Article by Keith Rankin – This article was also published on Scoop.co.nz.
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Rev Thomas Chalmers by Thomas Duncan, SNPG.[/caption]
THIS WEEK I read “Chalmers as Political Economist” by Boyd Hilton, from the 1885 book “The Practical and the Pious” edited by AC Cheyne. The Reverend Thomas Chalmers was an important Scottish figure in the early nineteenth century, living in years of economic tumult and change. He was a founder of the Free Church of Scotland, which sponsored the first Otago settlement of Dunedin (New Edinburgh) in 1848. Port Chalmers is named after him. Dunedin’s founding fathers were acolytes of Chalmers.
Chalmers lived half a generation after one of the most acknowledged ‘fathers’ of classical economics, the Reverent Thomas Malthus. Malthus is best known for his generalisations about population growth; that, unless checked, population growth would outstrip the food supply, potentially condemning all except favoured land-owners to lives of subsistence poverty. The ‘positive checks’ that Malthus is most famous for are those of famine, pestilence and war; meat and drink to those with an evangelist bent. The 1820s really was a time of evangelism, when many believed that our human excesses really were coming home to roost. Bible readings in those times emphasised the final chapter of the New Testament: Revelations.
Later editions of Malthus’ work emphasised preventative checks on population growth; especially sexual abstinence, including late marriage. We now know that industrial revolution (use of fossil fuels and technological innovation) and western expansion were the responses to the difficult conditions of those times: extensive and intensive economic growth. These clearly delayed any Malthusian ‘Day of Reckoning’. In these gift years after the 1840s, we also found a permanent answer to the Malthusian dilemma; it’s income security. So if human society does revert to some kind of Malthusian dystopia this or next century, it will not be through any lack of knowledge about how to avoid it; it will be due to a lack of willingness to apply that knowledge.
The other key attribute of Malthus’ political economy is ‘underconsumptionism’; his analysis of economic depressions or ‘general gluts’ as he called them. Fully fledged underconsumptionists (including Social Creditors) believed that commercial economies had a chronic problem of insufficient demand; others (like Keynes) have seen it more as a cyclical problem, where recessions and depressions are a recurring but not permanent feature of economic life. Marx emphasised investment spending (on factories and machinery) well ahead of the demand for the goods those factories and machines would make, and recognised that such a solution (as we have seen of late in China) eventually falls to the weight of its own contradictions. Malthus’ solution to the problem was trade protection that enriched spending landlords over saving capitalists, encouraging landlords to spend more on ‘unproductive’ consumer services and offsetting the middle-class propensity to save too much.
The Green movement is essentially Malthusian on population and resource economics. But the term ‘underconsumption’ does not fit well. It sounds like the solution is consumerism, and that’s not what the Greens are about. Indeed both Malthus’ and Keynes’ solutions were about increasing ‘aggregate demand’ for goods and services.
Thomas Chalmers was a Malthusian, and as an evangelist preacher he played up the ‘moral’ aspects of population growth through a lack of self-control. He was also an underconsumptionist, but placed a different spin on this which has some relevance for our day. Indeed Chalmers’ pulpit today would be an interesting place, as he raged against the speculative excesses of our ‘investing’ class.
Chalmers extended the Malthusian principle of labour to capital. Thus he taught that the tendency for the middle classes to accumulate financial assets for their own sake was an immoral imperative in exactly the same way as the working classes possessed an immoral biological imperative to breed. Miserliness and speculation were sins of excess that led to ‘overproduction’ rather than ‘underconsumption’. The middle classes would perpetually seek to sell more than they bought, and would borrow to acquire assets that they expected to appreciate in value. The ensuing financial crashes would be as inevitable as the Malthusian famines and epidemics that resulted from overpopulation.
Chalmers did not look to government for policy solutions. Rather people had to make these mistakes, to fail, and to become moral beings through a process of atonement and eventual understanding of the consequences of their past behaviours. Thus Chalmers, unlike Malthus, was a free-trader. He wanted to maximise competition to ensure that these ‘excrescent’ forms of working-class and middle-class behaviour would lead to adverse consequences; a necessary part of the atonement process.
We have learned much from Malthus. Can we learn anything from Chalmers? Yes, I think we can. Certainly the Greens would be much more content to be classed as overproductionists than as underconsumptionists. Their solution is to limit our production – eg to not push economic growth as an criterion of economic success – rather than to be forever looking for ways to boost spending.
The Greens have embraced income security as a permanent solution to the Malthusian dilemma, recognising that this is a main determinant of low and sustainable fertility. What is the equivalent for the “Chalmerserian” dilemma? It has to be a mixture of increased awareness of the systemic consequences of financial greed (a matter of education and ethics) and again a form of collective economic security that can dissipate the fears that drive people into ‘excrescent behaviour’, in this case the ultimately futile private accumulation of financial assets.
The answer is ‘public equity’, which takes the familiar concept of economic security (through the welfare state as we know it) to a level where the lower and upper middle classes can embrace welfare as something that is universal and good, and not something that undermines their quests for individual success.
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Amy Adams, Minister of Communications.[/caption]A former Deputy Prime Minister and a respected lawyer are to lead the first regular review of New Zealand’s security and intelligence agencies, Acting Attorney-General Amy Adams announced today.
Ms Adams says she intends to appoint Sir Michael Cullen and Dame Patsy Reddy to carry out the review.
“This will be an important and challenging review, and I’m pleased Sir Michael and Dame Patsy have agreed to lend their expertise to the task. They bring complementary skills and experience to the role. Sir Michael is a former member of the Intelligence and Security Committee and has knowledge of national security issues. Dame Patsy has extensive governance experience and legal expertise,” Ms Adams says.
“The GCSB and SIS have a crucial role in protecting New Zealand’s interests and it is vital that New Zealanders have assurances that they have a clear and appropriate legal framework to operate within.
“Regular reviews help ensure the law keeps up with changing risks to national security, while protecting individual rights and maintaining public confidence in the agencies.”
Ms Adams says she has asked the reviewers to ensure members of the public have the opportunity to express their views.
“It’s important that members of the public have a clear understanding of the functions of our intelligence and security agencies, and the oversight and safeguards that apply to their work.”
The review will look at the legislative framework governing the agencies and consider whether they are well placed to protect New Zealand’s current and future national security, while protecting individual rights. It will also determine if the current oversight arrangements provide sufficient safeguards to ensure the GCSB and NZSIS act lawfully and maintain public confidence.
While other reviews have examined aspects of New Zealand’s national security system, such as the 2013 PIF Review, the 2012 Kitteridge review and the 2009 Murdoch review, this will be the first review to look at the broader legislative framework and oversight of the agencies.
The first review will begin in June 2015 and be completed by the end of February 2016. The reviewers will carry out the review independently and report directly to Parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee. Future reviews will occur every 5 to 7 years.
The terms of reference for the review can be found at: www.justice.govt.nz/publications/global-publications/i/intelligence-and-security-agencies-review






Maneesha Karan with one of her five gold medals. Image: USP

Mauk Moruk and L7 escorted by the Timorese military after a hearing in Dili in March 2014. Image: António Dasiparu/Global Voices







PNG protesters in support of the West Papuan cause in Port Moresby. Image: PNGToday
President Joko Widodo gives a speech after pardoning five political prisoners in Jayapura on Saturday. Image: Hafidz Mubarak/Antara







According to New Matilda’s research, the first politician to enter the fray was Jamie Briggs, Federal Minister for transport and infrastructure.
Textor retweeted Briggs.
A follower brought Malcolm Turnbull into the picture:
“@BriggsJamie @SBS @TurnbullMalcolm DO something about this or resign if URnot in control of your job #FFS These DHs we R paying their wages.”
Another ‘Sir Tony’ of Coogee with the twitter handle “@ReclaimAust, a proud conservative – not very PC. Tired of big government” tweeted: Complete filth you are. When is @TurnbullMalcolm going to reign in SBS & ABC journos?”
News Corp columnist Chris Kenny then retweeted Panahi.
“@RitaPanahi: SBS presenter proudly flaunts his weapon grade stupidity. Ungrateful, disrespectful tool.”
While veterans and many who’d been up from well before dawn for remembrance services were heading to bed, Twitter was waking up for a hunt.
It was now about two and half hours since McIntyre had tweeted. At this point, Kenny made a significant political move.
Politicians joined in
A few minutes later he tried again: “Please read this timeline @mcintinhos Contact @sbs He lives off your taxes/dishonours you. Also try @TurnbullMalcolm @JasonClareMP #auspol”
A couple of other politicians joined the throng calling for Ebeid to act.
NSW Christian Democrat MLC Fred Nile made his views known.
The Queensland LNP Member for Burleigh Michael Hart joined the call for sacking: “@michaelebeid you pay @mcintinhos for his opinions. His opinion today is disgraceful, he doesn’t deserve to work 4 @SBS”.
If the Opposition Communications Shadow Minister Jason Clare saw the tweets in his notifications, he sensibly decided to ignore them.
Turnbull’s Anzac Day had been a busy one. After attending a huge dawn service at North Bondi, he joined other Liberal politicians and local Councillors in Waverley at another remembrance event at Double Bay. At the time of the McIntyre’s tweets, he was attending the evening service in Martin Place. By nightfall, he had fully imbibed the official Anzac spirit.
The only reason for tweeting at Turnbull was to get him to do something. He could have chosen to do nothing. This would have preserved the spirit of independence clearly established in the SBS Act.
Abusive assault
A glance at his Twitter notifications would have told him that the threatening and abusive assault on McIntyre was entirely about politics. Under SBS’s own code, such complaints are not accepted.
Although they both declined to provide details, the conversation between Turnbull and Ebeid is likely to have happened sometime after Kenny’s call for action. While they may have chosen their words carefully, the context of the conversation would have been crystal clear to both men.
With another budget on the way, and an increasingly competitive and flagging market for television, SBS’s vulnerability must overlay all communications between the Minister and the organisation. According to Turnbull, Ebeid agreed to investigate the tweets. What form that investigation took is not known, except that it was informal and very swift.
At 9.07 pm, SBS CEO Michael Ebeid tweeted.
While disassociating SBS from McIntyre’s tweets, Ebeid left open the possibility that McIntyre’s tweets expressed his own views.
Just four minutes after Ebeid, at 9.11 pm, Turnbull selected one of McIntyre’s statements to retweet.
“Innocent children, on the way to school, murdered. Their shadows seared into the concrete of Hiroshima ”
Turnbull then went in even harder than Ebeid
Not explained
Why Turnbull selected to highlight this particular tweet is difficult to understand. It has never been explained why it (or for that matter any of the five tweets) were “more offensive” than anything else he could imagine, let alone ‘despicable’ or ‘deserving of condemnation’.
There are plenty of Australians who would agree with the anti-war expression of sadness inspired by the bombing of Hiroshima. It is highly unlikely this tweet could be found to be in breach of SBS’s code under a complaints procedure that would consider the tweets separately, as well as perhaps as a whole.
Ebeid and Turnbull had formed and publicised their views without formal investigation. Why didn’t Ebeid simply state that SBS would follow its own complaints procedures when written complaints were lodged rather than imposing his own views (or Malcolm Turnbull’s even more extreme view)?
Codes are specifically designed with checks and balances and a range of factors that need to be considered when dealing with complaints. While there is mention in the enforcement sections of the social media protocol of disciplinary proceedings, sacking is not even listed in the list of remedies.
After broadcasting his own condemnation, Turnbull endorsed Ebeid’s tweet by retweeting it.
The followers, many of them anonymous, sensed blood. The calls for sacking continued:
Taxpayer $$
William Olive: “@michaelebeid @TurnbullMalcolm @mcintinhos @SBS Then I hope that he gets the sack. We pay our taxpayer $$, and he does not deserve any of it”.
Chris Kenny also wanted more: “@michaelebeid @mcintinhos @SBS don’t think a little tweet quite cuts it… if he said that about Turks you’d sack him @TurnbullMalcolm
“@_rebase: @chriskkenny @michaelebeid @mcintinhos @SBS I guess SBS still endorses his soccer-related tweets?” No one in charge
Others, like tweeter Paul Peters, were urging Ebeid to protect McIntyre: “I’m a tax payer and I’m happy to hear his views”.
At some point, Ebeid had one or more conversations with McIntyre’s immediate boss, Ken Shipp.
Shipp also communicated with McIntyre.
By the time, he went to bed, Kenny was feeling optimistic: “@jimoneill50 nup, I reckon he’ll sack him.”
Some, like @jimoneill50, were not so sure: “@chriskkenny it will be interesting. I’m not an employment lawyer but I wonder if this is sackable if McIntyre challenged it.”
To which Chris Kenny responded:
Staff told
The following morning, Shipp called staff together and told them that McIntyre had been sacked.
Ebeid issued a statement which noted that SBS supports “our Anzacs” and had contributed “unprecedented” resources to covering the 100th anniversary of Gallipoli.
It was an odd statement from the head of a media organisation, but may reflect Ebeid’s background of telecommunications and marketing rather than journalism.
Reporters under both the SBS and Journalists’ own code of ethics are supposed to maintain an independent stance in relation to contemporary events.
It has been reported that staff were told McIntyre had refused to take down the tweets. According to New Matilda’s sources that fact is disputed.
New Matilda put a series of questions to Ebeid. SBS’s communication manager Katie Holyman responded.
“This is a matter regarding an individual which is naturally confidential and as I’m sure you can appreciate, SBS is not able to go into the sort of detail you’ve requested because of legal and confidentiality obligations.”
Smacks of hypocrisy
The fact that after McIntyre’s very public and brutal sacking, SBS is now refusing to answer questions because his confidentiality must be protected smacks of hypocrisy.
Holyman added, “SBS is an independent organisation and staffing decisions, including on this occasion are entirely a matter for the organisation.”
By focussing on staffing, both Ebeid and Turnbull step around the clear intent of the SBS Act, which expressly prohibits government interference with SBS social media content.
As a Minister and lawyer, Turnbull is extremely aware of the importance and sensitivity of the independence of public broadcasters, both in their relationship with government and between editorial staff and managers.
New Matilda sent him a list of questions. We wanted to know who or what drew the tweets to his attention, and whether he discussed the issue with anyone before he contacted Ebeid.
Of critical importance is what exactly he said to Ebeid which led him to agree to investigate the issue. We assume that he discussed the content of the tweets with Ebeid in which case we asked:
