Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ari Mattes, Lecturer in Communications and Media, University of Notre Dame Australia

This review may contain spoilers.

One of the socially redeeming features of mass media has always been its communal aspect, the fact people are drawn together into a shared experience based on network programming. Of course, this, in the English-speaking world at least, has been driven by the desire for profit through selling advertising space to corporations.

In the era of narrowcasting, smaller and smaller audiences can now be targeted online, on various social media sites and channels, on podcast and other apps, and on streaming services, so we feel like we are now able to consume what we want, when we want, even as megacorporations still control the content, and it’s still produced for profit. The result of this is greater social atomisation.

Monolith, the new Australian film from first-time feature director Matt Vesely and writer Lucy Campbell, is one of the first Australian films to critically navigate the ramifications of narrowcasting technology.

The film follows a podcast journalist, brilliantly played by Lily Sullivan, as she investigates a lead from an anonymous email for her latest show, “Beyond Believable: A Show that Unmasks the Mysteries.”

People around the world have been receiving mysterious black bricks – from Germany to the US to Australia – and this seems suitable fodder for an episode.

Her investigation takes her across the globe and back through time to the 1980s and the Cold War. We watch as she interviews people, often using ethically dubious practices, and assembles the material entirely from inside her home.

The show becomes rapidly successful – we, as well as the main character, recognise its ridiculousness, and this seems to be a dig at new media culture: the idea that this kind of sensationalist, alien-hunting garbage would capture the hearts and minds of the world is preposterous.

Her life, mirroring the investigation, becomes increasingly strange as her own repressed history begins to surface. The dark, moody interiors of her house begin to suggest the inside of a black brick. She starts looking sick, she smokes obsessively, she trembles with anxiety.

What is the monolith?

What is the brick, the monolith of the film’s title? We never definitively find out (which some viewers will surely find annoying). The bricks communicate with each recipient in a personal language related to their memory and history, reflecting their hopes, prejudices and – most pronouncedly – paranoid nightmares.

They may be some kind of alien artefacts that communicate with the recipient “from far, far away,” as Klaus, a German art collector and brick recipient says to the journalist. Or as a recipient from Ohio says, “It’s trying to tell me something and I’ve got to listen […] Something awful is coming.”

Maybe the bricks are an allegory for the contemporary world and the disappearance of social bonds, representing the alienation structured into personal (or narrowcast) communication systems. The obscurity with which the film represents the bricks seems to call for this kind of allegorical reading.

The portrayal of a single character’s descent into a living nightmare could easily become hammy, but Sullivan manages to keep the viewer entranced with her controlled, brilliantly understated performance. Joining Sullivan are the voices of some well-known Australian actors including Damon Herriman, Kate Box and Erik Thomson.

The strange solitude of interpersonal communication

The strange solitude of interpersonal communication in the global information economy underpins the whole thing, and the screen is replete with a plethora of different technologies reflecting this – talking head videos online, audio recording, editing and streaming, mobile phones, smart houses, close-ups of digital text.

We see, first hand, the sadness (and terror) of the journalist’s solitude and alienation – all she seems to do (alarmingly, perhaps, like many people in a post-COVID world) is talk to people on the phone and look stuff up on the internet. At the same time, we watch her go about the day-to-day business of living – making food in the kitchen, eating, showering at night – her deep solitude foregrounded throughout.

The final section of the film is a touch underwhelming, with the whole thing resolving too neatly in a personal register (whereas what had driven the enigma of the bricks was their social aspect – the fact people all over the world had also received a brick).

Rather than developing into a full-on surreal nightmare (which would have made a better film, one suspects, in the vein of media horror thrillers like Lost Highway or The Ring, the ripples of which radiate throughout this) everything comes together in a way that seems a bit too neat.

There are carefully dispensed echoes of class critique thrown in, fitting the current strain of fantastic cinema that seems to think a film needs an explicitly polemical dimension to speak to the zeitgeist.

Similarly, the doomed, portentous tone becomes a little annoying in the final third – it feels like a space film, but without the necessary existential dread that space elicits – and there is a fair quotient of nonsense underpinning the narrative.

Despite this, Monolith remains an effective fantasy-thriller, remarkably engaging given its limitations – one location, one actor (well, two, including pet turtle Ian).

It’s also refreshing to see a high concept Australian film, as opposed to the usual social realist and period dramas.

Like an episode of Black Mirror – but without the heavy-handedness of many episodes of that show – Monolith thinks through the cultural and social implications of new technologies. It considers how we both reflect and are shaped by technology.

Monolith is a decidedly low-key film, but this should not be mistaken for dull. It is an arresting chiller, extremely tightly performed and made, low budget and, thankfully – and unlike virtually everything else playing in cinemas today – not overlong. Given its interest in contemporary audio-visual technologies, it will probably play best in the cinema, one of the last communal bastions against the blissful and anonymously smooth technological hell of narrowcasting.

Monolith is in cinemas from October 26.

Ari Mattes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Monolith considers the cultural and social implications of new technology, without overdoing it – https://theconversation.com/monolith-considers-the-cultural-and-social-implications-of-new-technology-without-overdoing-it-213645

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Sims, Associate Professor in Commericial Law, University of Auckland

There was time when the family washing machine would last decades, with each breakdown fixed by the friendly local repairman. But those days are long gone.

Today, it is often faster, easier and cheaper to replace household items, even when they are meant to be repairable.

This is not just a consumer issue. Only about 2% of New Zealand’s e-waste is recycled, meaning most of our electrical goods are ending up in landfills.

And the problem is likely to worsen as more appliances use software. This allows manufacturers to limit the lifespan of their products. Copyright rules on that software are making repairs even more difficult – and potentially illegal.

So what can be done to protect consumers and the environment from appliances with deliberately short lives? Our research found changes are needed to a range of laws, including copyright law, to enshrine the consumer’s “right to repair”. The government can look overseas to see how this can be done.

The right to repair

The concept of a “right to repair” is relatively vague. But essentially, products need to be designed to last longer and be repairable.

Manufacturers also need to ensure repairs can be done with commonly available tools, and that spare parts and repair information are available.

Read more:
If you buy it, why can’t you fix it? Here’s why we still don’t have the ‘right to repair’

While there is no single definition or set of requirements, a number of countries (including the United Kingdom, France, Australia and parts of the United States) are introducing laws establishing the right to repair, albeit to varying degrees.

But New Zealand has yet to make, or indeed propose, any such legislation.

Beyond repair – software locks

Crucially, the right to repair is not limited to simply repairing broken electronics and appliances.

Increasingly, manufacturers are using software to control how products are used through “software locks”, also known as digital locks.

For example, these have been used to stop printers working at the end of their pre-programmed life or if the owner stops paying a monthly subscription.

Consumers are then forced to choose between using expensive authorised repairers to “service” the printer, to continue paying a subscription, or to throw away their “bricked” appliance (one that has become as functional as a brick).

Software locks are also used to prevent repairs by the owner or independent repairers, even if genuine spare parts are being used.

Copyright infringement

Hacking a software lock is possible, but it can be a technical challenge and also a legal nightmare. Professional repairers are concerned about infringing copyright and other intellectual property rights if they repair items.

And they have every reason to be worried, with manufacturers using “intellectual property as a weapon” against independent repairers.

In New Zealand, software locks called “technology protection measures” (TPMs), are protected under the Copyright Act. Independent repairers who circumvent a TPM to repair or maintain a product are committing an offence and if prosecuted are liable for a fine of up to NZ$150,000 or up to five years in prison, or both.

But some countries have recognised that manufacturers are illegitimately using copyright to prevent repair. In the US there are narrow exceptions for circumventing software locks to repair some goods. But these are temporary and need to be reconsidered and renewed every three years.

A proposed amendment to the Canadian Copyright Act would allow the circumvention of TPMs. The amendment is currently moving through the legislative process and is expected to pass.

Parts pairing

The growing practice of “parts pairing” – allowing manufacturers to prevent a product operating correctly, if at all, after the installation of a spare part – means circumventing TPMs will not resolve all the software lock issues.

It’s a complex problem and any ban on parts pairing would require careful consideration.

Overseas, Apple has a “self-service repair” programme, meant to allow independent repairs of Apple products. In practice, the programme has been largely unworkable due to Apple’s demands – including handing over customers’ personal information, agreeing to years of audits, and signing non-disclosure agreements simply to get the parts.

Read more:
Families count the costs as big tech fails to offer cheap phone, laptop and fridge repairs

Some of the harm of parts pairing could be mitigated by implementing a repairability label scheme, as introduced in France.

Such schemes require manufacturers to include labels outlining the repairibility of an item, and what it is likely to cost. This helps consumers make an informed decision about what they are buying, but it also requires an independent watchdog to ensure the information is accurate.

While the global right-to-repair movement is growing, none of the solutions being implemented overseas are straightforward, and all require significant legislative effort.

That said, New Zealand needs to address the issue of product reliability and longevity as an environmental issue and a consumer right.

Alexandra Sims is a member of the Right to Repair Coalition Aotearoa, which is advocating for right to repair legislation in New Zealand. She also served as a board member of ConsumerNZ between 2009-2015.

Trish O’Sullivan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Too many products are easier to throw away than fix – NZ consumers deserve a ‘right to repair’ – https://theconversation.com/too-many-products-are-easier-to-throw-away-than-fix-nz-consumers-deserve-a-right-to-repair-216334

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Last weekend Australia had a big win when China agreed to review over the next five months its prohibitive tariffs on Australian wine, This weekend Trade Minister Don Farrell hopes to finally land a long-awaited free trade deal with the European Union, for which negotiations have been going on for years.

Farrell tells the Conversation’s podcast that if agreement can’t be reached, Australia will need to walk away because the Europeans will be entering election season.

At the end of the day, my job is to make a decision on the national interest. And if on balance, the things that are good about the European trade agreement outweigh the things that are bad – because there’s always bad things in agreements – then I feel I’ve got an obligation to the Australian people to say yes, we’ll sign this agreement.

If we haven’t got a deal, the Europeans move into their electoral cycle for elections next year. And I think we will have lost the opportunity for two, perhaps three years to come back and resolve this.

Next week Farrell will leave with Prime Minister Anthony Albanese for China. That country now has removed or, in the case of wine, is moving to remove all the trade restrictions it imposed on Australia – with the exception of those on lobsters and a handful of meat exporters.

There is light at the end of the tunnel. I think Australian [wine] producers should start thinking about getting their product back into China as quickly as they can after that date, at a zero tariff. The [Chinese] minister himself has confirmed to me just how much he likes Australian wine. The Chinese have got a very strong palate for Australian wine and I’m confident that once we get that tariff removed, we’ll get Australian wine back onto Chinese supermarkets and into restaurants.

We have found alternative markets for our lobster, but not at the price that the Chinese were buying, so it’s a significant issue. And there’s one or two abattoirs in Australia who during COVID volunteered to suspend their exports because they had COVID in their abattoirs. They have not yet been given permits to go back in. But again, that’s just a process issue and I think with a bit more push on our part, we’ll get both the lobster and the meat back in to China.

Read more:
Politics with Michelle Grattan: Special Minister of State Don Farrell wants donation and spending caps for next election

In the podcast Farrell, who is also Special Minister of State, canvasses his progress on electoral donations and spending caps. Independents have expresed some reservations about the government’s intentions, exchanging views with him at a recent meeting.

I don’t agree with [the independents’] assessment of what the impact of caps will do to the election result. In fact, in many ways I think they themselves will be beneficiaries of such a system.

I’ll keep talking with them. I’ve given them an assurance that, as with the other political parties, I’ll talk with them. I hope they will see that caps are necessary to stop really wealthy Australians buying election results.

The reality is we’ve seen over the last two federal elections really, really rich Australians seeking to buy election results. And I don’t think that adds to democracy in this country. I think that takes away from democracy.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Don Farrell’s high noon for European free trade deal, and hopes for lobster exports to China – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-don-farrells-high-noon-for-european-free-trade-deal-and-hopes-for-lobster-exports-to-china-216365

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

Today’s figures from the Australian Bureau of Statistics show inflation fell in the September quarter for the third consecutive quarter.

But petrol prices kept it uncomfortably high.

After reaching a 30-year high of 7.8% at the end of 2022, annual inflation as measured by the quarterly index slid to 7% in the March quarter, fell further to 6% in the June quarter and has now slipped to 5.4% in the September quarter.

These quarterly results are consistent with the more experimental monthly measure which also shows annual inflation trending down since December.

On that measure annual inflation has been broadly falling since December, but has been climbing since it hit a low of 4.9% in July, hitting 5.6% in September largely in response to higher petrol prices and rents.

Helping bring down inflation in the September quarter were falls in the price of fruit and vegetables.

The bureau said an unusually warm winter improved yields for salad vegetables such as tomatoes, capsicums and lettuce and increased supply of berries.

But pushing it up were increases in the price of insurance (14.7% over the year to September), healthcare (5.4%) and petrol (7.9%).

Holding inflation back were three budget measures Treasurer Jim Chalmers said had a combined effect of knocking 0.5 percentage points off inflation:

• measured electricity prices increased 4.2% in the September quarter. The bureau said without the rebates announced in the budget, the increase would have been 18.6%

• measured childcare prices fell 13.2% in the quarter. The bureau said without the subsidies introduced in July they would have climbed 6.7%

• measured rent increased 2.2% in the quarter. The bureau said without the increase in rent assistance announced in the May budget the increase would have been 2.5%.

To get a better idea of what would be happening were it not for unusual and outsized moves, the bureau calculates what it calls a trimmed mean measure of “underlying inflation”.

This excludes the 15% of prices that climbed the most in the quarter (notably petrol) and the 15% of prices that climbed the least or fell. Watched closely by the Reserve Bank, it also shows inflation falling, and down to 5.2%.

The fall in Australia’s inflation since 2022 is in line with falls in other Western nations including the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom.

Each has been brought about by an easing of supply bottlenecks and slowing economic activity in response to higher interest rates, and each has recently stalled in response to higher oil prices.

(In one nation not graphed – China – there has been almost no increase in prices over the past year, resulting in an inflation rate of near zero.)

Global oil prices climbed sharply in July after Saudi Arabia and Russia decided to cut production, a year and a half after Russia invaded Ukraine, pushing up oil prices in February 2022.

In the words of the new Reserve Bank governor Michele Bullock, the world keeps getting hit with “shock after shock after shock”.

What happens from here on in Australia will depend not only on the global oil price, which is expressed in US dollars, but also on the US-Australian dollar exchange rate which has fallen 6% since July, pushing up the price of petrol in Australian dollars.

The good news, so far, is that since the end of September (since the period covered by the inflation figures released today) the price of petrol has eased.

Where they go from here will largely depend on whether the Israel-Gaza conflict spreads to countries that produce oil.

What’s it mean for rates?

Petrol prices aside, inflationary pressures appear to be easing in Australia.

The interest rate increases engineered by the Reserve Bank have slowed spending and have yet to have their full impact.

Although the decade-long decline in unemployment appears to have halted there is no sign of an alarming wages break-out.

In the minutes of its October board meeting the Reserve Bank indicated it would be examining today’s inflation numbers closely when it next meets on Melbourne Cup Day November 7, warning it had

a low tolerance for a slower return of inflation to target than currently expected.

In her first speech as governor this week Michele Bullock reiterated that the board would “not hesitate to raise the cash rate further” if there was a material upward revision to the outlook for inflation.

Today, Treasurer Jim Chalmers said the view of his department was that the outlook for inflation had not materially changed.

Read more:
No hike yet, but what happens on Melbourne Cup Day depends on petrol

The Bank will release its revised forecasts on November 10. The last lot, in August, had inflation dropping from 6% in June to a little over 4% in December.

While today’s result of 5.4% is a little bit above this trajectory, the underlying measure, 5.2% is almost on track.

This means while it may make the board members even more anxious, today’s inflation figure probably hasn’t made another interest rate rise more likely.

Of course, what the board does is up to it. It will decide in a fortnight.

John Hawkins is a former economic analyst and forecaster in the Reserve Bank and Australian Treasury.

– ref. Petrol is holding up inflation – the 7 graphs that show what’s happening to prices and what it will mean for interest rates – https://theconversation.com/petrol-is-holding-up-inflation-the-7-graphs-that-show-whats-happening-to-prices-and-what-it-will-mean-for-interest-rates-215888

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Professor Johanna Weaver, Director, ANU Tech Policy Design Centre, Australian National University

There are rules in war. International humanitarian law regulates what combatants can and can’t do, with the goal of protecting civilians and limiting suffering.

Most of these laws were developed during the 19th and 20th centuries. But in our own century a new kind of battlefield has emerged: the domain of cyberattacks, digital campaigns and online information operations. All these have played a heightened role in Russia’s war in Ukraine and, increasingly, in the current Israel–Hamas conflict.

There is a persistent myth that cyberspace is a lawless wild west. This could not be further from the truth. There is a clear international consensus that existing laws of war apply online.

In the past month, we have seen three significant developments in this area. Rules for “civilian hackers” have begun to gain traction. A new international humanitarian report has recommended ways forward for governments, tech companies and others. And the International Criminal Court has for the first time signalled that it considers cyber warfare to fall within its jurisdiction.

Rules for hacktivists

On October 4 2023, two advisers to the International Committee of the Red Cross proposed a set of rules for “civilian hackers” during war. The proposals include things like “do not conduct any cyber operation against medical and humanitarian facilities” and “when planning a cyber attack against a military objective, do everything feasible to avoid or minimize the effects your operation may have on civilians”.

The authors were motivated by evidence of online attacks disrupting banks, companies, pharmacies, hospitals, railway networks and civilian government services.

Cyber, digital and information operations – used alongside “real-world” military operations – have risen into the mainstream during Russia’s war in Ukraine. Many operations are carried out by civilian groups not formally connected to the military.

Read more:
Russia is using an onslaught of cyber attacks to undermine Ukraine’s defence capabilities

These manoeuvres are not spectacular. However, as Jeremy Fleming (former head of GCHQ, United Kingdom’s electronic spy agency) put it:

it was never our understanding that a catastrophic cyberattack was central to Russia’s use of offensive cyber in their military doctrine. To think otherwise, misjudges how cyber has an effect in military campaigns. That’s not to say that we haven’t seen cyber in this conflict. We have – and lots of it.

After the proposed rules for civilian hackers were published, something extraordinary happened.

Two of the largest hacktivist groups actively engaged on opposite sides of the war in Ukraine are the Russian-affiliated Killnet and the Ukrainian IT Army. Spokespeople for both groups vowed to the BBC they would uphold the rules.

Digital threats during armed conflict

It is not just actors in Ukraine, and not just hacktivist groups, who must comply with the laws of war in cyberspace.

On October 18, the International Committee of the Red Cross published the final report of its global advisory board on digital threats during armed conflicts.

The report is the culmination of two years of work. The board comprises a diverse group of experts spanning the geopolitical spectrum, including the United States, Russia, China, South Africa, Mexico, India and Australia (including me).

We worked on “the international consensus that the established principles and rules of [international humanitarian law] apply to all forms of warfare and to all kinds of weapons, be they new or old, digital or physical”.

To safeguard civilians against digital threats, the report includes 25 action-oriented recommendations for belligerents, states, tech companies and humanitarian organisations.

Since 2013, negotiated agreements at the United Nations have recognised that existing international law applies to what states do in cyberspace.

In 2021, Russia, China, the US, Australia and every country in the United Nations went one step further, explicitly recognising the application of the laws of war to cyber operations.

The International Committee of the Red Cross – its mission being “to prevent suffering by promoting and strengthening humanitarian law and universal humanitarian principles” – has also affirmed this many times, including via the reports above.

The International Criminal Court weighs in

Of course, agreeing to the rules doesn’t prevent irresponsible actors from breaking them. And this is where the third significant development comes in.

In September 2023, Karim A.A. Khan, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, signalled the court would begin “collecting and reviewing” evidence of cyber warfare. It will also examine “misuse of the internet to amplify hate speech and disinformation, which may facilitate or even directly lead to the occurrence of atrocities”.

This is the first time the International Criminal Court has expressly indicated cyber warfare and misuse of the internet fall within its jurisdiction. This puts governments, militaries, tech companies and hacktivists on notice that they do not act with impunity in cyberspace.

As the war drags on in Ukraine and conflict escalates between Israel and Hamas (including increasing reports of hacktivism), all parties would do well to reflect that the rules of cyber warfare are clear.

Bombs or bytes, missiles or malware, international humanitarian law applies.

Professor Johanna Weaver was a member of the ICRC Global Advisory Board on Digital Threats During Armed conflict referred to in this article.

– ref. Governments and hackers agree: the laws of war must apply in cyberspace – https://theconversation.com/governments-and-hackers-agree-the-laws-of-war-must-apply-in-cyberspace-216202

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hussein Dia, Professor of Future Urban Mobility, Swinburne University of Technology

The High Court ruled last week that Victoria’s road-user charge for electric vehicle (EV) drivers is unconstitutional. Because the court decided it’s an excise, only the Commonwealth can now impose such a tax.

The Victorian government introduced the controversial distance-based charge in 2021. The court decision will likely derail similar plans by other states.

Current road taxes are blunt instruments that don’t reflect the true costs of driving to society. The fuel excise does not properly account for traffic congestion or emissions. It makes no allowance for people’s ability to pay. Car registration fees are also not related to the amount of travel, congestion or emissions produced by driving.

Hence the need for road-user charges. To understand public attitudes to such charges in Australia, we surveyed more than 900 people in Melbourne and Sydney. The results of this research showed a good appetite for road taxation reform in the nation’s two largest cities.

Only about a third of respondents opposed road-user charges to reduce traffic congestion in their cities. And support increased when they were told the revenue would be used to improve traffic infrastructure and public transport. The findings offer insights into how road-user charging could be rolled out successfully across the nation.

Read more:
It’s good the High Court overturned Victoria’s questionable EV tax. But there’s a sting in the tail

What do people think about road-user charges?

For our research, we surveyed a representative sample of 929 people (373 in Melbourne and 556 in Sydney) in April 2022 (Melbourne) and November 2022 (Sydney).

A majority of respondents (70% in Sydney and 65% in Melbourne) supported the introduction of measures to reduce traffic congestion in their respective cities.

When specifically asked if they would support road-user charges, only 32% of respondents in both cities opposed the idea. Around 29% of respondents in Sydney and 34% of respondents in Melbourne were undecided.

They were then told the revenue raised would be used to improve all forms of transport infrastructure and services. Levels of opposition and uncertainty fell.

In particular, respondents in both cities were most supportive of road-user charges if the revenue raised was used to improve public transport. Opposition fell to 20% in Sydney and to 23% in Melbourne. The percentage of undecided respondents fell to 24% in Sydney and to 30% in Melbourne.

Around 96% of respondents in Melbourne owned a private car, compared to 90% in Sydney. These cars were the main means of transport for most respondents (75% Melbourne, 64% Sydney). Average vehicle occupancy was 1.25 people per vehicle in Melbourne and 1.27 in Sydney.

Sydney had a higher proportion of public transport users (27% Sydney, 16% Melbourne). Around 7% of respondents in both cities preferred walking and micro-mobility, such as bikes and scooters, as their main means of getting around.

Read more:
The High Court decision on electric vehicles will make charging for road use very difficult

Savings affect willingness to pay road-user charges

We found willingness to pay a road-user charge varies with the level of expected savings.

Around 66% of respondents in both cities were willing to pay a road-user charge if it saved them up to $800 a year on registration fees and fuel taxes. Another 13% of respondents in Sydney and 11% in Melbourne were willing to pay the charge if savings exceeded $800 a year.

Around 55% of respondents in Sydney and 46% in Melbourne would be willing to pay a congestion charge if it cut their total daily travel times by 10 to 30 minutes. Another 18% of respondents in both cities would pay the charge if it cut travel times by more than 30 minutes.

Read more:
Will drivers who paid Victoria’s electric vehicle tax be able to get their money back?

Why oppose road-user charges?

Many factors influence public opposition to road-user charging. These include distrust in governments, uncertainty about benefits, and concerns over equity. Other barriers include understanding how the scheme works, complexity of implementation, and uncertainty about how revenues will be used.

In our survey, the undecided respondents said they needed more information to better understand the user-pays approach and its benefits. International studies have reported the same response.

Information campaigns to demystify road-user charging and highlight its benefits can win over undecided people.

Road tax system is broken

The road taxes in place today – which include fuel excise and motor vehicle ownership taxes – are near breaking point, according to political, policy and business leaders. Soaring electric vehicle sales will hasten the decline in fuel excise revenues.

Victoria’s levy of 2.8 cents for each kilometre travelled (2.3 cents for plug-in hybrids) was intended to raise revenue from drivers who don’t pay fuel excise. The High Court decision has prompted warnings of major hits to state coffers.

Tax reviews, peak bodies such as Infrastructure Victoria and experts have long called for road-user charges to replace current road taxes.

Aside from the decline in revenue, another problem with fuel excise is that drivers with different travel patterns pay the same tax. There will be drivers who travel in regional Victoria or in an outer suburb of Sydney for local shopping or school drop-offs who pay the same excise as a driver who travels into the city centre or other congested areas. This means fuel excise is less effective for reducing traffic congestion and emissions than road-user charges.

But to be effective and fair, these must be applied to all vehicles as part of a holistic national approach. It will help to manage travel demand, cut emissions and raise revenue to maintain transport infrastructure.

Read more:
Distance-based road charges will improve traffic — and if done right won’t slow Australia’s switch to electric cars

The road ahead

The High Court decision has placed road taxation reform squarely on the national agenda. But any road-user charging scheme that targets only electric vehicles would be a missed opportunity for meaningful reform.

Our survey findings show Australia is ready for a rational and transparent discussion about road-user charging on all vehicles, not only electric vehicles.

The findings show a majority of people would support such charges if they are transparent, equitable and replace or reduce other road taxes. Support would increase if the public is assured the revenue will be used to improve all transport infrastructure, not only roads.

If well planned and implemented, a national approach to road-user charges can raise enough revenue to replace the fuel excise tax. It will also ease congestion, promote sustainable transport and help achieve Australia’s targets for cutting transport emissions.

Hussein Dia receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the iMOVE Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts, and Beam Mobility Holdings.

Hadi Ghaderi receives funding from the iMOVE Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts, IVECO Trucks Australia limited, Innovative Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre, Victoria Department of Education and Training, Bondi Laboratories, Australian Meat Processor Corporation, 460degrees and Passel.

Tariq Munir acknowledges the financial support received in the form of a PhD scholarship from Swinburne University and the government of Pakistan. He also acknowledges the PhD top-up scholarship received from the iMOVE CRC and supported by the Cooperative Research Centres program, an Australian government initiative.

– ref. National road-user charges are needed – and most people are open to it, our research shows – https://theconversation.com/national-road-user-charges-are-needed-and-most-people-are-open-to-it-our-research-shows-215992

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Ahmadi, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of Sydney

People in developed countries spend an average of nine to ten hours a day sitting. Whether it’s spending time in front of a computer, stuck in traffic, or unwinding in front of the TV, our lives have become increasingly sedentary.

This is concerning because prolonged time spent sitting is linked to a number of health issues including obesity, heart disease, and certain types of cancers. These health issues can contribute to earlier death.

But a new study suggests that for people over 50, getting just 22 minutes of exercise a day can lower the increased risk of premature death from a highly sedentary lifestyle.

Read more:
Good news for ‘weekend warriors’: people who do much of their exercise on a couple of days still get heart benefits

What the researchers did

The team combined data from two studies from Norway, one from Sweden and one from the United States. The studies included about 12,000 people aged 50 or older who wore wearable devices to track how active and sedentary they were during their daily routines.

Participants were followed up for at least two years (the median was 5.2 years) during the study period, which spanned 2003-2020.

Analyses took several lifestyle and health factors into account, such as education, alcohol intake, smoking status, and previous history of heart disease, cancer and diabetes. All this data was linked to national death registries.

A 22 minute threshold

A total of 805 participants died during follow up. The researchers found people who were sedentary for more than 12 hours a day had the highest risk of death (a 38% higher risk than people who were sedentary for eight hours).

However, this was only observed in those who did less than 22 minutes of moderate to vigorous physical activity daily. So for people who did more than 22 minutes of exercise, there was no longer a significantly heightened risk – that is, the risk became generally similar to those who were sedentary for eight hours.

Higher daily duration of physical activity was consistently associated with lower risk of death, regardless of total sedentary time. For example, the team reported an additional ten minutes of moderate to vigorous physical activity each day could lower mortality risk by up to 15% for people who were sedentary less than 10.5 hours a day. For those considered highly sedentary (10.5 hours a day or more), an additional ten minutes lowered mortality risk by up to 35%.

The study had some limitations

The team couldn’t assess how changes in physical activity or sedentary time over several months or years may affect risk of death. And the study included only participants aged 50 and above, making results less applicable to younger age groups.

Further, cultural and lifestyle differences between countries may have influenced how data between studies was measured and analysed.

Ultimately, because this study was observational, we can’t draw conclusions on cause and effect with certainty. But the results of this research align with a growing body of evidence exploring the relationship between physical activity, sedentary time, and death.

It’s positive news

Research has previously suggested physical activity may offset health risks associated with high sedentary time.

The good news is, even short bouts of exercise can have these positive effects. In this study, the 22 minutes wasn’t necessarily done all at once. It was a total of the physical activity someone did in a day, and would have included incidental exercise (activity that’s part of a daily routine, such as climbing the stairs).

Several studies using wearable devices have found short bursts of high-intensity everyday activities such as stair climbing or energetic outdoor home maintenance activities such as mowing the lawn or cleaning the windows can lower mortality, heart disease and cancer risk.

A recent study using wearable devices found moderate to vigorous bouts of activity lasting three to five minutes provide similar benefits to bouts longer than ten minutes when it comes to stroke and heart attack risk.

Several other studies have found being active just on the weekend provides similar health benefits as being active throughout the week.

Research has also shown the benefits of physical activity and reducing sedentary time extend to cognitive health.

Read more:
Treadmill, exercise bike, rowing machine: what’s the best option for cardio at home?

Routines such as desk jobs can foster a sedentary lifestyle that may be difficult to shift. But mixing short bursts of activity into our day can make a significant difference towards improving our health and longevity.

Whether it’s a brisk walk during lunch, taking the stairs, or even a short at-home workout, this study is yet another to suggest that every minute counts.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How 22 minutes of exercise a day could reduce the health risks from sitting too long – https://theconversation.com/how-22-minutes-of-exercise-a-day-could-reduce-the-health-risks-from-sitting-too-long-216259

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Stone, General practitioner; Associate Professor, ANU Medical School, Australian National University

Dominique Lee was training in radiation oncology when she was invited to join her supervisor to discuss a training opportunity. Instead, she was drugged and sexually assaulted.

Lee reported the crime, and John Kearsley was sentenced two years later. Kearsley has since been sentenced for another sexual assault against the daughter of a patient.

For Lee, the impact of that assault has been profound. “It’s taken almost ten years to look at myself in the mirror and not feel shame and hate,” she says. “All I wanted to do was stop him from hurting other women, and that was my one agenda. I wasn’t set out to destroy his career. He did that on his own.”

Lee is not alone. It is always difficult to measure how often sexual harassment and assault occurs, but global estimates suggest around 33% of doctors in training have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace. Women are at higher risk and especially women in training.

A recent study of surgeons in the United Kingdom found 63.3% of female surgeons and 23.7% of male surgeons had been sexually harassed by colleagues.

One of the study authors, Tamzin Cummings, told The Guardian:

No one should need to call for a code of conduct that says, in essence, ‘please do not molest your work colleagues or students’, and yet this is one of the actions our report recommends.

This week, I convened a meeting of medical leaders in Canberra to explore why doctors in Australia are vulnerable to sexual harassment. And we drafted a set of safety standards to prevent this in future.

Read more:
Yes, sexism is rife in surgery – and it’s time to do something about it

What is it about the culture of medicine?

Doctors work in a rigid hierarchy, and train for more than 12 years to obtain their specialist qualifications. They have a lot to lose from disclosing assault and harassment.

In Lee’s victim impact statement, she acknowledged how differences in power made junior doctors vulnerable:

Before pleading guilty to these assault charges, the perpetrator used to hold a high position in a well-known cancer centre and he was a respected member of the community. I, on the other hand, was still a trainee.

Medicine can be a brutal profession. The work is long, arduous and high stakes. The suicide rate is high, particularly in women, and violence at work is increasing.

Doctors often work and live in environments that make them vulnerable. It is common for doctors to live in hospitals when on call, or when placed in rural communities where they lack their usual social supports.

It is normal to discuss sex and human bodies during training, so survivors often feel it took them too long to pick up early signs of escalating abuse, like intrusive sexual comments.

Doctors work in close physical proximity, particularly in surgery, so it can also be easy to excuse inappropriate touching which can feel like an “accident”. Exposure to discrimination and harassment is so common, they become “too used to it”.

Several of the doctors in our 2019 study on sexual harassment commented that women doctors walk a fine line, trying to be strong, competent and capable, while also being “a good girl, being approachable and being nice to the nursing staff”. Female doctors do not want to be seen as “troublemakers”, because it impacts their careers.

Doctors report the culture of self-sacrifice in medicine can normalise abuse, and can mean young doctors accept harassment as “part of the job”.

Wellness programs can be a way of side-stepping workplace obligations, emphasising individual resilience without addressing the harassment problem. We call this “weaponising wellness”.

Read more:
Depression, burnout, insomnia, headaches: how a toxic and sexist workplace culture can affect your health

Medical workplaces are highly diverse, which makes regulation challenging. Doctors work in hospitals, aged care facilities, solo doctor rural practices, large corporate community health centres, research institutes, universities and even people’s homes. Many are contractors or small business owners, which means they do not have the same structural protections of employees.

Even if they want to report, it’s hard to work out where to do so. Lee reported to the police, and her case was heard by a criminal court. However, she could have reported to her professional college, hospital, medical defence organisation, medical board, Human Rights Commission, union or any number of other avenues. No wonder survivors are confused.

As Lee told The Guardian, “the system teaches you to be quiet”.

We’re setting a new standard

This week, my colleagues and I brought together 140 experts at Old Parliament House to tackle this difficult problem.

We had international leaders from law, medical education, health-care management, psychiatry and psychology, Medical Boards, doctors’ health advisory services and various medical workplaces. We had representatives from Australia, New Zealand the UK and Pakistan. One of our participants was from an Antarctic research station. Some were students or doctors in training. Most had decades of experience.

The purpose of the summit was simple: to identify and address the features of medical workplaces that make doctors particularly vulnerable, and address them.

We recognise that many features of medicine are common to all workplaces. We wanted to build on existing frameworks and legislative requirements like Respect at Work, not replace them.

We drafted a set of sexual safety standards, that can apply to all medical workplaces and add to the legislative requirements we are already required to meet.

These standards include preventing sexual harassment and identifying, supporting and managing high-risk targets, perpetrators and environments in medical workplaces. They also encompass reducing the trauma of the reporting process, and the compassionate rehabilitation of survivors.

We mapped the options for reporting, developing a resource for survivors to choose and navigate the complex systems available to them.

Importantly, we established a community of diverse, passionate, expert global leaders across medicine who are determined to use their skills in managing complexity to reduce sexual harm in the profession.

Medicine has unique challenges, but we are not the only profession tackling this difficult problem. We manage physical and psychological trauma every day, and we are experts in navigating complexity. It’s time we used our skills to heal our own profession.

Read more:
Sexual harassment at work isn’t just discrimination. It needs to be treated as a health and safety issue

I am the lead editor of an international book on sexual harassment in medicine, to be published by Cambridge University Press in 2024.

– ref. Doctors are being sexually harassed at work. This needs to stop – https://theconversation.com/doctors-are-being-sexually-harassed-at-work-this-needs-to-stop-214264

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

In the DC movie Justice League, Flash asks Bruce Wayne aka Batman, “What are your superpowers again?” to which Wayne replies, “I am rich.”

In tawdry fashion, life has imitated art with Visy chair Anthony Pratt reportedly boasting that “being rich is my superpower”.

The expose by Nine media has provided compelling insights into how big business influences politics. It also shows the urgent need to reform political funding laws.

The power of big business

The expose suggests a concerted effort by Pratt to cultivate relationships of political influence through three strategies:

• large political contributions regularly making him the top political donor
• lobbying including through meetings with ministers and their advisers, and holding fundraisers at his mansion, Raheen
• employing former senior political leaders such as Tony Abbott and Paul Keating.

This is a familiar playbook for other businesses, particularly those in high-regulation sectors (including mining companies).

Read more:
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No apparent quid pro quo, so does it matter?

There is, however, no smoking gun linking the use of Pratt’s wealth to direct favours, and there is no suggestion of any illegality.

Is there then no problem with corruption?

In McCloy v New South Wales, the High Court emphasised how there can still be corruption in the absence of quid pro corruption. Specifically:

• “clientelism” corruption, which “concerns the danger that officeholders will decide issues not on the merits or the desires of their constituencies, but according to the wishes of those who have made large financial contributions valued by the officeholder”

• war-chest corruption, where “the power of money may […] pose a threat to the electoral process itself”.

As the Pratt case demonstrates, what we should be concerned about is the risk of clientelism corruption. The goal of Pratt’s various efforts appears to be relationships of reciprocity, where his business interests receive a favourable hearing.

The risk of clientelism corruption is of course not unique to Pratt. It is present with other large contributors to major political parties, including businesses and unions.

It is also an issue for Climate 200, which is the dominant source of funding for the Teal MPs. Nearly a third of Climate 200’s funding comes from three individuals.

In all these cases, the risk of clientelism corruption is linked to war-chest corruption, as it is the demand for campaign spending that drives the need for political contributions.

An “arms race” inevitably ensues with big spending from political players such as Clive Palmer and mining companies (which helped oust Kevin Rudd as prime minister through a multi-million-dollar advertising campaign).

A once-in-a-generation reform opportunity

There is now a meaningful opportunity to address the corruption risks of political funding.

The Albanese Labor government has committed to reforming federal political finance laws based on a report by the Commonwealth Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters.

This report has recommended:

• strengthening disclosure obligations through “real-time” disclosure and reducing the disclosure threshold to $1,000
• caps on political donations
• caps on expenditure
• administrative funding (to assist with compliance with new laws)
• increased public funding
• additional resources for the Australian Electoral Commission.

This is the first time in more than three decades that a federal government has committed to wholesale reform of political finance laws. The last time was in 1991, when a ban on political advertising was found to be unconstitutional.

As electoral law expert Graeme Orr has pointed out, there is now an opportunity for “lasting reform”.

Read more:
Proposed spending and donations caps may at last bring genuine reform to national election rules

If effectively designed (and there is much devil in the detail), the measures the government has committed to will go a long way to addressing the corrupting risks of political funding.

Caps on political contributions will directly limit large contributions. Caps on political spending are aimed at reducing demand for political contributions as well as addressing the unfairness resulting from escalating campaign spending.

Lobbying reform is essential

The government’s reform agenda left out one crucial area: the regulation of lobbying.

Teal MP Kate Chaney and independent senator David Pocock have called for greater transparency of lobbying through a legislative scheme.

Ministers and their advisers ought to be required to disclose whom they met with and why (including through the publication of ministerial diaries).

Integrity and fairness

Will political finance reform address corruption but exacerbate unfairness by entrenching the power of the major parties?

Some argue it will, with the government said to be working on “a bipartisan deal designed to thwart independents”.

But opposing changes to political finance laws not only squanders this rare reform opportunity, but represents a triumph for those who use big money to unduly influence politics.

A more nuanced approach is necessary to secure, in Teal MP Monique Ryan’s words, “(r)oot and branch reform of political campaign funding to ensure fairness and a level playing field for all candidates”.

“Partisan lockups of the democratic process” are a genuine risk, as the major parties have the power to determine electoral rules. But risks are not inevitabilities.

The path forward is not to reject any change to political finance laws, but to ensure these changes promote fairness – including to independent and new candidates.

Pratt’s dealings have highlighted the potentially corrosive role of big money in Australian politics. A silver lining might be that it gives greater impetus to long-overdue reform of federal political finance laws.

Joo-Cheong Tham has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions, European Trade Union Institute and International IDEA. He is a Director of the Centre for Public Integrity; a National Councillor and Victorian Division Assistant Secretary (Academic Staff)-elect of the National Tertiary Education Union.

– ref. Pratt reports show urgent need for political funding law reform – https://theconversation.com/pratt-reports-show-urgent-need-for-political-funding-law-reform-216261

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eu-Jin Teo, Senior Lecturer, The University of Melbourne

Electric vehicle owners in Victoria couldn’t be blamed for wondering if they might get their money back after the High Court found the state’s zero and low-emission vehicle road-user charge to be unconstitutional.

The government, facing massive budgetary pressures – don’t mention the Commonwealth Games – might also have its own questions to ask about the court putting an end to the tax.

Better known as the “EV tax” (and dubbed by its critics as the worst electric vehicle policy in the world), the charge meant that a registered owner of an electric or hydrogen vehicle had to pay the state government 2.8 cents for each kilometre that the vehicle travelled on public roads. Plug-in hybrid vehicle owners were charged at a lower rate of 2.3 cents.

What the court found

A majority of the justices held that this state “charge” was, in reality, an excise tax. Under the Constitution, only the federal parliament may impose excise taxes.

Victoria has, as a result, had to stop collecting this tax. Other states that were thinking of imposing such taxes have also put their plans on ice.

The state reportedly had hoped to raise $30 million through this tax over a four-year period. Since its introduction in 2021, about $5 million has been collected.

So, what happens with this money now?

Is there a legal obligation for the state to pay a refund?

One might think that, if tax may be exacted only under valid laws, and a law is shown to have been invalid from its inception, surely it would be axiomatic, if not common sense, that it would be necessary to return the money?

You could be forgiven for thinking so.

However, as has been observed: the law is an ass (at least sometimes).

To get technical, the availability of restitution from public authorities (for instance, in relation to invalid demands for money) is an intractable issue which has been the subject of much debate.

Specifically, the legal position in Australia on the recovery of unconstitutional taxes remains unsettled.

The law can get tricky

There currently appears to be no general right to a refund based solely on the invalid nature of a tax.

Oh, if only things were that straightforward.

Instead, a claimant is required to establish that, for example, the tax was paid due to a mistake of law (for instance, as to the validity or applicability of the purported tax).

Or that the tax was paid because of legally unfounded threats made to the taxpayer by the authorities.

However, with $378 being about the average amount of the tax paid by each vehicle operator per year, litigation to recover the tax might prove to be uneconomical.

The case-by-case nature of the enquiry required into whether a particular claimant actually made a mistake or was in fact baselessly threatened, might also make a class action difficult.

But wait, there’s more! Victoria’s statute of limitations states:

despite anything to the contrary in any other Act, if money paid by way of tax or purported tax is recoverable because of the invalidity of an Act or provision of an Act, a proceeding for the recovery of that money must (whether the payment was made voluntarily or under compulsion) be commenced within 12 months after the date of payment.

Put simply, this means that, even if a vehicle operator has satisfactory evidence to establish a legal entitlement to restitution of the invalid tax paid, recovery of the full amount of the tax that has been paid over the years may not be possible.

I say “may”, if only because the validity of this provision of the statute is itself not beyond constitutional doubt.

Read more:
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All is not lost

Fortunately for those who’ve paid the tax, Victoria’s road transport regulator, VicRoads, has reportedly said that, although specifics regarding the timeline and amount are still to be determined, a refund process will definitely be put in place.

Otherwise, Victoria may not be able to have its excise but might, effectively, still get to keep it.

Eu-Jin Teo is an independent external member of the Law Institute of Victoria’s Taxation and Revenue Committee, State Taxes Committee, and Administrative Review and Constitutional Law Committee. He does not own a motor vehicle of any description.

– ref. Will drivers who paid Victoria’s electric vehicle tax be able to get their money back? – https://theconversation.com/will-drivers-who-paid-victorias-electric-vehicle-tax-be-able-to-get-their-money-back-216021

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yasmine Probst, Associate professor, University of Wollongong

Throughout history, rice has remained an important food staple. It supports the nutritional needs of more than half of the global population.

While you might be familiar with a handful of types, there are more than 40,000 different varieties of cultivated rice – a testament to the diversity and adaptability of this staple crop.

Rice, much like other grains, is the edible starchy kernel of a grass plant. In fact, the vast majority of rice varieties (although not all) belong to just one species – Oryza sativa.

If you have ever found yourself at the supermarket, overwhelmed by the number of rice options available, you are not alone. From aromatic Thai “jasmine” rice used in curries, to the “basmati” rice of India and the sticky “arborio” for making creamy Italian risotto, each variety, or cultivar, is distinguished by its grain length, shape and colour.

Each cultivar also has its own flavour, texture and unique nutrient properties. To make things more complicated, some varieties are higher in anthyocyanins – antioxidants that protect the body’s cells from damage. These rice varieties are known by their colour – for example, red or black rice.

What is brown rice?

Compared to white rice, brown rice is a whole grain with only the inedible outer hull removed. It is largely grown in India, Pakistan and Thailand.

To make white rice, the bran (outer shell) of the grains is removed. In brown rice, the bran and germ (core of the grain) are still intact, giving this type of rice its tan colour and high fibre content. Brown rice naturally contains more nutrients than white rice, including double the amount of dietary fibre and substantially higher magnesium, iron, zinc and B group vitamins, including folic acid.

Brown rice also contains polyphenols and flavonoids – types of antioxidants that protect the body from stress.

It is often sold as a longer grain option and has a similar nutty flavour to black and red rice cultivars, though some chefs suggest the texture is slightly chewier.

Fancy black rice

While not as common as other varieties, black rice – also called purple rice due to its colouring – is high in anthocyanins. In fact, black rice contains the same antioxidant type that gives “superfoods” like blueberries and blackberries their deep purple colour.

The Oryza sativa variant of black rice is grown primarily in Asia and exported globally, while the Oryza glaberrima variant is native to and grown only in Africa. Among black rices there are also different shades, from japonica black rice, Chinese black rice, Thai black rice through to Indonesian black rice.

With its antioxidant properties, some would argue black rice is one of the healthiest choices due to its protective effects for heart health and metabolic diseases.

Black rice can be a short, medium or long grain and has only the outermost layer (inedible hull) removed for consumption. The bran and germ remain intact, similar to brown rice, making it a high fibre food. Black rice has been described by some foodies to have a mild nutty and even slightly sweet flavour.

Read more:
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Iron-rich red rice

Similar to black rice, red rice, or Oryza rufipogon, is a medium or long grain variety coloured by its anthocyanin content. Interestingly, it is considered an edible weed growing alongside other rice varieties and primarily grown in Asia as well as Northern Australia.

The difference in colour compared to black rice types is due to the amount and type of anthyocyanins (specifically catechins and epicatechins) in red rice.

Red rice also contains more iron and zinc compared to white, black or brown varieties. The anthocyanins found in red rice are used as a pigment for colouring other foods such as liquor, bread and ice cream.

Is riceberry a type of rice, too?

Despite the slightly confusing name, riceberry rice was originally developed in Thailand as a cross between a local jasmine rice and local purple rice variety, creating a lighter, purple-coloured grain.

Increasingly available in Asian grocers across Australia, this type of rice has a more favourable nutrient profile than brown rice and has a shorter cooking time similar to that of white jasmine rice.

Read more:
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Rice is not just another carb

Rice has many nutritional benefits besides providing the body with carbohydrates – its primary fuel source. Rice contains more than 15 essential vitamins and minerals including folic acid, magnesium, iron and zinc and is naturally gluten free, making it an appropriate substitute for people living with coeliac disease.

Brown, red and black rices are also whole grains, recommended as part of a healthy eating pattern.

In addition, different cultivars of rice have a low glycaemic index or GI – a measure of the speed at which carbohydrates raise blood sugar levels.

Generally speaking, the more colourful the rice variety, the lower its GI. This is a particularly important consideration for people living with diabetes.

Less frequently consumed rice varieties have nutritional benefits, including their anthocyanin and fibre content. However, they can be harder to find and are often pricier than more common white and brown varieties.

If you enjoy trying foods with unique flavours, try experimenting with black or red rice varieties. Whatever the colour, all types of rice have a place in a balanced diet.

Read more:
Do you need to wash rice before cooking? Here’s the science

Yasmine Probst receives funding from Multiple Sclerosis Australia and has previously received funding from various industry groups that are not affiliated with the topic of this article. She is affiliated with the National Health and Medical Research Council, Multiple Sclerosis Plus and Multiple Sclerosis Limited.

Karen Zoszak receives funding from the Australian Government Research Training Program.

Olivia Wills receives funding from Multiple Sclerosis Australia.

– ref. Brown, red, black, riceberry – what are these white rice alternatives, and are they actually healthier? – https://theconversation.com/brown-red-black-riceberry-what-are-these-white-rice-alternatives-and-are-they-actually-healthier-214388

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt Garrow, Editorial Web Developer

Understanding the current war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza requires context and history. These charts aim to show changes in the region that have occurred over time to put some of the events in perspective.

This first chart shows the history of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The map shows when and where those settlements were built – the darker red colour indicates a more recent settlement, while pink is older. The grey dots indicate settlements that didn’t have verified establishment dates.

Settlement started to become a policy of the Israeli government in earnest after the 1967 Six Day War, which resulted in the Israeli seizure of the West Bank and Gaza from Jordanian and Egyptian control, respectively. Some settlements are small, with less than 100 people, while others have grown into large towns of thousands with their own industrial areas.

The data was collected from a number of sources, including the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA); Peace Now, an Israel based non-governmental organisation that tracks settlements; and B’Tselem, another Israeli-based organisation that tracks human rights violations allegedly committed by Israel in the Palestinian territories.

The legality of these settlements is a source of much debate, though under international law — specifically Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention — they are considered illegal.

To get a deeper picture of how the settlements have encroached on Palestinian land, we need to rewind to the 1990s and the Oslo Accords. These were a series of agreements between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) that sought to establish the boundaries of control in the West Bank and Gaza.

The Oslo II Accords divided the West Bank into parcels that were controlled by Israel, the Palestinian Authority or a joint operation. Initially, Oslo II was designed to provide a framework to hand over territory in the West Bank and Gaza to the government of an eventual Palestinian state. Settlement has made this eventuality near impossible.

The borders on the map above are complex and are close to overlapping, leaving some Palestinian-controlled areas completely cut off from one another.

The West Bank is split into three main areas, called Area A, Area B and Area C.

In Area A, which is red on the map, the Palestinian Authority has civil and security control.

Area B, in blue, is a joint control zone, with Israel maintaining security and the Palestinian Authority looking after civil affairs such as schools, health and the economy.

Area C, in green, is the Israeli-controlled sector. Israeli settlements are mostly built in these areas.

The major West Bank city of Hebron was also split internally into H1 and H2, pink and yellow respectively on the map. H2 is controlled by Israel and H1 by the Palestinian Authority.

Displaced people and conflicts

Conflicts over the years in the Gaza strip have forced many people to evacuate their homes. Many of these internally displaced people find their way to refugee camps and shelters run by various organisations.

Israel’s 2004 disengagement policy was a plan to remove Israeli troops and settlements from Gaza. Prior to the policy, there were 21 civilian settlements in Gaza, with around 8,500 Israelis. Also, the expansion of the buffer zone at the Rafah crossing (at the border with Egypt) from 2000 resulted in the destruction of a third of the refugee camp there and 16,000 Palestinians being internally displaced.

The chart below shows the recent build-up of internally displaced people in UN Relief and Works Agency-run shelters in Gaza during October. The sudden increase in the Deir al Balah, Rafah and Khan Younis areas, all in the southern end of Gaza, since October 12 came after Israel ordered residents in northern Gaza to evacuate to the south. Many expected Egypt might also open its borders at Rafah.

Since Hamas’ attack on October 7, which started the recent hostilities, there has been a sharp increase in conflict events within Gaza and the West Bank. The map below shows where and when those events have occurred. The data is from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, a US-based organisation that collects information on crisis events, including violence and protests.

The volume and swiftness of the events means that data tracking is a few days behind the most recent action.

And the blast at al-Ahli Arab Hospital on October 18, which killed hundreds of Palestinians, is the latest in a upward trend of incidents involving health care workers in Israel and the Palestinian territories. The chart below tracks those incidents since 2018. The data is from the OCHA and was filtered down to show the four main perpetrators.

Andrew Thomas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in 5 charts – https://theconversation.com/understanding-the-history-of-the-israeli-palestinian-conflict-in-5-charts-216165

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dani Linder, Senior Lecturer in Law at the University of Queensland, The University of Queensland

The Uluru Statement from the Heart called for Voice, treaty and truth. On October 14, Australians said “no” to the Voice to the Parliament, choosing not to enshrine an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander advisory body in the Constitution. Many Indigenous Australians are devastated, seeing the result as a dismissal of their place and status on this continent.

But this is not the whole story.

The national focus on the Voice referendum has obscured remarkable developments at the state and territory level.

Every Australian jurisdiction, except Western Australia, has committed to talking treaty with First Nations peoples. But what might the defeat of the referendum mean for treaty?

Read more:
What actually is a treaty? What could it mean for Indigenous people?

What is a treaty?

Treaty has been a longstanding aspiration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. However, the fact that no treaties were ever signed on this continent means many Australians have little knowledge about what a treaty is.

International law sets out a clear standard for what makes an agreement a treaty. A treaty must satisfy three conditions.

First, a treaty acknowledges Indigenous peoples are a distinct political community different to other Australians. Indigenous people are the only group of people in Australia who owned, occupied and governed the continent before colonisation. This recognition also acknowledges the historic and contemporary injustices that invasion has caused.

Second, a treaty is a political agreement reached by a fair process of negotiation between equals. Negotiation helps ensure everyone’s (both Indigenous and non-Indigenous) interests can be considered. But securing a fair negotiation process can be difficult in practice, given the unequal power imbalances that exist between Indigenous people and the settler state.

Third, treaties involve both sides – in this instance, Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians – committing to promises that bind the parties in an ongoing relationship of mutual obligation and shared responsibility. Given a treaty is built on the recognition of Indigenous peoples’ inherent sovereignty, a treaty will provide for some degree of culturally appropriate self-government. What this looks like in practice will be worked out in negotiations.

Where are the State and Territory treaty processes at now?

State governments across the country have agreed to begin treaty processes. Each has faced its own challenges and moved at different paces.

Victoria has made the most progress. In 2018, a representative body of Aboriginal Victorians was established. The First Peoples’ Assembly of Victoria has worked in partnership with the government to develop the institutions necessary to pursue treaty negotiations. Together, they have created the country’s first truth commission, an independent treaty authority to oversee negotiations, a self-determination fund to support Aboriginal Victorians and a treaty negotiation framework. Early next year in Victoria, the first formal treaty negotiations in this country are likely to begin.

Complications have emerged in the Northern Territory. The NT treaty commissioner delivered a final report in 2022, calling for a permanent, independent treaty and truth commission. The government largely dismissed the report in December 2022. While the government said it would provide more details soon, Aboriginal Territorians are still waiting for an announcement on what comes next.

South Australia was one of the first jurisdictions to commit to treaty in December 2016. However, the process was abandoned with a change of government in 2018. Since the election of the Malinauskas Labor government, treaty is back on the agenda. Earlier this year, South Australia passed a law to create a Voice to the South Australian parliament. It is expected a treaty process will soon follow, though details are scarce.

Progress has proven slow in the ACT and Tasmania.
The ACT government declared it was open to talking treaty in 2018. But a difficult consultation process put treaty on pause. Some First Nations people in the ACT have since adopted a different focus, seeking recognition of their native title.

In Tasmania, the government received the Pathway to Truth-Telling and Treaty report in 2021. Although the government accepted its recommendations, little progress has been made. An Aboriginal advisory group is consulting with communities about pathways forward for truth-telling and treaty, but no timetable has been provided.

In other jurisdictions, the path is more complicated. New South Wales has yet to get started on a treaty, but the referendum result has worried the government. In March, the incoming Labor government announced it would establish a three-person, independent treaty commission to lead consultations with First Nations communities across the state. That process was to begin after the referendum. Reports suggest it is now being reviewed.

For several years, Queensland had made steady progress on treaty. In March, the Path to Treaty Act was passed by the Queensland parliament with bipartisan support. The act establishes a First Nation Treaty Institute and a truth-telling and healing inquiry.

In the wake of the referendum, however, the LNP opposition has stated it will abandon the process. The Labor government has confirmed it will push on. The 2024 state election may determine whether a Queensland treaty process continues over the long term.

The federal government has committed to implementing the Uluru Statement from the Heart “in full”. Although focused on the Voice referendum, the government provided $5.8 million to the National Indigenous Australians Agency last year to consider the development and design of a national treaty process.

The failed Voice referendum will likely lead the government to postpone. It will not, however, eliminate the need for a national process for treaty.

Read more:
Grattan on Friday: Anthony Albanese had good motives but his referendum has done much harm

What happens next?

The failed referendum casts a long shadow over the state and territory treaty processes. It is too simple, however, to suggest the result will necessarily lead to the collapse of treaty talks. The impact will be felt differently across the country.

The scale of the defeat in Queensland, for example, where more than 68% of voters rejected the proposed amendment, has put the treaty process in real jeopardy.

In other states, however, the situation may be different. The process is yet to really begin in NSW and the slow and steady steps in Victoria have ensured a broad base of political support. This support did not evaporate on referendum night.

It is worth remembering some states and territories commenced their treaty processes because, as former Victorian MP Gavin Jennings said, they were “not convinced that you can wait for a national process that has never ever delivered in relation to righting these wrongs”.

Many Australians will continue to support treaty regardless of the referendum.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. After the Voice referendum: how far along are First Nations treaty negotiations across the country? – https://theconversation.com/after-the-voice-referendum-how-far-along-are-first-nations-treaty-negotiations-across-the-country-215159

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Baka, Adjunct Fellow, Olympic Scholar and Co-Director of the Olympic and Paralympic Research Centre, Institute for Health and Sport, Victoria University

At the International Olympic Committee’s recent session in Mumbai, India it officially ratified five sports being added to the existing 28 core sports for the 2028 Los Angeles summer games.

Of these five, several will be making their first-ever appearance, namely squash and flag football, while others have had a long gap between inclusion – lacrosse in 1904 and 1908, cricket in 1900 and baseball/softball coming back in after a gap since the Tokyo 2021 games.

Until 1992, the IOC allowed sports to be added to the Olympic Games by the local organising committee as “demonstration events”. Under this arrangement, the 1956 Melbourne games included baseball and Australian Rules football. Over the years, a large number of other host cities trialled a variety of sports, but only a few stayed in the games.

Read more:
Breakdancing in the Olympics? The Games have a long history of taking chances, from pesapallo (yes, it’s a sport) to kite flying

Nowadays, the Olympic Agenda 2020 + 5 serves as a major IOC policy document about how the games should operate. A recent change sees the local organising committee recommending what sports should be added to their particular games.

Faced with an IOC guideline to cap the summer games at approximately 10,500 athletes and to stay within a 19-day schedule, means there are limitations to new sports being added. Besides the 28 core sports guaranteed inclusion in the summer olympics (although these core sports can be altered by the IOC), what are the criteria used for any new additions?

Inspiring the next generation: The inclusion of new sports in the Olympics is a strategic move to attract younger athletes who may not be involved in traditional Olympic sports.

Innovation and adaptation: Many of the recently added sports represent new and innovative approaches to competition and showcase the ability of the games to adapt to the changing times.

Diversity: The inclusion of different sports is a way of embracing cultural diversity and promoting global reach to regions that may not have traditionally been strongly represented at the Olympics. For example, it is expected that by adding cricket, the sub-continent, with its huge population base including India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, will develop an enhanced interest in the olympics.

Popularity and integrity: How popular is the sport worldwide? Is it played in a number of countries and does it have a significant number of participants? Is the respective world sporting federation “squeaky clean” and does it have strong and effective leadership? Most importantly, is it devoid of sport integrity issues (such as significant doping and governance faults)?

Screen dream: Is the sport going to be exciting to watch for television viewers? Since broadcasting rights is the major source of revenue for the games, the IOC wants to cater to the broadcasters’ and audience’s preferences.

Corporate cash: New sports in the olympics tend to attract corporate interest and sponsorship from new sources. This helps to secure the financial stability of the games and aligns with the IOC’s wish to diversify its revenue streams.

Leaving a legacy: Since facility legacy has become an extremely important criterion, will any newly built facilities be useful post-games? There is a very strong push to eliminate costly facilities that later become “white elephants” – a strong criticism of the 2004 Athens Olympics.

Gender equality: There has been a concerted effort by the IOC to ensure a 50-50 gender ratio. The recent addition of mixed “co-ed” events seen in many winter sports has the potential to expand into several summer sports (for example, mixed relays in swimming or athletics).

Read more:
Everyone’s a winner with new events at the Winter Games

Host nation’s preferences: In the new process of selecting sports, the IOC has given a lot of flexibility to the local organising committee to evaluate and make recommendations.

So given all of this, what sports might we expect to be added for the Brisbane 2032 games? Here are some early thoughts.

The favourites

Cricket: It is being introduced in 2028 and should remain in the games in 2032 due to its popularity in the host nation and strong support from the sub-continent.

Lacrosse: This is a sport in which Australia is again expected to do well. As it will be played in a modified six-person format (similar to rugby 7s) and using a shot clock, nations traditionally not strong in the current version of this sport – with its bigger field and larger number of players – may begin to take an interest and support its inclusion.

Sport climbing, surfing and skateboarding: All of these had their debut in Tokyo 2021 and will likely remain in the program. Surfing, in particular, will be popular in beach-crazed LA, and should be a no-brainer for sunny Queensland.

Baseball/softball: These should be back in the 2028 games after a short hiatus. As Australia is normally quite competitive in these sports and a medal contender, they are a strong chance be included.

Read more:
One year to go: Will the Paris 2024 Olympics see a return to normalcy?

The “maybe” list

Flag football: It will no doubt be assessed after its LA 2028 debut. The fact that the NFL in the US is actively supporting this initiative enhances its chances of remaining in the program.

Breakdancing: This popular, youth-friendly sport making its debut in the Paris games, was somewhat surprisingly not selected for LA in 2028. This does not preclude its addition to the 2032 games, especially if it proves to be a hit in 2024.

Netball: There will be a strong push to have it included by the Brisbane organising committee, but its limited worldwide profile will work against it.

E-sports: Competitive video gaming has experienced explosive growth worldwide in recent years. Although it offers a unique blend of skill, strategy, and technology is it deemed worthy of an Olympic guernsey as it lacks athletic prowess? However, the IOC is monitoring it very closely and recently announced a new standalone E-sports games, which could possibly lead to it making an appearance in the mainstream games.

Long shots

Surf lifesaving: These would be a perfect beach activity for these games and a sport in which Australia would be a medal favourite. But a limited worldwide profile harms its chances.

Pickleball: It is one of the world’s fastest growing sports and quickly gaining a following in Australia. As it is played on tennis courts it is not a big cost factor for the host city. But it may take a few more years of growth and lobbying to get into the games.

Motorsports, karate and kickboxing: All three put in a bid for the LA games and were not successful. They are not likely to be included in the Brisbane games, as they appear to have limited widespread support among the large IOC membership.

AFL: This is a real long shot, as too few countries play this sport and the host nation would dominate.

Four years from now, the IOC must decide on the sports for the 2032 Brisbane games. New sports breathe fresh life into the Olympic movement, ensuring its relevance and appeal.

With lobbying by many sports to capture a spot on the program, much can happen between now and then. The Brisbane 2032 Olympic Organising Committee must attempt to strike a balance between its recommendations to the IOC for final approval, while at the same time trying to put an “Aussie slant” on the sporting program.

Richard Baka does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Cricket? Lacrosse? Netball? The new sports that might make it to the 2032 Brisbane Olympic Games – https://theconversation.com/cricket-lacrosse-netball-the-new-sports-that-might-make-it-to-the-2032-brisbane-olympic-games-215991

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Grisham, Professor in Psychology, UNSW Sydney

Hoarding disorder is an under-recognised serious mental illness that worsens with age. It affects 2.5% of the working-age population and 7% of older adults. That’s about 715,000 Australians.

People who hoard and their families often feel ashamed and don’t get the support they need. Clutter can make it hard to do things most of us take for granted, such as eating at the table or sleeping in bed.

In the gravest cases, homes are completely unsanitary, either because it has become impossible to clean or because the person saves garbage. The strain on the family can be extreme – couples get divorced, and children grow up feeling unloved.

So why do people with hoarding disorder hoard? And how can we help?

Read more:
Obsessive compulsive disorder is more common than you think. But it can take 9 years for an OCD diagnosis

What causes hoarding disorder?

Saving millions of objects, many worthless by objective standards, often makes little sense to those unfamiliar with the condition.

However, most of us become attached to at least a few possessions. Perhaps we love the way they look, or they trigger fond memories.

Hoarding involves this same type of object attachment, as well over-reliance on possessions and difficulty being away from them.

Research has shown genetic factors play a role but there is no one single gene that causes hoarding disorder. Instead, a range of psychological, neurobiological, and social factors can be at play.

Although some who hoard report being deprived of material things in childhood, emotional deprivation may play a stronger role.

People with hoarding problems often report excessively cold parenting, difficulty connecting with others, and more traumatic experiences.

They may end up believing people are unreliable and untrustworthy, and that it’s better to rely on objects for comfort and safety.

People with hoarding disorder are often as attached or perhaps more attached to possessions than to the people in their life.

Their experiences have taught them their self-identity is tangled up in what they own; that if they part with their possessions, they will lose themselves.

Research shows interpersonal problems, such as loneliness, are linked to greater attachment to objects.

Hoarding disorder is also associated with high rates of attention deficit and hyperactivity disorder. Difficulties with decision-making, planning, attention and categorising can make it hard to organise and discard possessions.

The person ends up avoiding these tasks, which leads to unmanageable levels of clutter.

Not everyone takes the same path to hoarding

Most people with hoarding disorder also have strong beliefs about their possessions. For example, they are more likely to see beauty or usefulness in things and believe objects possess human-like qualities such as intentions, emotions, or free will.

Many also feel responsible for objects and for the environment. While others may not think twice about discarding broken or disposable things, people with hoarding disorder can anguish over their fate.

This need to control, rescue, and protect objects is often at odds with the beliefs of friends and family, which can lead to conflict and social isolation.

Not everyone with hoarding disorder describes the same pathway to overwhelming clutter.

Some report more cognitive difficulties while others may have experienced more emotional deprivation. So it’s important to take an individualised approach to treatment.

How can we treat hoarding disorder?

There is specialised cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) tailored for hoarding disorder. Different strategies are used to address the different factors contributing to a person’s hoarding.

Cognitive-behavioural therapy can also help people understand and gradually challenge their beliefs about possessions.

They may begin to consider how to remember, connect, feel safe, or express their identity in ways other via inanimate objects.

Treatment can also help people learn the skills needed to organise, plan, and discard.

Regardless of their path to hoarding, most people with hoarding disorder will benefit from a degree of exposure therapy.

This helps people gradually learn to let go of possessions and resist acquiring more.

Exposure to triggering situations (such as visiting shopping centres, op-shops or mounds of clutter without collecting new items) can help people learn to tolerate their urges and distress.

Treatment can happen in an individual or group setting, and/or via telehealth.

Research is underway on ways to improve the treatment options further through, for example, learning different emotional regulation strategies.

Sometimes, a harm-avoidance approach is best

Addressing the emotional and behavioural drivers of hoarding through cognitive behavioural therapy is crucial.

But hoarding is different to most other psychological disorders. Complex cases may require lots of different agencies to work together.

For example, health-care workers may work with fire and housing officers to ensure the person can live safely at home.

When people have severe hoarding problems but are reluctant to engage in treatment, a harm-avoidance approach may be best. This means working with the person with hoarding disorder to identify the most pressing safety hazards and come up with a practical plan to address them.

We must continue to improve our understanding and treatment of this complex disorder and address barriers to accessing help.

This will ultimately help reduce the devastating impact of hoarding disorder on individuals, their families, and the community.

Read more:
My possessions spark joy! Will the KonMari decluttering method work for me?

Jessica Grisham has received funding from the International Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Foundation.

Keong Yap receives funding from the International Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Foundation.

Melissa Norberg has received funding from the International Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Foundation and the Psyche Foundation for her research on hoarding disorder.

– ref. Why do people with hoarding disorder hoard, and how can we help? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-people-with-hoarding-disorder-hoard-and-how-can-we-help-208102

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Liam Burke, Associate Professor and Cinema and Screen Studies Discipline Leader, Swinburne University of Technology

Australian kids today have greater access to screen entertainment than any generation before. Across smartphones, tablets, laptops and the old-school TV set, streaming services mean there is an endless supply of kids’ content from around the globe.

But as our new research shows, many Australian parents still want Australian-made content for their kids because it reflects local experiences. It also tends to balance fun with education.

What is happening to Australian kids’ content?

In 2020, the federal government removed quotas for local children’s television on free-to-air commercial networks. This has had a significant impact on what is available on our screens.

In August, the Australian Communications and Media Authority found Australian children’s content on commercial broadcasters had dropped by 84% between 2019 and 2022.

Meanwhile, with Network 10 now a subsidiary of global media conglomerate Paramount, pay TV children’s channel Nickelodeon moved from cable to free-to-air in August this year.

So at a time when Australian kids’ content is disappearing from TV screens, hit overseas shows like PAW Patrol (a program about cartoon rescue dogs), SpongeBob SquarePants and Blaze and the Monster Machines are more available to Australian families than ever before.

Our research

We surveyed Australian parents as part of a broader research project on Australian children’s television cultures.

The national survey involved 333 parents of children 14 years and under between August and October 2022.

We asked about how Australian families find, watch and value local kids’ TV in an era of streaming services and global distribution.

Read more:
Cheese ‘n’ crackers! Concerns deepen for the future of Australian children’s television

Our findings

Our research suggests Australian parents strongly value local TV content for their kids. Of those surveyed, 83% say it is important their children see Australian-made programs. As a New South Wales dad-of-one explained:

[local TV] leans into our unique heritage without alienating those who have other experiences. Teaching about what it means to be Australian without creating a firm definition.

When asked what characteristics make “good” Australian children’s shows, parents said relatability, positive messages and humour were key. A Queensland father described how local shows instil

Australian values like fair play and helping your mate as opposed to the US-style ‘look out for number one’.

Parents also explained how humour was relaxed but not crude. As a mother-of-two remarked “poop jokes are fine” – a reference to how rude moments from Bluey have been cut by international distributors.

Showing Australian reality on TV

Perhaps unsurprisingly, parents identified Bluey as the show most watched by their youngest (65%) and oldest child (39%).

Most parents also highlighted education as an important feature of Australian children’s TV. Many drew contrasts with international content to make the point that Australian children’s television tends to pair education with fun and does not “talk down” to children.

Highlighting Little J & Big Cuz – an animated series about two Indigenous Australian children living with their Nanna – a Tasmanian father celebrated how local kids TV

doesn’t shy away from the reality that kids experience and incorporates the wide variety of ‘real Australia’ without being cliched.

A mum from a Canadian-Australian household noted how, unlike overseas content, local shows such as Kangaroo Beach highlight things that are important to Australian life, such as water and sun safety. Similarly, a Melbourne mum emphasised how local specificity is important for young children.

it can be hard to explain why we can’t get snow in the winter in Australia.

Kids are still watching TV on TV

In an era of seemingly endless streaming services, we asked about the devices parents use to access children’s television.

A huge 95% of surveyed households still use television sets to watch children’s shows and content. But the most popular “channels” are almost exclusively streaming services, such as ABC’s video-on-demand services (93%), Netflix (73%), YouTube (66%) and Disney+ (60%). The next most popular devices were tablets (53%) and smartphones (30%), while older children often used computers (21%).

Streaming services without clearly demarcated “kids” sections or that are not well-known for “all-ages” entertainment were less frequently used than those with prominently placed areas for children’s programming.

Four times as many parents identified Disney+ as a service their children use compared to Prime Video, despite Prime Video having a similar number of Australian subscribers.

Read more:
‘An idealised Australian ethos’: why Bluey is an audience favourite, even for adults without kids

Safety is key

We also asked parents about what features and functionality they value in streaming services.

They are concerned about safety, with participants identifying parental settings and controls as the most important feature of streaming services so their children don’t end up watching inappropriate content.

Parents also emphasised the importance of streaming services having content that can be watched together, with nine out of ten parents watching TV with their kids (usually at weekends).

Bluey was the show parents were most eager to watch with their children (60%) Other programs parents were happy to watch with their kids included time-tested Disney movies like The Lion King and Frozen and Australian favourites like Play School and Little Lunch – a program set in a suburban primary school.

Read more:
Peppa Pig has introduced a pair of lesbian polar bears, but Aussie kids’ TV has been leading the way in queer representation

What now?

At a time when audiences have access to shows from across the globe on multiple devices, the Australian parents in our research still value content that communicates local experiences and culture.

However, with protections for the Australian children’s television sector removed it remains to be seen how long can locals such as Bluey fend off overseas rivals like PAW Patrol.

If you’re a parent or guardian with children up to 14 you can participate in our current research on the role of local children’s TV by taking this short survey.

Australian Children’s Television Cultures is a Swinburne University of Technology project in collaboration with RMIT University.

Liam Burke receives funding from the Australian Children’s Television Foundation (ACTF).

– ref. More Bluey, less PAW Patrol: why Australian parents want locally made TV for their kids – https://theconversation.com/more-bluey-less-paw-patrol-why-australian-parents-want-locally-made-tv-for-their-kids-215603

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ari Chand, Lecturer in Illustration and Animation, University of South Australia

Arkie was created by illustrator Nathan Jurevicius 21 years ago. She has evolved into graphic novels, console and virtual reality games, collectable vinyl toys – and now an animated feature film.

Arkie (Jillian Nguyen) lives on a vibrant peninsula with her dad Blister (Rob Collins).

Blister has the ability to regenerate life, and uses this gift to tend to the organic life of the peninsula. When he is captured by Chihoohoo (Tim Minchin) and taken to the dazzling city of lights ruled by the notorious Dr Maybee (Sam Neill), Arkie is forced to leave the safety of the peninsula to save her father.

In 2020, David Attenborough said “saving our planet is now a communications challenge”.

Watching Scarygirl, I was struck by the way rich visual metaphors and ecological backdrop in animated films can be part of this communication solution.

An expanding and visual scary-verse

With growing streaming demand for original content, Australia has been going through an animation and VFX industry boom. Scarygirl marks a 3D animated feature film release that incorporates Australian accents, colloquialisms and sensibilities for a global audience.

Animation and visual ways of expressing ideas about the world have long been used to share messages with a new generation.

Filled with fantastical world-building, character and creature design, the Scarygirl universe mimics our concern for the natural world and the need for human-nature connection.

With some darker themes in the story around biodiversity loss, the film introduces a healthy level of cynicism concerning capitalism, technological innovation and progress.

A feast for the eyes, Scarygirl emulates a toy aesthetic and feels like stop-motion. A visually communicated story has an immense power and influence over the way society is formed.

In my research on how illustration practice works within society, Jurevicius told me illustration is

like reinventing folk tales and fairy tales of cultures that aren’t necessarily real, or they are real, but they are a reimagining of tales that perpetuate the idea of storytelling.

Personal experience is fundamental device in the way Jurevicius’ illustration, and now animation, shares metaphors and mythologies of the natural world and family life through anthropomorphism of the human condition.

In Scarygirl we follow Arkie’s journey as she discovers the world is not exactly as it seems. Jurevicius created Scarygirl out of “a deep love for a new daughter”:

one of the biggest themes for me in this ever-expanding folktale is what it means to be part of a family in all its shapes and forms.

Jurevicius draws on Baltic heritage and traditions of storytelling in his work: we must keep telling stories of our own lives to shape history. Through animation, he articulates his particular experience of the world, capturing a version of reality.

As Arkie starts to explore beyond her peninsula, she comes to realise family can be built from the friends and allies you meet on your journey.

Read more:
From ads to Oscar winners: a century of Australian animation

Storytelling is a powerful tool

At the heart of Scarygirl is the complex relationship between a father and daughter: how we resonate with and find a way through to connect with our parents’ views of us, find responsibility within ourselves, and develop confidence in our own identity and choices.

The film has an authenticity and earnestness built into the plight of Arkie as she seeks to make the best choices with the information provided.

Animation has the ability to circumvent time, space and gravity and physical decay or bodily change. Characters in animation become the masked version of ourselves. In Scarygirl, we explore the human experience through the eyes of an octopus, rabbit and hybrid Chihuahua.

Scarygirl is built within a deep visual universe which relies on physics, a toy-like texture and a strong use of light and colour to communicate the mood.

Animators have to make the fantastical world feel as real as possible so Arkie moves like a human. As we move through the acts of the story, colour indicates place and the stages of the story, like the darkness when she meets the threshold guardian Tweedweller (Deborah Mailman) and the tree of knowledge.

The magic of animation means creators can play with time and space and the narrative structure. There is a wonderful sequence in the middle of the film that utilises a 2D style to shift back in time when Arkie was too young to remember.

Illustration, animation and visual storytelling sit across all parts of our lives. Stories like this one can help us realise our connection to place, culture, the environment around us and the stewardship and responsibility we have to the natural world.

Scarygirl is in Australian cinemas from Thursday.

Read more:
21st-century character designs reflect our concerns, as always

Ari Chand does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Scarygirl: the richly built world of this new Aussie film tells a story of human-nature connection – https://theconversation.com/scarygirl-the-richly-built-world-of-this-new-aussie-film-tells-a-story-of-human-nature-connection-215455

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Annie Te One, Lecturer in Māori Studies, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

The 2023 election saw a changing of the guard in Māori political representation.

Several parliamentary stalwarts lost their seats to members of the “kōhanga reo generation” – Māori under the age of 45 whose school years coincided with the revitalisation of the te reo Māori through full immersion education.

In the Te Tai Tonga electorate, te Pāti Māori’s Takuta Ferris (44) beat Labour’s Rino Tirikātene, who had held the seat since 2011 and was part of a political dynasty. Labour’s Cushla Tangaere-Manuel (44) won the Ikaroa-Rāwhiti electorate – gaining almost 3,000 more votes than te Pāti Māori’s Meka Whaitiri.

Whaitiri had held the seat for Labour since 2013 before switching to te Pāti Māori in early 2023. The Green Party’s Tamatha Paul (26) won the Labour Party’s stronghold in Wellington Central.

Most notably, te Pāti Māori’s Hana Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke beat Labour’s Nanaia Mahuta for the Hauraki-Waikato electorate. Mahuta was first elected in 1996, before 21-year-old Maipi-Clarke was born, and is one of New Zealand’s longest serving wāhine Māori MPs.

This incoming cohort of Māori politicians was raised in a different cultural environment than their elders.

Over the past four decades, the role of Māori language and culture in New Zealand has changed. Māori language is more visible, and issues affecting Māori – such as self-determination – have become part of the mainstream political discourse.

So what makes these incoming Māori leaders different from those who came before them?

Children of the revolution

Both Maipi-Clarke and Paul have been vocal on issues faced by rangatahi Māori and young people in general. Both have openly supported takatāpui (LGBTQ+) communities and climate justice movements. They have also advocated for better housing options across Aotearoa, particularly for Māori and rangatahi.

While supporting similar goals, the two have different backgrounds and experiences with their whakapapa Māori (Māori ancestory).

Maipi-Clarke is proudly part of the kōhanga reo generation – something she talked about during the election campaign:

Don’t be scared, because the kōhanga reo generation are here, and we have a huge movement and a huge wave of us coming through.

The kōhanga reo movement was established in the 1982 to stem the rapid loss of te reo Māori. In 1900, 95% of Māori children entering the school system were fluent. By 1960, this had dropped to 25%. And by 1979, there was a real concern te reo Māori would become an extinct language.

But while te reo Māori revitalisation has started to bring the language back from the brink, fears for its future remain. As of 2021, 7.1% of the general public spoke te reo Māori “fairly well”. And 23% of Māori said they spoke te reo Māori as one of their first languages.

Read more:
From ‘pebble in the shoe’ to future power broker – the rise and rise of te Pāti Māori

The identity, worldview and political aspirations of Māori who have grown up in the kōhanga reo movement have been influenced by the language – and by extension cultural – revitalisation efforts.

According to the Ministry of Education, students from households that reported emphasising aspects of Māori identity, language and culture reported higher levels of whānau (family) wellbeing than Māori students in families where those elements were absent.

While Paul didn’t grow up enmeshed in her whakapapa Māori, she shares Maipi-Clarke’s commitment to decolonisation and tino rangatiratanga (Māori self-determination) – albeit from a different political party platform.

Paul and Maipi-Clarke (along with Ferris and Tangaere-Manuel) are not the first Māori politicians to commit to these ideas. But they are part of a generation where being Māori, and expressing the overarching goals of the Māori community, have become increasingly normalised.

One example of this shift is the way New Zealanders now view the Te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi. In a 2014 survey of voters, 15% believed the Treaty should play a larger role in New Zealand law. This rose to 18% in 2017 and 27% in 2020.

Backlash and abuse

Despite a wider embrace of Māori language and culture in New Zealand, both Paul and Maipi-Clarke have spoken about the abuse and racism they faced on the campaign trail – and, in Paul’s case, as a Wellington City councillor.

Ahead of the election, the home of Maipi-Clarke was broken into and a threatening letter left behind. Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer described the threats as “political” and “anti-Māori”.

Read more:
How children’s picturebooks can disrupt existing language hierarchies

In 2022, a group of Māori councillors, including Paul, spoke out about the abuse they received when speaking te reo Māori or advocating for Māori interests.

Paul said she faced this abuse while campaigning for her seat on the city council:

There was definitely a really small but very hateful minority group of people who would follow candidates around and livestream them, and whenever the candidates would speak Māori they would yell at them […] while they were livestreaming and tell them to speak English.

Challenges ahead

So, while the rise of the kōhanga reo generation points to a shift in how Māori are viewed in New Zealand, there are still pockets resistant to change. Nothing can be taken for granted.

The possibility of a referendum on the Treaty of Waitangi, among other issues, means this new generation of Māori political leaders will have to keep fighting to hold on to the social and political gains made over the past four decades.

At the same time, this kōhanga reo generation will need to keep pushing for progress in health, justice and social equity – areas where Māori still fall behind other groups in New Zealand.

With at least the next three years in opposition, it remains to be seen how the kōhanga reo generation handles those challenges – and whether the parliamentary mainstream is ready for a different style of Māori leadership.

Annie Te One does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Who are the ‘kōhanga reo generation’ and how could they change Māori and mainstream politics? – https://theconversation.com/who-are-the-kohanga-reo-generation-and-how-could-they-change-maori-and-mainstream-politics-215694

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelly Lewis, Research Fellow in the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (ADM+S), and the Emerging Technologies Lab at Monash University, Monash University

As armed conflict continues to play out in the Israel–Gaza war, a separate battle is raging to control the narrative being presented to the world.

Eyewitness accounts, verified facts and culturally sensitive reporting are competing with misinformation, political propaganda and irresponsible journalism.

This information warfare has real-world consequences. Pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli protests organised through social media have drawn tens of thousands of people onto the streets, despite anti-protest measures adopted in some countries.

The horrific events of the war, along with responses from across the world, underscore the dangers of diplomatic inaction. It also raises questions about the role digital activism plays in shaping the power dynamics that govern war and politics.

Irresponsible messaging fans the flames

In the Israel-Gaza war, Hamas is spreading propaganda on platforms including Telegram and X, while Israel’s broad propaganda efforts include paid ads showing images of brutal violence on X and YouTube.

Nor can traditional media be blindly considered a reliable source of facts. Conflict reporting often focuses on specific violent events while ignoring their context, and news outlets have also made misleading and unsubstantiated claims in their reporting.

At the same time, access for journalists and investigators is extremely limited and responsibility for events such as the deadly al-Ahli hospital blast is highly contested and requires more impartial verified evidence.

The real-world consequences

Violence has spread well beyond Gaza. In the occupied West Bank, many Palestinians have been killed in attacks by Israeli settlers and forces.

In the United States, a six-year-old Palestinian-American boy was stabbed to death and his mother wounded in an Islamophobic, anti-Palestinian attack.

In France, a teacher was killed and three students wounded in an Islamist attack at a school, and the Louvre was evacuated after bomb threats. The country has enacted its highest state of security alert.

In the United Kingdom, Jewish schools have been closed in London and Jewish institutions across the country have reported a 400% spike in antisemitic incidents since the war began. In Berlin, violence broke out as petrol bombs were thrown at a synagogue in an antisemitic attack.

What is ‘digital activism’?

“Digital activism” can be thought of as any digitally enabled form of activism and political participation. For scholars, however, digital activism is a conceptual troublemaker that is considered broad, ambiguous and contested. But its function is especially significant in times of conflict and war.

So, does digital activism actually lead to change? What are its implications, and limitations?

Digital activism as a productive force

The impacts of digital activism can be varied. In the Black Lives Matter movement, it was used to articulate counternarratives and reframe major controversies in ways that engendered social and political action.

In the Syrian refugee crisis, digital activism helped galvanise the public into rapid action. It was also used to coordinate disaster response and financial assistance in the wake of the 2020 Beirut explosion.

Digital activism also helped build collective networks of solidarity and resistance in social movements such as the 2011 Egyptian uprising and Occupy Wall Street. In the Russia–Ukraine war, digital activism helped shape participation in conflict-related mobilisation.

And in the context of Israel and Palestine, research has shown digital activism can influence the opinions of both international and domestic audiences, which in turn directly affects events on the ground and the dynamics of conflict.

Citizens and public figures have taken to social media platforms to express outrage and solidarity, perform fact-checking, coordinate aid efforts and inject cultural and historical nuance into discussions.

Online accounts of events allow war to be studied using digital forensics. They may also become evidence in open-source investigations into human rights violations, such as those conducted by Bellingcat and Forensic Architecture.

Activists have also used platforms to counter state repression of information, helping them maintain political autonomy and control how they are represented. However, these platforms often also become sites of control and censorship.

Digital activism as a weapon

While digital activism can serve productive purposes, it can also have unintended and disastrous consequences. Digital activists on mainstream social media platforms must navigate a highly complex online landscape.

The battle to control the narrative of war in these spaces has become almost as intense as the physical acts that define war.

Digital rights groups monitoring regional social media activity say the censorship of pro-Palestinian voices is at a level not seen since the May 2021 Israel-Palestine conflict. Researchers say the level of hate speech, mis- and disinformation on social media is at unprecedented levels. However, it can’t be studied systematically because tools to assess the impact are not available for independent verification.

Read more:
Social media platforms are complicit in censoring Palestinian voices

There’s no shortage of posts using dehumanising language and disinformation to delegitimise the suffering of Palestinians. And people who rush to publish content without verifying it can also end up doing harm.

How to engage responsibly

For those of us bearing witness to the events unfolding, there are ways we can act responsibly and humanely to maximise benefit and minimise harm.

1. Develop critical media literacy skills

Before you share something online, verify whether the information is substantiated. Seek out sources such as Reuters Fact Check, Fake Reporter or disinformation experts, and develop fact-checking skills through tools and resources.

2. Build your cultural literacy

The history of the Israel–Palestine conflict is complex and storied. Digital activism based on ahistorical and culturally illiterate perspectives is unhelpful.

Before you share a post, take responsibility to educate yourself and reflect on your biases and knowledge limitations. The roots of this conflict have to be understood within a specific cultural, colonial and imperial historic context which dates back to the signing of the Balfour Declaration in 1917.

3. Foster tolerance

Pluralism and healthy debate are essential for democracy. We should find ways to have difficult but respectful conversations with people who have different views to us. It is important to have a media diet that exposes you to different perspectives. Without tolerance, we can’t recognise and reinforce our collective humanity.

Kelly Lewis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. In times of war, digital activism has power. Here’s how to engage responsibly – https://theconversation.com/in-times-of-war-digital-activism-has-power-heres-how-to-engage-responsibly-215882

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tim Lindsey, Malcolm Smith Professor of Asian Law and Director of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society, The University of Melbourne

On Valentine’s Day next year, Indonesia will go to the polls for its most important election in ten years.

The incumbent president, Joko Widodo (known as “Jokowi”), has built a broad supporting coalition of political parties and oligarchs, which has delivered stability but also power and wealth for a small elite. He has also presided over a period of increasing democratic regression, marked by an erosion of the independence of institutions like the anti-corruption commission, inaction on claims of human rights violations, and litigation to silence critics of the government.

Despite this, Jokowi remains immensely popular, with some opinion polls indicating that 80% of citizens support him. He would likely win again if he ran. However, after two five-year terms, he is constitutionally barred from a third, and proposals to change the rules to keep him in the palace have failed.

This is of deep concern to his political allies, who are reluctant to lose their privileged positions. So, for many months, politicians and oligarchs have been manoeuvring to find a way to keep their grip on power.

Read more:
Will Indonesia’s presidential election be delayed? And could Jokowi stay in power longer?

A former rival turned ally

Their solution now seems to be aligning behind the minister for defence, Prabowo Subianto.

At first glance, he is an unlikely choice: a cashiered general and former son-in-law of the authoritarian Soeharto, who ruled Indonesia for more than three decades. Prabowo has been accused of human rights abuses, including in Timor and Papua, and alleged involvement in the abduction and murders of activists around the time of the collapse of Soeharto’s New Order regime in 1998.

Prabowo never faced trial, although several of his men were tried and convicted. The allegations against him meant he was, for years, denied a visa to enter the US. He has denied the allegations against him.

More recently, Prabowo ran against Jokowi in two bitterly fought election campaigns (2014 and 2019), which polarised Indonesia.

However, Prabowo is a member of an elite family, and, despite his previous election losses, can be expected to poll well. After he lost in 2019, Jokowi effectively co-opted him by offering him a seat in cabinet. He has been a compliant member of the administration ever since. Now he is Jokowi’s preferred candidate.

After months of uncertainty, Jokowi and his circle have come out strongly in support for Prabowo, with Jokowi’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, announced as his vice presidential running mate in recent days.

Read more:
Soeharto: the giant of modern Indonesia who left a legacy of violence and corruption

A controversial court decision

This has sparked enormous controversy, for two reasons.

First, Jokowi is a member of former President Megawati Soekarnoputri’s PDI-P party, which backs another candidate, Ganjar Pranowo. Prabowo and Ganjar are running almost neck and neck, with Ganjar sometimes slightly ahead. If Jokowi’s supporters now give their votes to Prabowo, this might be enough to beat Ganjar.

Megawati is sure to see this as a massive betrayal by Jokowi, and she and her party will do whatever they can to stop Prabowo and Gibran.

Second, the 2017 Election Law says candidates for presidential or vice presidential office must be at least 40 years old. Gibran is only 36. Last week, this obstacle was conveniently overcome when the Constitutional Court ruled there was an exception to this age limit if the candidate had previously held elected office as a regional head. Gibran happens to be the mayor of Solo and so is now eligible.

Knocking out a statutory age limit for candidates might not seem a big issue, but this case has caused a huge scandal in Indonesia.

The problem is the court’s chief justice, Anwar Usman, also happens to be Jokowi’s brother-in-law and Gibran’s uncle. The conflict of interest is obvious. But Anwar refused to recuse himself.

This was significant because the case was decided by five judges to four. Anwar had cast the deciding vote.

Reversal of three similar cases

Legally, the most controversial part of the decision is its reversal of three decisions the court read out earlier on the same day about precisely the same minimum age requirement. In those cases, the court had maintained the minimum age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates.

As one of the dissenting judges in Gibran’s case pointed out, Anwar did not attend a meeting of judges last month to decide the three other cases. In that meeting, the judges voted by a majority of six to two to maintain the minimum age limit.

However, two days later, Anwar did attend a meeting to decide the Gibran case, during which the judges voted to remove the requirement. As dissenting judge Arief Hidayat wrote in his judgment, Anwar claimed he had not attended the first meeting to discuss the three other cases because of “health reasons”, not out of a conflict of interest.

The court’s decisions in all four cases were read out the same day, and, to the surprise of many, the final decision overruled the others.

The implication here is clear. When the chief justice did not attend the judges’ meeting on the initial three cases, the court was clearly in favour of maintaining the minimum age (and thus blocking Gibran). But when he did attend the final meeting, a number of judges switched sides and changed their decisions.

This reeks of political manipulation and interference. Professor Saldi Isra, perhaps the most-respected judge on the Constitutional Court for his expertise and integrity, expressed it this way in his dissenting judgment:

I am confused, I am really confused how to start my dissenting opinion. Because since setting foot in the Constitutional Court building as a Constitutional Court judge on 11 April 2017 […] this is the first time I have experienced an event so ‘extraordinarily strange’ and which can be said to defy reasonable expectation: The court changing its position and attitude in a flash.

The court has now paved the way for Gibran to run in the election. Critics joke the court’s name should be changed to “Mahkamah Keluarga” (the “Family Court”).

Undermining the court’s independence

The Constitutional Court is Indonesia’s first and only court with the power to review statutes. It was a key institution that emerged from the reforms after Soeharto’s fall. But many now see this decision as marking the end of the court’s independence. This is because it comes against a background of other obvious attempts to undermine its independence.

Earlier this year, the court’s serving deputy chief justice, Aswanto, was removed by the national legislature for perceived disloyalty. In fact, all he did – along with other judges – was raise questions about the constitutionality of a law that was enacted without adequate public participation. This just happened to be Jokowi’s signature Job Creation “Omnibus” Law.

Aswanto’s removal put the court’s other judges on notice that they could share his fate if they went against the government, particularly in big cases. Many suspect Aswanto’s removal was front of mind for the judges in Gibran’s minimum age case.

While there have yet to be any polls conducted since Gibran’s entry into the race, many expect the court’s decision means Prabowo will emerge as the favourite. And if he and Gibran win, Jokowi and the elite group around him may well expect to extend their influence and privilege for years to come.

However, the decision may also spell the end of Constitutional Court as an independent check and balance on Indonesia’s increasingly powerful rulers. That does not bode well for the country’s fragile democracy.

Tim Lindsey receives funding from The Australian Research Council.

Simon Butt receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. A twist in Indonesia’s presidential election does not bode well for the country’s fragile democracy – https://theconversation.com/a-twist-in-indonesias-presidential-election-does-not-bode-well-for-the-countrys-fragile-democracy-216007

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Flavia Cicuttini, Head, Musculoskeletal Unit DEPM, and Head Rheumatology Unit, Alfred Hospital, Monash University

Osteoarthritis is the most common disease of the joints, and often affects the hands. One in two women and one in four men will have symptoms of hand osteoarthritis by the time they turn 85.

Hand osteoarthritis causes pain and stiffness that can significantly impede a person’s ability to carry out activities of daily living such as dressing and eating, and to enjoy leisure activities.

Despite the significant effects hand osteoarthritis has on people’s lives, treatments are limited and often don’t work.

But relief could be on the way after our recent study found that an existing, affordable medication improves pain in patients with hand osteoarthritis.

Treatment is tricky

Finding treatments that work for hand osteoarthritis has been difficult because until recently we didn’t understand the causes of the condition. Many doctors are still taught that osteoarthritis is caused by “wear and tear” due to ageing and that inflammation is not an important factor in hand osteoarthritis.

However, research over recent years has shown this is not correct. Inflammation appears common in people with painful hand osteoarthritis and often leads to damage to joints.

Pharmaceutical companies have performed studies to see if their new medications that work very well in other inflammatory joint diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis will also work for patients with hand osteoarthritis.

But these medications, called biologic disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs, don’t work in hand osteoarthritis.

Read more:
Arthritis isn’t just a condition affecting older people, it likely starts much earlier

We wanted to understand why. These medications each target one single chemical in the body that causes inflammation, so we wondered if a medicine with a wider mechanism of action, which interrupts the processes causing inflammation in a number of different ways, might work in hand osteoarthritis.

This led us to consider whether methotrexate, a medication used for rheumatoid arthritis since the 1980s, might work for hand osteoarthritis. Methotrexate is an attractive option because doctors are familiar with how to use it, and it has been used in many patients over many years, so we know it’s safe.

It’s also relatively cheap (about $100 per year) so has the potential to be available to many patients compared with more expensive treatments that have been trialled. The biologic disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs, for example, can cost more than $10,000 per year.

In a survey we did before starting our study, we actually found that many rheumatologists were already prescribing methotrexate “off label” to treat patients with hand osteoarthritis because there was little else to offer them.

Now we have evidence methotrexate works

In our trial, we compared a standard dose of methotrexate (20mg taken orally once a week) to a placebo among patients with hand osteoarthritis and inflammation.

We selected people with hand osteoarthritis who had pain on most days in the last three months and moderate pain in the last seven days. We did hand X-rays to show they had osteoarthritis and not some other condition. We also did a magnetic resonance image (MRI) to make sure there was inflammation present.

We studied 97 people – 50 on methotrexate and 47 on the control medication – and followed them for six months.

As with most studies of osteoarthritis, we found that pain improved over the first month in both the control and methotrexate groups. This may be because people often enter a study when their pain is at its worst, so there is some improvement back to their baseline.

However, we found that the pain level did not improve any further in the control group but continued to improve in the methotrexate group. In the methotrexate group there was improvement at three months and even more so at six months. Across the full six months, the improvement in pain in the methotrexate group was twice as much as in the control group.

Read more:
Opioids ease osteoarthritis pain only slightly. Their deadly risks need to be weighed against any benefit

There are a number of limitations to our study. As it lasted six months, further work is needed to see if the pain continues to improve if people are treated for longer.

We also need to see whether methotrexate can reduce joint damage. This can be done by following people over one to two years and taking an X-ray to assess the condition of their joints after treatment.

What now?

Based on the results of our study, doctors may consider discussing the option of prescribing methotrexate with their patients who have significant symptoms of hand osteoarthritis.

The most common side effects of methotrexate are nausea and loss of appetite which are easily managed in most patients. Less common side effects include inflammation of the liver and a drop in the number of white blood cells. But a patient taking methotrexate will have regular blood tests to pick these problems up early if they occur.

A number of unanswered questions remain. We need to work out how long to use methotrexate for, whether it stops joint damage and which patients are most likely to benefit from methotrexate. We are especially keen to see if it helps women who can be highly affected by hand osteoarthritis that develops around menopause.

Flavia Cicuttini receives funding from NHMRC

– ref. New research has found an existing drug could help many people with painful hand osteoarthritis – https://theconversation.com/new-research-has-found-an-existing-drug-could-help-many-people-with-painful-hand-osteoarthritis-215816

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bruce Mountain, Director, Victoria Energy Policy Centre, Victoria University

Last night ABC’s Four Corners investigated the problem-plagued Snowy 2.0 pumped hydro power station, focusing on a bogged tunnelling machine, toxic gas and an unexpected volume of sludge.

While these specific problems are new, we have criticised this project since 2019 and outlined six key problems even earlier elsewhere.

How did we get here?

In March 2017, then-Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull announced the project, lauding it as a game changer for our clean-energy revolution.

In his memoir, Turnbull dubbed Snowy 2.0 “the single most important and enduring decision of the many I made on energy”.

Alas, Snowy 2.0 has not gone well. The warning signs were there from the start. Both the government-appointed Snowy Hydro Board and federal government were warned they had greatly under-costed it, underestimated the construction time and failed to recognise the damage it would do to the Kosciuszko National Park.

In August this year, the government bumped up funding for Snowy 2.0 to A$12 billion – triple the October 2018 figure, when the final decision was made to go ahead, and six times what Turnbull first claimed it would cost in March 2017. That’s before counting the new transmission lines through the controversial HumeLink and VNI West transmission projects. When complete, Snowy 2.0 plus transmission could cost upwards of $20 billion – over ten times the figure Turnbull claimed.

Energy minister Chris Bowen put the Snowy failures and blowouts down to poor execution. Was it still worthwhile? Yes, he said. But Bowen also admits to being swayed by the sunk cost – the government has already spent over $4 billion on it.

Snowy Hydro’s new CEO Dennis Barnes has claimed that while costs have blown out, the public benefits have increased as well.

To date, nothing has been released to substantiate claims of extra benefit despite requests by journalists and by the Senate. All that has been released is a one-page press release and a highly redacted report.

What are the lessons here?

Pumped hydro is essentially a hydroelectricity plant with the ability to pump water back up to the top reservoir. You use cheap power to pump it uphill, and run water back down through turbines to generate power as needed.

The technology isn’t new. It had a previous burst of popularity in developed nations in the 1970s. But since then, there’s been very little pumped hydro built except in China.

Since the 1970s, Australia has had three pumped-hydro generators supplying the National Electricity Market, two in New South Wales and one in Queensland. Data on their generation shows they have only a minor role in energy storage.

None of these are comparable to Snowy 2.0, which would be vastly bigger than any we’ve built before. Snowy 2.0 has by far the longest tunnels – 27 kilometres – of any pumped-hydro station ever built.

Read more:
NSW has approved Snowy 2.0. Here are six reasons why that’s a bad move

Even our smaller pumped-hydro projects are proving harder to complete than expected. The depleted Kidston gold mine in Queensland is being converted to a 250 megawatt pumped-hydro station. The project is much simpler and smaller than Snowy 2.0 and has had extensive policy and financial support by federal and state governments. But it too is running over budget and late, although not remotely close to the same extent as Snowy 2.0.

These projects present hard and expensive engineering problems. They do not deliver economies from learning because each is different from the other.

By contrast, chemical batteries are increasingly standardised. They’re attracting huge investment in research and production. They improve the capacity of existing transmission. They’re made in factories so become cheaper as the industry scales, they have much lower capital outlays per unit of storage, so you get a much quicker payback. And you can resell them easily.

How did we make such an expensive mistake?

One simple explanation is that it was a political decision. The original Snowy Hydro scheme is famed as a nation-building project in post-war Australia. Snowy 2.0 was framed in the same way. Then there’s the need to be seen to “do something”, with economic and technical merit a distant third place.

But there’s another factor – a failure to acknowledge the pace of technology change in ever-better solar panels and wind turbines as well as in battery storage. Apparently insurmountable problems are being solved quickly, such as rapid manufacturing and installation of solar panels, the ability to harness low quality winds, and producing batteries able to service different markets at different points in the grid.

Given the pace of change, it would seem sensible to make the most of cheaper solutions which can be built quickly and don’t lock us in or out to technologies for the long term.

In practice, that means we should focus first on Australia’s huge potential for solar on warehouse and factory rooftops close to our cities. It’s easy to store rooftop solar surpluses for local use. We should make the most of the enormous local potential before reaching for complex, risky, expensive and distant alternatives.

By analogy, don’t try to summit the mountain before climbing its foothills. From base camp, we are bound to find the mountain looks quite different to how we imagined it from a great distance.

Read more:
How to ensure the world’s largest pumped-hydro dam isn’t a disaster for Queensland’s environment

Energy expert Ted Woodley contributed to this article.

Bruce Mountain does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Pushing water uphill: Snowy 2.0 was a bad idea from the start. Let’s not make the same mistake again – https://theconversation.com/pushing-water-uphill-snowy-2-0-was-a-bad-idea-from-the-start-lets-not-make-the-same-mistake-again-216170

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Want to keep working after you’ve reached pension age?

The Australian government has just made it a little bit easier, increasing the amount you can earn per year from work before losing some of your pension by A$4,000 on an ongoing basis.

Late last year, it temporarily upped the so-called work bonus from $7,800 per year to $11,800 to “incentivise pensioners into the workforce”. It was part of the government’s response to its September jobs and skills summit.

It meant pensioners could earn an underwhelming $227 per week from work without harming their pension, up from the previous $150.

The rules for older workers are very different in New Zealand. In fact, if Australia adopted New Zealand’s approach, we could have an extra 500,000 willing workers – a fair chunk of them paying tax.

What’s NZ doing differently for older workers?

Last month, as part of his employment white paper, Australian Treasurer Jim Chalmers made the increase to $227 per week permanent.

Chalmers headlined the announcement: Getting more Australians back into work.

But it’s doing an underwhelming job. In Australia, 15.1% of the population aged 65 and older are in some kind of paid work, up from 14.7% a year earlier.

In contrast, in New Zealand the proportion has just hit 26%. That’s right: more than one-quarter of New Zealanders aged 65 and older are employed.

It’s a similar story if we look at how Australia and New Zealand compared to others internationally on labour force participation (which covers those in paid work plus people actively looking for it).

New Zealand wants to see that number rise further. It has been talking about 33.1% of its population aged 65 or more in paid work, which is what Iceland has.

What is New Zealand doing for over-65s that Australia is not?

You won’t find it mentioned in either treasury’s employment white paper (released in September) or intergenerational report (released in August) – even though National Seniors Australia pointed it out in submissions.

One crucial thing New Zealand is not doing is annoying pensioners who work.

Australian pensioners in paid work get called in for discussions with Centrelink, if it looks as if they are at risk of doing too many hours and going over the $227 per week limit.

The more you work, the more your pension is cut

Pensioners who do go over the $227 per week limit lose half of every extra dollar they earn in a cut to their pension.

Plus tax, this means they lose a total of 69% of what they earn over the limit where their tax rate is 19%, and 82.5% on the portion of earnings taxed at 32.5%.

And this is after the boost designed to “incentivise pensioners into the workforce”.

Last year’s jobs summit also set up a Women’s Economic Equality Taskforce. It reported this week, drawing attention to the “disincentive rates” facing second earners (usually women) who return to work after caring for children.

It said that taking the loss of benefits, tax and childcare costs together, the penalty for returning to work was more than half of what was earned on the first three days of the week, and up to 110% of what was earned on the fourth and fifth days.

My point here is that the losses facing age pensioners who attempt to work are of a similar order – in Australia but not in New Zealand.

Australia’s rules aren’t just stopping pensioners from taking on extra hours. They seem to stop them taking up paid work at all.

There were 2.6 million Australians on the age pension in June this year. Only 83,925 reported income from working. That’s just 3.2%.

NZ pensioners keep their pensions

What’s different about New Zealand is that New Zealand’s pensioners don’t face a penalty if they work. They simply face income tax.

In New Zealand, the age pension (which is called superannuation, making it confusing for Australians) is paid to everyone of pension age. There’s no income test or assets test. You get it because you are a citizen or permanent resident.

Australia wouldn’t need to go as far as New Zealand to get the same benefit. We would simply need to ditch the pension income test in cases where that income came from paid work, leaving the assets test in place.

Then there would be no concern about working.

Read more:
Here’s a radical reform that could pay every retiree the full pension

Half a million reasons for change

If we made that change – and if the same proportion of older Australians chose to work as New Zealanders – we would soon have an extra half a million older Australians able to step into fields such as teaching, where there are 15,500 vacancies, and health care and social assistance, where there are 68,100 vacancies.

It would cost the federal government money because it’d put more Australians of pension age on the pension.

But it’d cost less if we abolished the special tax concession for seniors and pensioners, known as the seniors and pensioners tax offset. In New Zealand, senior citizens face the same tax rates as everyone else.

And it would cost less as more pensioners earned wages and paid income tax.

Calculations prepared for National Seniors Australia by Deloitte suggest that beyond a certain point, the change would become revenue-positive – actually boosting federal coffers – as the extra income tax revenue outweighed the cost of the extra pensions.

National Seniors is calling its campaign “let pensioners work”.

Tapping into the cash economy

Importantly – and here’s where we get to a fact National Seniors might not like me mentioning – that would happen not only because more senior Australians were employed, but also because more senior Australians were employed legitimately.

It’s hard to get a handle on how many senior Australians are working and being paid in cash, which they store rather than bank to avoid tripping the income test. But we do know this.

At the end of March, there were 18 Australian $100 notes in circulation for each Australian resident, an astonishingly high proportion given the use of cash for transactions is collapsing.

In New Zealand at the end of March, there were just five New Zealand $100 notes in circulation for each New Zealand resident.

That may be just a coincidence.

But New Zealand is certainly making it easier for retirees to work legitimately, rather than stay at home or accept cash in hand.

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

– ref. If you’re 65 or over and want to work, you’re far better off in New Zealand than Australia – https://theconversation.com/if-youre-65-or-over-and-want-to-work-youre-far-better-off-in-new-zealand-than-australia-216260

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jan Gothard, Adjunct Associate Professor, Murdoch University

The government and the Greens have agreed to a review of the significant cost threshold. It is the backbone of Australia’s migration health requirement, which all applicants for Australian visas are required to meet.

The threshold is used to refuse visas if an applicant or their child has a health condition or disability likely to incur “a significant cost to the Australian community” to treat or support.

Those who recall the many recommendations of the 2010 Inquiry into the Migration Treatment of Disability,
which were never implemented, will question whether yet another review will bring change. An open letter signed by more than 100 disability and human rights advocates earlier this year called for immediate reform rather than further review.

But Home Affairs Minister Clare O’Neil and Immigration Minister Andrew Giles both acknowledge the current migration health framework is broken. Community consultation with disability advocates is underway – so there is reason to hope this review might be different.

Read more:
Australia once rejected ‘feeble-minded’ immigrants. While the language has changed, discrimination remains

How much is too much?

The significant cost threshold is set at $51,000 over a maximum period of ten years. Visa applicants whose costs are predicted to exceed that limit will fail the migration health requirement and may be told to leave Australia.

Other countries are more generous.

The Canadian significant cost threshold is set at three times the Canadian average cost for health and social services. In 2022, the amount was C$120,285 (A$138,692) over five years, or C$24,057 (A$27,738) per year.

New Zealand’s significant cost threshold is now NZ$81,000 (A$74,792) over five years.

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare’s most recent report into our national health expenditure (made up of medical and hospital costs) suggests it is currently about A$7,900 per person per year.

That figure does not include disability services or other community services such as education support, which are all included in assessment of the significant cost threshold.

On that basis, $51,000, or just 64.5% of the average community cost of health care for Australians over a ten-year period, seems extraordinarily meagre and certainly not “significant”.

Education support is where many applicants with a child with disability hit a brick wall. Whereas the cost of both “regular” education and English as a second language is deemed a community investment, “special” education support is considered a cost. Any child assessed as requiring such support for more than two years will fail the migration health requirement. The fresh review will address this inequity.

The review will also look at the situation of families living in Australia on temporary visas who then have a child born with a disability or health issue. They are subsequently refused a permanent visa for which they would otherwise be eligible.

Read more:
The disability royal commission heard horrific stories of harm – now we must move towards repair

Arguing for waivers

Some visas enable an applicant to argue for a “waiver” or to set aside the migration health requirement, on the grounds that the social and economic benefits they bring to Australia outweigh the costs. The process is protracted and painful. One applicant wrote:

This process was incredibly invasive, for me, my immediate family and my broader family. I was forced to ask my wider family for very intimate financial information, and then supply that information to the government […] The very fact that my family and I had to go through this process was quite demeaning.

Another applicant, whose child was born here, noted:

The whole process is emotionally draining and is constantly at the back of our minds […] Having our child being seen as burden in the very community that we are actively contributing in is very unfortunate.

Waivers are available for a select range of visas and to about half of all visa applicants. For the other 50% of applicants – including people applying for general skilled migration visas and even those invited by state governments to fill jobs in high demand – there is no opportunity to argue for a waiver; the visa is simply refused.

Aneesh Kollikkara and Krishna Aneesh, both working in Western Australia in critical industries, were refused permanent visas because their son has Down syndrome. They were finally granted visas after the federal immigration minister intervened in 2023.

Similarly, Qasim Butt was on track for a permanent skilled visa until his son was born with a life-threatening health condition. The family’s visa was refused in 2017. Their son was unable to depart Australia because of his condition and the family requested ministerial intervention, which was granted more than five years later.

Read more:
Here’s why we need a disability rights act – not just a disability discrimination one

Too late for some

The 2010 inquiry argued all visa applicants should have the opportunity to demonstrate that the benefits they bring to Australia outweigh their notional community costs. The government committed to this
“in principle” but failed to see it through.

Minister Giles has said “any child born in Australia and adversely affected by the migration health rules can apply for ministerial intervention after merits review”. He has promised to prioritise such cases. But under current guidelines, ministerial intervention cannot take place until an obligatory, tedious and expensive journey through refusal at the department level and then an appeal. Long Administrative Appeals Tribunal delays might mean families spend years in limbo, waiting for a decision.

This review has great potential to improve the circumstances of future applicants for visas. For that reason alone is to be welcomed. However, it does not help those applicants still waiting for a decision or whose visas have already been refused.

While we do not yet know the full terms of reference, a review which fails to address the fact that the Migration Act is exempt from the Disability Discrimination Act and is at odds with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disability still leaves gaping loopholes.

Jan Gothard is affiliated with the Welcoming Disability Campaign and Down Syndrome Australia. She is an adjunct Associate Professor at Murdoch University and a Registerd Migration Agent (MARN 1569102) specialising in health and disabilty with Estrin Saul Lawyers.

– ref. A migration review could close some disability discrimination loopholes – but not for people already waiting or refused visas – https://theconversation.com/a-migration-review-could-close-some-disability-discrimination-loopholes-but-not-for-people-already-waiting-or-refused-visas-215894

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yancey Orr, Associate Professor of Environmental Science and Policy, Smith College

It was always going to be a big ask for Australians to vote in favour of an Indigenous Voice to Parliament.

There’s been much said about the challenges posed by the double majority requirement.

In the wash-up, many are asking what the path to reconciliation is now.

Some answers may lay in other settler societies.

North American Indians provide an example of how representation can occur, without having to amend the constitution.

Change in the face of harsh laws

After 350 years of losing wars, land, and sovereignty, American Indians altered their approach to engaging with the federal government in the mid-20th century.

The National Congress of the American Indians (NCAI), a consulting organisation to the government, was central to this change.

Although American Indians could not alter their history, they did reverse its trajectory.

By the 1940s, they were about to face an era of government policies so harsh it is referred to as the Termination Period.

Read more:
Native Americans have experienced a dramatic decline in life expectancy during the COVID-19 pandemic – but the drop has been in the making for generations

Federal laws took away tribal rights once promised by treaties. Government programs tried to end American Indian communities through assimilation.

In 1944, American Indians created the National Congress of the American Indians. Many of those involved had worked as government officials and had a good understanding of the system.

Despite its name, it can’t make laws, like the US Congress.

Rather, it is an organisation that lobbies and educates the government, like other industry and special interest groups.

Changing the trajectory

Remarkably, by the late 1960s, through the National Congress of American Indians’ efforts, American Indians had not only survived, but the Termination Period had given way to tribal self-determination.

The National Congress of American Indians advocated for legislation such as:

• President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “Great Society” programs that sought to ease poverty

• the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act which allowed tribes to manage their own services and contracts with the federal government

• the Indian Child Welfare Act which aimed to protect children while also keeping them within their tribal communities.

School enrolments expanded, services increased, and education and health programs brought the highest quality of life many communities had known.

In improved tribal schools, children can now learn both English and their Indigenous language.

Read more:
If there is to be any healing after the Voice referendum, it will be a long journey

Healthy foods, grown by tribes, are making a comeback on reservations that were once rural food deserts.

Of course, there’s a lot more progress still to be made. American Indian men have the lowest average life expectancy of any ethnic group in the US. Issues with addiction, unemployment and trauma still loom large.

And American Indians remain displaced, having lost 99% of their ancestral lands over time.

But compared to the situation 80 years ago, we’ve come a long way.

Progress in real time

My tribe describes the transformation of this period in a short story.

In the 1970s, our tribe had the following items in our posession: a trailer, a desk, and the phonebook sitting on top of it.

Our numerous ventures now contribute one billion Australian dollars to the regional economy.

We run clinics, house elders, provide daycare, and our youth thrive in schools and careers.

We were able to build on the momentum created by the National Congress of American Indians and take control of our future.

The Congress focuses on policy. It mainly employs experts who research proposals, suggest changes to legislation, meet with government representatives, and provide reports to the public.

Because of their work, American Indians are served better by hundreds of programs and millions of dollars in funding.

The National Congress of American Indians does this without being enshrined in the constitution.

In their nearly 80 years, the organisation has built social capital and credibility.

Because it’s so trusted, it secures funding from tribes, corporations, and government agencies. With yearly financial surpluses, it has set aside millions of dollars in assets to safeguard its future.

A voice in a different form

There has been a long history of trying to establish Indigenous representation at the federal level in Australia.

Most recently in 2009, Aboriginal communities established the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples.

It was disbanded in 2019 after years of under-funding.

It’s hardly surprising a key lesson its leaders learnt was the need for stable funding. Being written into the constitution was seen as the way to get this.

The rationale is understandable, but amending a country’s constitution is a strong measure.

Read more:
‘Lies fuel racism’: how the global media covered Australia’s Voice to Parliament referendum

Perhaps constitutional change was too big a logistical and psychological issue for the public to accept. A body like the National Congress of American Indians could be the alternative.

It would require long-term, bipartisan funding. The political appetite for such a plan is unclear.

But financial certainty could enable Aboriginal people to provide essential consultation and help train future leaders.

It may also prove more palatable for voters across the political spectrum.

In North America, such a lobbying and policy organisation has helped ensure much better outcomes for its Indigenous people.

With the right support, the same could be achieved in Australia.

Yancey Orr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Indigenous voices can be heard without being constitutionally enshrined, just look at the US – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-voices-can-be-heard-without-being-constitutionally-enshrined-just-look-at-the-us-215810

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julie Old, Associate Professor, Biology, Zoology, Animal Science, Western Sydney University

Launched in 2015, WomSAT (Wombat Survey and Analysis Tool) is a citizen science project and website that allows “wombat warriors” to report sightings of wombats, their burrows, and even their cube-shaped poops.

The project initially aimed to uncover information on all things wombat from across Australia, particularly threats. Its ultimate aim is to support conservation, informed by an enhanced understanding of wombat biology.

WomSAT also aims to educate the wider community by using the hashtag #WombatWednesday to spread the word. The project has resulted in raising the profile of wombats in the broader community.

People have jumped onboard to support the charismatic species, and thousands of posts have been shared via social media.

To date, citizen scientists across Australia have reported more than 23,000 wombat sightings to WomSAT. These sightings have recently been analysed and the findings published in Australian Mammalogy and Integrative Zoology.

Importantly, the data have given us new insights into where to find two of the biggest threats: Australia’s wombat roadkill hotspots, and the worst areas for sarcoptic mange (a disease related to scabies).

Read more:
Mangy marsupials: wombats are catching a deadly disease, and we urgently need a plan to help them

Making our roads safer for wombats

Wombats are large, mostly grass-eating native Australian marsupials. They play an essential role in maintaining biodiversity as ecological engineers. Through their burrowing, they maintain soil health and create habitat to support other plants and animals.

There are three species of wombats: the critically endangered northern hairy-nosed wombat (Lasiorhinus krefftii), the threatened southern hairy-nosed wombat (L. latifrons), and the bare-nosed or common wombat (Vombatus ursinus).

Like most Australian native animals, wombats are under threat on many different fronts – habitat destruction, changed fire regimes, competition from introduced species, and even direct persecution by humans, as they are deemed pests by some. The bare-nosed wombat is particularly impacted by roadkill and sarcoptic mange.

The new data reported to WomSAT have identified roadkill hotspots and factors affecting wombat vehicle collisions.
Several areas were identified as roadkill hotspots, including Old Bega Road and Steeple Flat Road in southern New South Wales. Most wombat roadkill deaths occurred in winter, and sadly most appeared otherwise healthy.

Having better data and identifying these roadkill hotspots will ultimately reduce road risks for people and wombats. We can target these hotspots using mitigation strategies such as reduced speeds, signage and barriers to prevent wombat crossing and avoid collisions.

Mangy marsupials

WomSAT data have also revealed that wombat populations in closer proximity to urban areas have more wombats with sarcoptic mange. Mange is a disease caused by the Sarcoptes scabiei mite.

In people this mite causes scabies. But in wombats, the disease is fatal if left untreated. The mites cause disease by burrowing into the skin of wombats, causing extreme itchiness and discomfort. Eventually it leads to large open wounds, and the wombat dies from secondary infections.

For sarcoptic mange reports, the season was not statistically significant, but rainfall was. This could potentially be because scabies mites thrive in more humid environments, but more research is needed.

Interestingly, our field research has also indicated that rainfall contributes to higher occurrence of sarcoptic mange in specific populations we have monitored over several years.

Overall, roadkill events and sarcoptic mange are two of the biggest threats to bare-nosed wombats. As we continue to track both over time, it will help us to better understand and mitigate these threats.

You can become a wombat warrior too

Recent upgrades to WomSAT will now allow GPS location data embedded in photos taken using smartphones. Importantly, this means users can upload wombat sightings when they come back into phone signal or internet range.

Users can also now upload information where wombats are not found, which provides important information on wombat distribution and abundance.

Another new feature on WomSAT will assist wildlife carers to directly monitor and record treatment of wombats with sarcoptic mange in the field. In the past, treatment regimes have rarely been recorded. This will benefit the wider wildlife care network by highlighting areas where wombats are currently being treated, as well as new areas where wombats require treatment.

In the longer term, the resource will also help to support the development of better treatment regimes by recording treatment methods and tracking wombats (through photographs) to help monitor their recovery.

Regardless of the level of experience with wombats, everyone can get involved and become a wombat warrior. You can do so by reporting sightings of wombats and their burrows to the WomSAT website via a mobile phone or computer.

Ongoing reporting to WomSAT will provide more insights into these amazing marsupials. It can be used to assist with determining wombat distribution and abundance patterns, as well as help manage the threats they face.

Julie Old received funding from Emirates Airlines, Wolgan Valley Resort and Spa and NSW NPWS Curb Mange Grant to establish and upgrade the WomSAT website.

Hayley Stannard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 2 biggest threats to wombats revealed in new data gathered by citizen scientists – https://theconversation.com/2-biggest-threats-to-wombats-revealed-in-new-data-gathered-by-citizen-scientists-215713

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Griffin, Associate Professor, Infectious Diseases and Microbiology, The University of Queensland

Many tiny organisms including bacteria, fungi and viruses normally live on our bodies, and even inside us. These are called the microbiome. The large number of these organisms living in the gastrointestinal tract are collectively known as the gut microbiome.

Increasingly the gut microbiome is recognised as playing a large part in health and disease, particularly relating to human physiology, metabolism and immune function.

There are now more than 700 published papers looking at the interaction between COVID and the gut microbiome. Many of these studies demonstrate the possible contribution of gut bacteria to COVID infection and severity, as well as the effect COVID (and its treatment) potentially has on our gut bacteria.

Now, a new study has found severe COVID may be related to fungal bugs in our gut microbiome. This could be through a variety of changes to the immune system in response to specific fungal species.

What the study did

Fungal organisms in the microbiome are referred to as the fungal microbiota, or mycobiota. While it’s normal to have a range of fungal organisms in the gut, changes in the types or amount can be linked to disease, just like with variations in gut bacteria.

In the study published in Nature Immunology, the researchers investigated the possible relationship between mycobiota and COVID in a few different ways.

First, they compared patients with and without COVID, looking at the levels of certain fungal organisms in samples from their gastrointestinal tracts. This included 66 people with severe COVID, 25 with moderate COVID and 36 without COVID.

The researchers also measured antibodies in the participants’ blood against these same organisms, which lets us know that they triggered an immune response.

Read more:
COVID and your gut: how a healthy microbiome can reduce the severity of infection – and vice versa

To investigate further, the researchers conducted experiments in mice. They gave the mice some of the fungal organisms taken from COVID patients and measured some of the same outcomes, including antibodies in the blood. They also looked to see if certain treatments, such as antifungals, would make a difference.

While this isn’t the first study looking at gut mycobiota and COVID, it’s very comprehensive and reports some interesting findings.

What the study found

The researchers detected a greater amount of fungal organisms in patients who had COVID compared with controls who did not.

Antibodies to certain fungi were also heightened in the blood of COVID patients. In other words, the presence of these fungal organisms and an associated immune response seems to be linked to a more severe COVID infection. In particular, two Candida species and S. cerevisiae were linked to disease severity.

When the researchers isolated live fungi from fecal samples of COVID patients, Candida albicans was common in the gut of patients with COVID, and its growth correlated with more severe disease.

To look at the impact of these fungal species on immune responses, mice were colonised with Candida strains isolated from the COVID patients.

The researchers found older mice who were colonised with C. albicans and then infected with COVID showed a very different immune response compared to mice that weren’t given the Candida fungus. This included having more immune cells called neutrophils in the blood and increases in other markers of inflammation including in the lungs.

Some of these changes were partially resolved with anti-fungal treatment or other specific anti-inflammatory medications that have shown benefit in COVID patients.

Read more:
COVID is a ‘smart virus’ that can affect DNA – but that doesn’t mean you can pass it on to your kids

Some limitations

All of this suggests variations in the mycobiota may contribute to the excessive inflammatory immune response seen in severe cases of COVID. A link between the fungal microbiome and inflammation isn’t completely new – other studies have shown an impact on inflammatory conditions linked to similar changes in the mycobiota.

As with all studies, there are some limitations to consider here. First, the number of human participants was relatively low, with only 91 patients with COVID included, and 36 in the control group. Many parts of the study analysed even smaller groups of patients or patient samples.

Second, the study was conducted in 2020 during the first wave of COVID infections. A lot has changed since then including the virus itself. And most people have now not only been vaccinated but also previously exposed to the virus.

Nonetheless, this study raises many possibilities including perhaps being able to look at who might be a greater risk of more severe COVID based on their mycobiota. There may even be a possibility of trying to change the mycobiota to reduce the risks from COVID infection. But to get to these points we need a lot more research.

There are multiple factors that determine the make-up of our microbiome, including mycobiota. These are likely to include diet and lifestyle factors alongside other factors like medical conditions and treatments, such as antibiotics.

At this stage there are fewer proposed interventions for influencing mycobiota than for gut bacteria. But studies such as this one demonstrating the importance of the fungal bugs in our gut will hopefully lead to more research in the area.

Paul Griffin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Could gut fungi be linked to severe COVID? What to make of new research findings – https://theconversation.com/could-gut-fungi-be-linked-to-severe-covid-what-to-make-of-new-research-findings-216084

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Albert Van Dijk, Professor, Water and Landscape Dynamics, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University

You probably saw a multi-coloured climate map at least once in school. You might have pored over it, fascinated. Was Antarctica really a cold desert? And why was so much of Russia listed as tundra?

Almost always, those maps were based on the climate classification system proposed by Wladimir Köppen. The colours are chosen to suit our imagination: Australia with its red desert centre, surrounded by a yellow or orange semi-arid fringe and more lush green climates along many coastlines and hinterland.

But these maps were made for a climate that doesn’t exist any more. Our new research shows just how fast climate change has altered these maps – and how they will continue to change.

Our web app lets you see for yourself for any country in the world and for different emission scenarios. For Australia, you can watch the hot desert area expand and the temperate areas shrink.

The climate map of the future below assumes nations meet their climate goals. It could be far worse. Or it could be better, if we finally treat climate change with the urgency it needs.

How do you classify a climate?

Köppen was a 19th century Russian botanist who later retrained in meteorology. Over his career, he combined both interests, becoming fascinated by the relationship between climate and types of vegetation.

Around 1900, he proposed the influential climate classification system which now bears his name alongside his collaborator, Rudolf Geiger. It remains by far the most used classification system, as it combines different aspects of climate data into types of landscapes and vegetation types we can actually picture, from rainforests, savannahs and deserts to temperate and boreal forests, tundras, glaciers and ice sheets.

The Köppen-Geiger classification has five major climate classes: tropical, dry, temperate, cold and polar. These are divided into 30 subclasses based on the amount of rain and temperatures in summer and winter.

You might think it would be relatively straightforward to figure out if climate change has pushed a region into a new classification. Add the recorded global warming of 1.2°C so far and see if that changes anything.

Alas, it’s not that simple. This is because climate change can have weird regional effects. We’re getting much more rain in some areas, and much less in others. Some regions are warming faster than the global average and others are warming slower.

Climate models predict there will continue to be such differences. Plus, a degree of warming will have a greater impact at the edge of a glacier than in the Sahara.

To find out what will happen, we analysed vast databases of past weather observations and future climate projections under different socio-economic and emission pathways to redraw the Köppen map. We did so at a very fine scale, dividing the world up into square kilometres so we could observe localised changes in mountainous regions and on small islands.

Change has already happened – and there’s much more to come

The results were surprising. In some parts of the world, climate zones have already shifted considerably since Köppen drew his first climate map more than a century ago. The fastest change has been in the last few decades. The largest changes have been in cold and polar climates, which have become less cold and sometimes drier.

Eastern Europe has been a climate change hotspot over the last century. Its continental climate of cold winters and warm summers has given way to a temperate climate with hot summers.

Several countries have already changed climate zones across more than half of their area. Hungary, for instance, has changed the most of any nation. A whopping 81% of the country has already moved into a different, more temperate climate zone. Other global hot spots include central Europe, the Middle East and South Korea.

Read more:
Will three billion people really live in temperatures as hot as the Sahara by 2070?

Our projections show these regions are among those to undergo the biggest climatic shifts through to 2100. Some areas will shift climate zones more than once.

Countries at higher latitudes will see some of the largest changes. Almost a quarter (24%) of both Canada and Russia have already moved into another climate zone since Köppen’s first map. Another 39-40% of their immense landmasses will follow suit before the end of the century.

A similar story applies to Europe, where climate zones will change in between one-third and two-thirds of the area in most countries.

South Africa and neighbouring countries Swaziland and Lesotho are the fastest changing countries in the Southern Hemisphere. Their climate zones have shifted across 28% of their combined area. By 2100, an additional 44% will change.

In Australia, climate zones have already shifted across 14% of the country, with another 13% predicted during the remainder of this century.

You might wonder how it can be that climate zones don’t move in some areas. That is because each Köppen climate zone represents a specific range of temperature and rainfall conditions, and a region can move within that range.

But Köppen didn’t foresee what’s happening now. In his classification, deserts and tropical climates are at the high end of the temperature scale and cannot change – they just get hotter.

What will this mean on the ground?

Changes as dramatic and rapid as this are already upending natural ecosystems. As climate change progresses, it will force significant change to our farms and infrastructure. Humanity gets half its calories from just three plants – rice, maize and wheat – and each of these has a preferred climate.

Warmer and drier climates bring more drought as well as crop loss, water shortages, ecosystem degradation, bushfires and desertification. Warmer winters, extreme heat, drought and fire have been pummelling forests the world over – from the cold high latitudes in Canada and Russia to the dry forests in the Mediterranean region, California and Australia. Even the Amazon rainforest is affected.

Of course, some changes may be beneficial for people, such as better agricultural conditions or lower heating costs in cold regions. But the overall picture is one of calamitous change.

Over the next decades, it will take all of humanity’s commitment and ingenuity to avoid a major climate catastrophe.

Read more:
The world’s tropical zone is expanding, and Australia should be worried

Albert Van Dijk receives or has previously received funding from several government-funded agencies, grant schemes and programmes and undertakes occasional consultancies.

Hylke Beck and Pablo Rozas Larraondo do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Remember the climate map from your school atlas? Here’s what climate change is doing to it – https://theconversation.com/remember-the-climate-map-from-your-school-atlas-heres-what-climate-change-is-doing-to-it-216171

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gwilym Croucher, Associate Professor, Melbourne Centre for the Study of Higher Education, The University of Melbourne

A major higher education review is considering putting a levy on international student fees in Australia.

The idea is universities would pay some of the fees they receive from international students into a central fund managed by the government.

This would effectively impose an export tax on international students to address calls for increased funds for research and infrastructure.

Despite the radical nature of this proposal from the Universities Accord review team, there has been very little debate about an international student levy so far.

In a new report we examine how a levy might work and its likely impact on students and universities.

Read more:
The Universities Accord draft contains ‘spiky’ ideas, but puts a question mark over the spikiest one of all

What is being proposed?

The Australian Universities Accord review team, led by former vice-chancellor Mary O’Kane, is at the business end of its work. An interim report was released in July and a final report is due back to the federal government in December.

The interim report contained more than 70 policy ideas for further consideration. One of these is a levy on international student fee income to:

provide insurance against future economic, policy or other shocks, or fund national and sector priorities such as infrastructure and research.

When releasing the report in July, Education Minister Jason Clare added the levy could could create a fund “a bit like a sovereign wealth fund”.

A big discrepancy

International student fees are a vital part of funding for Australia’s universities. In 2019, pre-COVID, international student revenue was A$10 billion.

But there is a big discrepancy between how much income Australian universities receive from international student fees. The levy would be a way to channel funds from institutions that receive a lot of international student fee income to those that do not.

Income from international fees tends to be concentrated in metropolitan universities, who can more easily attract students with their location and rankings.

In 2021, for example, The University of Sydney collected the most international student fee income at A$1.3 billion, which was roughly 38% of the university’s total budget that year. In contrast, The University of Notre Dame collected about $5 million or roughly 2% of their budget that year.

But if the levy is going to provide “insurance”, this implies a reserve would need to be built up. So hundreds of millions of dollars of fee revenue would be withdrawn from the sector for several years until a target was reached.

Read more:
International students are returning to Australia, but they are mostly going to more prestigious universities

Why tax international students?

A core question confronting a new levy is “who should it apply to and why?” The current proposal involves taxing fees paid by international students but not those paid by domestic full-fee paying students. The vast majority of these are enrolled in postgraduate courses and like international students are unevenly distributed across the sector.

A levy risks exacerbating the already problematic perception international students are “cash cows” – a concern expressed by the Business Council of Australia and Bond University among others.

Most international students already pay tuition fees significantly higher than the amount universities receive for domestic students. But at least at the moment, international students can choose between a wide range of providers and courses at varying fee levels.

If there was a levy, their fees may end up funding activities that have little relationship to their studies or experience in Australia.

Without transparency and accountability over the different purposes for which the funds are used, students might rightly ask whether they are receiving value for money and why domestic full-fee students are not contributing.

International students already contribute significantly to the public purse beyond their course fees.

We estimate the Australian government currently collects more than A$2.6 billion per year directly from international students’ charges and taxes. This includes visa fees, income tax if they are working in Australia and GST.

Redistribution will be tricky

Another issue is around the public redistribution of private fee income.

As our report notes, Australia’s five largest universities – The University of Sydney, Monash University, The University of Melbourne, The University of New South Wales and The University of Queensland – have had significantly higher international revenue than other institutions in recent years. Depending on the design, they may provide the lion’s share of the contributions.

For example, a straight 5% levy on international student fees for each university in 2021 would have collected more than $430 million, half of which would come from the five universities with the highest fee income.

It might be considered unreasonable for fee income to be redistributed from high-income to low-income universities without a strong rationale, if this affects teaching and research at the former.

Read more:
Australian universities have dropped in the latest round of global rankings – should we be worried?

A radical step

If Australia imposes a levy on international student fees, it is likely some students will choose to study elsewhere.

Tuition fees will be increased by some universities in an effort to pass the cost of the levy on to students, rather than cutting expenditure.

If the levy forced universities to give up some funds for other universities, this would be a radical step, going far beyond current policy settings. The consequences of this – in terms of funds potentially lost from some universities – would need to be very carefully considered.

And if the levy also caused a major drop in Australia’s share of the international education market, it would be a self-defeating policy.

Gwilym Croucher is Associate Professor in Higher Education at the University of Melbourne.

Christopher Ziguras is Professor in Higher Education at the University of Melbourne and past President of the International Education Association of Australia.

– ref. What would a levy on international student fees mean for Australian universities? – https://theconversation.com/what-would-a-levy-on-international-student-fees-mean-for-australian-universities-215794

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Helen Spiropoulos, Associate Professor, University of Technology Sydney

What’s the easiest way to improve a company’s social and environmental performance? The unfortunate answer, from our analysis of Australian public companies, is to change the way you measure it. In particular, by changing what you said last year to make this year’s performance look better.

Reporting on environmental, social and governance (ESG) performance is increasingly important to the fortunes of listed companies – under pressure from investors, regulators and other stakeholders.

In some cases, executive pay is tied to these metrics.

Our study, which examined reports from the top 500 companies listed on the Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) over the past 15 years, suggests progress can be little more than sleight of hand, facilitated by the lack of clarity around how ESG performance is measured and reported.

Our final data set includes those companies that report on both their ESG performance and their executive remuneration practices. This numbered about 215 individual companies.

Of these, roughly one in six made adjustments to past reported ESG performance, particularly around social measures such as gender diversity or workplace safety. The average size of the adjustments was also significant, at 28% of the original value reported.

About 55% of companies tied a proportion of their chief executive’s bonus to ESG metrics. These companies were twice as likely to make one or more adjustments to past reported ESG numbers. In fact, 33.5% of all adjustments were of an ESG measure that was included in the chief executive’s bonus. The average size of these adjustments was also larger, at 36% of the original value.

This occurred across all industries but was most common in two areas: the financial sector and the materials sector, which covers mining and chemical, construction and forest products.

Linking executive pay to improvements

If retrospective changes were the result of previous mistakes or improvements in measurement systems, there should be no bias in the direction of changes to past performance (that is, it could go up or down). But we found a significant bias towards making past performance look worse, thereby making the current year’s look better.

Fuelling this seems to be the practice of tying executive bonuses to a simple improvement, rather than to a stipulated target. For example, executives might be rewarded for increasing the proportion of female or Indigenous employees or cutting injury rates, rather than hitting specific targets for these metrics.

We found about 17% of bonus pay is typically attributed to ESG targets. For the average chief executive in our study, this translates to around $200,000 in extra income. It’s not surprising that retrospective changes making current-year performance seem better were more likely to occur when greater weighting was given to these targets in the chief executive’s contract.

The case of Commonwealth Bank

The restatement of ESG measures is illustrated by the case of the Commonwealth Bank of Australia, which has been criticised for vague performance targets.

Over the past few years it has tied about 10-15% of the chief executive’s bonus to relatively intangible metrics. In its 2020 report, for example, “people measures” covering “culture, wellbeing, talent and capability” comprised 9% of the chief executive’s bonus.

Thees metrics have persistently changed retrospectively, as shown by employees’ “safety and wellbeing” results.

For example, the bank’s 2017 annual report showed 1.1 injuries per million hours worked (this is a standard measure, known as the “lost time injury frequency rate”).

However, in its 2018 annual report, the bank revised the 2017 figure from 1.1 to 1.6, which meant the 2018 report showed injury rates as having decreased relative to the previous year.

The stated reason for the change was that the updated 2017 figure includes injury claims received after the year-end reporting date, as well as expanding the scope to include New Zealand employees when calculating this metric.

In its 2019 annual report, the 2018 figure was then revised up from 1.1 to 1.4. This meant the report showed no increase in injury rates for 2019.

In its 2020 report, the 2019 figure was revised upward to 1.6. If we compare the final adjusted figures for 2019 and 2018, there was actually an increase in rates between the two years.

This practice is persistent up to the 2023 reporting period, and it’s likely legitimate that some injury claims are indeed filed after the year-end reporting date. However, if this is the case, we might wonder why an incomplete number from a current report is being compared with a complete one from a previous report.

In response to queries from The Conversation, a spokesperson for Commonwealth Bank confirmed this is indeed how these figures are collated, but denied that there is pressure to compile the data in a way that gives the impression of constant improvement.

Of course, safety and wellbeing are important issues, but the discretionary nature of these metrics means retrospective changes can make it look like improvements have occurred. Therefore, we advise users of this information to exercise caution when comparing performance to adjusted numbers, particularly as little information is typically given to explain why the adjustment was made.

For example, Commonwealth Bank’s 2023 annual report features a change to the way full-time equivalents are calculated, but without explaining how or why the previous years’ figures were adjusted.

Read more:
A new approach to environmental, social and governance policies is needed before it’s too late

Manipulating vs managing

As per the adage “what gets measured gets managed”, governments and investors have pushed sustainability reporting on the basis it will encourage companies to be socially and environmentally responsible.

This is partly due to a shift away from the view that companies exist purely to maximise shareholders’ wealth, and towards the idea they should be good corporate citizens with minimal negative impact on the environment and society. Some investors prefer to invest only in stocks that meet ESG performance criteria.

This creates incentives to exaggerate claims – made easier by the lack of uniformity in measuring and reporting such results.

Read more:
ESG investing has made little impact on the green energy transition so far. Why is that?

Who sets the standard?

An international body to set global standards, the International Sustainability Standards Board, was established in 2021. It published its first set of ESG standards in June.

Australia is set to follow these standards, under a proposal by Treasury, with one catch: the regulations will focus only on climate-related disclosures, which will apply to Australian companies from 2024, overseen by the Australian Accounting Standards Board.

While these standards will create greater consistency in ESG disclosures, there will remain significant discretion in how ESG performance is measured – including the ability to change how ESG items are measured from year to year and to adjust previous years’ apparent performance.

Currently, ESG performance isn’t required to be audited, and just 22% of the companies we looked at had their ESG performance audited. Last month, the International Auditing and Assurance Standards Board issued a draft sustainability assurance standard that will require auditors to provide assurance of reported ESG figures.

Treasury has also said Australia will follow this standard, and expects auditors to provide reasonable assurance on all climate disclosures by 2027. Hopefully, these audits will also consider the legitimacy of revisions or changes in measurement. But regardless of this improvement in accountability regarding environmental performance, companies’ reporting on social metrics will still be unregulated.

The irony is striking. What was conceived as a mechanism to drive positive environmental and social change may instead act as an incentive to manipulate sustainability performance.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How Australian companies can fudge their numbers to show social and environmental progress – https://theconversation.com/how-australian-companies-can-fudge-their-numbers-to-show-social-and-environmental-progress-212442

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jago Dodson, Professor of Urban Policy and Director, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University

The High Court of Australia’s decision to invalidate Victoria’s electric vehicle tax has been widely noted as a major judgement in the history of federal-state taxation powers.

In 2021, Victoria introduced a 2.5 cents per kilometre charge for electric vehicles using public roads. Ostensibly this was to compensate for the likely loss of Commonwealth fuel excise revenue from the shift to electric vehicles.

The court’s decision, released last week, effectively expanded the definition of an excise to include any tax that has “a reasonably anticipated economic effect on the pattern of demand”. By imposing a cost on the use of vehicles, and thereby potentially reducing demand for them, the road user charge is an excise.

At the time of federation in 1901, automobile technology had advanced to the level of a “motorised dog cart powered by kerosene”. There is no constitutional right to operate a motor vehicle on public roads, yet the High Court has given the Commonwealth the right to charge for motor vehicle use on roads.

In making this decision, the court has gravely weakened the capability of the states to set, regulate and fund metropolitan transport planning objectives.

Australians rely heavily on private vehicles

Between 68 per cent (Sydney) and 75 per cent (Brisbane) of travel in Australia’s major cities is by private motor vehicle, making them the most unsustainable national grouping within a developed country outside the United States. Car dependence causes various problems that are not adequately accounted for in current pricing regimes.

These include carbon emissions, productivity costs of congestion, traffic deaths and injuries to people and animals, respiratory and systemic diseases from exhaust and tyre particles, and cardiovascular disease from sedentary behaviour.

Because they generate many of the negative impacts of conventional vehicles, electric vehicles are not a sustainable mode of urban transport. And there is increasing recognition that moving from internal combustion engine vehicles to electric vehicles won’t reduce the impact of climate change within emergency timeframes.

The best way to reduce damage from car use in cities is to reduce usage overall. Along with regulatory measures that impede, exclude, ban or ration use of cars, taxes, levies, charges and prices are important mechanisms.

Since the 1980s, various agencies have argued the societal costs of motor vehicle use are under-estimated. The Henry Tax Review (2010), the last major comprehensive review of national taxation argued a combination of road specific congestion charges, network access charges and a variable charge such as fuel tax, should be applied to vehicle use costs.

This approach has been echoed in further advice from the Productivity Commission, Infrastructure Australia and Infrastructure Victoria, as well as by motorist groups such as the RACV.

The states are losing control of managing their roads

The High Court decision to reserve congestion and generalised road use charging to the Commonwealth severely limits states capacity to manage the costs of urban car use by way of taxes, charges, levies or fees, such as under section 1(d) of the Victorian Road Safety Act 1986. The section seeks to ensure “the equitable distribution within the community of the costs of road use”.

But, if Victorians now voted for road user charging to shift the 71% of travel currently undertaken by car in Melbourne to sustainable modes, they would be refused by the Constitution.

Read more:
Made in Australia? The electric vehicle revolution gives us a chance to revive an industry

Any future desire to achieve more sustainable levels of car use of 30-40% of travel, as found in cities like Seoul, London or Paris – or 12% in Tokyo – would be impossible to achieve using road pricing, without Commonwealth involvement.

Meanwhile, the Commonwealth lacks a mechanism to collect road user charges. It would need to duplicate the states motor vehicle registration systems, roll out an equivalent system via the ATO, or rely on state cooperation.

A new tussle between the Commonwealth and states is foreseeable over the level of charge, the costs of collection and distribution formula, as well as any differential calibrations. It could be the Commonwealth sets a uniform national road users charge but allows states to add their own loadings to meet their transport objectives.

There may however be workarounds for states to impose per kilometre road user charges on electric vehicles. Victoria could impose an extra levy per kilowatt hour of electricity charged to an EV, for example, given there the close relationship between distance driven and kilowatt-hours consumed. It would be an adventurous High Court that decided the Commonwealth was responsible for setting electricity tariffs.

Read more:
The human factor: why Australia’s net zero transition risks failing unless it is fair

Another workaround could be to vest Victoria’s roads within a commercially mandated state-owned corporation responsible for full cost recovery for road use. Road user charges would not comprise excise but rather a commercial transaction between the corporation providing the road service and the motorist paying to use the service.

Australian cities need to move quickly and decisively away from the car as a means of urban transport. Given its opposition to the Victorian road user charge and its newly confirmed powers over urban transport pricing, it is incumbent on the Commonwealth to present a coherent plan to reduce car use in cities.

Although the Commonwealth is currently developing a net zero transport and infrastructure roadmap, this needs to be urgently broadened to a national strategy for sustainable urban transport, coordinated with the states, and including clear, effective and accelerated ways of reducing car use in cities.

RMIT University receives funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute to support Jago Dodson’s research.

– ref. The High Court decision on electric vehicles will make charging for road use very difficult – https://theconversation.com/the-high-court-decision-on-electric-vehicles-will-make-charging-for-road-use-very-difficult-216107

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Featherstone, Senior Research Fellow, RMIT University

There are more than 1,500 remote First Nations communities and homelands around Australia, and about 670 of them have no mobile phone coverage. In research with 495 people from ten remote communities, we found 45.9% were “highly excluded” from increasingly important digital services and tools.

Digital inclusion for First Nations people is part of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap. The agreement calls for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to have “access to information and services enabling participation in informed decision-making regarding their own lives”, and “equal levels of digital inclusion as other Australians by 2026”.

Read more:
For remote Aboriginal families, limited phone and internet services make life hard. Here’s what they told us

There is still some way to go, as our research shows. As one person in a remote community described their situation, “the internet here in Galiwin’ku past 10am is hopeless. [It] further marginalises people already living in an isolated community.”

A new report by the First Nations Digital Inclusion Advisory Group, released today, proposes a series of practical strategies to the Australian government to reduce the digital divide for First Nations Australians, particularly those living in remote communities and homelands.

Digital inclusion and the digital gap

We are part of a team that studies digital inclusion – the ability to access, afford, and effectively use digital technologies – across Australia. Each year, we publish the Australian Digital Inclusion Index which gives scores out of 100 for inclusion in different regions and groups of people around the country.

In our Mapping the Digital Gap project, we are researching digital inclusion among First Nations people in remote communities.

There is a significant gap in digital inclusion for First Nations people compared with other Australians, which widens substantially with remoteness.

Nationally, we found a “digital gap” of 7.5 points between First Nations people and others in Australia. In remote Australia the gap is 24.4 points, and in very remote communities and homelands it is 25.3 points.

The biggest contribution to this gap comes from access to communications services. There are some 1,545 remote First Nations communities and homelands across Australia, and 670 have no mobile coverage. Many of the others need much better access to affordable and reliable connections.

First Nations people primarily use prepaid mobile services for voice and data, so expanded access to mobile and wifi services are a critical first step.

Of the 495 remote First Nations people who participated in our study, 45.9% were rated as “highly excluded” based on their inclusion index scores, compared with 9.4% of people across Australia.

First Nations leadership on closing the digital gap

The First Nations Digital Inclusion Advisory Group was established by Minister for Communications Michelle Rowland in January 2023 to provide First Nations leadership on policy and programs to address closing the digital gap.

The advisory group consists of five highly experienced First Nations people, supported by a seven-person expert panel and a secretariat within the Commonwealth Department of Infrastructure. The group is chaired by veteran media professional and Noongar woman Dot West, with researcher Lyndon Ormond-Parker, an Alyawarr man and coauthor of this article, as deputy chair.

The advisory group’s initial report was released by West, Rowland, and Minister for Indigenous Australians Linda Burney. This report follows the release of the federal government’s First Nations Digital Inclusion Plan in July.

In the introduction to the report, West outlines the importance of Closing the Gap Target 17:

Digital inclusion is a critical enabler for a vast array of other benefits, including health, education and social connectedness, as well as making sure First Nations people have access to the information they need to make decisions for themselves and their families.

She describes the need for a collaborative approach to achieve this ambitious target.

To meet Target 17 will require significant and new investment by governments in partnership with industry and those communities where the digital gap is most pronounced. The most effective approaches will be ones that reflect local priorities and are based on direct engagement with communities.

In the report, the advisory group outlines a number of practical recommendations to help close the digital gap. These include:

• providing affordable pre-paid mobile plans

• improved access to government communications programs

• fit-for-purpose connectivity options such as community wifi connections, prepaid NBN services, new satellite internet projects, and upgrades to improve TV access.

Read more:
Aboriginal communities embrace technology, but they have unique cyber safety challenges

Other recommendations are supporting the development of digital skills needed to safely and confidently use online services, and access to relevant news and media, including local First Nations services.

Improving national data collection for the 70% of First Nations people who live in urban and regional Australia, to measure progress, is another key recommendation. This builds on an earlier outcome of the advisory group’s advocacy, an interactive map of connectivity in First Nations communities.

Shared decision-making

The National Agreement on Closing the Gap is built on a partnership approach between governments and First Nations people, which includes co-design and co-delivery of programs.

The first of the reforms at the centre of the agreement is to “strengthen and establish formal partnerships and shared decision-making”. If this reform is enacted by governments nationally, it is likely to lead to meaningful progress on Closing the Gap.

This advisory group provides an example of how First Nations leadership can provide practical, appropriate and evidence-based input on key policy areas that affect First Nations people and communities.

Daniel Featherstone is employed within the RMIT University node of the ARC funded Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (CE200100005). He leads the ‘Mapping the Digital Gap’ research project within the Australian Digital Inclusion Index team, both of which are primarily funded by Telstra. Daniel is also a member of the Expert Panel which support the First Nations Digital Inclusion Advisory Group.

Lyndon Ormond-Parker is an Aboriginal man of Alyawarr descent from the Barkly Tablelands region of the Northern Territory. He currently holds a part-time ARC Discovery Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Award (IN220100008) with the Centre for Heritage and Museum Studies, Australian National University, and a part-time position as a Principal Research Fellow with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (CE200100005), RMIT on the Telstra funded project Mapping the Digital Gap. He is also deputy chair of the First Nations Digital Inclusion Advisory Group.

– ref. ‘Digital inclusion’ and closing the gap: how First Nations leadership is key to getting remote communities online – https://theconversation.com/digital-inclusion-and-closing-the-gap-how-first-nations-leadership-is-key-to-getting-remote-communities-online-216085

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Parmeter, Research Scholar, Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, Australian National University

Not counting periodic cross-border skirmishes, Israel has fought three major wars against Hamas since withdrawing its forces from Gaza in 2005 – in 2008, 2014 and 2021. Each involved limited ground incursions, with Israeli soldiers in Gaza for about a fortnight.

In the past couple weeks, Israel has put together a huge force to mount another ground invasion in retaliation for the Hamas cross-border attacks that killed around 1,400 Israelis on October 7. The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) have called up their entire armoured corps – more than 1,000 tanks. Around 360,000 reservists will also join the force’s full-time personnel of about 170,000.

The operation is shaping up to be Israel’s biggest since its invasion of Lebanon in 1982, which was aimed at driving the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) from its base there. The Israelis succeeded in that objective. But an unforeseen consequence of that war was the development of the Shia militant organisation Hezbollah. With Iran’s support and tutelage, Hezbollah has become a far stronger enemy for Israel than the PLO had ever been.

It’s a truism that wars have unintended consequences. And in the current conflict with Hamas, it’s not clear what the end game might be for Israel.

Read more:
Hezbollah alone will decide whether Lebanon − already on the brink of collapse − gets dragged into Israel-Hamas war

Why a ground invasion is so risky

The difficulties of a Gaza ground assault are clear enough. Fighting street to street in a confined, highly urbanised environment will be hideously difficult for Israel’s forces. Hamas also has the advantage of an extensive tunnel network estimated at up to 500 kilometres in length, enabling its militants to attack and then disappear.

Israel can counter these challenges to some extent with the use of robots and drones. But night vision technology will be ineffective in the total darkness of tunnels, as these devices require faint ambient light to work.

Israel has also warned the roughly 1.1 million civilians in the northern half of Gaza to move to the southern half. Altogether, the United Nations says some 1.4 million people in Gaza have been displaced so far in the conflict, with nearly 580,000 sheltering in UN shelters.

It’s unclear how many people are still in the north. Israel has warned that those who remain could be classed as sympathisers with “a terrorist organisation”.

Inevitably, there will be appalling civilian casualties. Not all will necessarily be the IDF’s fault, but the default position of the region and those in the global community opposed to Israel’s action will be to blame Israel.

Another challenge is the estimated 200 hostages taken by Hamas during its raid into Israel. Hamas says it has spread them around Gaza. Almost certainly, some will be in the northern war zone. Hamas claims 22 have already been killed by Israeli bombs. Some relatives of the hostages are criticising the Netanyahu government for not giving sufficient priority to freeing their loved ones.

When the fighting stops: no good options

What Israel intends to do if and when it has secured the northern half of Gaza is not clear. The coastal strip is already facing a “catastrophic” humanitarian situation, according to the UN. And in terms of administering the territory, there are few good options.

1) A military reoccupation of Gaza, as Israel did from 1967 to 2005.

This would constitute a huge military burden and expose IDF personnel to violence and kidnapping. US President Joe Biden has warned reoccupation would be a big mistake.

2) Eliminate Hamas’ senior leadership, declare victory, then leave.

Such a victory would almost certainly be short-term. Other low-level members of Hamas would take pride in coming forward to reconstitute the group. Or another group, such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad, might fill the vacuum. Israel would not be able to control who or what that entity might be.

3) Call on the secular Fatah party that now controls the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank to take control in Gaza.

That is scarcely viable. Fatah lost a civil war to Hamas in 2007 and there’s no indication the Palestinian Authority’s return would be acceptable to Palestinians there. Moreover, the authority’s leader, Mahmoud Abbas, was elected to a four-year term in 2005 – and is still in charge. As such, he lacks legitimacy, even in the West Bank.

4) Administration of Gaza by non-aligned local leaders.

This is a pipe dream. Even if such figures could be found, Gazans would almost certainly see them as collaborators with the Israelis, given their role would be to keep the strip’s hardliners under control.

5) Administration of Gaza by a non-Palestinian Arab force.

Again, this is not feasible. The leaders of potential Arab contributors to such a force, such as Egypt, Jordan or Saudi Arabia, would not want to be seen as policing Palestinians on behalf of Israel.

6) Administration of Gaza by a non-Arab or United Nations force.

Given the enormous risks, it’s very hard to see any non-Arab countries embracing this idea. A UN peacekeeping force would require not only Israeli approval, but a UN Security Council resolution at a time when Russia and China rarely agree with the three Western permanent members.

Israel also contends Hezbollah has impeded the UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon from carrying out its mandate, preventing it from stopping militant attacks. After the Hamas attacks, Israel would be unlikely to entrust its security to peacekeepers with little incentive to put their lives on the line for its sake.

‘Mowing the grass’

For too long, Israel has believed the Gaza imbroglio could be contained. However, the population has grown so large, this is no longer the case.

With a growth rate of just over 2% per year, its population is expected to be three million by 2030.

Gaza is also incredibly young, with a median age of 19.6, compared with the global average of 30.5. Almost half the adult population is unemployed, and Palestinians in Gaza are four times more likely to be living in poverty than those in the West Bank. This is a recipe for social upheaval and radicalisation.

As two Israeli journalists, Efraim Inbar and Eitan Shamir, noted in a perceptive analysis of Israel’s 2014 Gaza war, the Israeli military describes its assaults on Gaza as “mowing the grass” – acting to punish Hamas severely for its aggressive behaviour and degrading its military capabilities.

The aim was to achieve realistic and, therefore, limited political and military goals. It was part of a long-term strategy of attrition, which would have a temporary deterrent effect in order to create periods of quiet along the border.

Eliminating Hamas altogether, the authors said, was not an “attainable military objective”.

Even if Hamas rule can be terminated, the alternatives are Israeli rule, the rule of more radical groups, or chaos.

Against an implacable, well-entrenched, non-state enemy like the Hamas, Israel simply needs to ‘mow the grass’ once in a while to degrade the enemy’s capabilities.

From a humanitarian perspective, this phrase is objectionable. The question, now, is whether Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu will attempt a different strategy this time. We’ll find out in the coming weeks.

Ian Parmeter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Even if Israel can completely eliminate Hamas, does it have a long-term plan for Gaza? – https://theconversation.com/even-if-israel-can-completely-eliminate-hamas-does-it-have-a-long-term-plan-for-gaza-216161

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eamonn Wooster, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Gulbali Institute, Charles Sturt University

In the 1980s a single humpback whale in the Gulf of Maine developed the “lobtail feeding method”. This unique hunting method of slapping the water’s surface appears to drive fish into dense schools, making it easier to consume them. Lobtail feeding caught on. Now many humpback whales are doing it.

Ecologists have long thought animals acted on instinct alone. But a growing body of evidence shows many animals, much like us, have complex brains and social lives.

In our new research, we argue the science of ecology can learn a great deal from the study of animal cognition and culture. Cognition is what goes on in the mind, which determines how animals perceive and respond to the world around them. Culture is the development and spread of socially learned behaviours. These are important – but generally overlooked – mechanisms influencing ecosystems.

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The smarter the magpie, the better they can handle our noisy cities

More than cogs in the eco-machine

Research shows prey are adept at learning from previous encounters with predators. They remember what predators look like, what they smell like and the locations and times they are active.

This means every time an animal encounters a predator they can gather knowledge about how to improve their chances of survival.

Predators learn as well. Meerkat pups go to meerkat “school”. Eating dangerous prey such as scorpions is challenging because scorpion toxin can be fatal. To overcome this, meerkat teach their young how to remove scorpion stingers, allowing them to safely eat them.

Animal cognition and social learning allow problems solved and lessons learned during predatory encounters to be shared with friends and family. The development of these cultural behaviours can spread across entire populations.

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Shaping how ecosystems function

Past experience and lessons learned from friends and family inform an animal’s capacity to make complex decisions.

When wolves were reintroduced to Yellowstone National Park in 1995, elk and deer had to learn how to avoid being eaten. While initially naive, elk and deer shifted to new locations and changed the times they were active. As a result, these herbivores concentrated their foraging in specific areas, altering the variety of plants and even the physical environment.

Predator hunting cultures can also shape ecosystems. In Thailand’s Khao Sam Roi Yot National Park, long-tailed macaques use heavy rocks as stone tools to smash the shells of oysters and other shellfish open and access the food inside. Macaques can become so proficient at shellfish hunting they have driven island-wide declines.

Humans can erode animal culture

Rapid environmental changes such as urbanisation, climate change and hunting or poisoning can influence animal cognition and animal culture.

Just as trauma, such as from war, influences human cognition and culture, the targeted killing of animals can disrupt their cognition and culture. This has consequences for ecosystems.

Killing dingoes, Australia’s only mainland mammalian apex predator, disrupts their family groups. This can result in the loss of important behaviours, including pack hunting. This can then prevent dingoes from hunting prey larger than themselves, such as water buffalo and foxes and cats. In this way, the loss of pack hunting can drive changes in how ecosystems operate and highlights the importance of animal culture as a unit of nature worth conserving.

Changing our perceptions of ecology

Longstanding notions in ecology and conservation biology claim ecosystems function due to evolutionary history alone. In this view, organisms evolve traits to allow them to coexist with each other, so newly arrived species can be fundamentally disruptive. The inner lives of animals complicate this worldview.

Recognising many animals possess and act upon their awareness of time, self and others, and may even have language, invites us to reconsider ecological relationships might not be so static. Acknowledging animal cognition and culture in ecology means understanding ecological relationships are always changing and shifting.

By studying how the cognition and cultures of animals shape their ecology, we may shed light on the origins of animal intelligence and culture, their importance to life on Earth and how best to preserve non-human culture in an ever-changing world.

Read more:
Organisms without brains can learn, too – so what does it mean to be a thinking creature?

The research behind this article was co-authored with Dr Kaitlyn Gaynor, Dr Alexandra Carthey, Dr Arian Wallach, Dr Lauren Stanton and Dr Daniel Ramp who all substantially contributed to the ideas presented throughout.

Eamonn Wooster is supported by a Gulbali Institute Postdoctoral Fellowship.

Erick Lundgren receives funding from the Villum Foundation (Villum Fonden, Denmark) and the Australian Research Council

– ref. From meerkat school to whale-tail slapping and oyster smashing, how clever predators shape their world – https://theconversation.com/from-meerkat-school-to-whale-tail-slapping-and-oyster-smashing-how-clever-predators-shape-their-world-214213

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

Former Labor leader and governor-general Bill Hayden, whose death was announced on Saturday, is rightly being remembered for introducing Australia’s first universal healthcare scheme Medibank, which lives on today as Medicare.

Less well known is his brief but important role as Australia’s treasurer in 1975. It was five months in which he set Labor, and ultimately Australia, on the path to what became known as economic rationalism.

‘Why is he so interested in economics?’

Unexpectedly winning the Queensland seat of Oxley for Labor from the Menzies Coalition government at the young age of 28 in 1961, the former policeman thought about studying law at the University of Queensland but chose economics instead because he believed it was more likely to transform society.

His 1968 booklet, The Implications of Democratic Socialism, was ahead of its time in advocating both a national health scheme “with free hospitalisation” and a national superannuation scheme. It sold 5,000 copies.

But his interest in economics was not always appreciated within his own party.

Labor leader from 1960 to 1967 Arthur Calwell once asked

why does young Hayden keep raising the problem of the balance of payments? Why doesn’t he just be like a normal politician and worry about his electorate?

Understudy, then Treasurer

Calwell’s replacement, Gough Whitlam, considered appointing Hayden treasurer when he won the 1972 election. Instead he appointed Frank Crean in recognition of Crean’s long service as shadow treasurer, and added Hayden to Cabinet’s economic committee, where he was referred to as “Crean’s understudy”.

Hayden served as acting treasurer nine times. In this role he became an irritant to Whitlam, warning of the risks of expanding government spending too quickly and arguing for tax increases in contravention of Whitlam’s policy speech.

Hayden also investigated floating the dollar (a decade before the Hawke government did it) but found the treasury and the Reserve Bank unenthusiastic.

In June 1975, with Medibank bedded down, Whitlam finally made Hayden treasurer.

Hayden set about repairing relations with the treasury which had become very strained under Crean’s first replacement Jim Cairns.

Perhaps more than any treasurer since Ted Theodore, Hayden had his own views on economics and was keen to engage with treasury officials and then present the resulting position forcefully in Cabinet.

Hayden was pessimistic about Labor being re-elected, but he believed he could limit its time in opposition to one or two terms.

His August 1975 budget was constructed at a time when inflation was almost 18%, which he described as Australia’s “most menacing enemy”

Fighting inflation, carefully

“We are no longer operating in that simple Keynesian world in which some reduction in unemployment could, apparently, always be purchased at the cost of some more inflation”, Hayden declared, breaking with decades of orthodoxy.

Today, it is inflation itself which is the central policy problem – more inflation simply leads to more unemployment.

His first and only budget slashed the rate of growth in government spending, called for restraint in wages growth, cut the rate of company tax and simplified the personal income tax scale.

But Hayden also made it clear he wasn’t going to tighten government spending in ways that would hurt people, saying he rejected

a policy of deliberately creating massive unemployment and widespread business failures in order to stop inflation abruptly.

Coalition staffers later said they had been concerned that Hayden’s appointment as treasurer would “make it possible for Labor to get control of economic policy”.

It might have accelerated their decision to take measures that led to the dismissal of the Whitlam government in November 1975.

After refusing to pass Hayden’s budget between August and November 1975, the Coalition adopted its measures unaltered on taking office.

Labor’s first economic rationalist

In subsequent years, parliamentary journalists Michelle Grattan, Robert Haupt and Greg Hywood described Hayden as perhaps the father of economic rationalism in the Australian Labor Party.

By that they meant recognising that competitive markets and a stable and growing economy could deliver outcomes as useful to Labor as government intervention.

In one of his last acts as Labor leader before being toppled by Bob Hawke in February 1983 Hayden appointed Paul Keating as shadow treasurer.

Read more:
Bill Hayden’s remarkable contribution to public life

“The policy coherence that has given Australia its quarter century of uninterrupted growth, began its long coalescence the day Bill Hayden convened his first shadow cabinet meeting,” Keating said of Hayden’s time as Labor leader four decades later.

On Sunday, in remarks in remarks echoed by the current treasurer Jim Chalmers, Keating again paid tribute to Hayden’s contribution.

He said the economic personnel Hayden put in place were “the building blocks the Hawke Government relied upon to shift the country’s policy to the economic rationalism which has since made Australia so flexible and so wealthy”.

John Hawkins formerly worked in the Australian Treasury where he wrote a series of biographical essays on Australian treasurers.

– ref. As treasurer, Bill Hayden set Labor on the path to economic rationalism – https://theconversation.com/as-treasurer-bill-hayden-set-labor-on-the-path-to-economic-rationalism-216150

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carmel Hobbs, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Tasmania

Warning: this article includes graphic descriptions of violence.

Nearly 13,000 Australian children aged 10 to 17 sought help alone from specialist homeless services last year. Many of these young people will have escaped family violence and then been endangered by abusive partners.

Our respective research tackles this emotionally tough terrain head on, speaking with teens experiencing intimate partner violence and children under 18 who experience homelessness and are not accompanied by a parent or guardian.

Children and young people have told us about having nowhere safe to live, feeling invisible to government and being harmed. Their stories show Australia’s adolescent service system is frighteningly out of step with their needs.

Read more:
Our child protection system is clearly broken. Is it time to abolish it for a better model?

The reality of vulnerable teens’ lives

The Australian Child Maltreatment Study reported it findings this year from surveying 8,500 Australians aged 16 and over. It found 28.5% had experienced sexual abuse, 30.9% emotional abuse, 32.0% physical abuse and 39.6% exposure to domestic violence.

For unaccompanied homeless children and young people exposure to domestic violence is even greater. Australian research shows 90% of homeless children and young people witness family violence at home, more than half leave home to escape parental or guardian domestic violence. Some 15% leave home more than 10 times due to violence.

Escaping family violence is a frequent precursor to unaccompanied child homelessness.

As part of research into unaccompanied child homelessness and mental ill-health in Tasmania, Viviana, aged 17, told a common story. She escaped family violence only to experience violent and abusive relationships and cycles of homelessness:

Mum kicked me out of home over a pair of school shoes […] she was being very violent, very aggressive […] her partner […] he ended up being quite aggressive and violent […] So I moved in with [my boyfriend’s] family and then things happened with me and that bloke a year later […] And so that’s when I ended up being homeless for a bit.

Homeless children and young people who do not have a reliable parent or guardian are highly vulnerable. The severity of violence in subsequent relationships they may come to rely on is extreme. Elise was 13 when she met David, who was three years older. During their nine-year relationship, her life was endangered repeatedly:

He rammed me into the wall, grabbed me by the throat, choked me […] I remember he picked up the couch and smashed it up through the wall […] Smashed up the whole place, carried on, told me, ‘You want to fucking leave because I’m going to come back, I’m going to fucking shoot you.

Lilly was 14 when she met Jase, who was three years older. Being homeless and sleeping rough meant she couldn’t escape his violence and abuse:

I can’t even remember how many black eyes I had from him […] I’ve got a scar there […] where he’s cut my arm open with a knife, trying to kill me. And there was nothing I could do. I was homeless, so I couldn’t get away from him, because he just knew where I’d be.

Children and young people who experience homelessness and repeated cyles of violence talk about persistent suicidality, mental illness, abortion, miscarriage and substance use as common features of their lives.

Read more:
Major study reveals two-thirds of people who suffer childhood maltreatment suffer more than one kind

Mismatched responses

A lack of supported accommodation options for teens places girls in particular in highly vulnerable positions. Unable to access safe spaces, they become trapped in violent and abusive relationships.

They are being failed by systems that do not adequately recognise and engage with child and youth specific domestic violence and homelessness. Children and young people describe accessing support services that dangerously misread the risks they encounter.

Katie described systemic failure she faced at age 15.

I tried to get Centrelink [benefits] and they refused me and I told them my situation. I said, ‘Well, like, I have no family, I have no money. I’m at risk of homelessness’ and all they gave me was a Kids’ Helpline number […] The system failed me, actually, and the only thing that they could do for me to get money is get Tom [her abusive partner] to claim Family Tax Benefits.

Viviana – who had escaped sexual abuse at home – described how she felt her ongoing risks were missed in counselling and therapy targeted to children in both school and state child and adolescent mental health services.

They weren’t actually giving us like, I guess, adult solutions for the adult problems we did actually have, even though we shouldn’t have had them, we were only kids. And we sat down watching Lego videos on how to deal with depression and stuff like that. And I was like, this ain’t going to do shit for me.

Meeting them where they are

The mismatch between the reality of children’s lives and the availability of systems and services to support them is stark. Children’s efforts to remove themselves from harm may be characterised by overstretched systems as proof of their “independence”.

What they need are standalone responses that address the extremities of their need. Yet neither national homelessness or domestic violence policies are yet to acknowledge the relationship of domestic violence and homelessness in the lives of children and young people.

Read more:
Yes, we see you. Why a national plan for homelessness must make thousands of children on their own a priority

State and federal governments can begin to fix the cracks in the system by ensuring all agencies are held accountable for upholding the rights of children outlined by the United Nations convention – especially of those without family they can rely on.

There are positive advances underway in Victoria and Tasmania to break the silo of child protection and re-build child and adolescent service systems with prevention and early intervention at their core.

A collaborative, integrated response that recognises the complexity and reality of children and young people’s lives including their independent housing, health, and safety needs is critical. This will only happen when we grow up and acknowledge children have adult problems too.

For information and advice about family and intimate partner violence contact 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732). If you or someone you know is in immediate danger, contact 000.

Carmel Hobbs is affiliated with the Youth Network of Tasmania (YNOT) as Secretary of the Board.
This article includes reference to research funded by Anglicare Tasmania and conducted by Carmel in her role as a social researcher for Anglicare Tasmania’s Social Action and Research Centre.

Catherine Robinson receives funding from Australian Research Council and the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute. Catherine is a non-executive board director of Homelessness Australia and the Youth Network of Tasmania. This article includes reference to research funded by Anglicare Tasmania and conducted by Catherine in her role as a social researcher for Anglicare Tasmania’s Social Action and Research Centre.

– ref. Kids escaping family violence can be vulnerable to intimate partner abuse. We must break the vicious cycle – https://theconversation.com/kids-escaping-family-violence-can-be-vulnerable-to-intimate-partner-abuse-we-must-break-the-vicious-cycle-212537

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Monica Barratt, Vice Chancellor’s Senior Research Fellow, Social Equity Research Centre and Digital Ethnography Research Centre, RMIT University

Many of the harms people experience from using illegal drugs are a result of unregulated supply. Drugs may be contaminated, or completely substituted with something unexpected. They may also be of variable and unknown dosage or strength.

Any of these factors can and do lead to overdoses. That’s why 77 health and community organisations are urging the Victorian government to implement drug checking services. These could reduce overdose deaths, and provide an early warning system to flag any unusually dangerous substances in circulation.

The Victorian statement adds to similar calls in other Australian jurisdictions. Notably, in New South Wales, a Labor MP last week broke rank with his party to voice his support for the implementation of drug checking services.

Read more:
Drug checking and an early warning network in Victoria could save lives: new coroner’s report

What’s the problem?

In the past 15 years, the number of new psychoactive substances detected in drug markets has increased dramatically around the world. It’s easier for suppliers to circumvent laws that prohibit more traditional drugs (such as cocaine, heroin, MDMA or methamphetamine) by producing newer synthetic drugs. These drugs are also often cheaper to produce.

They then get added to or sold as other more established drugs. This means people don’t always know what they’re taking, or how strong it is.

According to the Coroners Court of Victoria, novel substances were detected in three deaths in 2017-18. This figure has risen significantly over the past five years, to 47 deaths in 2021-22.

Escalating deaths involving novel substances are being identified nationally. For example, there have been 40 deaths involving novel benzodiazepines in Australia since 2015.

While harder to track, unexpectedly strong substances have been implicated in further deaths. In 2019, the NSW Coroner’s Court investigated six deaths at music festivals resulting from consumption of unusually high-dose MDMA capsules. Last month, Victoria’s coroner investigated a death that similarly followed consumption of an unexpectedly high-dose MDMA tablet.

Meanwhile, synthetic opioid drugs are causing an epidemic of drug fatalities in North America. Some of these novel opioids have recently been detected in Australia, including a new class called nitazenes, which have been identified in the ACT, NSW, Victoria, and South Australia.

Read more:
Nitazenes: synthetic opioids more deadly than fentanyl are starting to turn up in overdose cases

What is drug checking?

Often called “pill testing” in Australia, the term drug checking reflects that these services are inclusive of multiple drug forms (for example, powders and liquids in addition to pills) as well as multiple drug types (for example, cocaine, ketamine, heroin, methamphetamine and MDMA).

Drug checking services can be at a permanent location or mobile (for example, on-site at venues and festivals). People visit these facilities to find out the content and strength of drugs they plan to use, including whether they contain unexpected substances or higher-than-usual doses.

Service users also have the opportunity to discuss the test results in a meeting with a health-care worker, in a conversation about their broader drug use and health.

Read more:
What is ‘drug checking’ and why do we need it in Australia?

How does it help?

A recent systematic review analysing 90 studies found that drug checking services positively influenced the behaviour of people who use drugs.

In two recent studies conducted in the UK and Portugal, most service users (86% in Portugal, 69% in the UK) who received test results indicating that the drug was different than expected didn’t consume the substance. About half of service users (50% in Portugal, 59% in the UK) whose test results indicated that their drugs were stronger than expected took a smaller dose.

Drug checking service data also provides real-time information about the status of local drug markets. Alerts can be published to rapidly warn people if an unusually dangerous substance is circulating. For example, the ACT drug checking service CanTEST has so far published six community alerts alongside monthly drug market snapshot reports.

Responding to critiques

One argument levelled against drug checking is that such services provide a “shine of safety” to drug use. But, as noted by an established drug checking service in The Netherlands, services never provide an endorsement of quality. Instead, they warn people how unpredictable drug markets can be by providing credible and relevant information.

Similarly, evidence doesn’t support claims that the availability of drug checking services leads to increased drug use. A recent Australian study that surveyed festival-goers about drug checking scenarios found the existence of a drug checking service wouldn’t increase intention to use ecstasy.

What’s happening elsewhere?

Drug checking services are now operating in at least 28 countries, having expanded significantly around the world in recent years.

In 2021, New Zealand passed legislation to make drug checking services fully legal.

Australia’s experience so far with government-sanctioned drug checking has included fixed-site and mobile drug checking trials in Canberra, and recently-announced approval for drug checking services to commence in Queensland. An interim report on a pilot in Canberra’s city centre supports the continuation and development of the service.

Support is growing

In Australia, the implementation of drug checking services has been recommended by numerous government inquiries and coronial inquests, including the 2018 Parliament of Victoria Inquiry into Drug Law Reform and the 2019 inquest into the death of six patrons at NSW music festivals.

In terms of public support, a nationally representative survey found that in 2019, 63% of Australians supported drug checking. Some 22% were opposed while 15% were unsure or didn’t answer.

The Victorian statement released today demonstrates support from a wide range of social and community organisations. These include professional societies representing medical and pharmaceutical sectors, such as the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and the Pharmaceutical Society of Australia.

Implementing drug checking will help prevent further overdose deaths that result from unregulated drug supplies.

In the last 5 years, Monica Barratt has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the National Centre for Clinical Research into Emerging Drugs, the Criminology Research Council, New Zealand’s Marsden Fund and the U.S. National Institutes of Health. In addition to her academic role, she also serves as the Executive Director of Bluelight.org, a global drug harm reduction community, and leads research activities for The Loop Australia, a charity aiming to conduct drug checking interventions both at festivals and in the community.

Isabelle Volpe receives PhD stipends from the Australian Government Research Training Program and UNSW Arts, Design & Architecture, and has previously received funding from the National Centre for Clinical Research into Emerging Drugs. She volunteers with The Loop Australia (overseeing the communication of information about drug checking and drug alerts) and DanceWize NSW (providing care and education to music event attendees).

– ref. Novel drugs are leading to rising overdose deaths in Victoria – drug checking services could help – https://theconversation.com/novel-drugs-are-leading-to-rising-overdose-deaths-in-victoria-drug-checking-services-could-help-215791

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary Woessner, Lecturer in Clinical Exercise and Research Fellow, Institute for Health and Sport (iHeS), Victoria University, Victoria University

Sport is supposed to be a safe place for kids to learn and play.

Too often, however, sporting clubs can be places where children are abused psychologically, physically or sexually.

Imagine, then, a child in your life had been abused, but never told an adult about it.

Our new research shows that’s the case for many children who’ve experienced abuse in a community sport club.

Here’s what we found about how children talk about – or don’t talk about – their experiences of abuse in sport.

Survey shows abuse goes undisclosed

Our research is the first to explore how often children tell adults about abuse in community sport.

Before this, we knew very little about how children spoke about their experiences of abuse.

Read more:
What the David Beckham documentary tells us – and what it doesn’t – about controlling parents in sport

Pls check the following two pars

This data builds on our previous study, focusing on the responses of the 800 adults who had all experienced abuse in community sport as children.

In our new study, our survey tool asked about childhood experiences of abuse in sport. These ranged from psychological violence (excessive criticism and humiliation), physical abuse (throwing equipment, striking someone), sexual violence (sexualised comments or acts) and neglect (ignoring a child after a poor performance).

We found more than half said they never spoke to an adult about it.

Three in four children never spoke to an adult about abuse from a coach.

Rates of disclosure were even lower when the abuse was from a parent, with eight in nine children not speaking to another adult about their experiences.

We also found boys disclose peer abuse in sport less frequently than girls, while girls had lower rates of disclosing to an adult within the sport club (coach/club manager) than boys.

The evidence shows delayed disclosures of abuse (or never disclosing) can have severe and long-lasting impacts on a child’s mental health.

This makes these findings highly concerning.

Having a policy is important, but not enough

Clubs often try to stamp out abuse by having policies aimed at protecting children.

But we found while policies can provide guidance on who to report abuse to, even getting that far can be difficult.

First, a child victim/survivor (and adults around them) needs to recognise their experience as abuse. In community sporting clubs, a child would then need to talk to an adult (a club member protection officer, for example). Finally, the adult/child would need to formally report the abuse for the policy to be enacted.

In an environment where abuse has become so normalised, children may not even realise they’re experiencing it.

The response system relies on reports of abuse, but participants are often afraid to come forward, or aren’t believed when they do.

Even when children are aware and able to say something is wrong, we found they think twice before speaking to an adult.

The children often questioned whether their experiences were bad enough, especially when they saw other kids going through the same things.

One participant shared bullying was so widespread that:

[…] it’s [violence] a cultural thing in the sport. And so you just learn to live with it, ignore it.

Read more:
Why taking a trauma- and violence-informed approach can make sport safer and more equitable

How we respond to children matters

Often children will not have the words to say “I am experiencing abuse”.

In our study children would simply tell their parents they weren’t enjoying sport.

They often didn’t even think they were talking about abuse. One of the people we spoke to said:

I didn’t know I was disclosing […] I just thought I was reiterating what happened during the day.

In most instances, the responses from adults normalised or rationalised the child’s experience of abuse.

A participant shared her parents’ response was:

Sorry you’re experiencing this, but time to just be resilient. Like, just don’t think about it.

Sometimes, the adult offered a supportive and empathetic response, but this was rarely followed up with long-term support or lodging an official report of abuse.

This leaves the experiences of abuse undocumented and unaddressed.

Taking action against abuse in sport

We need to talk more about abuse in sport.

The issue is gaining some traction, with the launch of international and national campaigns.

Start To Talk encourages people to have conversations about poor behaviours and improving safety in sport.

Our team in Australia is running workshops on abuse with community sporting organisations.

Read more:
In sport, abuse is often dismissed as ‘good coaching’

We have passionate volunteers who want to change the culture, but need support to do so.

Abuse thrives in the shadows, and it is time for more significant action to realise real change. Here is what you can do to help:

• listen to children, really listen to what they say

• believe them when they say they are uncomfortable, not enjoying sport or feel unsafe, and ask them how you can help

• seek support for them and yourself

• when it’s safe to do so, call out poor behaviours.

Sport has so much power for good, but we all must play our part in ensuring it is first and foremost, a safe environment.

If this article has raised issues for you or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14, or Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800.

Alexandra Parker receives funding from the Australian government’s Emerging Priorities Program.

Aurélie Pankowiak receives funding from VicHealth

Emma Kavanagh and Mary Woessner do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Many Australian kids abused in sport won’t ever speak up. It’s time we break the silence – https://theconversation.com/many-australian-kids-abused-in-sport-wont-ever-speak-up-its-time-we-break-the-silence-215884

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Zhen Zheng, Associate Professor, STEM | Health and Biomedical Sciences, RMIT University

Around 5-10% of people in Australia experience symptoms for more than three months after a COVID infection, termed long COVID.

So far, more than 200 different symptoms have been recorded, ranging from shortness of breath to fatigue and brain fog. The effects are far-reaching for those with the condition, often affecting their capacity to work and their quality of life for many months or even years.

With this in mind, we set out to examine Australia’s long COVID guidelines, services and public health information.

Our research found that compared to international standards, Australia is generally slow to recognise and investigate possible cases of long COVID. We also found the availability of multidisciplinary long COVID services was lacking in Australia, as was accessibility of trustworthy public health information.

From COVID to long COVID

Even with all the advancements in medical science, there’s not yet any simple blood test or scan that can definitively tell you if you have long COVID. A diagnosis is based on how long you’ve been dealing with symptoms. But the point at which you’ll receive that diagnosis can vary depending on where you live.

In our review, we examined international guidelines from the World Health Organization as well as national guidelines in the United States, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia.

Most countries, including Australia, wait 12 weeks after the initial infection to officially diagnose long COVID. The US, however, determines a person has long COVID after just four weeks of continued symptoms. This discrepancy can have significant implications for how much support the person will get from the health system.

Read more:
What do we know about long COVID in kids? And what do I do if I think my child has it?

Guidelines in Australia, the UK and the US do advocate for further investigation if symptoms persist for four weeks after contracting COVID. But we discovered this approach of early investigation is not consistently implemented in Australia.

On reviewing the eligibility criteria for long COVID services in Australia, we found that most of these services require a person to have had symptoms for 12 weeks or more to qualify for care.

Get help early

If your symptoms continue for four weeks or more after catching COVID, it’s important to act early by contacting your GP. They can investigate further and help you manage your symptoms.

Unfortunately not all GPs and health-care professionals are up to speed on long COVID. The Royal Australian College of General Practitioners has called for better education for GPs.

All health-care professionals, especially those working in the community, should be educated about how to spot long COVID early. This will enable them to refer patients for specialised care when required.

Australian long COVID services cannot meet demand

Long COVID is a complicated health issue that can affect multiple parts of the body, and right now there are no specific treatments for the condition as a whole.

However, a mix of supports and services can help. This might include care from a cardiologist, neurologist and physiotherapist for different symptoms. Research has shown that a personalised, multidisciplinary rehabilitation program can have long-term benefits for people with long COVID. Long COVID clinics offer these sorts of programs.

When we conducted our research, we identified just 16 specialised long COVID clinics in Australia.

The vast majority of the Australian population has had COVID at least once. The current best estimate is 80-85%. If we do a conservative calculation and say out of 80% of Australians who have had COVID, 5% ended up with long COVID, that’s at least one million people.

Each long COVID clinic is then essentially tasked with serving more than 60,000 people. Even if we assume many have recovered and don’t need these services, it’s still an impossible task.

So it’s not surprising reports suggest people have had to wait several months to access these services.

Further, all of the 16 clinics were in big cities, and none in rural areas. There were also no long COVID clinics catering specifically to the unique needs of children, elderly people in aged care, or those with a disability.

Read more:
How physios and occupational therapists are helping long COVID sufferers

Another gap we identified is that trustworthy public health information on long COVID, such as online resources, is either not readily available or not advertised. Where these resources exist, they are primarily in English, disadvantaging people with low health literacy or from non-English-speaking backgrounds.

Integrating advice in multiple languages on diet, movement, energy conservation and mental health with clinical support will be of great value to many people who are on the wait list for long COVID clinics.

If your COVID symptoms last more than four weeks, or if new symptoms appear during that first month, affecting your life or work, you might be in for the long haul. Our key message is act early. Book yourself in with your GP or a GP-led specialist clinic.

With COVID cases continuing to accumulate, more and more people will find themselves with long COVID. As a society, we need to fast-track better services and work towards a deeper understanding of the condition.

Zhen Zheng is a member of Australian Acupuncture and Chinese Medicine Association

Zhen Zheng co-leads a research program “Eat, Move, Heal for Long COVID” at RMIT University, aiming to improve education of the public and healthcare professionals about long COVID.

Catherine Itsiopoulos has received funding from NHMRC for other research. She is a member of professional bodies including Dietitians Australia and The Australasian Society of Lifestyle Medicine.

Member of RMIT University ‘Eat, Move Heal Network’ researching to develop tools to support patients with long COVID19 at home. Director of Biomedical and Health Innovation Enabling Impact Platform supporting multidisciplinary research within RMIT University. Unrelated research into ovarian cancer, one of our cancer human clinical trials receives partly support from Astrazeneca and ANZGOG.

Rose (Shiqi) Luo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. From diagnosis to services and support: how Australia’s long COVID response is falling short – https://theconversation.com/from-diagnosis-to-services-and-support-how-australias-long-covid-response-is-falling-short-215056