its budget was taken up with the CDEP and CHIP programs, and a quarter with providing local services such as waste disposal, water, sewerage and so on.

As soon as the Howard government came to office in 1996, it cut $470 million of ATSIC’s budget (over four years), resulting in a 30% reduction in programs.

Read more:
Dutton’s ‘no’ vote reflects 40 years of Coalition partisanship on the Voice

It commissioned an ATSIC-funded special audit of Indigenous organisations to determine whether they were “fit and proper” to receive public funds. About 95% of the 1,122 organisations surveyed passed and were cleared for further funding.

ATSIC had its own internal audit office, and was one of the most scrutinised agencies of public administration. From 1990-2000 it had ten clear audits, on occasion earning the praise of the National Audit Office.

Governments failed, not ATSIC

If there was failure, governments must bear some responsibility. A 1994 evaluation of the National Health Strategy found that ATSIC was a convenient scapegoat for governments’ failure to deliver.

In 1999 and 2001 the Commonwealth Grants Commission found a system of blurred responsibility between all levels of government, duplication and buck-passing, and that ATSIC funds were overburdened through barriers of access to mainstream departments.

The Howard government’s 2003 report into ATSIC didn’t advocate abolishing it, but did point to the limitations of funding services through mainstream agencies:

Time and again ATSIC had been used as a scapegoat for poor Indigenous affairs outcomes […] many mainstream services and program providers avoid accountability, preferring to leave the impression that ATSIC is at fault.

The parliamentary select committee, appointed in July 2004 to examine the provisions of the ATSIC Amendment Bill giving effect to its abolition emphasised that

The overall failure of public policy to successfully overcome the grave disadvantage suffered by Australia’s Indigenous people is not a sign that ATSIC itself has ‘failed’[…] The Committee considers that national performance in Indigenous affairs should be carefully, continuously and transparently monitored. The Government as a whole must be held accountable.

The committee recommended governments adopt ATSIC’s model of capacity building and sustainable development.

The Voice is not ATSIC

The Voice will not be another ATSIC. It won’t run programs or deliver services, nor will it have a budget to administer. This means it can’t be scapegoated for policy failure.

However, ATSIC demonstrated the importance of an Indigenous voice in the administrative mix, and it did meet expectations.

Perhaps we need to take seriously ATSIC’s biggest lesson: the need for governments to be accountable and meet theirs.

Alison Holland receives funding from the Australian Research Council (DP230100714 – Policy for Self-Determination: the Case Study of ATSIC) with Distinguished Professor Larissa Behrendt, Associate Professor Daryl Rigney, Dr Kirsten Thorpe and Lindon Coombes.

– ref. Many claim Australia’s longest-running Indigenous body failed. Here’s why that’s wrong – https://theconversation.com/many-claim-australias-longest-running-indigenous-body-failed-heres-why-thats-wrong-209511

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Kilah, Senior Lecturer in Chemistry, University of Tasmania

Ice cream seems like a simple concept. Take some dairy, add some sugar and flavours, and freeze.

But to get a perfectly creamy, smoothly textured frozen treat, we need more than just a low temperature – it takes a careful interplay of chemistry and three states of matter: solid, liquid and gas.

What’s in the box?

Commercial ice cream includes many ingredients: air, water, milk fat, so-called milk solids (mainly milk proteins and lactose), sweeteners, stabilisers, emulsifiers and flavours. The ingredients are mixed and pasteurised for food safety.

Homemade ice creams tend to use milk, heavy cream, sugar and flavourings, such as fruit, berries, or chocolate. The exact quantities vary with the recipe, but the processing steps are similar.

Milk is composed of everything a young cow needs to grow and develop – water, fats, carbohydrates, proteins, minerals and vitamins. These components respond in different ways when they are frozen.

Read more:
Crying over plant-based milk: neither science nor history favours a dairy monopoly

First, the crystals

As the mixture of ice cream ingredients is cooled down, small clusters of water molecules assemble to form tiny ice crystals. The size of the ice crystals is responsible for the mouth feel of the ice cream – the smaller the crystals, the smoother the feel.

If the crystallisation is not well controlled, these crystals can get very large. Ice cream makers (commercial or for home use) ensure small ice crystals by agitating or beating the liquid as it freezes. This keeps the water molecules moving and prevents the crystals from growing larger.

The mixing process also incorporates air, which is the secret ingredient to give ice cream a lighter texture.

Next, the fat

The fat in the milk exists as globules surrounded by proteins. These proteins bridge the fat and the water, helping to keep the fats suspended. (Milk looks white because light scatters off these fat globules.)

These dairy fat molecules have different properties at different temperatures. At room temperature they are semi-solids (like butter), and are about two-thirds solid when at 0℃.

The fat globules can stick together – that’s why you get a layer of cream on top of unprocessed milk. A process called homogenisation forces the milk through a small opening under very high pressure, breaking large fat globules down into smaller ones. This process makes many small fat globules – as many as a trillion per litre. Homogenised milk ensures the mixture will freeze evenly, and separated fats won’t get stuck to the mixing machinery.

Freezing the fat globules makes them clump together, with the surrounding proteins acting as bridges to other fat molecules and to the ice crystals. These fats melt in your mouth, giving a creamy feel and taste.

Read more:
Slip, slop, slurp! The surprising science of sunscreen, sand and ice cream

Then, the sugar

The sugar and other dissolved ingredients in milk are also essential to the final texture of ice cream. The presence of sugars in the water lowers the mixture’s freezing temperature to below 0℃.

Here’s why that’s important. As ice crystals start to form, the concentration of sugars and other dissolved materials in the unfrozen liquid increases, which further lowers its freezing point. By the time the majority of the ice crystals have formed, the resulting liquid is very concentrated in sugars.

This concentrated liquid, known as the “serum”, bridges between the ice crystals, solid fat globules and air bubbles. The serum remains a liquid well below 0℃ and adds enough flexibility to the mixture so the ice cream can still be scooped or shaped.

In this way, the unique chemical properties of water, fats, proteins and sugars come together with air to give the solid, liquid and gas mixture we know and love.

Not everything is ‘ice cream’

What’s called “ice cream” is actually governed by a food standards code. That’s why not all frozen desserts can be legally called ice cream, because they don’t contain enough milk fat.

There are lots of variations on the standard ice cream recipe. Gelato uses more sugar, incorporates less air, and typically has less fats and other solids. Sorbets do away with the dairy and typically contain more sugar, but have historically used egg or gelatin as a protein source.

Regardless of the exact recipe, the fundamental ice crystal formation, fat solidification, and serum phase separation steps are the same.

Product names like “soft serve”, “dairy dessert”, or “ice confection” are often an indication the ingredient list includes vegetable fats rather than more expensive milk fats.

Soft serve products are also formed by agitation as the mixture freezes, but tend to contain less air than ice cream you’d buy in a tub, due to the constant agitation inside the dispensing machine.

Icy poles, ice blocks, freezies, or freeze pops (depending on your local phraseology) and other “water ices” are frozen inside a mould or plastic tubing. The shape of the mould limits the ability to stir the mixture, so the freezing process is typically done “quiescently”, meaning at rest. The crystallisation of the ice is not well controlled, and you may have experienced large crystals that have grown (technically “seeded”) from the popsicle stick.

Humanity has enjoyed ice cream for centuries. It’s a marvellously versatile food with endless variations of flavours, additives, and toppings coupled with memories of happiness, comfort, indulgence and nostalgia. And plenty of chemistry, too.

Nathan Kilah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How does ice cream work? A chemist explains why you can’t just freeze cream and expect results – https://theconversation.com/how-does-ice-cream-work-a-chemist-explains-why-you-cant-just-freeze-cream-and-expect-results-205038

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Abhishek Mukherjee, Lecturer in Accounting and Finance., University of Waikato

New Zealand’s central bank is preparing for a future that includes the mainstream use of cryptocurrency.

At the end of last year, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) published an issues paper, Private Innovation: Te Auahatanga, on digital currencies. The paper sparked a wide-ranging discussion on the development of the cryptoasset market and how to respond to the challenges it presents.

The RBNZ received 50 submissions on its paper, with consultation ending in April. A summary of the submissions was recently published.

We took a look at the key concerns held by those who participated in the consultation and what these concerns could mean for the uptake of cryptocurrencies in New Zealand.

The future of money in NZ

The RBNZ has mapped out a near future where businesses could accept digital currencies for payments, reducing currency conversion issues for international customers. Cryptocurrencies could also be used to streamline payments to suppliers or employees, particularly those based overseas.

And by leveraging the transparency of blockchain, businesses could improve trust by efficiently tracking transactions and supply chains.

But businesses will need to improve their security measures to protect against online threats as well as manage the potential market volatility associated with cryptocurrencies.

While outlining a path for cryptocurrencies, the RBNZ noted the challenges of regulating organisations that are entirely digital and decentralised. The bank also raised the question of how New Zealand’s existing rules on money laundering and the financing of terrorism would apply to cryptocurrencies.

The key hurdles for cryptocurrency

Five key themes emerged out of the submissions received by the RBNZ. These core themes highlighted the concerns held by regulators, businesses and everyday New Zealanders.

• A clear but flexible regulatory framework

Research on other markets has shown that regulations cannot be static. The rules need to evolve with the technology. That said, regulations need to initially be quite prescriptive.

The New Zealand Financial Markets Authority (NZFMA) could establish a regulatory “sandbox” for cryptoassets, allowing businesses to test their crypto-related technologies in a controlled environment under close supervision. This would encourage innovation as well as help shape effective regulations, balancing the growth of the sector with risk management and consumer protection.

Read more:
Welsh mining towns had alternative currencies 200 years ago – here’s what the crypto world could learn from them

The NZFMA could also demand that New Zealand residents transact their cryptoassets through exchanges that are based in New Zealand and thus under the country’s regulations in order to develop trust. These can be relaxed once the market matures.

• Information and accessibility

The submissions also highlighted the need for clear, accurate and accessible information on cryptocurrencies. Some respondents expressed concern about the general lack of knowledge about cryptocurrencies and how they work.

The lesson from the collapse of the digital trading platform FTX is that New Zealand investors have to be protected, or at least made aware of, the risks of transactions through exchanges in more lenient jurisdictions.

• Risks and opportunities

Risk and opportunities were also points of discussion. Respondents to the RBNZ paper acknowledged the risks associated with cryptocurrencies, such as financial crime and the risk to the wider financial system.

At the same time, they saw a significant opportunity to enhance competition and further innovation in New Zealand.

• A monitoring approach

Respondents supported the RBNZ’s proposed monitoring approach which underscored a “same-risk, same-regulation” principle. This holds that if a cryptoasset presents similar risks to an existing financial product, it should be regulated in a similar manner.

This implies a flexible regulatory stance that evolves based on the risk profile of the asset, thereby creating a fair and balanced regulatory environment for all financial instruments, traditional or digital.

Read more:
Scams and cryptocurrency can go hand in hand – here’s how they work and what to watch out for

The RBNZ has proposed working closely with international regulators and private sector information providers – companies or organisations that provide data, analysis and insights about the crypto market. This could include blockchain analytics firms, crypto exchange platforms, research institutions and financial technology companies.

Our own earlier research supports the belief that external regulations are not enough. It is essential that financial intermediaries dealing in cryptoassets develop a corporate culture of “performance with integrity”, one in which each member of the organisation is centred on the best interest of the client.

We need to monitor cryptoasset businesses and ensure they have robust corporate governance. Another lesson from the FTX failure is that exchanges themselves can not be custodians of customers’ assets – this must be done by regulated third party institutions.

• Stablecoins

Stablecoins, a type of cryptocurrency with value pegged to fiat currencies (a government-issued currency that is not backed by a commodity such as gold) or gold, drew interest during consultations. Participants saw their stability as beneficial. Stablecoins were seen as combining the benefits of cryptocurrencies with the stability of traditional currencies.

However, it must be noted that stablecoins differ in risk exposure according to the collateral they use; the crash of the Terra stablecoin in May 2022 versus the resilience of Tether is testament to this. Regulations must be very clear on the reserve assets demanded, and market supervisors must monitor these reserves very closely.

The future is digital

Although promising, the future of cryptocurrency in New Zealand is not without its challenges. The RBNZ will need to keep a close eye on things. The central bank will need to walk a fine line between encouraging new ideas and managing the risks.

For the moment, the RBNZ is taking a cautious approach. While there won’t be any immediate policy changes, the RBNZ will be enhancing its monitoring of the financial ecosystem, tracking global regulatory trends and collaborating with financial organisations to address data gaps.

The goal should be to make sure people understand cryptocurrencies, manage the risks and promote innovation. As one respondent put it:

The future is digital. Let’s embrace it, understand it, and make it work for us.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The future of money is digital – but NZ needs a careful framework to prevent the pitfalls of cryptocurrency – https://theconversation.com/the-future-of-money-is-digital-but-nz-needs-a-careful-framework-to-prevent-the-pitfalls-of-cryptocurrency-209025

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sangeetha Chandrashekeran, Senior Research Fellow, Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course, The University of Melbourne

More than five million households in Australia are connected to the gas network. Tackling climate change requires homes and businesses to move away from gas, and instead embrace electric appliances as the power grid shifts to renewable energy.

People can save considerable money by switching away from gas – even more so if they have solar panels installed. But still, millions of Australians haven’t yet made the move. Why?

Our new research, released today, seeks to shed light on this question. We focused on lower-income households in Victoria and found while most participants supported the transition from gas, few owned electric appliances for heating, cooking and hot water.

There were two main barriers: people couldn’t afford the upfront cost of buying new electric appliances, or were renting and so had little or no say over what appliances were installed. Overcoming these and other challenges is crucial to ensure no-one gets left behind in Australia’s energy transition.

Making it fair for all

Victoria has committed to net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2045. To help achieve this, the state government is developing a plan for the state to electrify. Other states and territories are also moving in this direction.

But to date, not enough research and policy attention has been paid to making this transition fair and equitable for everyone.

Low-income households spend a larger proportion of their income on energy bills compared to higher-income households. This is despite those households using less energy.

The affordability of gas will become worse as more households electrify. That’s because part of a gas bill includes the fixed cost of running gas infrastructure – so as progressively fewer people use gas, the remaining users pay more.

And those who don’t make the move away from gas miss out on the long-term economic benefits. Analysis last year suggested a typical Victorian household could reduce its annual energy costs by A$1,020 by replacing gas heating, cooking and hot water systems with electric ones. The figure rises to $1,250 for those with solar power. These savings will be amplified if the price of gas continues to rise relative to electricity.

That’s why it’s important to help as many lower-income people as possible to make the switch to electric appliances. Our research set out to understand what might prevent or enable that shift.

We studied households in Victoria: the state with the highest prevalence of residential gas use in Australia and where plans for an economy-wide transition away from fossil gas are underway.

Read more:
All-electric homes are better for your hip pocket and the planet. Here’s how governments can help us get off gas

What we found

We conducted an online survey, which received 220 eligible responses. We also undertook focus groups with 34 people. All participants were from lower-income households.

Most participants – 88% – used gas in the home, reflecting its prevalence in Victoria.

More than two-thirds indicated some level of support for a transition away from household gas to cleaner energy sources. Support was greater with higher levels of education. There was no significant difference based on financial stress, housing tenure, location or age.

But this support had not translated into action. Just one in ten surveyed households had replaced gas appliances with electric ones within the past five years. Among those who had switched or planned to switch, the main reasons were lower running costs and environmental benefits.

Respondents considered electric appliances to be safer and better for the environment. Gas appliances were considered better for heating and cooking. Many respondents were unsure about the relative benefits of electric versus gas appliances when it came to cost, reliability, safety and the environment.

Preferences were strongly linked to what people were currently using. Most people preferred gas cooktops over electric ones, because of the perceived speed, ease and flexibility. However, few participants had used electric induction stoves, which can also offer these benefits.

People who spoke a language other than English were significantly more likely to prefer gas for heating and hot water.

For those who had not replaced gas appliances, being a renter was one of the biggest barriers to electrification. Some renters said they lived in poor housing, but were unwilling to request improvements in case the landlord increased the rent or evicted them.

Respondents also said they would struggle to afford the upfront costs of electrification, such as buying new appliances and, in some cases, wiring upgrades and other building modifications.

Many participants were aware of and had received state government assistance to help with energy bills. But far fewer people knew about or had used programs that could support them to adopt electric appliances.

Read more:
Gas cooking is associated with worsening asthma in kids. But proper ventilation helps

Embracing the switch

An overall strategy is needed to help all households make the shift to electric appliances and technology. Our research suggests this must include specific measures for lower-income households, such as:

• targeted and well-promoted electrification programs

• more evidence-based information on the benefits of electric appliances

• incentives for landlords and standards requiring efficient electric appliances in rental homes

• means-tested rebates for electric appliances such as reverse cycle air-conditioners and heat pump hot water, and where appropriate, no- or low-interest loans.

These measures should, where possible, be linked to measures to improve household energy efficiency. And lower-income households, as well as others facing barriers to getting off gas, must be included when planning the transition.

Researchers David Bryant and Damian Sullivan from the Brotherhood of St Laurence contributed to this article and co-authored the research upon which it is based.

Read more:
Heat pumps can cut your energy costs by up to 90%. It’s not magic, just a smart use of the laws of physics

Sangeetha Chandrashekeran receives funding from the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (Project ID CE200100025). This project was also funded by Energy Consumers Australia (www.energyconsumersaustralia.com.au) as part of its grants process for consumer advocacy projects and research projects. The views expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of Energy Consumers Australia.

Julia de Bruyn worked for the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (Project ID CE200100025) at the time of conducting this research. This project was also funded by Energy Consumers Australia (www.energyconsumersaustralia.com.au) as part of its grants process for consumer advocacy projects and research projects. The views expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of Energy Consumers Australia.

– ref. Keen to get off gas in your home, but struggling to make the switch? Research shows you’re not alone – https://theconversation.com/keen-to-get-off-gas-in-your-home-but-struggling-to-make-the-switch-research-shows-youre-not-alone-209589

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Byrne, Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, The University of Queensland

Anxiety disorders are common among Australian children, affecting nearly 7% of those aged 4–11 years.

Children’s fears can focus on areas such as being alone, talking to strangers or going to sleep. In small amounts these fears can be helpful for survival; in large amounts they can become overwhelming and impairing.

Childhood is the ideal time to treat these problems before they become severe, protracted or lead to other disorders.

A variety of child anxiety treatments are on offer, yet not all treatments are the same or should be considered equal. So how do you face the daunting task of deciding which is best for your anxious child?

First, does my child need help?

The first step is to work out if your child needs treatment. It’s normal for children to experience irrational fears that pass with time. For example, many children and adults are more fearful of spiders than they should be, based on the level of danger.

The main factor that determines whether a child has “clinical anxiety” is the extent to which the fear causes problems in their daily life. If a child who is fearful of spiders, for example, has ongoing trouble leaving home or sleeping because of their fear, they may need extra help.

In younger children, anxiety can be seen as more cautious or avoidant behaviour, which is especially visible when they are in unfamiliar situations.

Read more:
Anxiety can look different in children. Here’s what to look for and some treatments to consider

Keep in mind that anxious children often do not draw attention to themselves and can “go under the radar”. For example, anxious children are often quiet and well behaved at school, so teachers may not be aware they are struggling.

Many anxious children also unfortunately experience other mental health problems, particularly depression, so it’s important to keep an eye out for other issues as well.

What is the best treatment for my anxious child?

Psychotherapy (talking therapy) for child anxiety can be highly effective. A therapist should empathise with your child and assess how their anxiety began and how it effects their life.

Different health professionals may emphasise different ways to understand and treat a child’s anxiety, often using the approach they are more familiar with or trained in.

Children can respond differently to these treatments, so you need to listen to what they find helpful. For example, a family systems therapist may focus on how family dynamics and communication impact on a child’s mental health. Some therapists focus on developing mindfulness skills, teaching children to observe and accept their anxious thoughts and feelings rather than responding to them.

Different treatments have varying levels of evidence. Keep in mind that people often report some benefit from any treatment (like a “placebo effect”), so you need to work out what works best overall. With that said, treatments that teach children skills to manage their anxiety, such as cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT), tend to be most effective.

Read more:
How to get your kids to talk about their feelings

What is cognitive behaviour therapy?

Cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) is a broad range of treatments based on the interaction between your child’s thoughts, feelings and behaviours. Therapists encourage children to alter the way they think, which can change how they behave and feel.

CBT programs have been developed and tailored for anxious children and their families, such as the Cool Kids program. These treatments have been rigorously tested and are known to work for many children.

CBT is also freely available online and this can be an easy way to access and try treatment for example, Fear-Less Triple P Online.

These treatments teach the same CBT skills, however, they are delivered and assessed using an online platform, meaning treatment can take place at home.

Does my child need medication?

Antidepressant medications can be highly effective for childhood anxiety but can also cause side effects, so they are often used when psychological therapies have not been effective. Their use should be monitored by a doctor.

What else can I do?

Doing simple things, such as improving your child’s diet, sleep and exercise can have a big effect on their mental health.

It’s important to be supportive and listen to your child when they are distressed, while encouraging them to face their fears. Their fears may seem silly to you, but they are very real for them.

You may also want to involve your child’s school in their treatment, so teachers and parents are on the same page.

Read more:
Is my child being too clingy and how can I help?

Like most services, you may need to shop around to find a mental health professional and treatment that suits you and your child. A psychologist with specific clinical training, experience in CBT and child anxiety can be a good place to start. Doing some research or seeking a referral is definitely worth the effort.

Is my child getting better?

The main way to know if your child is getting better is if they are resuming their normal life. Remember the goal of treatment is not for your child to be completely free of anxiety; it’s to help them manage their anxiety so they still live a full life.

Childhood anxiety is distressing for your child and for the whole family, however, there is reason to be hopeful: there are effective treatments and these problems often pass with time.

It may be a journey, but work with your child and skilled health professionals and you will find the help your family needs.

Simon Byrne receives funding from the University of Queensland. He is affiliated with the National Tertiary Education Unit. He is a member of the Australian Association for Cognitive Behaviour Therapy (AACBT).

– ref. I think my child has anxiety. What are the treatment options? – https://theconversation.com/i-think-my-child-has-anxiety-what-are-the-treatment-options-199098

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lee Morgenbesser, Griffith University

On December 24, 2021, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, 70, chaired a meeting of the Cambodian People’s Party, which has ruled the Southeast Asian country since 1979. The meeting saw his eldest son, Hun Manet, 45, unanimously selected to be the future prime minister.

After years of speculation over the identity of the strongman’s political successor, it was both an unsurprising and uninspiring choice.

A similar lack of surprise and inspiration encapsulates Cambodia’s general election this past Sunday. Even by the low standards of Southeast Asia, it was one of the worst sham votes in living memory. Up against a mix of 17 emasculated, feeble and grovelling opposition parties, Hun Sen’s party quickly boasted it had won in a “landslide”.

The entire event amounted to nothing more than a gigantic confidence trick designed to foist a political reality on repressed citizens – formulated without their consent and enforced without their approval.

Hun Sen’s transition of power to his son is now assured. The only question is when. The strongman said last week it could happen in a matters of weeks.

Preparing for a sham election

The campaign period for this year’s election featured the usual dose of manipulation and misconduct – all of which was aimed at guaranteeing few, if any, surprises at the ballot box.

In May, the National Election Committee barred the leading opposition Candlelight Party from competing in the election because it had failed to provide the necessary documentation. This documentation, ironically, had been taken in a police raid years earlier.

In early June, the National Assembly amended the election law to bar non-voters from ever running for office, as well as penalise anyone who calls for election boycotts. For the fledgling opposition, boycotts were a new and desperate tactic aimed at discrediting the electoral process.

In late June, Hun Sen also had a very public spat with Meta, Facebook’s parent company, after its oversight board recommended his account be suspended for threatening political opponents with violence.

And last week, the government blocked the websites of several news organisations, including Radio Free Asia. It was all just business as usual in Hun Sen’s Cambodia.

The uncomfortable truth is such elections have never been more than a means for Hun Sen to hold onto power with an ever-tightening grip, as opposed to an opportunity for his opponents to ever gain power.

Since the occupying Vietnamese forces installed him as leader in January 1985, the ageing strongman has slowly but methodologically bent the political system to his will.

How do dictators stay in power?

How has he accomplished this feat over the past 38 years? Based on my research in the field of authoritarian politics, two significant factors stand out.

The first thing Hun Sen did was personalise power by following the “playbook” of other strongmen like Paul Biya in Cameroon, Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Idi Amin in Uganda. Among his actions across four decades of authoritarianism:

• he acted as a gatekeeper of the process by which people are appointed to high office

• appointed relatives to high-level posts in the party, military and government

• took control of the state security apparatus and created his own paramilitary group outside the normal chain of military command

• and monopolised the decision-making process within the ruling party, while also controlling who enters and exits its executive committee.

By 2005, Hun Sen alone had discretion over personnel policy and the distribution of rewards throughout Cambodia’s political system.

The second thing Hun Sen did was entrench a harsher form of dictatorship in Cambodia, transforming the country in recent years into a genuine one-party state.

In July 2015, the government rammed through a bill designed to suppress civil society groups. The law used arcane compliance requirements related to funding, reporting, registration and political neutrality to limit their operations.

Then, in August 2017, the Finance Ministry went after the independent English-language newspaper, The Cambodia Daily, for a decade’s worth of alleged back taxes. It was merely the start of sustained campaign aimed at ridding the country of an independent media.

The Supreme Court then dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party, the only serious challenger to the ruling party, on the fictitious grounds it was trying to topple the government in a “colour revolution.” Hun Sen has repeatedly rolled out this allegation against anyone who disagrees with him.

How does one dictator pass the reins to another?

It was against this backdrop that Hun Sen spent Sunday going through the motions of sanctioning one last sham election, at least as prime minister.

Having used his personal power to banish political opponents, monopolise the media landscape, disempower civil society organisations, crush mass protests and arbitrarily rescind the political rights and civil liberties of citizens, the path is now clear for Hun Manet to succeed him. So, what will happen next?

Leadership succession can be the Achilles heel of dictatorships. The process can sometimes encourage infighting among political elites and potentially plunge a country into chaos. The evidence suggests strongmen are more likely to give up power when they satisfy four preconditions:

1) Immunity: they can ensure legal protection for any alleged crimes committed while in office.

2) Security: they have a paramilitary force or formal position at the apex of the security apparatus.

3) Wealth: they have a stash of cash and/or a portfolio of properties to fund their retirement.

4) Trust: they appoint someone to take over who can protect their immunity, security and wealth.

Having so far satisfied all but the need for immunity, Hun Sen is now well-positioned to pass power onto his son.

Typically, when political succession occurs in dictatorships, the new strongman receives the benefit of the doubt from a slew of hopeful foreign states and optimistic foreign journalists. This comes from a place of exhaustion and exasperation: surely he can’t be worse?

Hun Manet, who was trained at the United States Military Academy at West Point and received a PhD in Economics from the University of Bristol, will be yet another beneficiary of this mindset.

But like the sons of other strongmen, such as Ilham Aliyev (the son former Azerbaijani leader Heydar Aliyev), Bashar al-Assad (son of Hafez al-Assad in Syria), Joseph Kabila (son of Laurent Kabila in Congo) and Kim Jong Un (son of Kim Jong Il in North Korea), Hun Manet has been groomed in the image of his father.

There is nothing to suggest Cambodia’s next prime minister won’t also have a sham election up his sleeve.

Lee Morgenbesser receives funding from the Australian Research Council

– ref. Cambodian strongman Hun Sen wins another ‘landslide’ election. Will succession to his son be just as smooth? – https://theconversation.com/cambodian-strongman-hun-sen-wins-another-landslide-election-will-succession-to-his-son-be-just-as-smooth-209967

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Huw Griffiths, Associate Professor of English Literature, University of Sydney

Review: On The Beach, directed by Kip Williams.

When Nevil Shute wrote his 1957 novel On the Beach, the world was emerging from the devastation of the second world war to confront new fears.

Shute imagines a not-too-distant future in which a short nuclear war has destroyed life on much of the planet. It has left Australia briefly isolated, with the radioactive cloud slowly advancing towards its beaches. The characters in the novel are waiting out their inevitable deaths.

To adapt this novel in 2023 is to consider our own lives in parallel, as we walk bleary-eyed from the pandemic into a future of escalating global conflict and climate crisis.

Shute’s novel chillingly emphasises the persistence of a kind of stoic duty as an affirmation of the human in the face of overwhelming death. But playwright Tommy Murphy and director Kip Williams have produced something both more poignant and more life-affirming from the dry bones of the original.

À lire aussi :
‘This is the way the world ends’: Nevil Shute’s On the Beach warned us of nuclear annihilation. It’s still a hot-button issue

Passion for life

In the first half of this new play for the Sydney Theatre Company, Murphy is able to excavate genuine wit and humour from Shute’s turgid prose, allowing us to care that these people make the right choices for themselves. The dialogue is warm and human. And our connection to the characters in the first half provides a platform for the devastating pathos of the second half.

I can’t have been the only person hopelessly failing to hold back tears as the Max Richter soundtrack played behind some astonishingly affecting tableaux in the closing moments of the play.

Shute famously thought of writing as a “pansy occupation”, only deigning to write if the writing had utility. The novel comes as a conservative warning against complacency.

Australia’s sense of its isolation from global conflict is seen as a delusion against which readers are encouraged to reevaluate their commitment to a collective future. His sights are set as much on his country of birth, the United Kingdom, and what he saw as its disastrous turn towards socialism in the post-war period as they are on the naive utopianism he found in Australia, his adopted country.

In this 2023 adaptation, however, the story is invested with a sensual passion for life that moves well beyond Shute’s stern warnings and instead provides a celebration of sex, love, desire and embodied, animal life.

Where Shute’s characters stoically refrain from sex, this production loves the human body and its capabilities. Regrets here are not for lives lived wrongly but for lost futures that both we and the characters can see reaching out in front of us, unattainable. The beauty of men’s bodies is, in particular, constantly held up by the production as a reminder to both characters and audience of life-affirming humanity.

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Fragile lives

Williams’ direction brilliantly brings out the possibilities of Murphy’s script, and the two local theatre makers are on absolutely top form.

The staging does not contain the complex screen-work of Williams’ recent novelistic adaptations Dorian Gray and Jekyll and Hyde, but it is still disarmingly gorgeous. Lighting from Damien Cooper and set design from Michael Hankin contribute to a cinematic experience that underscores the beauty the production draws out of our fragile lives.

Contessa Treffone gives a stand out performance as Moira, carrying much of the emotional weight of the play. The humour of the first half mostly comes from her warm and empathetic rendition of a young woman determined to drain the last drops from the champagne flute of life.

Michelle Lim Davidson as Mary, a mother uncertain what to do with her baby daughter in the face of death, also provides a performance that moves from nimble wit to affecting anguish. Matthew Backer’s scientist, Dr John Osborne, provides some much-needed glue to the scenes set in the submarine that sets out from Melbourne, only to discover a world of lost hopes.

On The Beach is clear-eyed in its pessimistic outlook for our lives. But with rare and important generosity, a sense of inevitable doom is turned into an affirmation of life, love and into a re-commitment to the future.

I can’t imagine anybody would come out of the theatre and not hold their loved ones just that little bit closer. And perhaps they might also take a look around themselves to see all of this beauty we still, perhaps, have time to save.

On the Beach is at the Sydney Theatre Company until August 12.

Huw Griffiths ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. I can’t imagine anybody would come out of On The Beach and not hold their loved ones just that little bit closer – https://theconversation.com/i-cant-imagine-anybody-would-come-out-of-on-the-beach-and-not-hold-their-loved-ones-just-that-little-bit-closer-208366

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Chica-Latorre, Phd Candidate and Research Assistant, Research Institute for Sport and Exercise, University of Canberra

During the Women’s FIFA World Cup, it has been wonderful to see the spotlight turn to female athletes.

There’s always been more research on male athletes compared to female athletes, but the gap is narrowing.

One thing we still don’t know enough about is the effect of the menstrual cycle on athletic performance.

Read more:
Explainer: why do women menstruate?

What does the menstrual cycle do to a woman’s body?

The menstrual cycle is a complex cascade of events typically lasting 28 days. The primary female sex hormones oestrogen and progesterone rise and fall as the body cycles through four phases, beginning at menstruation, maturation and releasing of an egg (ovulation), preparation for pregnancy, and restarting the cycle if the egg is not fertilised.

Fluctuations in female sex hormones have been associated with changes in inflammation, metabolism, muscle activation and body composition, which can influence athletic performance.

For instance, inflammation decreases when the body is preparing to ovulate, reaching its lowest point around ovulation. It then increases following ovulation and peaks during menstruation.

This peak coincides with lower perceived performance among many female athletes.

The menstrual cycle can also give rise to symptoms including pain, cramps, weakness, and poor sleep and focus, challenging performance during training and competition.

For example, research conducted in elite female soccer players found over 87% of players perceived reduced power and increased fatigue during menstruation, while over 66% perceived their reaction time and recovery to be affected.

Considering the approximate maximum career length of soccer players (21 years) and a woman’s fertile life, that adds up to about 250 times throughout a woman’s soccer career that performance may be compromised.

Trends observed among female soccer players closely mirror the experiences of other female athletes, with over 74% reporting negative effects mainly during the first days of menstruation.

For some, this may lead to reduced training participation, potentially compromising skill development, fitness levels, and even their chances of being selected for competition.

But the menstrual cycle is complex, and its effects can vary between athletes and sports. Consequently there is disagreement regarding whether the menstrual cycle universally affects athletic performance, with some research indicating no influence of the menstrual cycle on certain performance measures. But these studies are few and had various logistical limitations, including a small number of participants.

Also important to note is that most studies to-date have excluded women using hormonal contraceptives, which is about 50% of female athletes and 28% of female soccer players. The use of hormonal contraceptives suppresses natural hormonal fluctuations and replaces them with external synthetic versions of female sex hormones, affecting the athlete differently.

Clearly the extent and severity to which the menstrual cycle impacts athletic performance is highly variable and complex, with more research needed. So for now it’s sensible to consider the effects of the menstrual cycle on an individual basis.

Read more:
Supporting menstrual health in Australia means more than just throwing pads at the problem

How to support athletic performance at all cycle stages

It’s essential for players to familiarise themselves with their own cycles to understand how they’re affected throughout, as well as communicate any menstrual cycle-related issues to support staff (physicians and coaches). This awareness can guide adjustments in training and nutrition when required.

For example, oestrogen has an important influence on iron levels in females, such as chronic oestrogen deficiency is linked to iron deficiency. Iron status can also be compromised by blood loss during menstruation, depending on the heaviness and duration of bleeding.

Iron is essential for human function, facilitating energy production and the transportation of oxygen around the body. In soccer, about 60% of elite female players present as iron deficient, compared to less than 12% of their male counterparts. For an iron deficient midfielder, this might translate into covering less distance at lower speeds.

It’s therefore important female athletes have their iron levels regularly checked by qualified practitioners. Addressing deficiencies through diet, supplementation, or iron transfusions, will ensure athletic performance during training and competition is not compromised.

Individual athletes’ training loads can also be strategically managed to accommodate severe menstrual symptoms.

Football clubs around the world have been experimenting with this strategy since it gained popularity during the 2019 Women’s FIFA World Cup. But how does it look in practice?

For team sport athletes, such as soccer players, this can be a demanding logistical task. It’s not easy to track the menstrual cycles of more than 25 players concurrently, and hold training sessions at convenient times for all of them. The complexities are heightened when training and game days cannot be avoided.

But performance coaches must consider athletes’ needs and ensure they’re prepared for competition, while minimising the risk of injury and menstrual discomfort. Coaches should also ensure athletes maintain adequate nutrition for both competition and to support their menstrual cycle.

For an athlete who reports severe menstrual symptoms during the first days of menstruation (such as increased pain and weakness), this might translate into reduced training intensity, additional recovery days, and an anti-inflammatory diet that also supports the restoration of iron levels (increased intake of nuts, seeds, berries, lean red meats, and fibre and Omega-3 rich foods).

And it’s important to keep in mind some athletes might experience menstrual cycle issues in phases other than menstruation. So, training and nutrition should be flexible and individualised across the cycle.

Using this approach, athletes can mitigate the influence of the menstrual cycle on their performance, giving them the best opportunity to achieve their athletic potential and success during competition.

Sara Chica-Latorre receives funding from the Australian Department of Education

Michael Pengelly and Michelle Minehan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Does a woman’s menstrual cycle affect her athletic performance? Here’s what the science says – https://theconversation.com/does-a-womans-menstrual-cycle-affect-her-athletic-performance-heres-what-the-science-says-206700

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Taylor, Adjunct Research Fellow in the Faculty of Science & Engineering, Southern Cross University

Next time you’re road-tripping along the east coast, keep an eye out for a little-known Aussie invention piercing the skyline: glide poles. For Australia’s gliding possums, or gliders, they’re the next best thing since tall trees.

These tall timber structures, with timber cross arms near the top, give gliders a way to cross big roads. They can shimmy up a pole on one side of the road and then leap to another (and another) to get to the other side.

After witnessing the earliest experiments with glide poles decades ago, it’s heartening to see the design refined and replicated up and down the east coast.

The world’s largest gliding marsupial, the greater glider, was listed nationally as endangered a year ago this month. That’s because their populations had declined by 80% in just 20 years. As land-clearing and bushfires continue to destroy old growth forests with tall trees and hollows, gliders need all the help they can get.

Read more:
Greater gliders are hurtling towards extinction, and the blame lies squarely with Australian governments

Biomimicry with wooden poles

From the match-box sized feathertail glider to the small cat-sized greater glider, Australia’s 11 species each have a gliding membrane, or patagium. This a thin area of skin stretching from the ankles to the wrists or hands.

When a glider leaps from a tree (or glide pole), it extends its front and hind limbs, stretching out its patagium, which allows it to glide.

Read more:
Marsupials and other mammals separately evolved flight many times, and we are finally learning how

In 1993 Ross Goldingay, one of Australia’s leading glider ecologists, came up with the idea of using tall wooden power poles (without wires) as road-crossing stepping-stones for gliders. The glide poles would act as substitutes for tall trees, so it was a very simple and elegant form of what’s known as “biomimicry”.

Ross directed the placement of glide poles on either side of a powerline easement at Bomaderry Creek near Nowra in southern New South Wales. The trial aimed to ensure yellow-bellied gliders could still cross the easement if it was developed into a local road.

Unfortunately, the Bomaderry Creek glide poles were never monitored. More than ten years later, a series of successful trials at Mackay and Compton Road in Brisbane demonstrated gliders would readily use glide poles. I recall showing Ross early images of squirrel gliders shimmying up the smooth, hardwood poles on the Compton Road land bridge soon after we installed cameras. We were blown away!

The poles needed to be tall enough to enable a comfortable glide crossing of the intervening gap. This is where trigonometry and the laws of physics come in, to get the calculations right for the species being targeted.

Since then, glide poles have become a fixture of upgrades along the Hume Highway in Victoria, the Pacific Highway in NSW and the Bruce Highway in Queensland.

Do the poles reconnect glider populations?

We are gradually gathering more evidence of glide pole use. Squirrel gliders, sugar gliders and feathertail gliders have been recorded using glide poles to cross roads at several locations.

Mahogany gliders, yellow-bellied gliders and southern greater gliders have also been recorded using glide poles.

Most notably, retrofitting a glider crossing into a road that previously presented a barrier to squirrel glider movement restored gene flow between populations on either side within five years.

Celebrating some of Australia’s most iconic wildlife crossings

Glide poles are one of many structures designed to provide safe road crossing opportunities for wildlife.

Pipes and box culverts can provide safe passage under the road, while land bridges and rope canopy bridges offer an alternative pathway over the road.

When combined with fencing, these structures reduce roadkill, provide access to resources on both sides of the road, and enable gene flow.

My new book combines an exploration of the how, when, where and why wildlife crossings evolved in eastern Australia with a travel guide to 57 of its most iconic sites.

The road ahead

We need to conserve, protect and restore our natural landscapes. This is especially the case in a rapidly changing climate. Our unique native species need to be able to move and adapt to the changing environment.

Carving up the landscape for road networks has been particularly bad for wildlife, with many populations becoming increasingly fragmented and increasingly isolated. But roads no longer need to act as roadblocks for the movement of many native species.

Engineers and ecologists have come together over recent years to find new ways to support the safe passage of animals from one side of the road to another. Their efforts deserve to be celebrated. Especially glide poles. They may not be as famous as the good old Hills Hoist clothesline, but they certainly deserve a gong as a great Australian invention. Certainly worth a nod when you pass by on your next great Aussie road trip.

Brendan Taylor received funding from Brisbane City Council and Transport for NSW to conduct fieldwork reported in this article.

– ref. Glide poles: the great Aussie invention helping flying possums cross the road – https://theconversation.com/glide-poles-the-great-aussie-invention-helping-flying-possums-cross-the-road-209033

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Allison Henry, Research Fellow, Australian Human Rights Institute, Faculty of Law & Justice, UNSW Sydney

Last week, the federal government released an interim report for the Universities Accord.

This review team, led by Professor Mary O’Kane, has been tasked with creating a “visionary plan” for Australian higher education. Amid their wide-ranging, 150-page report, there was a significant acknowledgement. When it comes to safety and sexual assault on campuses, “more obviously needs to be done”. As the report says:

Sexual assault and harassment on campus is affecting the wellbeing of students and staff, and their ability to succeed.

The interim report contains some initial measures and ideas to further improve student safety. But student survivors and advocates want to make sure universities are transparent about what is happening on their campuses, with real consequences if they are not.

Sexual violence on campus

In March 2022, a report commissioned by peak body Universities Australia found one in 20 students had been sexually assaulted in a university context since starting their studies. One in six had been sexually harassed in a university context since starting their studies.

Significantly these rates showed little shift from the Australian Human Rights Commission’s 2017 report on university sexual assaults, despite universities committing to a range of measures that would make campuses safer.

For my doctoral research, I interviewed 24 university sector stakeholders including student representatives and advocates. Many expressed frustration with the time it took for a complaint to be dealt with by universities, which often re-traumatised student survivors. They also highlighted a lack of transparency around university reporting and disciplinary measures for perpetrators.

Read more:
1 in 3 uni students have been sexually assaulted in their lifetime. They demand action on their vision of a safer society

What does the review say?

The interim report contains five initial, “priority” recommendations, which the federal government has already agreed to.

This includes a recommendation to improve university governance with a particular focus on staff and student safety and to add more higher education expertise to governing bodies. The report says the federal government needs to do this with state governments through national cabinet.

The review team is also seeking feedback on more than 70 ideas for the final report, due in December. A number of these centre around wellbeing on campus. It specifically wants to give more consideration to

improving student wellbeing and safety, including empowering students on matters that affect them.

Read more:
The Job-ready Graduates scheme for uni fees is on the chopping block – but what will replace it?

What needs to happen now?

Releasing the report, Education Minister Jason Clare declared his intention to immediately write to state and territory ministers and prioritise student and staff safety – among other governance issues – when they next meet.

This represents an important signal to state and territory governments that the federal government expects an escalated national response.

We certainly need state governments to be involved here.

The federal government funds and regulates higher education but apart from the Australian National University, universities are governed by state or territory legislation.

The review’s further recommendation that governments should rebalance university governing boards “to put greater emphasis on higher education expertise” offers a crucial opportunity to appoint individuals with sexual violence expertise who can advise on student safety and wellbeing.

But pursuing action on campus sexual violence through university governing boards, via state and territory governments, poses some challenges.

There are considerable jurisdictional differences in the acts governing universities and state and territory ministers have limited directive powers over university governing bodies. So, seeking nationally consistent responses across both jurisdictions and more than 40 individual institutions could prove difficult.

Complaints about complaints

The review team has suggested strengthening the role of the Commonwealth Ombudsman, extending the coverage of this federal government agency to complaints from domestic students. Currently, the agency’s coverage on matters relating to university students is quite limited.

This move could potentially provide a new streamlined avenue for students to make complaints if they have been subjected to sexual violence.

The review team also floated the development of a national student charter to “ensure a consistent national approach to the welfare, safety and wellbeing of all students”. The review noted New Zealand has recently introduced a code of practice on student safety.

If a similar code was developed in Australia, it would need to address the deficiencies of the existing Higher Education Standards Framework (which forms the basis of current regulation).

Senate estimates figures used in my research show this has not been an effective framework for tackling campus sexual violence. In part, this is because the national higher education regulator, the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency (TEQSA), has been reluctant to employ its regulatory powers against universities in relation to sexual violence.

What else do we need?

The potential measures in the interim report are promising but will need to be carefully calibrated to make campuses safe.

Under the current system, TEQSA has “moved to ensure all higher education providers are fostering safe environments”. But my research shows stakeholders are frustrated by the regulator’s “very onerous” complaints mechanisms and ineffective enforcement of regulatory standards. There is still too much onus on individual survivors to drive a complaint.

This is why university student bodies and women’s safety groups are calling for a new national, expert-led independent body, which can compel universities to be transparent around incidents and their responses to them. They also want the new body to implement sanctions if needs be. They want this body to be set up immediately.

In its 2017 report, the Human Rights Commission made a series of recommendations to make campuses safer.

This included training for staff and students about respectful and safe behaviour, promoting information about where to report incidents and how to find medical and counselling services. The commission also recommended universities ensure they have adequate and safe processes for students to report a sexual assault or harassment incident.

There is currently mo monitoring mechanism around the implementation of these measures. A new independent body could also oversee this work.

Read more:
Sexual assault and harassment on campus: universities haven’t made reporting easy. They need effective regulation

Urgent action still required

At the National Press Club last week, Education Minister Jason Clare signalled he wanted to see change around sexual violence at universities, noting, “don’t underestimate the seriousness with which I take this or my willingness to act”.

An essential prerequisite for Australia’s higher education sector is that universities and residential colleges can provide a safe environment for their students.

Students, survivors and advocacy groups will be watching this space closely.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call 1800RESPECT on 1800 737 732. In an emergency, call 000.

Allison Henry was the Campaign Director for The Hunting Ground Australia Project 2015-2018 and in this capacity worked closely with advocate groups referred to in this article. She is an Associate of the Australian Human Rights Institute at UNSW.

– ref. ‘More obviously needs to be done’: how to make Australian universities safe from sexual violence – https://theconversation.com/more-obviously-needs-to-be-done-how-to-make-australian-universities-safe-from-sexual-violence-210057

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brigita Ozolins, Adjunct Senior Lecturer, Fine Arts, University of Tasmania

“With song we have achieved freedom. With song we have gone to war. With song we have been victorious.”

These were the words of the newly elected president of Latvia, Edgars Rinkēvičs, at the closing ceremony of the 150th Latvian Song and Dance festival, held from June 30 to July 9.

Rinkēvičs was greeted by an audience of 50,000 members of the public and 21,000 performers who cheered and waved Latvian flags. He spoke about the power of song to unite and give hope to the Latvian people and to reinforce its centuries old cultural traditions.

Upward Together, the five-hour finale of this ten-day festival, was held in Silver Grove: an enormous, brand new, crescent-shaped arena amid tall pines in Mežaparks forest on the outskirts of Latvia’s capital, Rīga.

Upward Together was not just a celebration of Latvia’s rich culture: it was an emotional outpouring of both individual and collective national pride and sorrow. It reflected Latvia’s strong pagan roots and its deep love of nature which features in most of its folk songs. Here, the gods reside in trees, rivers, the sun, the moon and the stars.

But more significantly, the festival asserted the power of song as a peaceful form of protest against a long history of occupation by Germans, Poles, Swedes and Russians, culminating last century in almost 45 years of Soviet rule.

Joy about culture; sadness about history

As the daughter of refugees who escaped the Soviet occupation of Latvia during the second world war, I fought back tears as I listened to a choir of 17,000 champion the sun, the Daugava river and thunder – Latvia’s guardians against evil and oppression.

Next to me, two Ukrainian journalists wept as the orchestra played their national anthem. In the televised replays of the festival, cameras zoomed in on teary singers, dancers and musicians of all ages.

“Why does everyone cry?” I asked one of the participants.

“Because we feel great joy about our culture,” she said, “but also great sadness about our history.”

With the war in Ukraine on Latvia’s doorstep echoing its own battle with Russia during the second world war, the performances I saw over the ten day festival took on an added poignancy, offering a reminder of the Singing Revolution of 1987-91, when the three Baltic States raised their voices in song against their Soviet occupiers.

On August 23 1989, two million people from Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia formed a human chain over 600 kilometres long to join their capital cities. They held hands, sang folk songs and waved flowers, in a peaceful demonstration of solidarity that saw each state finally gain independence in the early 1990s.

Read more:
Ukraine war prompts Baltic states to remove Soviet memorials

A free Latvia

Latvia’s Song and Dance festival was first held in 1873 with 1,000 performers, and was recognised by UNESCO in 2003.

After the second world war, when Latvia was part of the USSR, the festival was used to promote Soviet ideology. Certain songs particularly dear to Latvians could not be performed because they proclaimed the nation’s longing for independence. Gaismas Pils (The Castle of Light), composed in 1899 by Jāzeps Vītols, tells of a sunken castle that rises to announce the rebirth of a free Latvia. Despite being banned from the program, it was sung with defiance at the 1985 festival.

This year, 32 years after Latvia’s independence, the festival boasted over 40,000 participants including almost 3,000 from Latvia’s diaspora.

Participants from Latvia and from abroad paraded in national costume along Freedom Boulevard, cheered on by enthusiastic crowds and unfazed by downpours of rain. They performed in over 60 events in sport stadiums, theatres, churches and parks as well as the new arena in Mezaparks. They sang, danced and played the kokle, a traditional wooden instrument.

Ethnic groups from Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, Germany, Poland, the Jewish community and smaller regions of Latvia were featured in a special concert in the beautiful Chekhov Theatre; seniors gave a moving performance in the circus; 17,000 dancers formed constantly moving patterns of traditional Latvian symbols in a football stadium.

Riga’s central parks were transformed into art and craft markets selling silver, bronze and amber jewellery, hand-woven textiles, woodcarving, ceramics and leatherwork. Food stalls sold rye bread, sauerkraut and traditional pastries. Choirs, bands and theatre groups performed well into the night on outdoor stages and two giant traditional skirts spun continuously in the Esplanade as if unable to stop dancing.

The whole of Riga was alive.

Although I have been to Latvia many times, this was my very first experience of the Song and Dance Festival. I cried at every performance because every performance manifested the joy and the sorrow of what it is to be Latvian. When I was there, I truly understood the festival’s motto, Kopā but, kopa jūst. Being together, feeling together.

Read more:
Remembering minorities amid eastern Europe’s nation-state centenary celebrations

Brigita Ozolins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. National pride and sorrow: attending the 150th Latvian Song and Dance Festival as the daughter of refugees – https://theconversation.com/national-pride-and-sorrow-attending-the-150th-latvian-song-and-dance-festival-as-the-daughter-of-refugees-205398

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Casual workers will be given a new path to becoming permanent, with the security that brings, in industrial relations reforms Workplace Relations Minister Tony Burke will introduce later this year.

Under the change, promised in Labor’s election campaign, there will be a new definition of when an employee can be classified as “casual”.

Eligible workers could then apply to change their status, which would mean they received benefits such as paid leave but lost the extra loading casuals have in lieu of entitlements.

Burke says the measure will potentially help more than 850,000 casuals who have regular work arrangements.

But he is anxious to reassure employers, as well as to stress that not all casuals will want to go down this path.

Business has been resisting a change to the arrangements affecting casuals, and in general criticising the government for a pro-union industrial relations agenda.

Burke, who will give more detail of his IR plan in a Monday speech to The Sydney Institute, said the government was keeping “much of the existing framework that unions and business groups agree should not change”.

This included current processes to offer eligible employees permanent work after a year.

The new measure will be prospective – people won’t be entitled to make claims for pay relating to past work.

Burke said many casuals, for example students, who worked irregularly and wanted the current extra loading, would not want to make the transition.

“No casual will be forced to lose their loading. No casual will be forced to become a permanent employee,” he said.

“But for those who desperately want security – and are being rostered as though they were permanent – for the first time job security will be in sight,” Burke said.

“There are casual workers who are trying to support households. They’re being used as though they’re permanent workers and the employer is double dipping – taking all the advantages of a reliable workforce and not providing any of the job security in return,” Burke said. “That loophole needs to be closed.”

Burke’s reassurances follow preemptive criticism from business.

Writing in the Weekend Australian Innes Willox, chief executive of the Australian Industry Group, said: “The kinds of changes potentially under contemplation would inevitably increase business costs and risks, reduce investment and reduce employment”.

“Since it was elected, the government has implemented a series of unbalanced industrial relations changes that will do nothing to boost productivity or assist businesses to grow and increase employment. The changes so far have only looked to deliver on a wide range of longstanding union claims. Enough is enough.

“Current casual employment arrangements need to be preserved to prevent Australian businesses and their workforces losing the choices and agility they need to prosper.”

But ACTU secretary Sally McManus said in a statement in May: “Too many casuals are casual in name only. Too many jobs that are actually permanent jobs have been made casual, denying workers both pay and rights.

“The majority of casuals work regular hours, week in, week out and have been in their job for more than a year. Changes made by the Morrison Coalition Government in early 2021 made this erosion of job security completely lawful.

“Big business has used loopholes in our work laws to make what should be secure jobs into casualised, insecure work. It is a way of driving down wages and putting all the stress onto workers.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Albanese government to make it easier for casuals to become permanent employees – https://theconversation.com/albanese-government-to-make-it-easier-for-casuals-to-become-permanent-employees-210259

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Weiwei Wang, PhD Candidate, Australian National University

It’s hard to imagine a world without spice today. Fast global trade has allowed the import and export of all manner of delicious ingredients that help bring Indian, Chinese, Vietnamese, Malaysian, Sri Lankan (and so many more) cuisines to our dinner tables.

Now, new research shows the trading of spices for culinary use goes way back – some 2,000 years, to be precise.

In a paper published today in Science Advances, we and our colleagues detail our findings of what seems to be evidence of Southeast Asia’s oldest known curry. It’s also the oldest evidence of curry ever found outside India.

We made the intriguing discovery at the Oc Eo archaeological complex in southern Vietnam. We found eight unique spices, originally from different sources, which were likely used for making curry. What’s even more fascinating is that some of these would have been transported over several thousand kilometres by sea.

Grinding into the evidence

Our team’s research wasn’t initially focused on curry. Rather, we were curious to learn about the function of a set of stone grinding tools known as “pesani”, which the people of the ancient Funan kingdom likely used to powder their spices. We also wanted to gain a deeper understanding of the ancient spice trade.

Using a technique called starch grain analysis, we analysed microscopic remains recovered from a range of grinding and pounding tools excavated from the Oc Eo site. Most of these tools were excavated by our team from 2017 to 2019, while some had been previously collected by the local museum.

Starch grains are tiny structures found within plant cells that can be preserved over long periods. Studying them can provide valuable insights into past plant use, diet, cultivation practices and even environmental conditions.

Of the 40 tools we analysed, 12 produced a range of spices including turmeric, ginger, fingerroot, sand ginger, galangal, clove, nutmeg and cinnamon. This means the occupants of the site had indeed used the tools for food processing, including to powder the rhizomes, seeds and stems of spice plants to release flavour.

To figure out how old the site and tools were, our team obtained 29 separate dates from charcoal and wood samples. This included a date of 207-326 CE produced by a charcoal sample taken from just below the largest grinding slab, which measures 76cm by 31cm (pictured below and at the top of this article).

Another team working at the same site applied a technique called thermoluminescence dating to bricks used in the site’s architecture. Collectively, the results show the Oc Eo complex was occupied between the 1st and 8th centuries CE.

A spicy history

We know the global spice trade has linked cultures and economies in Asia, Africa and Europe since classical times.

However, before this study we had limited evidence of ancient curry at archaeological sites – and the little evidence we did have mainly came from India. Most of our knowledge of the early spice trade has therefore come from clues in ancient documents from India, China and Rome.

Our research is the first to confirm, in a very tangible way, that spices were valuable commodities exchanged on the global trading network nearly 2,000 years ago.

The spices found at Oc Eo wouldn’t have all been available in the region naturally; someone at some point would have transported them there via the Indian or Pacific Ocean. This proves curry has a fascinating history beyond India, and that curry spices were coveted far and wide.

If you’ve ever prepared curry from scratch, you’ll know it’s not simple. It involves considerable time and effort, as well as a range of unique spices, and the use of grinding tools.

So it’s interesting to note that nearly 2,000 years ago, individuals living outside India had a strong desire to savour the flavors of curry – as evidenced by their diligent preparations.

Another fascinating finding is that the curry recipe used in Vietnam today has not deviated significantly from the ancient Oc Eo period. Key components such as turmeric, cloves, cinnamon and coconut milk have remained consistent in the recipe. It goes to show a good recipe will stand the test of time!

Read more:
A batshit experiment: bones cooked in bat poo lift the lid on how archaeological sites are formed

What’s next?

In this study, we primarily focused on microscopic plant remains. And we have yet to compare these findings with other larger plant remains unearthed from the site.

During an excavation conducted from 2017 to 2020, our team also collected a significant number of well-preserved seeds. In the future we hope to analyse these, too. We may identify many more spices, or may even discover unique plant species – adding to our understanding of the region’s history.

By completing more dating on the site, we might also be able to understand when and how each type of spice or plant started to be traded globally.

We would like to acknowledge our colleague Khanh Trung Kien Nguyen of Vietnam’s Southern Institute for Social Sciences for their invaluable contribution to this work.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Researchers find evidence of a 2,000-year-old curry, the oldest ever found in Southeast Asia – https://theconversation.com/researchers-find-evidence-of-a-2-000-year-old-curry-the-oldest-ever-found-in-southeast-asia-210192

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

The Albanese government’s new “Measuring What Matters” framework for a wellbeing economy has been criticised for relying on out-of-date data in several crucial measures. But that’s an easy and somewhat cheap criticism to make.

Notably, the Treasury document reports “little change” in overall life satisfaction based on statistics from 2020, and “stable” psychological distress, based on statistics from 2018.

As The Australian newspaper has editorialised, this old data “fails to reflect the COVID-19 pandemic, billions of dollars in extra NDIS spending, and the most aggressive series of interest rate hikes in a generation”.

True, but given these are the most recent years on which the Australian Bureau of Statistics has published data, that’s a relatively cheap shot. It’s as if the newspaper wants to find fault with the document, labelling it “a pitch to progressives” and a “fad”.

The document is more than that. It should be acknowledged as a significant and positive step in the right direction by Australia’s Treasury, in keeping with international best practice.

At the same time, it should be recognised that the measures being used need improvement, both in terms of regularity and how much they capture differences masked by national averages

Read more:
Chalmers ‘measures what matters’ – tracking our national wellbeing in 50 indicators

We’re late to this party

When the then shadow Treasurer Jim Chalmers outlined his plan for a wellbeing budget in 2020, his opposite number Josh Frydenberg mocked it as a “yoga mat and beads” approach to economic management.

But the need to shift away from using the blunt instruments of national income or gross domestic product (GDP) to measure progress has long been recognised. Even the inventor of GDP, Simon Kuznets, said a nation’s welfare can “scarcely be inferred from a measurement of national income”.

New Zealand, Wales, the United Kingdom, India and Canada are all ahead of Australia in adopting wellbeing frameworks to shape their budget decisions. International institutions such as the OECD and United Nations are working along similar lines.

The new statement is in some ways a restoration of the Treasury’s wellbeing framework developed in the early 2000s under the Howard government, championed by department head Ken Henry and inspired by the work of Nobel prizewinner Amartya Sen. It was quietly dropped in 2016 under the Turnbull government.

The problem with ‘average’ Australians

There are various approaches to measuring wellbeing. One way is to amend GDP by taking out “bad things” (pollution, loss of biodiversity, smoking) and include “good things” not currently included (such as unpaid caring work done in the home).

The approach of Measuring What Matters is to use a “dashboard” of 50 indicators of inclusion, fairness and equity over five areas: health, security, sustainability, cohesion and prosperity. The measures for health, for example, include life expectancy, mental health, prevalence of chronic conditions, and access to health and support services.

For these measures to be meaningful and useful to the budget process, they need to be both timely and capture differences in experiences between different groups – not just the “average”.

Averages can mask significant inequalities. As Paul Krugman put it, if Elon Musk walks into a bar then the average person there becomes a billionaire.

The unemployment rate is at a 50-year low, and average household income and wealth at record levels. But not all Australians are sharing in this. The Indigenous unemployment rate, for example, is still about three times the national average.

As the statement notes, “the whole of population indicators outlined in this Framework are not an accurate measure of First Nations wellbeing”.

Many wellbeing surveys show the importance of understanding the wellbeing of specific groups. For example, the national Carer Wellbeing Survey shows that unpaid carers have much lower wellbeing compared to the average Australian.

Regional wellbeing

Another area where average indicators may be inaccurate is in capturing the experience of people living in rural and remote areas.

Some aspects of wellbeing – such as social connection – are often higher in rural areas. But others are much poorer, such as access to health and social services. People in rural and remote areas are also more affected by drought, flood, fires and storms – events increasing in frequency and severity.

For example, the University of Canberra’s Regional Wellbeing Survey, conducted since 2013, has consistently shown that Australians living in outer regional and remote areas report poorer access to many services, including health, mobile phone and internet access.

Measuring What Matters shows they wait longer to see a doctor and have less trust in institutions. But many other indicators don’t have specific data for rural regions, and don’t provide insight into the often large differences in wellbeing of different rural communities.

Without measures to see how they are faring, we risk leaving rural areas behind.

Read more:
Australians’ national wellbeing shows a glass half full: Measuring What Matters report

The importance of up-to-date data

Chalmers has rightly referred to the new framework as an “iterative process”.

Yes, the data in some areas is outdated, such as the cost of rent or mortgages and financial security, which come from 2020 – predating the surge in rents and higher interest rates.

The only way to fix this is to provide the resources needed to collect more detailed information more often. This should include ensuring a sample of the many groups known to be at higher risk of low wellbeing but often under-represented in national data collections.

When seeking to move from simplistic to more complex ways of measuring social progress, it is easy to criticise gaps in data, or to suggest that it’s all too hard and we should default back to easier numbers and measures.

But while Measuring What Matters is limited by the scope of the data available, it is a step in the right direction.

Read more:
Australia’s first wellbeing framework is about to measure what matters – but it’s harder than counting GDP

John Hawkins worked in Treasury when it had a wellbeing framework. He contributed to a submission about the framework.

Jacki Schirmer receives funding from a number of organisations to conduct research examining the wellbeing and resilience of Australians. These currently include the Australian, Victorian, New South Wales and ACT governments.

– ref. Cheap shots aside, Chalmers has work to do to improve his new ‘wellbeing’ framework – https://theconversation.com/cheap-shots-aside-chalmers-has-work-to-do-to-improve-his-new-wellbeing-framework-207324

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emmanuel Stamatakis, Professor of Physical Activity, Lifestyle, and Population Health, University of Sydney

Physical activity has established benefits for health. The World Health Organization recommends adults do a minimum of 150–300 minutes of moderate or 75–150 minutes of vigorous activity each week. This can include active transport from place-to-place, exercise for fun and fitness, energetic housework or physical activity at work.

These amounts can be accrued by being, as the WHO recommends, regularly active throughout the week, or being a “weekend warrior” who does the bulk of their activity on one to two days only, which don’t need to be consecutive.

So far, experts haven’t fully established which of the two patterns is better for overall health. For many people, busy lifestyles may make it hard to be physically active every day. It may be more feasible to squeeze most physical activity and exercise into a few days.

Fresh analysis of the large UK Biobank database attempted to compare these two patterns of weekly activity and compare how they reduced cardiovascular risk for heart attacks, heart failure, irregular heart beat and stroke.

Read more:
Short bursts of physical activity during daily life may lower risk of premature death – new research

What the new study found

Researchers analysed records from 89,573 participants who wore a wrist activity tracker for seven days and were tracked for cardiovascular events for over six years.

Those who did less than the WHO recommended 150 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity per week were considered inactive. About a third (33.7%) of participants were inactive. Some 42.2% were active weekend warriors (they did at least 150 minutes and more than half of it occurred within one to two days) and 24% were regularly active (at least 150 minutes with most activity spread out over three or more days).

Researchers considered the potential factors that could explain the link between physical activity and new cases of cardiovascular events, such as smoking and alcohol intake. They found both active groups showed similarly lower risk of heart attack (a 27% reduction for weekend warriors and 35% for regularly active people, compared with inactive participants).

For heart failure, weekend warriors had a 38% lower risk than inactive people, while regular exercisers had a 36% lower risk. Irregular heartbeat risk was 22% lower for weekend warriors and 19% lower for regularly actively people. Stroke was 21% and 17% lower for weekend warriors and regular exercisers, respectively.

Not so fast. Some study limitations

Although the information was recorded by activity trackers, researchers did not consider on which days of the week the activity was done. Some people may have been active on Saturdays and Sundays, others might have chosen Wednesday and Friday – or different days each week. In that sense, the study examined a “pseudo-weekend warrior” pattern.

Despite the many advantages the UK Biobank activity trackers have over questionnaire-based studies, these trackers are not great at capturing strength-training exercise, such as weights or pilates, and other static activities that have established cardiovascular health benefits.

Read more:
Poor sleep is really bad for your health. But we found exercise can offset some of these harms

What other research in this area says

There have been several questionnaire based studies in this area in the past 20 years.

Our 2017 study, for example, combined data from 63,591 adults from England and Scotland and tracked them over 12 years. We looked at risk reductions for death from any cause, cardiovascular disease and cancer causes. We found similar benefits among people who clocked at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity or at least 75 minutes of vigorous-intensity physical activity in one to two sessions per week, compared with three sessions or more per week.

Our more recent studies used activity trackers and emphasised the flexibility of activity patterns that benefit the heart and circulation. We found doing short one-minute-long bouts of incidental vigorous physical activity three to four times a day can cut the risk of death from cardiovascular causes by almost half.

Similarly, in another study we found just 19 minutes of vigorous physical activity a week was associated with 40% reduction in the risk of cardiovascular death, with steadily increasing benefits to the maximum amount of vigorous activity recorded (110 minutes a week linked to a 75% risk reduction).

Read more:
Aiming for 10,000 steps? It turns out 7,000 could be enough to cut your risk of early death

What it means for you and your routine

Taken together, the new study and previous research suggest the same thing: if it is difficult to find time to be active during a busy week, it is good enough to plan moderate to vigorous physical activities in a couple of weekdays or in the weekend.

That said, there are benefits in being regularly physically active on most days of the week. A good session of aerobic exercise, for example, improves health indicators such as blood pressure, and blood glucose and cholesterol levels for a day or longer. Such effects can moderate some of the long-term health risks of these factors and assist with their day-to-day management.

But confirmation that we can be flexible about how physical activity is accumulated across the week for heart health benefits is encouraging. It offers more opportunities for more people to be active when it is convenient and practical for them.

Read more:
Why exercising your ‘good arm’ can also help the one in a sling

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Good news for weekend warriors: people who do much of their exercise on a couple of days still get heart benefits – https://theconversation.com/good-news-for-weekend-warriors-people-who-do-much-of-their-exercise-on-a-couple-of-days-still-get-heart-benefits-210053

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Holly Thorpe, Professor in Sociology of Sport and Gender, University of Waikato

The opening match of the FIFA Women’s World Cup in Auckland was a historic moment for women’s sport in New Zealand – and not just because the Football Ferns upset highly-ranked Norway to win one-nil.

Played in front of 42,137 noisy and enthusiastic fans, the game showed just how far football has come since women were discouraged or simply banned from playing, right up to the 1960s.

The previously most-attended football game in New Zealand was between the All Whites and Peru in 2017. For the women’s team, last night’s stadium was like nothing they’d experienced – the biggest crowd they’d played in front of until last night was 13,000 (against the USA at Eden Park earlier this year).

There had also been doubts leading up to the tournament. Many were asking why ticket sales were lagging, and the Football Ferns came into the competition on a ten-game losing streak (bar the pre-tournament win over Vietnam).

In hindsight, the delayed enthusiasm may have simply been a reflection of football’s traditionally second-tier status in New Zealand. Despite being among the most popular sports for children and young people (and at times the most played sport by New Zealanders), football has struggled for the kind of media attention enjoyed by rugby, cricket, and netball.

So the World Cup win by the Football Ferns signals an important milestone in New Zealanders’ relationship with the game – and women’s sport in general.

The long game

Women’s football has a long history in New Zealand, dating back to the first decade of the 20th century. But generations of talented and dedicated players have had to fight to play and be visible and respected within clubs and organisations.

As football researcher Alida Shanks has shown, women were banned from playing for 50 years because football wasn’t considered socially appropriate. From the 1960s, however, women began organising themselves, navigating space in male-dominated clubs, or creating their own associations.

Read more:
Long-range goals: can the FIFA World Cup help level the playing field for all women footballers?

This history of exclusion and marginalisation has had lasting effects, and can still be seen and felt in many clubs around the country. As Shanks has shown, 36% of women who work in New Zealand football federations feel they have been discriminated against, and 28% believe bias has limited their careers within their current organisations.

Yet despite the challenges, football’s popularity with girls and women has continued to grow. Participation rates have increased by over 35% since 2011, according to New Zealand Football (NZF).

This growth might be attributed to the growing visibility of the women’s game globally. But efforts by NZF and regional sports organisations have also made the game more accessible and exciting to a wider range of girls and women.

Top down and bottom up

We may also be seeing the fruits of significant government investment through the Sport NZ Women and Girls in Sport strategy. This long-term initiative has sought to improve opportunities for girls and women to participate in sport, active recreation and play – and to improve conditions for women as athletes and leaders.

The Women’s World Cup has also seen the game’s perennial underfunding turn around, with the government pledging NZ$19 million to upgrade facilities, including improved accessibility and gender-neutral spaces in some stadiums.

Read more:
From ‘girls’ to Lionesses: how newspaper coverage of women’s football has changed

The current minister of sport Grant Robertson has been a strong advocate, too, backing New Zealand hosting the “world cup trilogy” of cricket, rugby and now football.

But these top-down strategies have been matched by the many layers of women working tirelessly behind the scenes to promote, grow and develop sporting opportunities for girls and women at all levels.

Building the legacy

Those early fears that New Zealanders might not get behind the team, or fully recognise the significance of co-hosting such a globally significant sporting event, appear to have been unfounded.

In particular, the number of families with young children – girls and boys – who turned out to watch the Football Ferns dominate a former World Cup champion team suggests new generations will keep building the local game.

As Ferns captain Ali Riley proclaimed, with tears in her eyes, at the end of the match:

There have been a lot of doubters because of our previous results, but we believed in ourselves. This is what dreams are made of. Anything is possible.

Going in as underdogs, the Football Ferns gave the crowd exactly what they wanted – a reason to believe in and celebrate women’s athleticism and dedication, and to respect the long fight to play the sport they love.

The historic opening match will undoubtedly encourage New Zealanders to fill stadiums in Hamilton, Wellington and Dunedin over the coming weeks. If that happens, the ripple effects of this extraordinary game and the tournament in general will be felt across communities and seen on football fields for years to come.

Read more:
Will the Matildas and Football Ferns have a home ground advantage?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Football Ferns’ historic win in the World Cup opener scores another goal for all women’s sport in New Zealand – https://theconversation.com/the-football-ferns-historic-win-in-the-world-cup-opener-scores-another-goal-for-all-womens-sport-in-new-zealand-210184

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Warwick Smith, Research economist, The University of Melbourne

Today’s release of the Commonwealth Treasury’s Measuring What Matters statement is an important step towards better government decision-making and a shared vision for the Australia we want, but it’s only the first step.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers has long talked about broadening our measures of success beyond the traditional ones of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), inflation and unemployment.

The wellbeing framework announced today is an attempt to bring those ideas into being. The need for different economic thinking is demonstrated in many ways, including the current housing crisis, worsening climate change, the loss of biodiversity and increases in financial stress and mental illness.

The new framework consists of a dashboard of 50 indicators, grouped under five themes, which seek to broaden our collective ambition beyond things such as GDP.

Developing a wellbeing framework brings Australia into line with many forward-thinking democracies, including the five members of the Wellbeing Economy government partnership: Finland, Iceland, New Zealand, Scotland and Wales.

But creating such an economy requires more than a dashboard.

The Wellbeing Economy Alliance, a global collaboration of people and organisations working for a wellbeing economy, has developed five “tests” of a genuine wellbeing economy:

• Does the economy provide everyone with what is needed to live a life of dignity and purpose?

• Does the economy restore, protect, and cherish the natural environment and is the economy guided by the principles of interconnection and indivisibility of human, animal, plant, and environmental health?

• Does the economy value activities and behaviours by their contribution to social and ecological wellbeing?

• Is the economy designed to ensure a just distribution of income, wealth, power, and time?

• Is the shape and form of the economy locally rooted and determined by people’s active voices?

From metrics to meaningful change

Encouragingly, the statement says measurement is only the beginning.

It says the next step will be integrating the framework into decision making.

Consistent with our international counterparts, we will be looking for opportunities to embed the Framework into government decision-making. This will involve guidance for agencies to inform policy development and evaluation.

This won’t be easy. While the metrics in the framework will be useful for tracking progress and sparking action aimed at reversing negative trends and building on successes, international examples tell us it’s hard to use a framework built from 50 different metrics to work out what to do.

It can turn compliance into a box-ticking exercise, when what’s really needed is a paradigm shift.

Read more:
Beyond GDP: Chalmers’ historic moment to build wellbeing

Learning from others’ failures and successes

Wales found a way around this through a national conversation that eventually led to the Wellbeing of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015. That act requires public bodies to use sustainable development as guiding principle and to work to achieve seven goals that reflect the values and aspirations of the Welsh people.

Those goals include prosperity, resilience, health, equality, global responsibility, cultural vibrancy and connection – not dissimilar to the themes in Measuring What Matters.

Where the Welsh goals differ from those in Australia’s Measuring What Matters statement is that they have a democratic mandate, and all Welsh public authorities are legally obligated to work towards achieving all of them.

Realising the potential of Measuring What Matters will require the support and vigilance of the Australian people. Australians, and the government, will need to be willing to experiment and sometimes fail.

It took Wales three attempts at developing a wellbeing framework before it landed on the Wellbeing of Future Generations Act.

Read more:
‘Wellbeing’ will give future budgets more rigour than any before

It is encouraging that treasury and the treasurer are openly saying that what was released on Friday is only the start of a conversation about measures of progress.

Measuring what matters, when the people have been robustly engaged in defining what matters, is a vital precondition for the economic system change Australia needs.

Read more:
Australians’ national wellbeing shows a glass half full: Measuring What Matters report

Warwick Smith is a Program Director at the Centre for Policy Development and the Chair of the Castlemaine Institute.

– ref. Today’s Measuring What Matters statement is just a first step – now we have to turn goals into action – https://theconversation.com/todays-measuring-what-matters-statement-is-just-a-first-step-now-we-have-to-turn-goals-into-action-209879

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katie Pickles, Professor of History, University of Canterbury

Spoiler alert: this review contains plot details of the film.

At last – after the hype and advance mass-merchandising – the Barbie movie is here. Part spoof, part action fantasy, part Barbie doll virtual museum, it’s a full-blown product placement experience – but ironic as much as iconic.

The movie sets off feeling like a post-pandemic party. It’s an opportunity to be frivolous after a time of adversity, and to reclaim the pink of life – especially, perhaps, for fun-starved Gen Z. Given Barbie first appeared in 1959 as a baby boomer’s plastic mini-mannequin, dress-up fashion doll, that’s real inter-generational reach.

But to early critics, the doll evoked the mass production of white, American tween culture. To feminists seeking women’s liberation, Barbie symbolised a culture that objectified women, treating them quite literally as living dolls.

All this is captured in the first part of the film, where “Stereotypical Barbie” and “Just Beach Ken” are brilliantly brought to life by Margot Robbie and Ryan Gosling. The film playfully toys with the long history of Barbie debates, subtly feeding into the backstory.

Just as impressively, no expense has been spared on set and accessory design. Watching the actors breathe, think, move and play like dolls is hilarious and spooky.

Of course, real people playing dolls might suggest those feminist fears have been realised. Except for the fact that Barbie Land in this film is an empowering matriarchy, full of dreams coming true, and where the dolls are leading perfect lives of substance.

Unlike real-world America, there is a woman president. Equity, diversity and the acceptance of all body types are on display. All of which support Barbie manufacturer Mattel’s claim to create the dolls as “role models” for women’s advancement in a changing world.

And then the aspirational matriarchy starts to malfunction. Stereotypical Barbie develops bad breath, flat feet, cellulite and a fear of death. A leak in the portal to the Real World means dark and crazy drawings by that Barbie’s owner are having a voodoo effect. She must travel there to sort things out.

‘I am Kennough’

The movie turns dark, with tag-along Ken discovering patriarchy in the Real World and taking it back to Barbie Land. With Ken largely invisible in the film’s merchandising and girls-night-out launches, we’ve been set up for the surprising plot twist.

Gosling proceeds to own the screen and make this the Ken Movie. He rejects being “just Ken” and instead acts, dances, prowls and flexes to steal the show. (He calms down later, accepting that Barbie does not want to be his girlfriend.)

An appendage no more, it is Ken, not Barbie, who whines about blonde fragility and every night being a girls’ night, and who now sings of seeking to push women around and take them for granted.

Read more:
Greta Gerwig’s Barbie movie is a ‘feminist bimbo’ classic – and no, that’s not an oxymoron

This is where the movie is at its most profound. Ken, not Barbie, is the victim of sexism. As Barbie has flourished, Ken has been left behind. Kens are the objectified, excluded second sex.

There are echoes here of the American feminist Susan Faludi’s writings. In the early 1990s, she saw feminism as being defined in a sign hoisted by a little girl at the 1970 Women’s Strike for Equality march: I AM NOT A BARBIE DOLL.

By the end of that decade she described the betrayal of the American man, and a crisis of masculinity. Emasculated men, she wrote, were left behind in the wake of women’s progress. But as the inhabitants of Barbie Land discover in the film, matriarchy can be just as damaging as patriarchy. Better to mix pink and blue to make purple instead of them competing.

Rejects save the day

Writer-director Greta Gerwig and her collaborator (and husband) Noah Baumbach feed the dichotomy of being “for” or “against” Barbie. But they ultimately render that debate history.

Enter Weird Barbie (Kate McKinnon) and Alan (Michael Cera), outcasts and rejects of Barbie Land, who want “nobody in the shadows”. These are the real heroes who save the day, deprogramming the brainwashed Barbies. It is one more layer of irony in a film about a doll once accused of brainwashing girls.

Indeed, when Barbie cries at one point about being ugly, providing irony within irony, narrator Helen Mirren steps in to suggest that Margot Robbie was probably not the right actress to cast to make that point.

Read more:
How I learned to stop worrying and love the doll – a feminist philosopher’s journey back to Barbie

By the end of the film, Barbie has become real and ordinary. Replete with genitalia, she liberates herself from her plastic-fantastic dream world – without Ken – to live in the unruly real world. In a full circle, the doll becomes human.

So, must women’s empowerment come at men’s expense? The historian of patriarchy Gerda Lerner once addressed this very question. She said the idea was an outmoded construct that

no longer serves the needs of men or women and in its inextricable linkage to militarism, hierarchy, and racism it threatens the very existence of life on earth.

As in the finale of Gerwig’s film, Lerner’s feminist vision was for everybody to stand in the sunshine. In a world emerging from COVID and grappling with the general grimness of war and climate change, Gerwig’s Barbie is both an exuberant opiate and a comment on the state of global feminism.

Perhaps most ironically, however, it may signal market saturation for Barbie. Surely this must be her peak moment, a massive last hurrah, after which the doll and all she has represented for over 60 years recede into history. Then again, Hollywood loves a sequel.

Katie Pickles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. In Greta Gerwig’s Barbie Land, the matriarchy can be just as bad as the patriarchy – https://theconversation.com/in-greta-gerwigs-barbie-land-the-matriarchy-can-be-just-as-bad-as-the-patriarchy-209317

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kaitlin Cook, DECRA Fellow, Department of Nuclear Physics and Accelerator Applications, Australian National University

I would like to know what a nuclear bomb actually does – Rafael, age 11, Melbourne

Hi Rafael!

A nuclear bomb, like any bomb, makes an explosion by releasing an enormous amount of energy at once. Nuclear bombs just use a different process from other bombs.

You may have heard of atoms. These are the super-tiny particles that make up matter – which in turn makes everything around us (and us).

Nuclear bombs work by changing the cores of atoms to turn them into other types of atoms. This process releases a lot of heat energy, which quickly gets converted into a big wave of pressure: an explosion!

What are nuclei?

Nuclear bombs release much more energy than normal bombs that use chemicals such as TNT. This is because the cores of atoms are held together very strongly. But before I get into that, let me explain some of the basics.

Atoms themselves are made up of even smaller particles called protons, neutrons and electrons. A cloud of electrons surrounds a tiny inner core made of protons and neutrons. This core is called the nucleus, and more than one nucleus are called nuclei.

Chemical reactions happen when electrons are rearranged, whereas nuclear reactions happen when protons and neutrons inside the nucleus are rearranged.

There are two types of nuclear bombs. In the case of “fission” bombs, nuclei that have a lot of protons and neutrons – such as those in a very dense metal called uranium – are split apart.

In another type of nuclear bomb called a “fusion” bomb, two very small nuclei – such as the cores of two hydrogen atoms – are stuck together.

But fission bombs are simpler and more common, so let’s talk about those.

Chain reactions

Some nuclei don’t take very much energy at all to split apart, such as those in some types of uranium or plutonium atoms (plutonium is another dense metal which has 94 protons in its nuclei).

These nuclei will sometimes fission even when they’re just sitting around. When a nucleus fissions, it turns into two smaller nuclei and spits out a few neutrons.

However, one nucleus doing this isn’t a big deal. To make an explosion, you need to have a certain amount of uranium together in one spot.

For instance, a fission bomb would usually use a very purified sphere of uranium weighing about 52kg. Even this would have to use certain types of uranium in which the atoms have a specific number of neutrons.

If you have enough of these atoms together in one spot, the neutrons that are spit out during fission will hit other nuclei, which then also fission and spit out more neutrons – and so it continues in a chain reaction that sets off a massive explosion.

An unexploded fission bomb will usually be holding separate pieces of uranium (or plutonium) that are too small to start the chain reaction on their own. A chemical explosive is used to smash the pieces together – triggering the chain reaction that sets the bomb off.

Fallout

After fission happens, the two smaller nuclei that are left over are radioactive. Having enough of them in one spot can be very harmful to human health.

These leftovers after a nuclear explosion are called “fallout”. Besides the huge size of the explosion itself, the fallout in particular is what makes nuclear bombs more dangerous than other bombs. The technology used to make nuclear weapons is some of the most secret information in the world.

Nuclear bombs have only ever been used twice. Both of these bombs were detonated during World War II, by the United States against Japan. People around the world are working hard to make sure they are never used again.

Kaitlin Cook receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Curious Kids: what does a nuclear bomb actually do? – https://theconversation.com/curious-kids-what-does-a-nuclear-bomb-actually-do-208475

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Graeme Smith, Associate professor, Australian National University

A week-long trip to Beijing by the Pacific’s most flamboyant statesman Manasseh Sogavare, was always going to cause concern in Canberra.

The substance of the visit was as expected. The relationship between China and the Solomon Islands was upgraded to a “comprehensive strategic partnership” (on par with Papua New Guinea, the first Pacific nation to sign up to the Belt and Road Initiative). Nine agreements were also signed covering everything from civil aviation and infrastructure to fisheries and tourism.

The Chinese premier, Li Qiang, who inked the deals with Sogavare, made a point of not mentioning the controversial policing cooperation agreement, the draft of which was leaked more than a year ago to New Zealand academic Anna Powles.

Despite repeated calls from Australia and New Zealand to release the text of the policing agreement, there is no indication the Chinese or the Solomon Islands leadership will do so.

There were also moments of theatre in Sogavare’s trip. The prime minister declared “I’m back home” when he arrived in Beijing in a clip posted by China Global Television Network.

He then said in a longer interview on the same network that his nation had been “on the wrong side of history” for the 36 years it recognised Taiwan instead of the People’s Republic of China, and lauded President Xi Jinping as a “great man”.

Sogavare saved his biggest serve for his return to the Solomon Islands, though. He accused Australia and New Zealand of withdrawing crucial budget support and hinted he would look to China to fulfil his ambitions to establish an armed forces, should Australia be unwilling to help.

China’s slow start in the Pacific

Some key questions have been overlooked this week in the pantomime about what Australia should or shouldn’t do to shore up its relationship with an important Pacific partner. (We could start by accepting that Sogavare will never love us, and avoid getting into an arms race in the Solomon Islands with China.)

What’s been somewhat lost, though, is how China has made inroads so quickly in a region that it still officially classifies as “peripheral”.

Read more:
In the wake of the China-Solomon Islands pact, Australia needs to rethink its Pacific relationships

China has certainly had to work harder to gain a foothold in the region. Relative to other regions, it has a lack of historical state ties with the Pacific. In Africa and Southeast Asia, China can draw on memories of shared anti-colonial struggles and aid projects like the Tanzam railway. In the Pacific, the Chinese Communist Party is a latecomer.

Also holding it back is the remoteness and small population of the region. This has not made the Pacific a good fit for China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which has flourished in countries with rapid transport and communication links, substantial Chinese diasporas and leaders who are easily reached. Most of China’s own Pacific experts were baffled when the region was belatedly included in the project.

Yet despite these obstacles, it’s clear the Chinese state’s approach in the Pacific has shifted, most remarkably in its diplomacy and the role state-linked companies are expected to play.

Diplomats with serious intent

China’s wolf warrior diplomacy has received plenty of attention, but the picture in the Pacific is less straightforward.

The recently appointed special envoy to the Pacific, Qian Bo, undoubtedly styles himself as a wolf warrior. Under his tenure as Fijian ambassador, a Taiwanese representative was assaulted by Chinese diplomats for the crime of displaying a Taiwanese flag cake.

Yet, other appointments suggest China is appointing higher-calibre diplomats to the region. These include Li Ming, the current ambassador to the Solomon Islands, and Xue Bing, the former ambassador to Papua New Guinea who now holds the challenging post of special envoy to the Horn of Africa.

With experience in the region and good language skills, these diplomats have been more able to engage with Pacific communities than their predecessors, who largely focused on sending good news back to Beijing. More serious representatives suggest more serious intent.

Chinese companies exerting influence, too

China’s state-linked companies remain the driving force behind China’s engagement with the Pacific.

Unlike the embassies, they are well-resourced and have skin in the game. Many company men (in construction, where Chinese companies dominate, they’re mostly men) are based in the region for decades, developing a deep understanding of how to win projects and influence political elites.

Failed projects generate plenty of headlines, but many companies – such as COVEC PNG and China Railway First Group – are effective operators. They are building infrastructure cheaply in the Pacific and winning the favour of multilateral donors, particularly the Asian Development Bank.

For larger state-linked companies, like China Harbor Engineering Company and the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), the geopolitical game has shifted. In the past, they could rely on their standing within the Chinese political system (their parent companies often outrank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) to resist pressure to act on behalf of state.

Now, they are expected to carry geopolitical water for Beijing. Often this can benefit the companies. For instance, when CCECC lobbied the Solomon Islands leadership to switch their allegiance from Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China, it helped the company when it came to bidding for projects for the Pacific Games in Honiara.

The leaders of these companies realise it can harm their image when they are seen as Beijing’s pawns. Yet, the companies, diplomats and Pacific leaders who choose Beijing’s embrace know times have changed. China is now a serious player in the region with a development philosophy to sell.

It’s no longer enough to read Beijing’s talking points. You have to look like you mean it.

Read more:
Saying China ‘bought’ a military base in the Solomons is simplistic and shows how little Australia understands power in the Pacific

Graeme Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. China is playing the long game in the Pacific. Here’s why its efforts are beginning to pay off – https://theconversation.com/china-is-playing-the-long-game-in-the-pacific-heres-why-its-efforts-are-beginning-to-pay-off-209960

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Claudio Bozzi, Lecturer in Law, Deakin University

A little-known organisation is meeting this week in a conference centre in Jamaica. The rules the International Seabed Authority (ISA) are drafting could have immense impact.

That’s because this United Nations body has the power to permit – or deny – mining on the deep seabed, outside any nation’s exclusive economic zones. Boosters say the billions of tonnes of critical minerals like nickel, manganese, copper and cobalt lying in metal-dense nodules on the seabed could unlock faster decarbonisation and avoid supply shortages.

Developing Pacific nation Nauru has led the charge to open up the seabed for mining, seeing it as a new source of income. (Ironically, Nauru itself was strip-mined for guano, leaving a moonscape and few resources.)

But researchers warn the mining could trash entire ecosystems, by ripping up the sea floor or covering creatures with sediment. Early indications from trial mining efforts suggest the process is worse than expected, with long-lasting impact on sealife.

Almost 20 governments are calling for a moratorium or slowdown on mining. But China, Russia and South Korea are pushing for mining to begin.

The ISA has already missed its July 9 deadline to produce regulations governing seabed mining. That could mean we’re heading for a deep-sea free-for-all.

Why mine the deep sea at all?

Because no one owns it, and because parts of it are rich in easily accessible metals (once you get to the bottom, that is). Land-based mining usually involves processing vast volumes of rock, taking out the minerals you want and leaving the tailings behind. But on the seabed, things are different.

The main area prospectors are eyeing off is the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, an abyssal plain 4,000–5,000 metres deep east of Hawaii. Here, plate tectonics and underwater volcanoes have produced huge numbers of polymetallic nodules, accretions of minerals about 10-15 centimetres wide. They grow glacially slowly, about one centimetre every million years. But there are a lot of them – an estimated 21 billion tonnes in this zone alone, according to the ISA.

By 2050, demand for nickel and cobalt to make electric vehicle batteries could grow by up to 500%, according to the World Bank. That’s why companies like Nauru’s partner, The Metals Company, are investing in this type of mining.

Seabed mining, they argue, is an environmentally better option than expanding land-based mining into more challenging locations, mining low-grade ore bodies and risking contaminating waterways.

Boosters say seabed mining in international waters avoids the risk of dominance by a few countries or suppliers. For instance, the Ukraine-Russia war has hit battery grade nickel availability, as Russia is the primary global supplier.

Read more:
A rush is on to mine the deep seabed, with effects on ocean life that aren’t well understood

But what about the environment?

This is the sticking point. The seabed in question is a pristine environment. While fishing trawlers already tear up large areas of seafloor to devastating effect, mining would open up even more of the seabed.

Opposition has come from many conservation organisations, civil society representatives, governments like Canada, Germany, Fiji and Papua New Guinea. They want a moratorium on seabed mining based on the precautionary principle – not acting until we know what impact it will have. They argue we lack the technology to monitor the seabed and knowledge of the ecosystems of the deep, meaning we cannot be certain seabed mining can proceed without causing serious and long lasting harm. Early research shows this type of mining can be destructive.

Should the ISA have the power to decide this?

It took 25 years for the UN to negotiate the law of the sea treaty. The treaty is clear about how we should protect and use the seabed, as part of the “common heritage of mankind”. The ISA was created to steward these commons, with the power to make rules in international waters. These cover two-thirds of the world’s oceans and 90% of known polymetallic nodule deposits.

The problem is many governments and organisations don’t think it’s fit for purpose.

The ISA is, like some other UN bodies, a complex bureaucracy and has been criticised for lacking transparency. Even though all 167 nations which signed the law of the sea treaty are automatically ISA members, critical decisions can be made with far fewer.

Applications to mine the seabed are approved or denied by the ISA’s council, which has 36 members. Council decisions stem from recommendations by a legal and technical commission, made up of 30 members appointed by the council. Dominated by lawyers and geologists, this commission, according to NGOs and governments, has ignored comments and critique. Only a handful of the members have environmental expertise.

The council is also geared towards mineral extraction, with many members elected on the basis they already export minerals like nickel and manganese, have invested heavily in seabed mining technology, and already use significant volumes of these minerals.

The ISA’s secretary general Michael Lodge was earlier this year criticised by the German government for allegedly pushing to permit mining, an accusation Lodge rejected.

So is it a done deal?

Ideally, the authority would have more time to develop rigorous rules based on good environmental assessments.

But time is up. Two years ago, Nauru triggered a clause giving the ISA two years to produce a mining code and rules – a feat it had not previously managed. Those two years were up on July 9th and the code isn’t out. That means it’s now legally possible to lodge mining applications.

So because of the delays, we may be heading for a future where seabed mining becomes legal by default – without rules to govern it at all.

Read more:
Deep seabed mining plans pit renewable energy demand against ocean life in a largely unexplored frontier

Claudio Bozzi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Mining the seabed for clean-tech minerals could destroy ecosystems. Will it get the green light? – https://theconversation.com/mining-the-seabed-for-clean-tech-minerals-could-destroy-ecosystems-will-it-get-the-green-light-209690

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John G Conran, Senior Lecturer in Evolutionary Biology, University of Adelaide

One of New Zealand’s most exceptional fossil sites may soon be open to scientists again following a land purchase that saved it from commercial mining.

Foulden Maar is a small, deep lake that formed 23 million years ago in Otago, at the start of the Miocene epoch when New Zealand’s climate was much warmer and wetter. A rainforest thrived around the lake’s fringes, and algae known as diatoms bloomed each summer.

As the algal blooms died off and sank to the lake bed, they formed sedimentary layers of diatomite and preserved the most exquisite and delicate fossils of flowers, insects and fish as well as a climate record covering 100,000 years.

But the diatomite was also of interest to mining company Plaman Resources – until, following long negotiations, the Dunedin City Council bought most of the land earlier this year.

Fossil sites are relatively common, but examples representing entire ecosystems are extremely rare. Foulden Maar is one of only two such sites in New Zealand that preserve ecological interactions and features such as eyes, skin, stomach contents and original colour patterns.

Such sites yield remarkable information about the history of life, which is impossible to obtain from other sources.

The other site is the nearby Hindon Maar complex, which is 15 million years old.
Both sites preserve ecosystems of small crater lakes and the animals and plants of surrounding rainforests. Recent discoveries at these sites are transforming our understanding of New Zealand’s past biodiversity and climate.

Read more:
New Zealand’s fossil record suggests more species lived in warmer waters. But the current rate of warming may break this pattern

Lake ecosystems: freshwater galaxiids and eels

All fossils of the iconic southern-hemisphere family Galaxiidae derive from Otago Miocene lake deposits, with the entire life cycle from larvae (whitebait) to juveniles and fully grown adults present at Foulden Maar.

Remarkable preservation of numerous articulated skeletons includes eyes, gaping mouths and skin, the last including the star-like patterning that gave galaxiids their name.

Gut contents and an abundance of fossilised poo (coprolites) provide evidence of a changing diet. Larvae dined on diatoms while adults were lake-margin ambush predators feeding on terrestrial and aquatic insects. Fish debris in other less common coprolites show the galaxiids were themselves prey.

Slender, elongated articulated fish skeletons with rows of curved conical teeth provide the only southern-hemisphere records of the freshwater eel, Anguilla. This was likely the top predator in these lakes.

Trapped in these small, closed lakes, the eels would have been unable to return to the sea to breed and were effectively “living dead”, unlike the galaxiids which could reproduce in the maars.

Forest ecosystems: insects, spiders, leaves, flowers

These ancient maar lakes also contain a treasure trove of spiders and insects. When our research programme began in 2003, only six fossil insects more than two million years old were known from New Zealand. We now have more than 600, almost all different.

Foulden Maar has yielded 270 insects from 17 genera in 15 families and nine orders.

Spiders are commonly the top terrestrial invertebrate predators in modern New Zealand forests, but rarely fossilise because they lack hard parts. But in Foulden Maar, we found several specimens, including a juvenile trapdoor spider.

Early studies at Hindon Maar have already added 240 more insects in five orders and 20 families.

Insects are often completely preserved with details of antennae, fragile wings and compound eyes visible.

Fossils from the Foulden and Hindon maars include ancient lineages of termites, armoured scale insects in life position along leaf veins, bark bugs and a lace bug that probably lived on Astelia (kakaha, bush lily) as its close living relative does today.

Others include leaf beetles with structural colour, weevils, rove beetles, numerous ants and wasps, caddis flies with larvae still in their cases, crane flies with well preserved compound eyes and a hairy cicada whose closest relative today is found in Tasmania.

These taxa are only the tip of the taxonomic iceberg. Hundreds more terrestrial arthropods are also being revealed in our research on inclusions in New Zealand amber – 90 specimens in one block of layered amber alone.

Read more:
New Zealand should celebrate its remarkable prehistoric past with national fossil emblems – have your say!

Rainforest leaves and flowers

Myriad leaves with excellent preservation show that both maars were surrounded by subtropical to warm, temperate rainforests, dominated by members of the laurel and cinnamon plant families at Foulden Maar and a southern beech forest at Hindon.

To date we have recorded at least 100 species from 35 plant families between the sites, including many taxa now extinct locally, but with relatives still living in New Caledonia, Australia and South America.

Of particular importance are diverse fossil flowers with reproductive structures such as petals, stamens and anthers with pollen still present, as well as abundant fossilised fruits and seeds.

These reproductive structures are treasures of a different kind – fragile, seasonal and fleeting. But they provide critical information about the ecology of the parent plants and their possible pollination and dispersal mechanisms.

Close comparisons to the biology of living plants also suggest the fossil species reproduced in a similar manner to their living relatives. This implies that reproductive mechanisms were conserved for 23 million years in the New Zealand flora.

Currently, the Dunedin City Council is exploring management options for the site, which will once again allow public and scientific access to this remarkable fossil-rich, ancient lake deposit well into the future.

John G Conran received funding from the Royal Society of New Zealand Marsden Fund (11-UOO-043 and 14-UOO-102) towards this research

Uwe Kaulfuss receives funding from the German Research Foundation (project 429296833).

Daphne Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Life in maars: why it’s worth protecting a spectacular fossil site NZ almost lost to commercial mining interests – https://theconversation.com/life-in-maars-why-its-worth-protecting-a-spectacular-fossil-site-nz-almost-lost-to-commercial-mining-interests-209123