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Ambae volcano ‘more stable’, say Vanuatu’s monitoring scientists

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Locals evacuate Ambae island as Manaro Voui volcano threatens to erupt in Vanuatu. – Video: Guardian Wires

By Godwin Ligo in Port Vila

New observations and data analysis by scientists from the Geohazards division of the Vanuatu Meteorology and Geo-hazard Department (VMGD) suggests that the volcano seems to have settled in a more stable state of activity.

According to the the VMGD, photographs and thermal infrared images taken during observation flights over the weekend show that the activity at the volcano is firmly restricted to the crater area.

READ MORE: Vanuatu Daily Post media director Dan McGarry reports on the ‘DIY evacuation’

Large volumes of stone and cooling lava can be seen spewing non-stop from two new vents in the volcano on top of Ambae’s Mount Lombenben. Image: Dan McGarry/Vanuatu Daily Post

The activity consists of explosions and ejection of hot rocks similar to that at Yasur on Tanna.

Small lava flows were also observed near the small craters, and into the lake.

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Because the activity is more settled and focused in the summit area, the possibility of a large eruption affecting the whole island is now looking less likely.

Scientists from VMGD will keep monitoring closely the activity, both remotely from Port Vila, thanks to a network of instruments on Ambae, and on the island as needed.

The VMGD will continue to provide updates to the public and government.

A photo of Ambae’s Manaro Voui volcano pictured over the weekend. Image: VMGD/Vanuatu Daily Post

One evacuee man dies
An elderly man who was relocated to an evacuation center on west Ambae during the volcano crisis has died, reports Anita Roberts.

The cause of his death is yet to be determined, but a member of the Health Cluster Team has confirmed the death.

A member of the Disaster Working Group at Saratamata confirmed the old man died while in evacuation center but could not give further details.

The elderly people, women, children, the disabled and pregnant women were given the top priority to be evacuated as the most vulnerable group.

Meanwhile, the Director of the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO), Shadrack Welegtabit, issued an advisory notice yesterday forbidding people to travel to Ambae .

The general public has been told not to visit or travel to Ambae during the state of emergency but some people still fail to follow advice, an NDMO staff said following the advisory.

Godwin Ligo and Anita Roberts are reporters for the Vanuatu Daily Post. Asia Pacific Report has permission to republish articles.

Schools and community halls are being used as evacuation centres in the Ambae volcano crisis. Image: Vanuatu Daily Post ]]>

Manus Island refugees offered $25,000 each ‘if they go home’

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Asylum seekers in the Manus Island detention centre, Papua New Guinea. Image: The National

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

The Australian government will be offering money to refugees on Manus Island who agree to return to their home countries as it rushes to shut down the detention centre in Papua New Guinea, reports the PNG Post-Courier.

While most of the refugees have refused to stay in Papua New Guinea, Australia has promised to give each refugee $25,000 if they agree to return to their country of origin.

Last year, PNG’s Supreme Court reflected global protests when it ruled the detention centre breached human rights and ordered its closure.

Many praised the closure as a good thing. However, the United Nations has slammed the “deteriorating conditions” inside the facility as utilities are cut off.

The plight of the Rohingya refugees has been well-documented in the media in recent times.

They are an ethnic group from the southern state of Rakhine in Myanmar, but since 1982 the government has denied them citizenship.

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It is estimated almost one million of them have fled their home country since the government began routine crackdowns in the 1970s.

Approximately 370,000 have fled in the last few weeks alone.

Asylum seeker dies
The ABC’s Papua New Guinea correspondent, Eric Tlozek, reports police on Manus Island have confirmed an asylum seeker has died overnight.

A 32-year-old Sri Lankan Tamil man was found near the kitchen of the Lorengau Hospital after reports he was mentally unwell, Tlozek reports.

Friends of the man said it appeared he took his own life and Australian authorities have confirmed the death.

“The department is aware of the death at Lorengau Hospital,” a spokesman for the Department of Immigration and Border Protection said.

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Vanuatu President seeks calm, PM says ‘we’re not ready for disasters’

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Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai … “we’re not ready for disasters”. Image: Dan McGarry/Vanuatu Daily Post

By Anita Roberts in Port Vila

Vanuatu sits on the Pacific Ring of Fire and though it is accustomed to being hit by cyclones and volcanoes, it does not have clear guidelines or policies ready to respond to major emergencies.

Prime Minister Charlot Salwai stressed these concerns when he was briefing journalists at the weekend on the government order’s for a mandatory evacuation of the entire Ambae Island following the Lombenben volcano crisis.

READ MORE: RNZI reporter Koroi Hawkins in Vanuatu on strained resources for the evacuees

He said there needs to be clear policies to address disaster situations.

While Salwai said the government – through the Ministry of Climate Change and Disaster Management – was responsible to protect and save lives in emergencies, the prime minister admitted the country did not have clear plans in place to respond to specific disasters.

Huge columns of smoke, ash and volcanic rocks billowing from the crater of Monaro volcano on Vanuatu’s Ambae Island pictured by a New Zealand Defence Force aerial survey last week. Image: NZDF

“We are not ready for disasters,” Salwai said.

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“We have evacuation centers standby for cyclones that serves no purpose during volcano eruptions and tsunamis.

“In Vanuatu, many settlements are exposed to the coast. This is why we need a separate disaster plan for tsunamis,” he said

“With seven active volcanoes, and earthquakes occurring frequently, Vanuatu is at risk.”

‘Drowning’ islands fears
The prime minister has stressed fears about the possibility of islands in Vanuatu “drowning” due to the looming effects of climate change in the future.

“We must have our own national policies in place before we call for international help or while we continue to address climate change abroad, both regionally and internationally,” he said.

Prime Minister Salwai said the government did not want to get blamed for a large scale disaster, therefore it had issued the order for the Ambae evacuation so that it could provide mass care.

“It is better to evacuate than leave lives at risk,” he said.

“The government will extend the state of emergency period if the volcano activity remains in this stage.

“The affected families from Ambae rescued to neighboring islands will remain in temporary shelters until such time the state of emergency be lifted.”

Remain calm appeal
The President, Obed Moses, said the Lombenben volcano crisis must be considered a priority by the government, and every effort must be taken to move people to safety immediately.

The Head of State called on all citizens to remain calm and not to interfere with authorities handling the situation.

Director of the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO), Shadrack Welegtabit, said efforts were underway to evacuate people quickly to safety from the volcano affected island before next Friday, October 6.

An order was issued for all ships to standby on nearby shores for any request of assistance on evacuating 11,600 people to safety. Evacuation from Ambae officially started on Saturday but people were already voluntarily moving out.

According to the Director, 400 people had alread moved at their own cost.

Schools, community halls and churches on neighboring islands of Pentecost, Maewo and Santo were opening up to accommodate evacuees until the government found proper safe places and set up shelters and facilities, said Director Welegtabit.

A reported 283 final year students in schools on Ambae were given priority to be evacuated before mock examinations this week.

The Ministry of Education will waive school fees for third term this year and first term of 2018 for parents living on Ambae, according to an agency order.

Discounted airfares
The order, which was signed by the Minister of Climate Change and Disaster Management, Ham Lini, on the advice of the National Disaster Committee, provided for government shareholders to allow a discount of 50 percent on air fares on all Air Vanuatu flights from Ambae Island.

“Also, all government vehicles under the possession of government on Ambae be used to evacuate people from villages.”

Meanwhile, conditions remained difficult in evacuation centers with overcrowding on Ambae.

In Port Vila, business people, communities, churches,non-government organisations, international partners, including students offered humanitarian assistance.

The patrol boats LC Urata and LC Mahalia departed for Ambae with relief items, including water, hygiene kits, kitchen kits, tarpaulins, fuel and two lorries to assist with the transportation of people to ports.

Anita Roberts is a Vanuatu Daily Post reporter. Asia Pacific Report has permission to republish articles.

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Keep your ‘green pledges’, NZ ecology groups warn key political leaders

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Supergroup’s open letter to the political leaders: “Environmental issues were at the centre of the 2017 election campaign. No matter who ends up in government, they will have a clear mandate and a responsibility to take action on fresh water, climate change, and conservation.” Image: wwf.org.nz

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

A “supergroup” of New Zealand environmental organisations has sent an open letter to the leaders of four key political parties, warning them that the public expects them to deliver on election commitments.

Following the so-called “environment election”, seven environmental groups have delivered their strong message to the incumbent centre-right National’s leader Bill English, centre-left Labour’s Jacinda Ardern, New Zealand First’s Winston Peters and Green Party’s James Shaw as they prepare to negotiate the country’s next coalition government.

While the open letter congratulates the parties and politicians for their election success last weekend, it reminds them about their commitments to improve the state of New Zealand’s environment.

The group said there was now a strong public expectation that there would be clear gains for freshwater, the climate and conservation in the next three years. It has pledged to hold future leaders to their promises.

The letter offers politicians help in achieving those key gains.

“Environmental issues were at the centre of the 2017 election campaign,” the open letter said.

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“No matter who ends up in government, they will have a clear mandate and a responsibility to take action on fresh water, climate change, and conservation.

“And they should know that we will be right there to make sure they do.”

The signatories to the open letter are Ecologic, Environmental Defence Society, Fish and Game New Zealand, Forest and Bird, Generation Zero, Greenpeace NZ, and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF-New Zealand).

The open letter says:
29 September 2017

Rt. Hon. Bill English
Leader, National Party
Jacinda Adern MP
Leader, Labour Party

Rt. Hon. Winston Peters
Leader, New Zealand First Party

James Shaw MP
Co Leader, Green Party

Dear Party leaders,
A winner in this year’s election was the New Zealand environment. It featured as a bigger concern amongst the electorate than ever before. All of you through your party manifestos made commitments to improve the state of our environment. We congratulate you for those promises.

As environmental leaders, we wish to offer our congratulations to all parties and to both sitting and new MPs for their election success. We also wish to acknowledge those parties and MPs who are departing Parliament and thank them for their work.

There is now a strong public expectation that whichever parties form the next government, there must be clear gains for fresh water, the climate and conservation in the next three years.

We offer our help in achieving these gains:

FRESHWATER
It is clear that ecologically healthy freshwaters, and the ability of New Zealanders to safely swim in their rivers and lakes, will be a key measure of environmental success for the new Government. This can only be achieved if government facilitates and supports a transformation of the primary sector toward new, environmentally-friendly land uses and practices, coupled with tougher regulation and market signals which reflect the true costs of resource use.

CLIMATE
There must be a more structured and transparent approach to tackling the greatest challenge of our time – climate change. New Zealand’s emissions have continued to climb and we need an ambitious plan on how to reduce them. Transformative change is required through a new law to establish a statutory carbon budgeting process overseen by an independent Climate Commission to plan, monitor and report on the transition to net zero by 2050. Anything less betrays this and future generations.

CONSERVATION
The jewels in the crown of our national identity are the unique species which inhabit our lands, waters and wild places. We need the new Government to institute real measures to protect and enhance the viability of our precious species. This includes the health of the diverse and invaluable terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems that sustain both them and valued introduced species. An increase in funding of DOC’s core budget must be a key component in that strategy.

These issues, and the many others that fall under the umbrella of “environment”, are at the heart of the richness of our quality of life in New Zealand, and underpin our international reputation. They are also at the core of a genuinely sustainable future and are therefore true legacy issues. The natural world is our home and there are few greater gifts we can bestow our children than a vibrant, vital and healthy natural world.

We promise to continue our strong advocacy for the environment and look forward to working with all political parties, both in the next government and in the opposition, to achieve positive gains for our environment.

Yours sincerely

Kevin Hague
Forest and Bird

Russel Norman
Greenpeace New Zealand

Livia Esterhazy
WWF New Zealand

Bryce Johnson
Fish & Game New Zealand

Gary Taylor
Environmental Defence Society

Guy Salmon
Ecologic

Lisa McLaren
Generation Zero

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OPINION: Older persons key players in global development agenda – Shamshad Akhtar

OPINION: Older persons key players in global development agenda By Shamshad Akhtar As the proportion of the older persons across the Asia-Pacific region increases exponentially, we must seek out new and innovative approaches to turn this demographic trend into an opportunity to be harnessed to help achieve the ambitious targets of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The number of older persons in the region is expected to more than double, from 535 million in 2015 to about 1.3 billion by 2050, we need to consider the myriad impact of this phenomenon on our economies, societies, and livelihoods. Ignoring this challenge is likely to have profound consequences. We cannot leave the care of older persons to families alone nor can we ignore the need for progressive health care and income security schemes. Future economic growth cannot be assured by the current and projected working-age population. The ratio of people of working-age to older persons is decreasing sharply, and in most countries of the Asia-Pacific region, less than a third of the working-age population contributes to a pension scheme. Traditional systems rely on the family to support their ageing relatives – both financially as well as providing care for those who need it. However, with smaller families, there will be fewer family members in working-age to shoulder this responsibility. Declining support ratios also have implications on existing social security schemes, particularly pay-as-you-go pension systems, under which the contributions paid by current workers support the pensions of retirees. When one considers the differences in the average age at marriage, coupled with the longer life expectancy of women, women outlive their spouses on average by a range of 4 to 10 years. Yet, as the proportion of women in the population increases with age, women are less likely than men to have adequate pension benefits or control over assets, such as land, in their old age. Special social protection measures are required to redress the feminisation of poverty, in particular among older women. There is a linear relationship – although not a causality – between GDP per capita and the level of population ageing, which shows that countries with higher incomes tend to be more advanced in the ageing process. Some countries became old before becoming rich, such as Georgia, Armenia and Sri Lanka with per capita incomes between $3,500 and $4,100 and a proportion of older persons between 13 and almost 20 per cent. To economically benefit from our ageing populations, we must ensure that older persons who want to work have the right to and are provided with opportunities for re-employment. The statutory retirement age across Asia and the Pacific is low, considering the current and increasing life expectancies, resulting in long retirement duration. Eliminating age barriers in the formal labour market would help to ease the fiscal pressure on pension schemes and health care systems. Allowing older persons to work as long as they are able and willing would sustain their self-sufficiency and reduce their social alienation. We can turn the phenomenon of population ageing into a second demographic dividend, with financially-secure, healthy older persons, empowered to focus their decades of accumulated experience, wisdom and wealth to stimulate new economic growth. With the right preparation, we can benefit from a golden generation of healthy, wealthy and active older persons. In 2002, the United Nations brought countries together in Madrid to agree on a global way forward: to treat older persons as actors of development; to ensure their health and well-being; and to create enabling and supportive environments for them. A few weeks ago, representatives from 29 governments in our region assembled in Bangkok to add new resolve to their existing commitments during the Asia-Pacific Intergovernmental Meeting on the Third Review and Appraisal of the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing. The Economic and Social Commission of Asia and the Pacific is working to support countries to turn their commitments into action, to secure increasingly inclusive and sustainable economies and societies for all ages across the region. We grow wiser, together. Dr. Shamshad Akhtar is Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and Executive Secretary of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. ]]>

Health risks of climate change ‘earliest, most severe’ for Pacific – WHO

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By Kendall Hutt in Auckland 

Loss of sea ice, accelerated sea level rise, and longer, more intense heat waves. The observable effects of climate change on the environment are well documented and continue to make headlines.

But climate change also carries serious and fatal risks to human health.

“Under climate change conditions, the health and safety of humans are as vulnerable, eventually if not immediately,” the World Health Organisation (WHO) notes.

With rates of Type 2 diabetes and obesity among the highest levels in the world, the health of Pacific island communities in the face of climate change is grim.

In its 2015 report ‘Human health and climate change in Pacific island countries’ the WHO’s Western Pacific Region notes:

“The Pacific will experience some of the earliest and most severe impacts of climate change.

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“These effects will include detrimental impacts on various aspects of human health and development.”

This is due to the fact climate change is regarded as a “health risk multiplier”. Put in simpler terms, climate change acts as a trigger and amplifier of pre-existing health risks.

For the Pacific, these include vector-borne (mosquito and tick), waterborne and foodborne diseases, injuries and deaths as a result of extreme weather events, and compromised food security and malnutrition.

These health risks are also regarded by Pacific Island countries as the “highest priority” to be addressed in health adaptation strategies.

Seia Mikaele Maiava, an organic farmer from Nukunonu, Tokelau, and a 350 Pacific Climate Warrior told Asia Pacific Report:

“Impact of climate to food security is growing in the Pacific. Islands like Tokelau, Kiribati and Tuvalu have salt water intrusion into their soil from rising sea water levels.

Farmers like Amelia Vua from Korolevu, Navosa, Fiji … see crops affected by climate change. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC

“This brings a huge challenge in planting their crops, therefore people will depend on imported foods that are unhealthy.”

Maiava said the salinization of food crops was leading people to become dependent on imported “high fatty” and sugary food, increasing non-communicable diseases (NCD’s) such as diabetes.

Speaking to Asia Pacific Report from Samoa, Viliamu Iese, a research fellow in climate change, food security, and disaster risk management with the University of the South Pacific’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development, said the impact of climate change on food production was strong.

“It reduces access to food, increases malnutrition and reliance on imported processed foods, therefore increasing the risks of NCDs,” he said.

Maiava and Iese’s statements have been echoed by young journalism student Semi Malaki of Tuvalu, who told the Bearing Witness project: “With the impact of salt water intrusion and sea level rise, the salt water came up and killed the crops.

Salination of crops .. new dependence on unhealthy, imported foods. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC

“People now are not much dependent on root crops, they’re dependent on imported foods from overseas and its had lots of impact on our diets.”

This phenomenon is sometimes known as “over-nutrition” and the Asian Development Bank regards climate-induced changes in food supply as one of the major risks posed by climate change on human health.

“Climate change in the Pacific will have both direct and indirect effects on food security.

“The most direct effect, particularly in the smaller atoll countries, will be further reduction of already declining output per capita as a result of increasing natural disasters and rising sea level in the longer term.”

The WHO notes in its report: “Many participants in the vulnerability assessment and adaptation planning process around the Pacific were firm in their belief that climate change would lead to a worsening of the NCD crisis.”

Though the situation may appear grim, it does not mean Pacific Island countries are not adapting and mitigating to the health impacts of climate change.

Although health adaptation finance may be a problem – climate change impacts on health only serve three percent of current adaptation funding targets according to the WHO – the Pacific has continued its “we are fighting” approach to climate change.

“Throughout their history, Pacific communities have long demonstrated a high degree of resilience to environmental challenges,” the WHO stated.

The Pacific’s national adaptation programmes of action, assessed in the WHO’s report, provide clear pathways for effective adaptation and mitigation.

Maiava also said people in the Pacific were becoming more aware and using innovative ideas to grow healthy, organic food.

“Many people are doing good work to raise awareness of growing your own food and eating healthy. I am part of good organisations doing this. Also, we have a keyhole garden project happening in Tokelau that will help each family to grow their own food,” he said.

The WHO notes that as early as the 1990’s “The health impacts of climate change had been given some consideration in many Pacific Island countries and areas as part of their early work on climate change adaptation, even before these policy documents that specifically address the health impacts of climate change were adopted by the health sector in the region.”

Such praise comes despite the unprecedented rate, scale and impact of climate change in modern human history.

However, the WHO notes “whole-of-government” and “whole-of-society” approaches are needed to address climate-sensitive health risks.

With COP23 fast-approaching, it is clear whole-of-world support will be needed to address the human cost of climate change.

Children, the elderly and disabled … most vulnerable to climate change amplified health risks. Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC ]]>

Ambae Manaro volcano’s crater lakes make it a serious threat to Vanuatu

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Smoke billows from Vanuatu’s Manaro Voui volcano on Ambae island. Video: The Guardian

ANALYSIS: By Chris Firth

If you turned on the television this week, you may have seen coverage of the potentially imminent eruption of Mount Agung volcano in Bali.

However, Mt Agung is not the only volcano in the region behaving badly. An evacuation of 11,000 residents in Vanuatu has been announced thanks to increasing levels of activity at Ambae volcano.

READ MORE: Bali’s Mount Agung threatens to erupt for the first time in more than 50 years

Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai … “we’re not ready for disasters”. Image: Dan McGarry/Vanuatu Daily Post

While both Ambae and Agung pose significant threats to local populations, they represent very different types of volcanoes.

In fact, the unique features of the Ambae volcano mean it presents immediate danger.

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What’s special about the Ambae volcano?
Ambae does not fit the stereotypical image of a volcano. Rather than being a steep-sided cone, it forms a low-angled mountain, reminiscent of shield lying flat on the earth.

Instead of having a vertiginous vent filled by a lava lake (like its southern neighbour Ambrym), the summit contains a shallow depression featuring several water-filled lakes.

The largest of these, Lake Voui, is the current focus of volcanic activity, and looks unlike any lake you have seen before.

Volcanic gasses, including sulfur, chlorine and carbon dioxide, are discharged into the base of the lake. Not only do these make the lake highly acidic, but they typically give it a vibrant turquoise colour.

A volcanic lake on Mt Ruapehu in New Zealand, showing similar colour and chemistry to Vanuatu’s Lake Voui. Image: C. Firth/The Conversation

When the volcano last erupted in 2005, ash and lava built a cone in the centre of the lake, which eventually reached a height of around 50 metres above the lake surface.

As this happened, changing degrees of interaction between the lava, volcanic gases and the lake water caused fluctuations in its chemistry. This in turn changed the colour, which went from turquoise to battleship grey and then finally to a deep mahogany shade of red.

An annotated Landsat Image of Ambae Island taken on 19 July 2017. There is a difference in colour of the two lakes on the summit of the volcano. Since this image was taken, activity at the volcano has increased markedly. Image: C. Firth/The Conversation

Since then, the volcano has continued to emit huge volumes of gas, which have caused issues for local inhabitants over recent years, as they can lead to acid rain.

Acid rain can kill plants. This is a major issue on Ambae, as much of the population lives on staple crops such as banana and taro. These plants have large leaves that are particularly susceptible to acid rain.

Over the past few weeks, gas emissions from Ambae have increased. Ash began to accompany the gas emissions around mid-September, suggesting that magma had reached the surface.

These changes in volcanic activity have repeatedly led the Vanuatu Meteorology and Geohazards Department to increase the alert level for the volcano.

Satellite monitoring indicates that volcanic activity is continuing to escalate. Recent observations by New Zealand Air Force pilots noted lava blasting out of a crater in the centre of Lake Voui.

Is this part of the Ring of Fire?
Both Bali’s Agung and Ambae sit on the Pacific’s “ring of fire”, and the same tectonic forces are responsible for both volcanoes. However, closer links between the two volcanoes are very unlikely.

On any given day, there are generally 20-30 volcanoes erupting around the world (although normally these eruptions are on a smaller scale and are away from large populations, so they do not make the news).

So how might the eruption at Ambae differ from Agung? The crater lake on Ambae offers particular hazards that might not be encountered elsewhere.

The first of these involves interaction between erupting lava and the lake water itself. The heat of the lava, which is likely to be 1000-1100℃, will rapidly turn lake water into steam, like dipping a hot frying pan into a sink of dishwater.

READ MORE: Vanuatu not ready for disasters, says PM

This scaled-up kitchen scenario can increase how explosive the eruption is, giving blasts from the volcano additional power. This may cause projectiles like lava bombs to go further, while also increasing the amount of ash produced.

A potentially more serious hazard may involve overflowing of the crater lake itself. If the eruption begins to displace water from the lake, it might trigger volcanic mudslides known as “lahars”, which would race down the volcano’s flanks, with the potential to inundate villages and gardens.

Local stories suggest villages on the island’s south coast were affected by lahars during the late 19th century, with significant loss of life.

Finally, there is a threat that activity may not be restricted to the volcano’s summit. The geological record indicates that magma has moved through fissures in the volcano’s flanks during previous eruptions, travelling laterally up to 20km from the centre of the volcano before erupting.

This means that rather than emerging on the sparsely inhabited summit of the volcano, lava may well erupt along the more densely populated coast. Such a scenario occurred in 1913 on the neighbouring volcano, Ambrym, where 21 people died.

The evacuation of the Ambae’s population will prevent such loss of life if this were to occur again.

Dr Chris Firth is a lecturer in geology at Macquarie University in Sydney. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence.

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‘Jail for life’ offer for freedom of co-accused in Fiji sedition trial

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Sailasa Wairoaroa Malani leads the way out of the High Court in Lautoka with the 14 accused who were convicted and served sentences for 33 counts of sedition yesterday. Image: Repeka Nasiko/The Fiji Times

By Repeka Nasiko in Suva

One accused walked away a free man yesterday while another offered to serve a life sentence if the High Court in Lautoka set free the other 13 co-accused in the Fiji sedition case.

As the month-long Ra sedition trial came to an end, Tui Nalawa Ratu Epeli Niudamu was handed a suspended sentence of two years while the remaining 14 accused were each handed partial sentences that ranged from 18 months to three years.

Ulaiyasi Rabua Tuivomo, however, caught everyone off guard when he addressed Justice Aruna Aluthge, saying he would serve all sentences meted out to the other 13 accused.

“I want to request this honourable court if it is possible if all the accused could be released and I could go to jail for life,” he said.

“If it’s not possible then I will respect the decision of the court.”

The group was accused of conducting secret military training in a remote area of the northern Ra province, as part of a wider effort to form a breakaway Christian state.

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RNZI reports defence lawyer Ravindra Singh said the 15 accused continued to maintain their innocence.

“As far as they are concerned they have not committed a crime. They continue to believe that they have the right to champion and advocate for the rights of indigenous people, the rights of indigenous land and indigenous issues,” he said. “And that is exactly what they did and there is no shame in that.

Filing appeals
Ravindra-Singh said he would file appeals to the Court of Appeal from next week.

According to the Office of Director of Prosecutions, the following sentences were handed down:

– Ratu Epeli Niudamu: two year suspended sentence.

– Sailasa Wairoaroa Malani: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Sereima Adidave Rokodi: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Nanise Kasami Nagusuca: 3 years in prison, 12 months of which is suspended.

– Waisea Duailima: 3 years in prison, 12 months of which is suspended.

– Isikeli Waisega Kabakoro: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Laisiasa Mocevakaca: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Emosi Toga: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Waisake Racaca: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Samuela Ligabalavu: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Mikaele Gonerara: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Josefa Natau: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Sulueti Lotu Waqalala: 2 years in prison, six months of which is suspended.

– Ulaiyasi Rabua Tuivomo: 2 years in prison, four months of which is suspended.

– Apolosi Qalilawa: 18 months of prison, 6 months of which is suspended.

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Worse West Papua human rights, ‘shrinking space’, says new report

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Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

West Papua has experienced a “significant aggravation” of the human rights situation in the past two years compared to previous years, says a new report from more than 40 faith-based and civil rights organisations.

“Reports by local human rights defenders describe an alarming shrinking of democratic space,” says the report.

“Although Indonesian President Joko Widodo pushed economic development and granted clemency to five long-term political prisoners, the police strictly limited even the most peaceful dissident political activities.”

READ MORE: Pacific Media Watch on Indonesia’s hit back at Oceania nations

The report says that Indigenous Papuans – particularly women – “continued to have a high risk of becoming victims of human rights violations.”

It adds that “racist attitudes toward West Papuans among the police and military, insufficient legal protection, the lack of proper law enforcement, inconsistent policy implementation and corruptive practices among government officials contributed to the impunity of security forces.”

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Local journalists in West Papua also continued to face “intimidation and obstruction” from the security forces.

This is the fifth report of the International Coalition for Papua (ICP) covering events from January 2015 until December 2016.

Human rights analysis
More than 40 organisations in West Papua, Jakarta, and worldwide have brought their analysis on the human rights and conflict situation in West Papua together.

The executive summary of the 218-pages report explains how several human rights standards have deteriorated over the last two years.

The report is compiled by the International Coalition for Papua (ICP) and the German Westpapua-Netzwerk (WPN). The executive summary says:

“The years 2015 and 2016 were characterised by a significant aggravation of the human rights situation in West Papua compared to previous years. The term West Papua refers to the Indonesian easternmost provinces of ‘Papua’ and ‘Papua Barat’. Reports by local human rights defenders describe an alarming shrinking of democratic space.

“Although Indonesian President Joko Widodo pushed economic development and granted clemency to five long-term political prisoners, the police strictly limited even the most peaceful dissident political activities.

“Indigenous Papuans, particularly women, continued to have a high risk of becoming victims of human rights violations. Racist attitudes toward West Papuans among the police and military, insufficient legal protection, the lack of proper law enforcement, inconsistent policy implementation and corruptive practices amongst government officials contributed to the impunity of security forces.

“Government critics and activists faced legal prosecution with varying charges. Using a charge of treason (‘makar’) remained common against non-violent offenders.

Increasing ‘incitement’ charges
“West Papuan political activists also faced an increasing number of charges incitement or violence despite the non-violence of protest and almost all activism.

“The deterioration of the political and civil rights situation in West Papua during the past two years was most obvious in the sheer number of political arrests.

“Those arrests drastically increased to 1083 in 2015, and then quadrupled in 2016 to 5361 arrests, in tandem with growing political protest for self-determination.

“Almost all of the arrests came during peaceful protest in support of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). In addition, the Indonesian government and the regional police in West Papua increasingly restricted the right to freedom of opinion and expression using official statements (Makhlumat) issued by the Papuan Regional Police in 2016.

“Local journalists in West Papua faced continued intimidation and obstruction from the security forces. In comparison to previous years, the number of reported cases against local journalists has slightly decreased throughout the reporting period 2015 and 2016.

“President Joko Widodo’s promise in May 2015, to make West Papua freely accessible to foreign journalists and international observers was not implemented. Foreign journalists were in an increasing number of cases prevented from entering West Papua or when permitted to enter, they faced obstruction, surveillance, intimidation and physical violence.

“International human rights organisations and humanitarian organisations such as the Inter­national Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) remained banned from freely accessing West Papua.

Threatened, obstructed
“Human rights defenders in West Papua had to work under fear of being monitored, threatened and obstructed by the security forces. The killing of well-known human rights defender Joberth Jitmau, marked the sad highlight of attacks against human rights defenders during these two years.

“The police termed Jitmau’s killing a traffic accident and did not conduct a criminal investigation. Jitmau’s case was a representative example of the widespread impunity in West Papua.

“Only in rare instances were security forces prosecuted in public or military trials. Two of the three cases of prosecution resulted in considerably low sentences for the perpetrators in view of the severity of the criminal offences.

“Security force members also continued to use torture and ill-treatment as a common response to political protest or incidents of alleged disturbance of public order. Extra-judicial killings occurred particularly often as an act of revenge or retaliation for violent acts or other non-violent interactions with members of the security forces.

“The situation with regard to economic, social and cultural rights in West Papua was stagnant. The quality of education in West Papua remained considerably low, due to poor management of the education system, inadequate competencies, high absence rates amongst teachers, and inadequate funding. (Less than 1 percent of Papua Province’s annual budget goes to education.)

“There is still no culturally appropriate curriculum in place, which is capable of improving the educational situation of indigenous Papuan children and of preserving local cultures.

“Health care and education remained in a devas­tating condition, far below the national average, despite the large amount of special autonomy funds that flow to the two administrative provinces Papua and Papua Barat.

Strong imbalance
“There is a strong imbalance in the fulfillment of minimum standards in terms of health, education, food and labor rights between the urban areas and the remote inland areas of West Papua.

“Indigenous Papuans, who mostly reside outside the urban centres, suffer the most of this imbalance. Both Papuan provinces are amongst the regions with the highest prevalence rate for HIV/AIDS infections and child mortality of any ‘Indonesian province’, while the quality of health services is alarmingly low.

“Insufficient equipment in rural health care institutions and a lack of adequate health monitoring and response mechanisms remained strikingly evident. These shortcomings were highlighted when a pertussis epidemic broke out in the remote highland regency of Nduga, killing least 51 children and three adults within a span of three months in late 2015. Malnutrition enabled the rapid spread of the epidemic.

“The case also mirrors the government’s growing challenge to guarantee indigenous Papuans right to food. Palm oil plantations and other agri­cultural mega-projects have led to the destruction of local food sources, livestock and access to clean drinking water.

“Cases of domestic violence are often settled in non-legal ways, which fail to bring justice for the victims and lack a deterrent effect for perpetrators. Women living with HIV/AIDS are particularly often facing discrimination and stigmatization.

“The very existence of West Papuans is threatened by the uncontrolled migration from other parts of Indonesia. This particularly applies to the urban centers where they have largely become a marginalised minority facing strong economic competition.

“In most rural areas, where indigenous Papuans are still the majority, government-promoted large-scale natural resource exploitation projects attract migrants and continue to cause severe environmental degra­dation as well as the destruction of live­ stock of indigenous communities.

“Govern­ment institutions continued to facilitate the interests of private Indonesian and foreign companies. This practice negatively impacts indigenous people’s right to their ancestral lands and resources as well as their right to determine their development.

“Resource extraction often means clearing large forest areas and polluting of water resources, thereby forcing indigenous communities to change their very way of life. Destruction of forests and hunting grounds as a life source puts an additional burden on women, in particular.”

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Outrage over the idea of a National-Greens coalition

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Outrage over the idea of a National-Greens coalition [caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] The political left and Green Party supporters are outraged by any notion of the Greens working in government with the National Party. It’s an idea that proposes the Greens use their handful of votes in Parliament to give National a majority, allowing the centre-right to govern. In exchange, the Greens would theoretically gain some hefty environmental and social policy wins.  It’s not going to happen, of course, for very good political reasons. And it would be just as challenging to rightwing supporters of National, as well as some environmentalists.   The blue-green deal The idea of a National-Greens government has been around for a while, and it’s inevitable it would be raised in the wake of National falling short of a governing majority. But the notion has been pushed further into the arena of public debate following a petition initiated by Christchurch organic fashion entrepreneur Clive Antony – see Simon Collins’ Grassroots petition calls for National-Green coalition. Antony explains: “I genuinely think there is common ground between the National Party and the Green Party, which could result in practical policy wins for New Zealand. Environmental issues such as carbon neutrality and social issues like child poverty come to mind.” His petition currently has 7202 signatures – you can sign it here: Show your support for the idea of a National/Green govt. Some find the idea more plausible under James Shaw’s sole leadership of the Greens. Tracy Watkins explains: “Metiria Turei’s departure from the Greens co-leadership seems to be what lies behind National’s belief that a deal may be possible – she was always cast as an implacable opponent to any deal with National. James Shaw is seen as being more of a pragmatist” – see: National says don’t rule out an approach to Greens on election night. Watkins explains why such a deal would be favourable for National, but argues that “National would only be prepared to make environmental concessions – the Greens’ social and economic policy platform would be seen as a step too far. Big concessions on climate change policy would also be a stumbling block.” In fact, a National-Green arrangement doesn’t necessarily require the two parties to work together in government at all. The Greens could allow National to govern as a minority government simply by agreeing to abstain on confidence and supply votes. For a list of some of the pros and cons of the Greens supporting National, see the blogpost, What are the Greens’ options? Arguments for a National-Green coalition It probably doesn’t help support for a National-Green coalition that the main proponent of it appears to be rightwing commentator Matthew Hooton. He’s been on social media stirring up debate, with tweets like: “Hi @NZGreens, you get that, if necessary, @NZNationalParty will agree to save the planet if that’s the price of 3 more years in power?” For more tweets from Hooton (@MatthewHootonNZ) and others, see my blog post: Top tweets about a National-Greens coalition deal. In fact, Hooton has been pushing a blue-green deal for many months. Back in July he wrote in the NBR about what sort of concessions National would be likely to give to the Greens: “The emissions trading scheme would need to be strengthened and agricultural emissions included. Alternatively, the two parties might agree to tough new carbon and methane taxes to fund company tax cuts. A price on water would be obligatory and National would have to accept much more ambitious goals for clean lakes and rivers and the elimination of pests. Public transport in Auckland would be more rapidly expanded and Singapore-style GPS road changing introduced. On social justice issues, the Greens may push National to put the taxpayers’ money where Mr English’s mouth has been on social investment. More state houses would need to be built” – see: Possibility of National-Green coalition grows (paywalled). This week, National Party blogger David Farrar also put together his thoughts on what National might be willing to give to the Greens, simply in exchange for the minor party abstaining on supply and confidence: “$1 billion over ten years for cycleways; A levy on nitrate pollution; A South Taranaki Whale Sanctuary; A levy on plastic bags; Accelerated timetable for rail to Auckland Airport; Doubling the funding for DOC; $65 million a year more for predator-free NZ; Stricter water quality standards to increase the number of water bodies rated excellent from 42% to 70%; A commitment to double the reduction of children in poverty from 50,000 to 100,000; Double the reduction target for greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 from 11% to 22%” – see: What could the Greens get if they went with National not Winston? Environmental entrepreneur Lance Wiggs has blogged this week about such a deal, arguing it’s time for the Greens to take advantage of National’s weakness: “It’s not the time to hunker down for another three years but rather the time to cut a deal, a good deal, with whatever party is going to be leading the new government.  At the moment the Greens have zero negotiating power – they have ceded it all to Labour by refusing to treat with National, and their members are not helping their own cause by reiterating the same. By painting themselves into this corner they will either end up in opposition again, with limited action on the causes that matter, or they will get what they are given in a red black and green coalition” – see: The real issue post-election is results, not dance partners. Wiggs has his own detailed shopping list of big policy changes for National to agree to, which focuses mainly on substantive shifts on climate change and water issues, but also includes “Julie-Ann Genter as minister of transport, James Shaw for climate change”. Newstalk ZB’s Rachel Smalley has also put the case for the Greens to be an independent party of the centre: “There is a very real appetite for a blue-green ideology in New Zealand – and James Shaw is the man to lead that change as the sole leader of the party. Metiria Turei was more activist then politician. She was more focused on keeping to the ideology then getting into government – but she’s gone now so Shaw should seize the opportunity, and look to lead something of a renaissance” – see: Shaw thing – why the Greens should swing in behind National. Certainly, many view the current situation as a window of opportunity for Shaw to take advantage of both the need to rebuild, as well as his sole status as leader. The Dominion Post suggests that he should be bold: “The pragmatic Shaw finds himself at the head of a party at a crossroads; without a co-leader to temper that pragmatism he is unlikely to have this opportunity again to consider a bold new path that could create a legacy for himself and the green movement” – see the editorial, Grand opportunity for Greens to grow. The newspaper suggests that going in with National might help the party’s rebuild: “A Green Party with the environment portfolio and a few runs on the board might not only survive but thrive ahead of the next election, picking up the people who deserted them in the previous cycle, and potentially others who have toyed with support in the past but ultimately been turned off by their lack of pragmatism and inability to compromise.” So there are legitimate arguments for a centre-right environmental party. But this would involve either a major change in direction from the Greens, or a new party altogether. Starting a new party from scratch to achieve 5 per cent, as numerous people including Gareth Morgan, Colin Craig and Kim Dotcom have learned, is extremely difficult. National and their supporters know that a major shift by the Greens is almost inconceivable and that the minor parties that have actually made it and survived for any length of time under MMP have all emerged from factional splits from existing parties. What they will be looking at for the next election, when National may well have completely run out of coalition partners, is a conservative splinter faction from the Greens as a new coalition possibility. Some commentators have pointed out that a very strong offer from the National party that was rejected by the Greens, would cause the Greens significant internal stress and division. Economist Eric Crampton makes the case that a strong policy offer from National to the Greens would serve the purpose of pressuring the leftwing party: “Make the strongest sincere environmental policy bundle offer they can credibly offer. If it’s accepted, they get that coalition with the Greens. If it isn’t, it’s riven the Green Party. And if National then forms a government with NZ First instead, it gives National the ability to bat back any Green complaint about environmental policy with a reminder of what was rejected. The risk: publicly making the offer annoys Winston Peters and then brings about a Labour-led coalition” – see: For a teal coalition. The NBR’s Rob Hosking elaborates on how a strong offer from National would at the very least call the Greens’ bluff about its claims that urgent action on climate change should be above all other considerations: “If climate change is indeed the greatest challenge facing humanity, and if  the state of New Zealand rivers is as appalling as the party says – and also if National isn’t, of its own initiative, doing anything about those things (which is, again, what the Green Party says) –  then why wouldn’t its members be prepared to make at least some sort of progress on those  issues rather than wait until 2020 or 2023 or whatever?… If those environmental concerns are truly paramount, then the Greens should be prepared to at least consider such a deal” – see: National-Greens deal won’t happen but not because of principle (paywalled). Hosking suggests that the Greens objection to working with National is more out of politics than principle: “Such a deal would see too many of its members revolt and, already wounded, the party would either split or, if not, still struggle to survive at the next election, whether that election is in 2020 or, as is increasingly likely, sooner.  And that is simply because that, for many, perhaps most, of the Green Party members, all the rhetoric about climate change being the paramount issue of our time is so much, well, hot air.  It is a stick to beat the evil Tories with.” Opposition to a National-Green coalition There has been outrage from many Green supporters about the very idea of blue-green cooperation. This is most evident on twitter, but for similar indignation, see Martyn Bradbury’s Why the National-Green Government idea is a desperate joke and The only way is Winston. In the latter, Bradbury says, “They’re Greens, so supporting dolphin-murdering, river-poisoning, National-Park-mining environmental vandals is off the table, even if you ignore the commitment to social justice”. Gordon Campbell epitomises leftwing opposition: “Of all the media diversions during campaign 2017, the recurring call for the Greens to consider a coalition deal with National has had to be the most ridiculous. Usually, the call goes hand in hand with the equally brain-dead notion that the Greens should decide to become only an environmental party, and forget all this Commie social justice nonsense. For starters: most of the Greens starkest conflicts with National are over the environmental issues, such as climate change, river pollution, intensive dairying etc” – see: On the election result, and likely road ahead. Campbell argues “National would be inviting the Greens to take all the risks, while it pocketed the gains from such an arrangement. It won’t happen, ever.” Blogger Caleb Morgan suggests that the Greens should simply put their strong environmental demands to National, and “National would refuse this offer. And then maybe people would stop trying to make “blue-green” happen. Or at least realise it’s not Green stubbornness stopping it happening. It’s National’s near-total lack of concern for the environment” – see: Blue-Green is not going to happen, and it’s not the Greens’ fault. Perhaps it’s more than just policies that inhibit any chance of a National-Green cooperation, according to former Green candidate David Hay, who says “these two parties are profoundly divided by values, world view and ideology” – see: The National-Green coalition fantasy. Hay argues that, to get the Greens on board, National “would have to offer the Greens a bulletproof coalition agreement which delivered some of the transformational social, economic and environmental changes sought by the Greens – along with seats at the Cabinet table for Green party ministers to drive those changes through. And that is unthinkable. Pure fantasy. It will never happen.” Mary-Margaret Slack makes a comprehensive argument against the Greens doing a deal in her article, Could a National-Greens coalition work? After surveying different views on the difficulty of such an alignment, Slack concludes: “National would likely use the Greens as a footstool, which would only hurt them. Where, then, would an independent voice for the environment and a fair society be? No-one wants to be a footstool, no-one deserves to be a footstool, and voters sure don’t want their core beliefs to be used as a footstool”. This idea that the Green’s own sustainability would be under threat from a deal with National is argued strongly by Duncan Greive in his opinion piece, The sad fate of the Maori party shows the Greens what awaits pragmatists. He admits that “the Greens and National are currently as politically compatible as they have ever been” and that “it’s not at all implausible to imagine English agreeing to far more ambitious targets on both poverty and emissions reduction – the two core Greens planks in the recent campaign – in exchange for a fourth term.” But he says a deal would never happen because even “an extraordinary deal – even one which saw radical and structural change on the issues they care most about – would spell the end of the Greens. Because they would be tied to every other decision made by National. And that would likely be enough.” Even if the caucus were in favour, Green MPs would have a Herculean task convincing the party members to approve any deal. As Tracy Watkins says, “The Green Party’s dilemma in stitching up a deal with National would be tenfold. Its grassroots activists and supporters are all left leaning and a deal with National would cause it to implode. The Greens rules are also an impediment to Shaw negotiating a post-coalition deal as the grassroots voted pre-election that they would only support a Labour government. It would be seen as a huge betrayal to do anything else” – see: The Green Party also hold the balance of power, but they don’t seem to want it. Perhaps the strongest argument against the Greens considering having anything to do with National is the simple fact that they campaigned strongly on “changing the government”, and to prevaricate on this would be democratically dishonest. Given that the Greens so strongly ruled out working with National, those who voted Green would have a strong grievance with the party. Finally, conservative political commentator Liam Hehir agrees that it would be impossible for the Greens to suddenly hitch their wagon to National: “an accommodation with the Great Satan would be disastrous in practice. The party’s slow transformation from an environmentalist party with socialist tendencies to the reverse can’t be quickly undone. Accepting any kind of indecent proposal from National would alienate a large part of the base.” But he thinks that further down the track, the Greens need to look at various new options, including as an independent party less aligned to Labour – see: Greens have decisions to make about their future focus.]]>

Vanuatu orders evacuation of Ambae’s 11,000 people over volcano’s gases

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

A RNZAF flyover of Manaro Voui volcano on Ambae island. Video: NZDF

By Bob Makin in Port Vila

The Vanuatu government’s Council of Ministers has ordered the mass evacuation of the entire population of Ambae – about 11,100 people, according to the 2016 mini-census – as the Manaro Voui eruption worsens.

The evacuation order today is based on the advice of the Vanuatu Meteorological and Geo-hazards Department, which is reporting increasing activity of the volcano, including flying lava, poisonous volcanic gas, acid rain and ash falls.

An aerial view of the volcano on Ambae. Image: RNZAF/Vanuatu Digest

RNZI is reporting that Ambae’s population will be evacuated by ship to the neighbouring islands of Maewo, Espiritu Santo, Pentecost and Malakula by October 6.

The new order follows evacuations earlier this week of the populations of whole villages in the south of the island who were relocated to the north of Ambae.

The Vanuatu Prime Minister’s Office today held a press conference about the order and more details were expected later.

-Partners-

The Vanuatu Daily Post’s Anita Roberts reported earlier plans were in place to evacuate people from Ambae to safe sites on Maewo, Pentecost and Santo islands if the volcano crisis got worse.

The Director of the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO), Shadrack Welegtabit, made an assurance to cluster teams in their meeting yesterday.

Volcanoes are unpredictable. Nobody knows what will happen next – whether the activity will decrease or will turn explosive, said the Manager of the Geo-Hazards Department, Esline Garaebiti.

Bob Makin is an editor of Vanuatu Digest.

Mobilisation of relief supplies for Ambae island evacuees in Vanuatu. Image: Vanuatu Daily Post ]]>

Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Why the Maori Party failed

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Why the Maori Party failed

[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] So it’s haere ra to the Maori Party. But some are also saying good riddance. Nowhere is the divide over the Maori Party’s exit from Parliament starker than on social media, where there’s been satisfaction as well as sorrow – see my blog post, Top tweets on the demise of the Maori Party Should we mourn or celebrate the ejection of the Maori Party from Parliament at the weekend? Perhaps the answer lies in understanding why the Maori Party has failed. Did the Maori Party become too much a part of the elite? [caption id="attachment_7104" align="aligncenter" width="660"] Maori Crown Settlements.[/caption] Saturday’s result was, in many ways, simply the final nail in the coffin. The party hit its high point back in 2008 when it won five of the seven Maori seats. But since then it has been on a steep decline, going down to four MPs in 2011 (after the departure of Hone Harawira), then to just two MPs in 2014, and now none. So, its demise has been in train for quite a while. Essentially the party’s continued alignment with the centre-right National Party has been a source of controversy for some time and is key in understanding the party’s problems. Increasingly, commentators from across the political spectrum have identified the Maori Party’s long-term decline as being related to its conservative ideological and strategic approach. Regardless of the merits of the Maori Party attempting to position itself as an insider party, rather than automatically associated with the political left, it’s an approach that is out of sync with the vast majority of the Maori electorate. John Moore argues today that essentially the Maori Party transformed itself into a vehicle for collaboration with political forces of the right and Establishment – see his blog post: The Maori Brexit – Why the Maori Party has been wiped from parliament. According to Moore, “The Maori Party has been accused of being aligned with a growing Maori corporate class, as well as with the so called Maori iwi (tribal) elite. In contrast, Maori voters, who tend to lean leftwards economically and traditionally, gave their vote to Labour instead. It seems that many Maori have decided to ditch the Maori party once and for all. Most Maori are poor working people at best, or situated in New Zealand’s growing underclass. The fact that Labour has trumped the Maori Party in all the Maori electorates, suggests that class and material interests – or ‘bread and butter’ issues – have overridden cultural and indigenous concerns within the Maori electorates.” Moore forecast the demise of the party earlier in the year, suggesting that the departure of Willie Jackson and John Tamihere to Labour extinguished any chance of the Maori Party being able to “present a more urban and working class image to the Maori electorate” – see: Game over for kaupapa Maori parties. Likewise, yesterday’s Herald editorial discusses whether Maori need a separate political party, and points out that “while the Maori Party has functioned as a link between the Government and the Iwi Leaders’ Forum, it has steadily lost the confidence of Maori voters”- see: Can the Maori Party survive? Criticism that the Maori Party was, primarily, the political voice of the Iwi Leader’s forum has been around for many years. Way back in 2010 Annette Sykes gave the Bruce Jesson Memorial Lecture on The Politics of the Brown Table, in which she comprehensively examined the strategy that both iwi leaders and the Maori Party had adopted. The idea that the Maori Party has become focused on “the things that don’t matter to Maori” has been pushed by the Labour Party as well as a number of political commentators. For example, recently Willie Jackson wrote: “Te Ururoa Flavell and Marama Fox need to stop wasting time trying to get ASB to boycott Mike Hosking and spend more time on trying to get those banks to invest in our local communities” – this is highlighted by Morgan Godfery in his pre-election blog post, Please don’t tell Don Brash, but the Maori Party could decide the next government. Morgan also points to the Maori Party’s failures on issues of housing and homelessness in Flavell’s own electorate, which the Labour candidate Tamati Coffey was able to expose. Others have pointed (more sympathetically) to Flavell’s distance from the type of world that most Maori voters live in. For example, Graham Cameron blogs from the Waiariki electorate to say, “there is a small community of us in Tauranga Moana for whom that is our world, a world that is boundaried by te reo Maori, tikanga, kawa, whakapapa, raupatu, wananga, kura and kohanga reo. Most Maori in our electorate and round the country are clearly not immersed in that daily, so Te Ururoa must have seemed a bit distant and unrelatable” – see: Election reflections. NB potentially unpopular. The role of the Labour Party in the Maori Party’s defeat There should be no doubt that the Labour Party set out to destroy the Maori Party – not because it would get them more seats (and it didn’t) – but rather to deny National a potential coalition partner. And, it may have worked exactly as planned. After all, not only did Willie Jackson prove to be an important part of Labour’s campaign strategy, but it has to be remembered that he was set to stand in Tamaki Makaurau for the Maori Party. If that had happened then the Maori Party would possibly still be in Parliament. As I pointed out in February, the poaching of Jackson was a deft strategic move by Labour – see: Willie Jackson changes the game. Generally, across all the electorates and across the country there was a big swing to Labour, but especially in Te Tai Tokerau, where Kelvin Davis easily staved off Hone Harawira’s attempt to re-take the seat. Being the deputy leader of Labour obviously helped Davis, but it also gave reassurance to Maori that they weren’t going to continue to be marginalised within the Labour Party which, in essence, is why the Maori Party gained traction in the first place. In the short to medium term this will make it very hard for the Maori Party to come back in the Maori seats over Labour. Having comfortable wins in all the Maori seats, the deputy leader position and a substantial Maori presence in the caucus – including experienced operators like Jackson – will ensure that there is no repeat of the Foreshore and Seabed experience in the foreseeable future. So, did the Maori Labour candidates kill the Maori Party? Tamati Coffey answered that question on Saturday night, saying: “It wasn’t me who killed the Maori Party – it was the voters” – see Mark Jennings’ article, Video key to Tamati Coffey’s win. Can the Maori Party be revived? The Maori Party is promising that it will be back. And attention is now turning to the future of the party, possibly under Marama Fox and the highly-regarded Lance O’Sullivan, who recently committed himself as a candidate for the party in 2020. Other possibilities to take over the co-leadership from Flavell include former broadcaster Shane Taurima and current Mana Party leader Hone Harawira – see Claire Trevett’s Maori Party starts on long road to try rebuilding by 2020 after being booted out of Parliament. This article also reports that Tariana Turia is determined to come out of retirement to “save the party”. But many will question whether that might make things worse, given that she was largely responsible for the elite-oriented strategy that has failed so badly. The fact that she now has a knighthood bestowed on her by the National Government for her services will not impress many working class Maori voters. Similarly, while Lance O’Sullivan would obviously be a popular pick to be co-leader of the party, his conservative views on the health system might reinforce to Maori voters that the party is too close to the establishment. For example, in talking about his political future, O’Sullivan said last week that he wanted to put a five-year freeze on health spending, even if that lead to job losses in the sector, as he said “I think we waste about $2-3 billion a year on inefficiencies” – see Newshub’s New Zealander of the Year Dr Lance O’Sullivan wants ministerial role. Do Maori want separate representation? It would be very surprising if the Maori Party, or a version of it, does not contest the Maori seats at the next election. But such was the scale of the defeat this year, it may take a few election cycles to regain traction. However, there must be a question mark hanging over how much a Maori-only party resonates with the target voter base. At the moment it seems Maori voters have given a very strong message that it doesn’t. Voters appear to be very happy with the fact that every party in Parliament has a strong Maori contingent of representatives. And the Maori Party’s argument that these MPs are somehow less attentive to Maori needs has not been borne out. Others aren’t convinced however, that Maori MPs can deliver if they are in broader parties – see Shannon Haunui-Thompson’s What happens without a Maori voice?  and Kahu Kutia’s What is a government without the Maori or Mana parties? Funnily enough, the Maori Party has, at times, taken a more pan-ethnic approach, despite what it argues about being a dedicated Maori party. It has had non-Maori run as candidates in elections before, and as Damon Salesa describes very well, the party underwent an interesting but not very successful collaboration during this election, fielding candidates from the One Pacific party – see: The Maori Party’s Pacific path. Saturday’s result should also now trigger some introspection from the media and political commentariat, which largely failed to predict Flavell’s defeat in Waiariki. Part of the problem was the Maori TV opinion polls published in the lead up to the election, which had some electorates right but some horribly wrong. The Maori TV/Reid Research poll showed that Flavell had the support of 60 per cent of Waiariki voters, against only 40 per cent for Coffey. Similarly, in Te Tai Hauauru, the Maori Party’s Howie Tamati was projected to win with 52 per cent support, against Labour’s Adrian Rurawhe on only 39 per cent. So there are obviously issues to be resolved with polling the Maori seats. For example, the dependence on landlines is a real problem in the Maori seats because young and poor are much less likely to have landlines. There was one person who got it completely right. John Armstrong wrote: “Will the Maori Party survive? Goodbye Te Ururoa Flavell. The Maori Party currently holds only one of the seven Maori electorates. A resurgent Labour Party is about to reduce that number to zero” – see: Betting on election outcome a fool’s game, but scenarios don’t look good for Bill English. Finally, for a satirical look back at the Maori Party’s time in Parliament, see my blog post, Cartoons about the Maori Party, 2004-17.]]>

Vanuatu rescuers face tough challenges over Ambae volcano evacuation

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Police and VMF enjoy a brief rest before embarking for Ambae island on the patrol boat RVS Tukoro with supplies and a security contingent. Image: Dan McGarry/Vanuatu Daily Post Dan McGarry

By Anita Roberts in Port Vila

The Penama Provincial Disaster and Climate Change Committee is facing a number of challenges in its efforts to help the volcano eruption evacuees on Ambae.

This includes overcrowding and unsanitary evacuation centers, the possibility of contaminated water and not enough food.

Vanuatu Red Cross is taking water to evacuees on Ambae aboard the RVS Tukoro. Image: Vanuatu Red Cross/Vanuatu Digest/Twitter

The evacuation centers are overcrowded but more evacuees are still arriving.

“There is a need to set up more evacuation centers and provide tents,” a member of the Disaster Working Group at Saratamata on Ambae, Augustine Garae, from Red Cross Vanuatu (RCV) told the Vanuatu Daily Post.

According to the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO), 35 evacuation centers have been set up — 12 in the west and 21 in the east.

Garae stressed concerns about inadequate shelter and overcrowding, causing health problems to thousands who had been forced to flee their homes and were now living together.

-Partners-

“The number of evacuees is expected to rise, making facilities at the evacuation centers as proper toilets and sanitation not enough for everyone to access,” said.

Most evacuated
“There would not be enough space to move around. The majority of villagers have been evacuated.”

NDMO reported that by Tuesday, approximately 6800 people were recorded to be in evacuation with an additional 900 yet to be relocated.

Some people are seeking shelter with families, outside these facilities while a small number have voluntarily moved to Maewo.

Apart from shelter, NDMO has also confirmed ongoing challenges with water and food security on Ambae.

Immediate food needs are being met by provincial authorities and local shops. Water crisis, on the other hand, is already common on west Ambae where volcanic ash fall is regular.

With the situation on Ambae, water is the critical issue as recent dry weather means islands are already facing water shortage, said a Disaster and Natural Hazards Expert attached with RCV, Luke Johnston.

“The people may be displaced for a long period, as these type of eruptions can go on indefinitely. In the 2005 event, people were displaced for three months,” he said.

Water solutions
“RCV is activating an internal international emergency appeal, and is looking at longer term water solutions as well as sending 250 water containers to Ambae.”

The water containers were transported by the patrol boat RVS Tukoro, which left Port Vila last night with shelter equipment and Red Cross Officers who will be conducting hygiene education and awareness in evacuation centers.

The Tukoro will also be delivering donated items from the Port Vila Ambae community, including from Vanuatu Mobile Force personnel.

Further shipments by national authorities are planned for the coming days.

Meanwhile, the Sanma Provincial Disaster and Climate Change Committee have met yesterday to discuss planning in the event of evacuations from Ambae to Sanma.

Anita Roberts is a Vanuatu Daily Post reporter. Daily Post articles are republished in Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Ambae evacuees and their belongings awaiting relocation. Image: Vanuatu Daily Post
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PMC hosting Gadjah Mada academic researcher team visit to AUT

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Pacific Media Centre

Borobudur, a 9th-century Mahayana Buddhist temple near Yogyakarta, one of the world-renowned landmarks by the Indonesian city that hosts the Centre for SouthEast Asian Social Studies (CESASS) at Universitas Gadjah Mada. Image: UGM

Event date and time: 

Monday, October 2, 2017 – 09:00 Friday, October 13, 2017 – 08:00

A TEAM of seven academic researchers from the Universitas Gadjah Mada are visiting the Auckland University of Technology for two weeks on Monday.

They will be hosted by the Pacific Media Centre in the School of Communication Studies for series of seminars, workshops and research collaboration projects.

This visit is part of the Indonesian government’s World Class Professor (WCP) programme and PMC’s Professor David Robie will be visiting Yogyakarta at the end of October.

Along with Dr Robie, other academics taking part are: Professor Thomas Hanitzsch, chair and professor of Communication Studies at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Munchen, Germany; Professor Judith Schlehe, professor of Social and Cultural Anthropology at University of Freiburg, Germany; Dr Magaly Koch from the Centre for Remote Sensing at Boston University; Professor Hermann M. Fritz from Georgia Institute of Technology; and Dr David Menier, associate professor HDR at Université de Bretagne-Sud, France.

Highlights of the programme at AUT include:
Monday, October 2, 10am WG1028: – Morning tea and welcome from you at the PMC.

Wednesday, October 4, 10-12noon, AUT Library: – Tuwhera, Pacific Journalism Revieew and IKAT research journal and open access publishing workshop.

Thursday, October 5, 10-12noon, WG808: – School of Communication Studies seminars – three presentations by Gadjah Mada University academics on climate change and communication studies research.

Friday, October 6, 4.00-5.30pm, AUT’s Indonesia Centre, WT Level 15: – Welcome eception hosted by the AUT Office of International Relations and Development (OIRD)

Contact for more information: Khairiah Rahman khairiah.rahman@aut.ac.nz

More information

The CESASS researcher profiles

Attachment Size
Comm Studies Seminar_CESASS Oct 5.pdf 173.12 KB
Pacific Media _Invitation CESASS welcome.pdf 237.6 KB

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‘Tautai’ – Putting Sāmoans at the centre of Sāmoan history

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Pacific Media Centre

By Brandon Ulfsby and Hele Ikimotu
A book on the life of Mau leader and successful entrepreneur, Ta’isi O.F. Nelson, is retelling Sāmoan history through the lens of one of its most influential pioneers.

Called Tautai: Sāmoa, World History, and the Life of Ta’isi O. F. Nelson the book was launched in Māngere on 24 August, 2017, attended by dignitaries Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Ta’isi Efi, former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark and Sir La’auli Michael Jones.

Toeolesulusulu Damon Salesa, associate professor and head of Pacific Studies at the University of Auckland, who was also one of the reviewers of the book, said the published work was a cause for celebration.

“We are what we remember. History is a remembered tightrope that stretches across the abyss of all that we have forgotten,” he said.

“We see the need to step away from histories of Sāmoa that put at the very centre, Palagis and Palagi histories. We need to step away and this is a step in that direction – this opens up the possibility of an even more honest conversation about the Mau.”

Ta’isi was born in Safune, on the island of Savai’i on February 24, 1883, the eldest son of the five children of August Nilspiter Gustav Nelson, a Swedish-born trader, and his wife Sina Masoe, who has links to the Sa Tupua lineage.

He became one of the wealthiest men in Sāmoa and travelled extensively throughout the world whilst championing the right for Sāmoans in government – resulting in a backlash from the New Zealand administration who sentenced him to exile.

Tautai is written by Dr Patricia O’Brien, an Australian Research Council Future Fellow from the Australian National University, who said she had a keen interest in Ta’isi’s story.

Dr O’Brien spent four years on the book, working in the New Zealand archives before travelling to Sāmoa at the invitation of Tui Atua, the oldest grandson of Ta’isi, to take a closer look at his personal letters.

“I was the first historian to have thorough reading and access of those papers and those papers were a real gold mine,” she said.

“That’s when it all started. It’s an extraordinary story that’s just been waiting to be told. And so that’s when the investment really started. I’ve been working on it since then till January this year when I finally finished with it.”

The Tautai author said she hoped the book would inspire other Sāmoans to take a critical look at history and inspire further works of research.

“I want people to think about Sāmoa and Sāmoan history as a very rich, diverse story…a lot of Sāmoans didn’t know this story so I think it’s really important for them to have access to that story and to think about that story.”

For Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Ta’isi Efi, the book held a more personal meaning.

“There were people who wanted to visit the Mau period and there were people who did not. And there were people like myself who wanted to put to rest the allegations of dishonesty of exploitation of political promotion by my grandfather,” he said.

The book launch was attended by former Prime Minister of New Zealand, Helen Clark, who while in office, issued a formal apology to Sāmoa over their administration and behaviour during the Mau.

Dr O’Brien said Clark’s selection as a reviewer of the book was significant as her apology in 2002 marked the end of the Mau story.

Tui Atua said the writings of Tautai are a significant milestone as it records the tales of a Sāmoan within Sāmoan history.

“Most importantly in the Mau story is you have to draw on our own anecdotes in order to preserve the essence of our being. We cannot draw on somebody else’s history and anecdotes.”

Nelson died in Āpia on February 28, 1944. The political goal he worked towards was fulfilled in 1962 when Sāmoa became an independent state.

Brandon Ulfsby and Hele Ikimotu are final year journalism students at the Auckland University of Technology (AUT) and interns with the New Zealand Institute for Pacific Research (NZIPR). NZIPR is a national institute to promote and support excellence in Pacific research and is a collaboration between the University of Auckland, Otago University and AUT. AUT’s Pacific Media Centre is one of the collaboration partners. This story was produced as part of Ulfsby and Ikimotu’s internship.

NZIPR

‘Tautai’ – Putting Sāmoans at the centre of Sāmoan history

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: The emotional Maori Party demise

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: The emotional Maori Party demise

[caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] The shock departure of the Maori Party was the only real upset of the election. Some have likened it to a “Maori Brexit”, with voters rebelling against the party in a way that some commentators and politicians are struggling to explain or comprehend. This column looks at the outpouring of emotion – sorrow, angst, recrimination and regret – that has followed Saturday night’s result. And tomorrow I’ll look at why the party failed. The media laments the loss of the Maori Party Perhaps surprisingly, one of the most emotional items in response to the loss is Patrick Gower’s one-minute interview with the two co-leaders, which Gower has posted on Facebook, with the message: “I have so much respect for what the Maori Party stands for” – see: Haere ra Te Ururoa Flavell MP and Marama Fox – I am really going to miss you. Also on Facebook, TVNZ broadcaster Miriama Kamo, paid tribute to the party, saying the tragedy was bigger than just two politicians being thrown out of office: “The loss of the Maori Party to parliament was hard to witness because it wasn’t just about the potential death of a party or two passionate MPs losing their jobs. It was about what the party represented. The Maori Party was born of a movement, an epic protest, that moved from the streets and into the halls of power. The leadership of Dame Tariana and Ta Pita, and then Te Ururoa and Marama, was the impressive shopfront for Māori aspiration. Those leaders knew that the fight wasn’t for themselves, but for Maori. They carried the legacy of the movement, that created the political waka, on their shoulders.” Even Mike Hosking is stepping up to defend the Maori Party, and admonish Maori voters for giving up on the party, suggesting voters don’t deserve them. He says “You get the representation you deserve” – see: The case to scrap the Maori seats. Hosking questions the wisdom of Maori voters shifting their support to the Labour Party: “what is it they want, in voting for a party that let’s be honest may not even be in government? And that’s the sadness of the Maori Party demise. They got to government on the very simple premise that you get more done in government than you do out of it. How can you argue with that logic? And why would you get punished for it?” On The Spinoff website, editor Duncan Greive gave an impassioned defence of the Maori Party’s achievements: “During their time supporting first John Key and then Bill English’s governments they appeared to have an influence on policy far out of proportion to their relative size. Their list of achievements, of putting kaupapa Maori solutions like Whanau Ora into or alongside core legislation, is long. It’s likely no coincidence that government relations with iwi seem as cordial as they have in years, perhaps as good as they’ve ever been” – see: The sad fate of the Maori party shows the Greens what awaits pragmatists. For a list of the party’s achievements, see Tom O’Connor’s Maori Party’s loss cuts deep. He says: “Between them they brought a greater official and public recognition of the New Zealand Land Wars, brought about a pardon for the prophet Rua Kenana and signed New Zealand up to the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. They also drove significant progress with the Whanau Ora programme, speeded up Treaty of Waitangi settlements and progressed the repeal of the foreshore and seabed legislation. While these matters may not be important to the general electorate they are very significant to Maori.” For many in the media, the rejection of the party by Maori has therefore been hard to comprehend. O’Connor continues: “No matter what the Maori Party gained in government it was never going to be enough for some voters who clearly had unreasonable expectations of what two members could achieve. That they achieved anything at all as part of a right-wing government is remarkable. That they achieved so much and were thrown out by a majority of their people is hard to fathom”. Emma Espiner despairs that there will no longer be a “kaupapa Maori” voice in government: “Some may be cheering the fact that the Maori Party have been punished for dealing with National and say good riddance to government. But as the decisions are made at a Cabinet table with no strong Maori voice, that could look like a Pyrrhic victory. Be careful what you wish for” – see: The death of the Maori Party. Espiner adds: “You wake up the morning after the election and who are your champions? Where is Metiria Turei, Te Ururoa Flavell, Hone Harawira, and worst of all – Marama Fox?” Anger and bitterness from Marama Fox TVNZ’s Marae programme had an excellent post-election episode – watch the hour-long programme here: Marae – Sunday 24 Sep. The most interesting interview was with Marama Fox, Marama Davidson and Willie Jackson. The fiery discussion starts with Fox saying, “Right now I’m just annoyed. I’m so angry… Congratulations Labour – you got exactly what you wanted.” Fox has voiced her bitterness about the result in other interviews too. On Maori TV, she was angry that voters had shifted to Labour: “What I think the whanau have done is they’ve gone back to the mothership. They’ve gone back like a beaten wife to the abuser who has abused our people over and over again” – see Leo Horgan’s Maori have ‘gone back like a beaten wife to the abuser’ – Marama Fox. She expresses her commiserations to the Ikaroa-Rawhiti electorate for re-electing Labour candidate Meka Whaitiri, and explains why she refuses to concede the election to her opponent: “I don’t concede because conceding means that we let red and blue government rule our people like they’ve done so for a hundred and fifty years.” Similarly, in another interview with Mihingarangi Forbes on The Hui, Fox says voters have chosen to “go back to the age of colonisation, where the paternalistic parties of red and blue tell Māori how to live” – see Dan Satherley’s NZ voted for return to ‘the age of colonisation’ – Marama Fox. She bemoans working harder than any “waste of space” Labour MPs, and concludes “obviously hard work does not get rewarded in this country”. This continued on from an interview last week in which she admonished other Maori MPs for “not standing up for Maori rights and issues” – see Dan Satherley’s Labour’s Maori MPs are ‘whipped’ – Marama Fox. The same article reports that “If she could do away with both the major parties, she would.” The defeat and devastation of Te Ururoa Flavell Te Ururoa Flavell appeared to be genuinely shocked at losing on Saturday. Shane Cowlishaw reported: “Flavell himself was a mixture of disbelief and barely contained anger after conceding defeat. His plan was to put in three more years and step away from politics on a high. But that dream is no more and he ruled out running again. He hinted at potential disquiet within the party, saying there were “things to discuss with the executive” but now was not the time. Ultimately, he took responsibility but dismissed suggestions the party had become too close to National” – see: The Maori Party meltdown. Flavell forecasts that Maori voters will come to regret turning away from his party: “Te Ao Maori is going to wake up and say ‘what the hang happened?’ and I’ll say ‘you spoke, you gave it, that’s how it is’.” He tells Maori voters not to come to him if their choice doesn’t work out: “I hope they don’t wake up tomorrow and start shaking their heads, saying, I feel sorry for you, because I don’t want to hear it… I don’t want to hear people talk about tino rangatiratanga, I don’t want to hear people talk about mana motuhake because we had it in our hands and it’s gone” – see Elton Rikihana Smallman’s Te Ururoa Flavell won’t be part of a Māori Party revival. Talking to RNZ’s Craig McCulloch, the party co-leader said that after his loss, he “had ‘lost a bit of faith’ in his people and did not ever want to return as an MP” – see: Maori Party demise signals end to Flavell’s career. But it’s not only the media and party co-leaders expressing regret about the Maori Party’s demise. According to Claire Trevett, “The downfall of the party’s MPs was regretted by fellow politicians across the spectrum – from Green leader James Shaw to National MP Judith Collins and even the party’s arch nemesis Winston Peters” – see: Maori Party starts on long road to try rebuilding by 2020 after being booted out of Parliament. Finally, it won’t be much solace to Fox and Flavell, but Parliament now looks set to have 28 Maori MPs, and to see who they are in each party, see Tepara Koti’s Who are our Maori Members of Parliament now?]]>

Terror in Indonesia – the threat posed by returning Islamic State fighters

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

By Jewel Topsfield of The Sydney Morning Herald in Jakarta

Heru Kurnia, an Indonesian who joined Islamic State in Syria, is describing watching children kick around the head of someone decapitated by IS militants.

He hadn’t seen the execution but saw a crowd gather at the clock tower in the Syrian city of Raqqa. “People were watching. I went closer, but oh my God, the man was already dead and the body was being treated like that.”

An IS guard left the body there and adults stood by and did nothing while kids treated a human head like a soccer ball. Later Heru’s voice shudders as he spits out: “IS are sadists.”

Former jihadist Heru Kurnia … “IS are sadists” in the video created by the Indonesian government’s BNPT counter-terrorism unit. Image: SMH

Heru is among 18 Indonesians who returned in August after reportedly escaping from a living hell that was a world away from the idealised Islamic society IS recruiters spruik online.

One man, Dwi Djoko Wiwoho, recounts IS militants asking him to be informed of when his daughter began menstruating.

“We were told schools would be free there, but once we were there we were asked to marry her,” he says. Heru and Djoko both appear in a slickly-produced video released this week by the Indonesian government’s counter-terrorism unit, BNPT, titled Stories of IS deportees.

-Partners-

Ghastly anecdotes
The government clearly intends the video, with its melodramatic music score and ghastly anecdotes, to convey an unequivocal message – don’t buy the IS hype.

More than 500 Indonesian IS supporters are still believed to be in Syria. Hundreds more have been deported back to Indonesia, returned voluntarily or killed.

Another 30 Indonesians are believed to have fought with IS-linked militants in a much closer theatre of war – Marawi, on the island of Mindanao in the southern Philippines. None have yet returned.

The threat to Indonesia posed by battle-hardened returned fighters, equipped with new skills and radical ideology, has long exercised authorities.

“The thing that would lead to a marked increase in the threat level would be skilled jihadists suddenly being back, circulating in those networks in Indonesia, imparting their skills in bombmaking and operations,” says Australian National University terrorism expert Greg Fealy.

In the Indonesian video Stories of IS deportees, Dwi Djoko Wiwoho says he was pressured to marry off his daughter upon arrival in Islamic State territory. Image: SMH

“Also the fact these people would have the prestige of having fought in the battlefield, whether the battlefield is Marawi or whether it is in Syria, they would attract quite a following. So that could be the thing that suddenly gives a dramatic step up in the ability of terrorists to launch attacks. That’s what’s really been the missing factor so far.”

Weak terrorism laws hamstring the government – no current legislation outlaws travelling to join IS or declaring support for the extremist group.

Nobody paid
Fairfax Media has been unable to interview the returnees and verify their accounts. BNPT spokesman Hamidin insisted no one had been paid to provide their video testimonial.

But this is not the first group of Indonesians to return from Syria citing disillusionment with IS.

“Indonesians aren’t high-ranking in the fight in Syria. They come back disillusioned a lot of the time after cleaning toilets, doing crappy jobs,” an intelligence source tells Fairfax Media.

But terrorism analyst Nava Nuraniyah says IS sympathisers mostly cheer about IS on encrypted chat groups on the Telegram app. “On the rare occasion when people complain about things in Syria or have doubts, they are immediately silenced,” she says.

Nuraniyah believes the returnees who feature on the government video are genuine “but it doesn’t necessarily represent the majority of Indonesian fighters or deportees”.

“A lot who choose to remain in Syria still believe in it.”

This is consistent with the experience of C-SAVE Indonesia, a network of civil society organisations addressing violent extremism.

Since January, C-SAVE has been assisting Indonesians deported while trying to join IS in Syria to return to their homes. As of late July they had assisted more than 160 people.

Of these about 90 percent wanted to go back to Syria, according to C-SAVE executive director Mira Kusumarini.

“They want to live under a caliphate, where Islamic sharia is implemented completely,” Kusumarini says.

Government seen as ‘the infidel’
She says many refused to sign a document agreeing to abide by Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution and the pluralist state ideology of Pancasila until police threatened to put them in a cell.

“Deportees regarded the government as the infidel, the enemy. When we tried to engage with the children we couldn’t use the usual technique of singing and clapping hands because that was regarded as satanic.”

In January 2016, multiple explosions near the Sarinah shopping mall in Central Jakarta – including one in a Starbucks cafe – killed eight people, including four civilians.

It was the first terrorist attack in Indonesia to be claimed by IS.

A Philippine siege leaves Marawi City in ruins. After three-and-a-half months of battling to retake the city from pro-ISIS militants, the southern city is unrecognisable. Video: Reuters

Since then there have been a number of IS-inspired attacks, mostly low-impact suicide bombings targeting police.

But the day after the Marawi battle began in May, two explosions near a bus station in East Jakarta killed five people and an ominous link was revealed to the conflict in the Philippines.

Porous borders with Philippines
The borders between Indonesia and the Philippines are notoriously porous and militants can easily travel by boat between the two countries without passing through immigration.

One of those arrested over the East Jakarta bus stop bombing had helped arrange travel for Indonesians to the Philippines. Another arrested by police chillingly urged Indonesians over messaging app Telegram to “learn from the conquest of Marawi”.

“One possible impact of Marawi is an increased risk of violence in other countries in the region as local groups are inspired or shamed into action by the Philippine fighters,” Jakarta-based terrorism expert Sidney Jones writes in a recent report.

In July a pressure cooker bomb exploded prematurely in a dormitory in Bandung, West Java.

The man accused of assembling it – a 21-year-old meatball seller called Agus Wiguna – had been “obsessed” with fighting with the IS-affiliated group in Marawi, according to police.

He reportedly planned to detonate bombs in a restaurant, coffee shop and church in Bandung before flying to the Philippines.

Other targets possible
“Once the battle for Marawi is over, it is possible that South-east Asian [IS] leaders might encourage Indonesians to go after other targets, including foreigners or foreign institutions – especially if one of them comes back to lead the operations,” Jones writes.

Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull also did not mince his words.

“With the bitter memory of the 2002 Bali bombing, I am keenly alert to the risk that the next mass-casualty attack on Australian victims could well be somewhere in South-east Asia, where [IS] propaganda has galvanised existing networks of extremists and attracted new recruits,” he told a security summit in June.

The latest edition of IA’s glossy online magazine Rumiyah also focuses on the Philippines as IS loses its grip on a swath of Iraq and Syria, with a cover story on “The jihad in East Asia”.

Anggara Suprayogi, one of the 30 Indonesians fighting with IS-linked militants in Marawi, had planned to leave for Syria to fight early this year.

But when he made contact with an Indonesian in Raqqa he was urged to fight in the Philippines instead.

On terrorist wanted list
It fell on the former police chief of Jatiuwung, a district of Tangerang City about 50 kilometres from Jakarta, to tell Anggara’s mother her son was on a terrorist wanted list.

“Of course she was in shock,” Agung Budi Laksono tells Fairfax Media. “What mother wouldn’t be? Any mother whose son secretly went to war that was not a war for his country.”

He says Anggara had been an obedient son who loved his family and was active in the local community.

“If Anggara found a wallet, he would look for the owner’s address, return the wallet and refuse any gift,” Agung says. “That in my eyes is a positive, it’s rare.”

Religion had been everything to him: he had even refused to use banks because charging interest is forbidden under Islam because it is thought to be exploitative.

Anggara was not the first Indonesian who wanted to fight for IS in Syria or Marawi that Agung came across in his year working in Tangerang.

“It exists quite a lot,” he says. “One of the reasons is a limited understanding of jihad.”

Effective anti-terrorist units
What Indonesia has on its side is one of the most effective anti-terrorist police units in the world.

Detachment 88, established in the wake of the 2002 Bali bombings, has foiled multiple terror plots ranging from a plan for a female suicide bomber to blow herself up outside the presidential palace to a proposed attack on the Myanmar embassy in Jakarta.

Any attacks that have occurred are followed up almost immediately with a string of arrests.

An intelligence source says despite low technological capacity – there is not one central database of foreign fighters in Indonesia, for example – Detachment 88 is highly skilled at monitoring, infiltrating mosques and intercepting plots.

“Yes, there is growing intolerance and there is inspiration from South-east Asia, but putting aside lone wolf and small attacks most plots are stopped and that is a tick,” the source says. “Australia is probably not doing as well as they are doing.”

The ANU’s Fealy says the sheer number of returnees as IS crumbles in the Middle East, coupled with the conflict in Marawi, has raised the terrorism threat in the region “quite a bit”.

But he says the risk to Indonesia is still “well below” what it was in 2002, when Jemaah Islamiyah was at its height.

“At the time we had people like Azahari Husin and Noordin Top who were master bombmakers teaching dozens of people how to make bombs that kill a lot of people,” Fealy says.

“I think there is the potential to get there very quickly, but I think we are still well below that.”

Jakarta correspondent Jewel Topsfield with reporting by Karuni Rompies and Amilia Rosa. This article has been republished with permission.

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PACER Plus agreement ‘not just trade but development’ – NZ chief negotiator

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Pacific Media Centre

By Brandon Ulfsby and Hele Ikimotu
A recent seminar has provided a closer look at the Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations Plus (PACER Plus) deal signed by 10 Pacific countries this year.

The event was held at the University of Auckland jointly hosted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT) and the New Zealand Institute for Pacific Research (NZIPR).

Leading the talk was Tessa Te Mata, New Zealand’s chief negotiator in the agreement, who said PACER Plus is not solely about trade in the region but also development.

“New Zealand, Australia we’re part of this region, we are affected by what happens in the region, what we do impacts on the region,” she said.

“We’ve got a unique opportunity to look at an agreement that’s meant to impact the next 10, 20, 30 years – so it’s one thing to trade amongst yourselves, it’s another thing to create a platform that allows you to compete in the markets of the world.”

Key objectives of the deal include creating similar rules and processes which allow for easier trade as well as increasing investment within the region.

“Pacific has the largest tuna fisheries and to be fair they make money from licensing but can more be done here in the region to allow for more money to be earned from the resources we have?” said Te Mata.

“So what we were doing was not just having a trade agreement it needed to be a trade and development agreement which allows for further investment.”

Other objectives include increasing export capacity and more coherency and impact from aid funds within the region.

The deal was signed on June 14, 2017 in Nuku’alofa by New Zealand, Australia, Cook Islands, Kiribati, Nauru, Niue, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Tuvalu.

Upon signature a $7.7 million readiness package came into force – a package aimed at assisting countries with preparations for the agreement.

“Making sure their customs process are ready for it, making sure their legislation is up to it. So making sure they don’t embark on implementing this agreement without fully understanding their obligations,” said Te Mata.

The chief negotiator for New Zealand admits there is still concern around the impact and measure of success from the deal but said that’s the challenge over the next 18-24 months.

“The feedback from businesses, from Pacific communities here and a number of stakeholders is that this is where we should focus our efforts. And basically we’ve got an 18-24 month window before this agreement comes into effect and we have to start living up to the obligations,” she said.

New Zealand is set to benefit from the agreement with lower tariffs and easier access to services, labour and investment.

Alongside PACER Plus an arrangement was struck with countries to provide a new platform for enhancing labour mobility.

Te Mata said that parties involved wanted labour mobility at the top of the priority list with other focuses on food and beverages, niche investments, copyright and customs.

There is also a push for improvements to communications and technology, with projects involving submarine internet cables already underway.

“That’s how the Pacific is going to leapfrog the tyranny of isolation and geography they face – being able to connect with the rest of the world.”

Te Mata said the agreement was a step in the right direction and said: “We’re developing, we’re growing but we’ve got far more to do over the next 18-24 months.”

The seminar was attended by a number of Pacific studies students and researchers at the Auckland University Fale Pasifika.

Brandon Ulfsby and Hele Ikimotu are final year journalism students at the Auckland University of Technology (AUT) and interns with the New Zealand Institute for Pacific Research (NZIPR). NZIPR is a national institute to promote and support excellence in Pacific research and is a collaboration between the University of Auckland, Otago University and AUT. AUT’s Pacific Media Centre is one of the collaboration partners. This story was produced as part of Ulfsby and Ikimotu’s internship and is republished by the Pacific Media Centre with permission.

NZIPR

Tessa Te Mata’s presentation

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Vanuatu declares state of emergency over erupting volcano

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Manaro Voui volcano … new cinder cone and magma lake has formed close to the freshwater lake surrounding it as evacuations continue. Image: Vanuatu Digest

By Bob Makin in Port Vila

The Vanuatu government’s Council of Ministers has declared a state of emergency on Ambae island, allowing public funds to be released for the emergency response to the eruption of Manaro Voui volcano.

The Vanuatu Daily Post reports the government has released Vt200 million (NZ$2.6 million) for the emergency.

A new cinder cone and magma lake has formed the volcano, precipitously close to the freshwater lake surrounding it.

The presence of water means that any eruption could potentially be more explosive.

Evacuations are still proceeding on Ambae, and the Penama provincial government says it has now moved all the people in the south of the island to the north.

The most pressing need now with the significant number of arrivals is food and water, as Penama province’s Assistant Secretary-General Ure has noted today.

-Partners-

Some 36 schools have also been closed on the island.

Checks are also proceeding to ensure no one has been missed in the evacuation.

The director of the National Disaster Management Office is on Ambae today to assess the settlement of the 5000 who have so far been relocated.

The New Zealand government has announced it is sending an RNZAF P-3K2 Orion maritime surveillance aircraft to monitor Manaro Voui and the two other volcanoes, Benbow and Lopevi, currently erupting Vanuatu.

Bob Makin is a contributing editor of Vanuatu Digest.

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Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Get ready for a Labour-NZ First government

Bryce Edwards’ Political Roundup: Get ready for a Labour-NZ First government [caption id="attachment_13635" align="alignright" width="150"] Dr Bryce Edwards.[/caption] Everyone seems to be preparing for a National-NZ First coalition government. Even many on the left are expecting this will be the outcome, including some in the Labour Party. The reality is Winston Peters could go either way – the left and right blocs have emerged from the election with similar voter support, allowing New Zealand First the ability to choose either option.  What’s more, for every argument for why Winston Peters will go with National, there are equally good arguments for him favouring Labour. And the idea that National will get the nod from Peters simply because they have a higher party vote than Labour is largely without merit, and we should challenge the notion that National has some sort of “moral mandate” or “moral majority”. [caption id="attachment_2529" align="alignleft" width="300"] New Zealand First leader Winston Peters.[/caption] The mistaken consensus that National is in the box seat In the media, and throughout the political spectrum, a consensus has emerged that National is most likely to form a government with the help of New Zealand First. This was made most strongly today by left wing political commentator Chris Trotter, who is reported as arguing “Jacinda Ardern knows she lost and shouldn’t keep up the facade of being the Prime Minister in waiting” – see Newshub’s ‘It’s not enough’: Why Chris Trotter believes Jacinda Ardern won’t be the next Prime Minister. Trotter says there’s a 25 per cent chance of Labour stitching together a coalition. In the same interview right wing commentator Trish Sherson argues the chances are “next to zero, at this point”, as there is “no shadow of a doubt” National won the election. Her justification is a common one: “I just don’t think you can go against the will of the people.” For more on Trotter’s view, see his latest column, Bill To Winston – ‘Let’s Do This’. Veteran Herald political columnist John Armstrong is equally strong in his belief that Labour can’t govern: “a Labour-New Zealand First-Greens combo is technically still alive. But only in the way Elvis Presley is still alive. Those on the centre-left clinging to that hope are really clinging to the wreckage of what to be blunt was a hideously disappointing night for that portion of the political spectrum” – see: English keeps National juggernaut rolling. According to Armstrong, New Zealand First has no mandate to shun National: “The almost palpable mood for change has not turned out to be deep enough or widespread enough to place sufficient obligation on Peters to use his likely grip on the balance of power to install a Labour-led Administration.” Peters going with Labour and the Greens is “extremely unlikely” according to the Sunday Star Times’ Adam Dudding, who says such a prospect is limited to “theory” rather than reality. He reports, and seems to agree with, Bill English’s claim to have the “moral authority” to have first go at creating a coalition – see: Bill English: I’m ready to talk to Winston. The same report claims Labour has suffered a “defeat.” Similarly, the Sunday Star Times ran an editorial wishing Bill English well and declaring him victorious. Written by editor Jonathan Milne, the piece says: “Let us be clear: Peters has no choice. The voting public cannot, and will not, tolerate him abusing his kingmaker position by swinging his support behind Ardern, when she is trailing 13 seats behind National” – see: Voters cannot, and will not, tolerate Winston abusing his kingmaker position. The political right is unsurprisingly pushing the line that a National-led coalition is almost inevitable. National Party blogger David Farrar says “National got an extraordinary result of 57 MPs and is highly likely to form the first fourth term Government since 1969” – see: Everyone’s a winner! Massey University’s Grant Duncan also read the outcome as a defeat for Labour and the Greens. He says a fourth-term National-led coalition is on the cards, and Jacinda Ardern’s “chances of forming a government with the centrist NZ First Party and the Greens are much slimmer” – see: New Zealand votes for conservatism and the status quo. Similarly, see Victoria University of Wellington’s Jack Vowles’ Push-pull government could end in chaos. National’s mythical “moral majority”  It is a “fundamental core value of democracy” that the party with the most votes should become the government, according to former prime minister John Key. He told the Herald: “Mathematically Winston Peters can put together a government with Labour and the Greens but the reality is, to do that he would have to go against what he has always done [support the winning party] and he would have to step away from the fundamental core value of democracy which is majority rule” – see Audrey Young’s NZ First leader Winston Peters in no hurry to get coalition negotiations underway. Today’s editorial in the New Zealand Herald pushes a similar argument: “Over 21 years of MMP, a convention has developed that the party with the most votes forms the government. Jacinda Ardern did not quite acknowledge that practice in her speech on Saturday night but it was not a victory speech. It could hardly be one when Labour had finished 10 points behind on the night and Labour and Greens combined were five points behind” – see: Winston Peters should not hold clear winner to ransom. The Herald emphasises that “the result was not even close”, and that “English deserves to savour this victory”. The editorial urges Winston Peters to recognise this, and also points out: “Having lost the Northland seat and seen his party vote decline, Peters ought to be humbled by the result. He should not hold the winner to ransom.” Similarly, yesterday’s Herald on Sunday editorial questioned whether a Labour-led government would have “legitimacy” given that National has more votes, and warns that such a government “would need to be sure all New Zealanders could respect its mandate” – see: Peters needs to note Nationals achievement. However, the line that National should form a government because it got more votes than Labour is straight out of the first-past-the-post era when the largest political party tended to have a majority of seats in Parliament. Under MMP, a party having the largest share of the vote is almost irrelevant. If they can’t put together a coalition with enough seats, then they normally can’t govern. This point is well put today by Massey University’s Richard Shaw, who is reported as explaining that “when it comes to forming a government coalition, all that matters is that a combination of parties can persuade the Governor General they can reach 61 seats” – see Newshub’s ‘No such thing’ as moral majority – politics professor. Shaw points out “The word ‘moral’ doesn’t appear in our constitution”, and there is no “winner” of the recent election: “Nobody’s won the election yet. The people who won the election are the people who form the government.” National has not “won” the election There is a strong narrative at the moment that National has received an extraordinary result. But has it really? The vote for centre right parties has actually declined significantly at this election. At the 2014 election, the aggregate vote for National, Act and the Conservatives was over 52 per cent. This year, the final result for those parties is projected to be little more than 45 per cent. What’s more the National Party has now lost allies – United Future and the Maori Party are gone from Parliament, and Act’s party vote has halved. Basically, National has cannibalised the vote of other rightwing parties. In devouring its coalition partners, National might now look stronger, but in reality fewer voters are actually supporting parties of the right. But it is the illusion that National has won significantly more vote than the political left that particularly needs addressing. Colin James reminds us that you need to add the Labour and Greens vote together when making any comparison: “the win English has been celebrating is qualified. Think of Labour and the Greens as an informal coalition and National’s lead drops from 10.2% to 4.3%” – see: English on top but facing a stronger Labour. James then makes the very important point that the final vote tally result is likely to make the difference between the left and right blocs even smaller: “if the 384,000 specials fall as differently from the election night count as in 2014, when National lost 1.1 percentage points between election night and the final count, that lead could drop to 2%-3%. If things go wrong — as they did for the most recent fourth term governments, after the 1946 and 1969 elections — that slim lead could quickly evaporate.” Graeme Edgeler has made some rough projections of what the final parliamentary seat numbers will be for the parties – assuming that the special votes have the same “biases” as at the last election. Based on this, National is likely to lose two seats, and Labour and the Greens are likely to go up. This would produce a final tally of 56 seats for National, and 54 seats for Labour and the Greens – hardly a big difference – see: Election 2017: the Special Votes. Why Labour might still “win” the election One of the biggest concerns that Winston Peters is likely to have about entering a coalition with Labour is that its majority in Parliament will be lower than with National. At the moment, the preliminary election results suggest such a government would have the barest of a majority – just 61 seats out of 120. However if the special votes change the seat numbers along the lines suggested above, then a Labour-led government would have a much more comfortable majority of 63 seats, which might assuage Peters’ concerns. Some say that there is still bad blood between New Zealand First and National, which might push Winston Peters to “go left”. Radiolive’s Mark Sainsbury says “I don’t agree with all those who rule out a coalition with the left. I think it’s not only possible, but potentially more palatable for Winston – it could be a train wreck, but so could a National deal” – see: Bad blood makes National-NZ First deal unlikely. Sainsbury elaborates on the bad relations between the parties: “Plus there’s another factor – the leaking of his superannuation overpayment. The bureaucrats have been cleared, which means the finger of blame is firmly directed at the National ministers in the loop, and Winston will want vengeance, make no mistake. Plus, there’s bad blood between him and some of Bill English’s top team. Remember this: Bill was there in 1992 when Peters was expelled from the National caucus, the move that lead to NZ First and this whole business. Not only was Bill there, he seconded Jim Bolger’s motion to kick him out.” And Barry Soper’s analysis is also in line with this – see his column, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, don’t rule it out. In addition to the “bad blood” argument, Soper says “in this MMP environment anything is possible and in Winston Peters’ book nothing is as it seems and that’s the way it’s always been with him. Forget morality and expectation, that’s a book written by others. Of course he will talk first to Bill English, he’s always said he’d do that to the party with the highest vote count. But talking is far short of walking up the aisle.” According to Jane Clifton, New Zealand First will demand a huge change of direction from National, and one they might simply be unable to oblige: “The big story of this election is bigger than National, and much bigger than ‘whither Winston?’ It’s that there was an undeniable and growing appetite for change.  So while English is right that National has the moral authority to form the next Government, there is a countervailing moral authority that it cannot do so on the basis of ‘business as usual’. New Zealand First, notwithstanding its modest nine-seat heft, has the moral authority either to negotiate some meaningful concessions from National as the price for its indispensable coalition support, or, if unsuccessful, to shop elsewhere” – see: This post-election business is anything but usual. NZ First sources point to Labour A number of New Zealand First insiders appear to be talking to journalists at the moment, and they are all emphasising that Peters is more likely to go with Labour. The most interesting example is MP Richard Prosser who has failed to make it back in on the party list. He makes a similar argument to Clifton, above, saying that Peters is determined to govern in a way that reflects what the party sees as a “mood for change”, which National is unlikely to be able to deliver: “The difficulty is that they’ve had three terms, looking at a fourth, they are now quite deeply entrenched in their ways. How much of a directional shift could you ween out of them?” – see Henry Cooke’s Outgoing NZ First MP Richard Prosser says Winston Peters will go left. Prosser added: “My gut feeling says he will probably go left if he can”. See also more revealing comments in Nicholas Jones’ Outgoing MP criticises Winston Peters: He has always been Machiavellian. Tracy Watkins also reports the views of a New Zealand First insider. She says: “people should not assume a deal with National just because it was the largest party on the night, says a former NZ First MP. There has been a lot of speculation about Peters ruling out any deal with the Greens, but people should not assume that either” – see: Bill and Jacinda on call waiting. NZ First people are also talking to Politik’s Richard Harman: “NZ First sources say that Leader Winston Peters remains convinced National Party politicians leaked details of his superannuation payments and orchestrated a campaign to drive him out of politics which resulted in him losing his seat. As a consequence, POLITIK understands NZ First will not take part in any Government formation negotiations involving Finance Minister and National Campaign Manager, Steven Joyce” – see: English faces uphill battle. Similarly, Branko Marcetic reports today that “One former NZ First MP who served in the unstable coalition [of 1996] told me Peters will probably choose Labour this time around” – see: What will Winston do? The lessons of ’96 tell us he might go with Ardern. According to the source “he’s more likely, with a young, inexperienced leader such as Jacinda, to have greater influence there as opposed to going with his old buddies who shafted him last time around.” The same article gave further reason to suggest the party is more in tune with Labour than National: “Among the party’s rank-and-file, there is a visceral dislike for and mistrust of the party of John Key and Bill English. A number of his party’s policies, such as writing off student loans for graduates who remain in New Zealand a certain number of years, would be non-starters under a National government. There’s also the fact that, as with previous elections, Peters has spent this year savaging the ‘neoliberal experiment’ of 1984, the foremost proponents of which today are National. And at this year’s New Zealand First party conference, he used his speech to rail about how National’s policies had left the poor and middle class behind, and proceeded to personally insult virtually every National MP in Cabinet by name.” Finally, for a lighter view of Winston Peters’ kingmaker role, see my blog post of Cartoons and images about negotiating the new government.]]>

Vanuatu evacuates 8000 villagers on Ambae as volcano erupts

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Manaro Voui volcano erupting – photo take yesterday. Image: Vanuatu Digest/FB Facebook

By Bob Makin in Port Vila

Vanuatu’s Manaro Voui volcano on Ambae is erupting and 8000 people are being evacuated on the island.

The Penama provincial government council and National Disaster Management Office is currently evacuating residents from the north, south and western parts of Ambae island to the east, and to neighbouring islands.

Ambae Island. Image: Vanuatu Islands Travel

Ambae’s total population is about 11,500.

The NDMO has mobilised several ships to assist with the evacuations.

The Vanuatu Meteorological and Geo-Hazards Department (VMGD) has raised the warning level to 4, indicating that a moderate eruption is taking place.

VMGD also warns people on Ambae that dangerous flying rocks and volcanic gas are being experienced within 6.5 km of the volcano’s crater; ash falls have been reported across the island.

-Partners-

The department says other hazards include acid rain and pyroclastic mud flows.

Manaro Voui’s last eruption in 2005 resulted in the evacuation of 5000 people.

Ambae, also known as Aoba, is northwest of Pentecost island.

Bob Makin is editor of Vanuatu Digest.

Map taken from VMGD hazard map showing the dangers posed by Manaro Voui to the people of Ambae. Image: Vanuatu Digest
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Analytic Brief: Influence Operations, Targeted Interventions and Intelligence Gathering: A Primer.

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36th Parallel Assessments – Headline: Analytic Brief: Influence Operations, Targeted Interventions and Intelligence Gathering: A Primer.

Source: http://logos.nationalinterest.in/2017/01/mind-map-russian-influence-campaign-us-2016-presidential-elections/

Revelations of Chinese influence operations in Australia and New Zealand, and the ongoing sequels to the Russian “interference” in the 2016 US election, have caused outcry and concern amongst policy-makers and public alike. Beyond the xenophobic aspects to fears of the spectre of a “Yellow Peril” emerging in the Antipodes (a fear that we do not share) aand the Cold War overtones to the response in the US to the Russia allegations, the way in which influence operations, targeted interventions and intelligence gathering differ–and how and when they overlap–is a subject worth considering. In this analytic brief 36th Parallel Assessments delinates what these three types of foreign outreach are and how they interact as legitimate and illegitimate tools of the trade. Influence Operations. Influence operations, also known as influence peddling, are normal and legitimate tools of states as well as non-state actors such as private firms, non- and international governmental organizations. They are focused on the old adage “how to win friends and influence people” in pursuit of organizational objectives, be these diplomatic, economic, military or cultural in nature. The purpose is to create a favorable impression of a state, firm or agency in the mind of a target entity, be it the general public or selected subsets of it, particularly key interlocutors (agencies as well as individuals) whose decisions impact on the fortunes of the influencing agent or organization. Influence operations are the stock and trade of private sector lobbying and government outreach programs in foreign states. They include everything from wining and dining of potential business clients, partners or government decison-makers, providing transportation and accomodation to people of influence, staging cultural and artistic events, contributing to political parties and causes, organizing charities, creating education exchanges, donating goods and services, establishing media outlets and generally doing “favors” or good deeds in a target country, region or economic sector. The goal is to create a favorable impression of the influence peddler on the part of targeted entities and people in order to alter the narrative about the influencer in ways that are positive and profitable for it. Influence operations are a well established part of foreign policy. Institutions like the Alliance Francaise, various US agencies and institutions like the Fulbright Commission, AID and Peace Corps, cultural promotion and friendship societies funded wholly or in part by foreign governments such as Confucious Institutes or Jewish Councils, business associations like the NZUS Council and American Chambers of Commerce–all of these organizations are in the business of promoting home country interests via various methods of exchange. The provision of developmental aid is another form of influence operation. A good example is China’s “checkbook diplomacy” in the South Pacific, where it provides no-or low-interest developmental loans to island states or gifts infrastructure projects to recipient countries as gestures of goodwill. The list of entities and countries that engage in influence peddling is not limited to powerful states or large business interests, and the cumulative impact of their operations is significant in shaping local perceptions of the international order. Influence operations are most often overt in nature. However, there are instances when they may be used covertly to good effect. Russian use of social media to influence the tone of US campaign coverage (by among other things, placing political adverts and event invitations on platforms like Twitter and Facebook) is a classic instance of attempting to alter the narrative in order to influence the backdrop and lead-up to the elections. The use of so-called “disinformation campaigns,” in which false news stories are seeded throughout social and mainstream media outlets, is one prominent form of covert influencing (as well as giving birth to the phrase “fake news”). The limits on influence operations are determined by local statutory and regulatory frameworks governing the domestic behavior of foreign agents. Some countries have relatively loose rules governing the activities of foreign influencers while others adopt more restrictive approaches to what can aand cannot be done by foreign agents on domestic soil. This includes what is acceptable when it comes to permissable monetary rewards, exchanges in kind or other forms of inducements provided by influence peddlers to others. In some South Pacific countries, decision-makers expect to be compensated for their time and interest in an influencer’s pitch regardless of the outcome. However, what is seen as koha or tribute in one context is seen as bribery in others, so influence operators must be keenly aware of where local mores draw the line at what is legal or illegal, legitimate or illegitimate when it comes to exchanges of favors. Targeted Intervention. Targeted intervention is a more contentious subject but in reality is just an extension of influence operations. Whereas influence operations focus on “softening up” targeted entities by altering general narratives about the influencer in ways that are more favorable to it, targeted intervention concentrates on securing specific outcomes within a targeted entity. This can be done by placing people in key decision-making positions, planting stories in compliant media or putting money into causes or individuals with the intent of securing a desired outcome in their fields of influence. Targeted interventions are conducted by businesses as well as political actors and state agencies. Targeted interventions can be done overtly or covertly. Placing people in political parties with the intent of having them elected into office is one example of overt targeted intervention, unless the loyalities or political objectives of the person are disgusied or hidden. Donating to election campaigns is another overt form of intervention. Placing people in targeted businesses or public agencies, or engaging in third party financing of negative (or positive) advertising campaigns, are covert forms of intervention in specific fields of endeavour. Targeted intervention becomes contentious when it is done by foreign actors, particularly states but to include businesses, in order to advance their agendas vis a vis a a sovereign entity. This has been a subject fo considerable concern in the South Pacific, where commerical interests in extractive industries have been accused of intervening covertly using both coercive as well as financial means to disrupt opposition to their activities and to secure favorable environmental, health and safety regulations from local government in spite of that opposition. Here again, Russian involvement in the 2016 US elections is illustrative. Russian intelligence is alleged to have hacked into the email servers of the Democratic presidential candidate and Democratic National Committee. Selected emails from these accounts were bundled with fake emails purportedly from the same authors and delivered to the whistle-blowing organization Wikileaks, which promptly published them. These were then picked up by mainstream media outlets in the US and covered extensively in the weeks leading up to the November ballot. The furore over the content of the emails gave ammunition to the Republicans and put the Democratic candidate on the defensive. Although it is unclear to what extent the negative cobverage of the email “scandal” contributed to the Democrat’s defeat, with the margin of victory boiling down to 60,000 votes (out of 130 milliion cast) in two swing states, it is possible that the targted intervention by Russian hackers had a role to play in the outcome. Even more directly, US intelligence has alleged that the Russians also attempted to tamper with elexctronic balloting in several states. These efforts were thwarted by US counter-intelligence measures and led to quiet threats of reprisals, but the larger point is that the attempted manipulation of  ballots by the Russians is a clear example of targeted intervention. To be fair, the US has a long history of targeted interventions in foreign countries, up to an including electoral manipulation and material support for insurrections and coups d’etats. The point here is to stress that many forms of targeted intervention fall far short of these extreme measures and in fact often preclude such extremes from happening. Intelligence gathering. Intelligence gathering is the process of acquiring information on targeted entities without their knowledge or consent. This can occur overtly or covertly and is conducted by private agencies as well as governmental organizations and states. The purposes of intelligence gathering are to determine intent, motivation, patterns of behaviour, organizational charcteristics and capabilities, resource bases and Open source intelligence gathering such as that provided by 36th Parallel Assessments uses public records, secondary sources, personal interviews and scholarly analyses to provide indepth  appraisals of specific situations. Open source intelligence gathering is also conducted by state intelligence agencies, think tanks, research institutes, and a variety of international, governmental and non-governmental organications. For example, economic and political officers in embassies spend most of their time tasked with drawing up assessments of current events in their host countries. Covert intelligence collection is the use of surreptitious means to gather sensitive information about target entities. The targets can be military, diplomatic, economic or social in nature (say, family dynamics within dynastic regimes). Covert intelligence takes three main forms: technical intelligence (TECHINT) gathering (e.g. thermal imagery, acoustic, radar and seismic monitoring; signals intelligence (SIGINT) gathering (e.g. phone wiretaps, computer hacking, fiberoptic cable “bugging,” telemetry intercepts, decryption programs); and human intelligence (HUMINT) gathering (where human agents are sent into the field to gain both startegic and tactical insight into the behaviour of targeted entities as well as provide context to them). HUMINT comes in two forms: official cover, where the intelligence agents is provided official protection (“cover”) via embassy or other governmental affiliation formalized in the issuance of a diplomatic passport (thereby granting some level of immunity from criminal prosecution): and non-official cover (NOC), where the intelligent agent operates outside of the protections of diplomatic representation by posing as something other than a government agent, for example, as an academic, business person, charity worker, etc). Be it overt or covert in nature, intelligence gathering is often conducted in concert with or in support of influence operations and targeted interventions.  This is because intelligence gathering hekps identify the best courses of action in any given context, including points of strength and weakeness in targeted entities. Conclusion. Influence operations, targeted interventions and intelligence gathering are tools of statecraft as well as of business engagement with the socio-political and economic environments in which they are located. 36th Parallel Assessments provides clients with the means to detect, deter, ameliorate or conduct influence operations and targeted interventions as well as provide open source geopolitical and market intelligence services in a range of contexts.]]>

Vanuatu PM Salwai seeks UN probe on West Papua human rights violations

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

UN video sourced from the West Papua Liberation Organisation.

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai Tabimasmas has expressed his country’s concern about the vast flows of refugees and migrants, noting that in 2016 the number of displaced people around the world stood at 65 million during his speech today to the 72nd United Nations General Assembly.

He also appealed to France to honour the will of the people with the 2018 referendum on independence in New Caledonia due next year and appealed to the UN Human Rights Council to investigate violations in West Papua.

UN summary
An exodus to cities and a high rate of urbanisation was a challenge as well. There was a clear link between forced migration and the responsibility to protect. As a small island developing state facing rising sea levels, Vanuatu appealed to the international community to consider a legal framework to address the issue of climate change refugees.

For Vanuatu, the United Nations represented the best hope and catalyst for peace and security, as well as for lifting millions out of poverty, he said. To remain relevant, however, strategic reforms were needed. Being a permanent member of the Security Council was a responsibility and it was incumbent on the organ to move beyond the political interests of its members and to find compromise solutions. Vanuatu supported Council reforms which reflected current geopolitical trends with fairer regional representation, he said.

Vanuatu’s graduation from least developed country status did not eliminate its vulnerability to natural hazards, nor must it upset or hinder its development, he said. The transition mechanism for graduating countries must be strengthened. Conveying his government’s concern about threats to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region, he urged the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to halt its missile and nuclear development programme, reaffirmed Vanuatu’s commitment to the denuclearization of the Pacific and welcomed the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

-Partners-

Hurricanes and tropical cyclones around the world were warnings from Mother Nature that climate change was happening faster than efforts to respond to it, he said. Deeper thought and greater efforts were needed. Reducing greenhouse gas emissions would make a difference, he said, urging the United States to review its decision on the Paris Agreement and to implement it. He emphasized his country’s commitment to reverse the decline of the health of the world’s oceans, including through a ban on plastic bags by 2018.

Looking ahead to the 2018 referendum in New Caledonia, he urged the administration there to honour the will of its people. The Human Rights Council should meanwhile address the situation in West Papua, he said, calling for decolonisation to be put back on the United Nations radar.

Full address in French

Transcription by ETAN
16:55:

My government, Mr President, is worried to note that the UN has lost a lot of its capacity and will to implement Resolution 1514 of 14th December 1960 which expressed the need to put an end swiftly and unconditionally to colonialism in all of its forms and manifestations.

Ending colonialism has to reappear on the UN radar and all efforts in this regard have to be free of international political pressure. We all have a collective responsibility to guarantee self-determination to people who are under colonial yoke …

18:10:
Mr President,

For are half a century now, the international community has been witnessing a gamut of torture, murder, exploitations, sexual violence, arbitrary detention inflicted on the nationals of West Papua perpetrated by Indonesia. But the international community turned a deaf ear to their appeals for help.

We urge the Human Rights Council to investigate these cases. We also call on our counterparts throughout the world to support the legal right of West Papua to self-determination and to jointly with Indonesia put an end to all kinds of violence and find common ground with the nationals to facilitate putting together a process which will enable them to freely express their choice.

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Analysis by Keith Rankin – Correcting the Polls

Watch the ‘Undecideds’. Graph by Keith Rankin.

Analysis by Keith Rankin – Correcting the Polls 

In the Scoop report of the most recent (16-19 Sep) Colmar Brunton political poll, we see the numbers adding up to 112.3%. This innumerate reporting – a result of Colmar Brunton’s own reporting method – represents one of the biggest flaws of political polling. It de-emphasises the most important statistic, the ‘undecided’ vote. We sometimes forget that the whole point of election campaigns is for parties to convince undecided voters to vote for them. The final election result comes as undecided voters make up their minds. Good polling will show whether undecideds are indeed making up their minds.

Today’s chart reports the TVNZ Colmar-Brunton polls from July, with undecided (and refused-to-say) voters included. The chart sequences the parties with the National bloc (including New Zealand First) at the bottom, with the Labour bloc above. The most likely pivot point is the Māori Party, placed here between New Zealand First and Labour. Parties unlikely to make the cut are shown at the top.

If all the undecided voters do in fact vote, the critical percentage should be between 48% and 49%. In the most recent poll, the National bloc is showing at 45%, meaning that if 30% of the undecideds support National, Act or New Zealand First, then those parties will be in position to form a government. This should happen if enough of the undecideds are undecided between parties in that bloc. But if the main source of indecision relates to Green versus Labour, then most of the undecided votes will be votes for a new Prime Minister.

The chart shows clearly that most of the support gained by Labour after its leadership change came from the Greens and the undecideds. After that, some support seeped from the National bloc to the Labour bloc. The 13 September poll appears to have been a ‘rogue poll’ (overstating Labour). By definition, 1 poll in 20 will be outside the margin of error.

In mid-September, we saw an increase in the undecided proportion. It’s less clear whether this represents people contemplating a switch in intent from the Labour to National.

My sense is that the final result will be an average of the 6 September and 19 September polls, with undecideds slightly in favour of a change of Prime Minister.

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Willie Jackson: Vision, hope and compassion will beat lies in NZ

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

“Jacinda Ardern has touched people and made them feel like they can believe again.” Image: TDB

OPINION: By Willie Jackson

Never before has Labour come from 23 percent to be neck and neck with National. Jacinda has touched people and made them feel like they can believe again and that is a force that cannot and will not be told by rich right-wing broadcasters to go home and be quiet.

Now is the time to show National that lies, deception and deceit will not be rewarded by the people of this country. Let National learn that vision, hope and compassion will always beat cynicism, corruption and venal self-interest.

Rather than tell us why after 9 years they have failed the homeless, the first home buyers, the mentally ill, the hungry kids, the workers on flat wages, the women on gender biased wages, our waterways choked with cow filth, the children in underfunded and overcrowded classrooms and a health system strangled by debt – rather than tell us why after 9 years they’ve failed each of those segments of our society, National have spent this entire campaign lying about Labour.

I am sick of it! It is disgraceful and desperate behaviour that undermines the trusted positions they hold.

There is no $11.7 billion dollar hole in Labour’s budget. It is a total lie.

Not one New Zealander will pay more in income tax than they are paying now if Labour win! Another complete fabrication by National!

-Partners-

Dangerous falsehood
And as for Deputy Prime Minister Paula Bennett’s claim that the only reason inequality is so high is because of the Christchurch earthquake and not deeply flawed social policy – well, anything that comes out of Paula’s mouth is questionable at the best of times, but trying to blame inequality on a natural disaster is a delusional dangerous falsehood.

And I was rapt that Phil Twyford gave it to her and the National Party this morning on the AM Show and said it how it was, which was National are without doubt, just a bunch of liars.

The thing that gets me though is that National know they are lying, and then they are supported by a right-wing New Zealand media.

Take the latest Colmar Brunton Poll – added together, Labour + Greens + NZ First will be the new government, but is that the story the right-wing media are telling you?

They are saying that Jacinda’s “fairy dust” has failed her, that the momentum has stopped and that anyone wanting real change this election should just go home, head bent with their tail between their legs for daring to hope.

Once in generation victory?
I call that out and denounce it.

This will be a once in a generation victory if you and your friends and whanau vote.

I will never stop fighting for the people – Māori, Pasifika, women and working class; and I call on each and every decent New Zealander to rush to the voting booths now and bring in a new empathy and a new direction.

Vote as if your life depended upon it – because for many of our children, sick, elderly, brown and poor, it really does.

Kia kaha!

Willie Jackson is an independent Māori broadcaster and list candidate for the Labour Party. This column is republished from The Daily Blog with permission.

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Labour MP blames Māori Party for NZ ‘inequality’ as National’s partners

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Labour MP Aupito William Sio … “we don’t believe in giving wealthy people more money at the expense of creating more poverty”. Image: Aupito William Sio /FB/Kaniva News

By Philip Cass in Auckland

Mangere Labour MP Aupito William Sio has hit out at claims by Tongan Māori Party candidate Manase Lua that Labour has done nothing for Pasifika people.

In comments reported by Kaniva News, Lua said Labour had backed 80 percent of the National Party’s legislation.

Aupito, who is Labour’s spokesperson for Pacific Island Affairs, said the Māori Party had been part of the National government and was responsible for New Zealand’s growing unequal society.

“They are responsible for the growing unequal society we now have,” Aupito said.

“While the wealth of the wealthiest New Zealanders continues to rise, we see more homelessness in our communities.

“People live in cars, garages, or share a bedroom among several people in a boarding house, a caravan, or hotel room.

-Partners-

“New Zealand never used to be this way. The Salvation Army tell us they see more and more people who work full-time coming to them for food parcels.

Māori Party support
““All this has happened under the National government, supported by the Māori Party.”

Aupito said that in opposition Labour had challenged the government on its spending of public funds and advocated strongly for more affordable housing, better fund healthcare, free education and for the lifting of family incomes and workers’ incomes.

“National has refused and only promised tax cuts, which favour the very wealthy.

“Labour has voted against the government’s budget in the last nine years because we don’t believe in giving wealthy people more money at the expense of creating more poverty, more homelessness and making it difficult for families to put their children through tertiary studies.”

Inequality more severe
In an interview with Kaniva News before the last election in 2014, Aupito said that in the previous six years inequality in New Zealand had become severe.

“People come to my office for a variety of reasons and often turn up as a last resort where they just aren’t getting any assistance from the various government departments,” he said.

“A lot of these issues have been determined by the struggles our families are facing.

“There’s also the housing crisis which affects so many of our Pacific families.

“The housing crisis has also been exacerbated due to the government removing itself from providing state houses.”

In the same interview, Aupito defended Labour’s record against criticism from the Pacific community for its stand on gay marriage.

He said at the time that while he respected members of the gay community, he had voted against gay marriage to reflect the views of the majority view of his Pasifika constituency.

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Consulate denies Māori Party claim for royal backing for Tongan candidate

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Manase Lua in one of the photos he took in ʻAtalanga and posted on Facebook. Image: Manase Lua/FB

By Philip Cass in Auckland

Tonga’s Consul has denied claims by Tongan Māori Party candidate Manase Lua that he was endorsed by King Tupou VI.

Lua made the claims in comments posted underneath photographs of him and his supporters meeting the consul on Monday.

His comments under the photos on Facebook said this was proof he was endorsed by the king and the Tongan consulate to be the only Tongan candidate in New Zealand for Tongans to vote for.

“Here are photos of our meeting with His Excellency Sitaafoti Aho, the Tongan Consulate-General for NZ, on 20 July 2017 confirming me as the number 1 Tongan candidate for the Māori Party. In humble response to the Māori King’s request to the King of Tonga,” Lua wrote on Facebook.

However, Tongan Consul Stafford ‘Aho told Kaniva News today Lua was wrong. He said neither the king nor he had endorsed Lua.

On Sunday, a Māori Party press release said: “He (Maori King Tuheitia Potatau Te Wherowhero VII) made a request for His Majesty King Tupou VI to ask his subjects living in Aotearoa to join and provide a Tongan candidate to stand for the Māori Party. The King of Tonga answered the call.

-Partners-

“Manase Nehemaia Lua is the chosen Tongan candidate blessed by the Royal Houses.”

Similar requests
The press release claimed similar requests had been made to the Head of State in Samoa and the Ariki of Rarotonga.

“All have answered the call, hence why we now have eight candidates from these Pacific nations running,” the media release said.

Six candidates from New Zealand’s Pacific communities will stand in general seats for the Māori Party in the national elections.

They are standing in areas with strong Labour support and in some cases against sitting Labour MPs with Pacific backgrounds, including Jenny Salesa and Aupito Su’a William Sio.

Lua has been contacted for comment.

Media academic Dr Philip Cass is an adviser and contributor to Kaniva News. This article is republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

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Pasifika voters want ‘hand-ups, not hand-outs’ in NZ housing crisis

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By Kendall Hutt in Māngere

Pasifika voters in South Auckland have stressed they would like to see “hand-ups, not hand-outs” following New Zealand’s 2017 general election on Saturday.

At a live Q+A election panel held at the Māngere Arts Centre Community Café, homelessness and Auckland’s housing crisis were the issues front-and-centre for the audience.

Hosted by Affirming Works and presented by Tagata Pasifika’s John Pulu, the election issues important to the community were put to Pacific candidates from across the Auckland region.

On the panel were Leilani Tamu (Green Party candidate for New Lynn), Lemauga Lydia Sosene Labour Party list candidate), Manase Lua (Māori Party candidate for Maungakiekie), and Agnes Loheni (National Party candidate for Māngere).

All issues drew strong responses from the candidates – families package, equal pay, climate change and euthanasia, but the Q+A turned heated over education, homelessness, housing and immigration.

Lua said the issues could not be addressed in isolation and should not be ‘politicised’.

-Partners-

He said the Māori Party was the only party to offer an amnesty for overstayers, which drew cheers and claps from the audience.

Climate refugee visa
According to Immigration Department statistics, Tongans and Samoans were the largest group of overstayers in New Zealand in 2016 and the controversial Dawn Raids of the mid-1970s to the early 1980s still haunt the Pacific Island community.

The Green Party’s inclusion of a humanitarian visa for Pacific and climate change refugees received similar enthusiasm from the audience.

“One vote for the Greens is critical, particularly for our Pasifika people, who we know are the people who are dying because of this injustice.

“The people of Kiribati and Tuvalu did not ask for their islands to basically be sinking,” Tamu said.

Pasifika candidates (from left): Agnes Loheni (National), Manase Lua (Māori), Lemauga Lydia Sosene (Labour), and Leilani Tamu (Green). Image: Kendall Hutt/PMC

Loheni, however, told the audience the National Party’s stance on immigration would remain the same if re-elected.

“It stays where it’s at,” she said.

This drew criticism from Sosene, who said the government’s immigration policy was not sustainable for Pacific communities.

‘Turning a blind eye’
“This government has changed the rules in terms of Pasifika culture, in terms of shutting out the elderly and siblings that were covered under the Clark Labour government,” she said.

Sosene also criticised the government for “turning a blind eye” to homelessness.

“I want to remind you, right here in Māngere, right here in South Auckland, we see the homelessness every single week. The government is turning a blind eye to that issue.”

Loheni responded by stating the solution to Auckland’s housing crisis lay in the government’s work with community groups and NGOs.

“The solutions come from the communities, which is why the government has backed community groups and NGOs to help solve some of these societal issues.

“It’s about housing and it’s about ensuring we’ve got the social services to support them through those complex issues,” she said.

Both Sosene and Tamu were vocal and outspoken in their responses to Loheni’s comments.

Auckland housing ‘unaffordable’
“The government has to offer housing options for our communities. We have people living in cars.

“If you drive a couple of streets in Māngere you will see the house, the garage, a little unit, another little unit, and another little unit. All those families are paying over $300 a week to stay on their property.

“What I can say is Labour’s plan is to address the housing unaffordability, particularly for our young people who are working, who are doing tertiary education, and yet they can’t save up a deposit of $110,000 to buy a property,” Sosene said.

Tamu, however, reflected: “Our people can’t afford to live in South Auckland anymore.

“The median wage in New Zealand is $46,000, for Pasifika it’s $26,000. How are our people supposed to do it? Especially when they’re living in cars and garages? Please.

“There’s only room for a few of us to be successful in National’s world. We can’t afford to live in the city, because National doesn’t want us to live in the city,” Tamu stated.

Loheni hit back, calling Tamu’s view “tragic”.

A ‘Pacific prime minister’?
“All of our kids can be successful. The key to this is education. You keep your kids at school – education is the key to opening up opportunities so that we can all be successful,” she said.

However, where the candidates saw South Auckland in 10 years was the most poignant moment of the Q+A.

All of the candidates said New Zealand would see its first Pacific prime minister in the next 10 years.

Sosene also said the country would also see “one of our Pacific kids” as the leader of the Labour Party.

“We need of our own, it’s time,” she said.

The audience ultimately thanked the candidates for their passion for the Pacific community.

Sosene reflected: “It is really good to see Pasifika, throughout the parties, supporting every candidate.”

‘The Pacific way’
Reflecting on the spirit of the evening, John Pulu concluded: “They argue and then they shake hands. That’s the Pacific way.”

This was echoed by Ika Tameifuna of the One Pacific Māori Party before a closing prayer.

“Tonight, we may disagree, but we are still one family.”

By Kendall Hutt is contributing editor of the Pacific Media Centre’s Pacific Media Watch freedom project.

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West Papua: Five facts about Indonesia’s ‘dark, dirty secret’

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

University of the South Pacific students at an on-campus solidarity rally in Fiji for West Papuans. They display the Morning Star flag, banned by Indonesian authorities. Image: We Bleed Black and Red

ANALYSIS: By Connor Woodman

The Indonesian President, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, is desperate to keep hidden Indonesia’s dark, dirty secret – its brutal 50-year war in its easternmost provinces. Here are five things you should know about Indonesian rule in West Papua:

1. It is one of the world’s longest-running military occupations
Indonesia seized West Papua, the western half of the island of New Guinea, in 1963, shortly after the Dutch colonists pulled out. Political parties were immediately banned, nascent Papuan nationalism crushed, and tens of thousands of troops, police and special forces flooded in. In 1969 a UN-supervised sham referendum was held, and just over a thousand hand-picked representatives were bribed, cajoled and threatened into voting in favour of Indonesian rule.

A police state has shackled the vast region ever since, battling a low-level tribal insurgency and suppressing independence aspirations with such vigour that raising the Papuan national flag, Morning Star, can land you 15 years in prison.

2. It’s possible that Indonesian rule constitutes a genocide
Although international media and NGOs have been nearly uniformly banned from the territory for decades, most observers estimate that over 100,000 native Papuans have been killed since the 1960s – at least 10 percent of the population. With echoes of Indonesia’s rule in East Timor, which eliminated around one third of the population, a 2004 report from Yale Law School concluded: “[There is] a strong indication that the Indonesian government has committed genocide against the West Papuans.” Several other scholars have reached a similar conclusion.

Reports of barbarous killings regularly emerge, and one study recently described torture as a “mode of governance” in the two provinces of Papua and West Papua. The abuse tends to be intertwined with projects of resource extraction and “transmigration” – the effort (formerly supported by the World Bank) to shuttle hundreds of thousands of landless Indonesian peasants from the rest of Indonesia into West Papua.

During a military campaign in the early 1980s, the Indonesian army ran under the slogan, “Let the rats run into the jungle so that the chickens can breed in the coop”. In practice, this meant wiping out Papuan villages and bringing in ethnic Indonesians to work on economic projects like Freeport’s giant Grasberg gold and copper mine, which has been accused of “ecocide” and dumps over 200,000 tonnes of tailings in the local river system every day. The influx of Indonesians has left the original inhabitants a near-minority in the land, struggling to maintain their culture and often nomadic way of life. An Indonesian minister once in charge of the transmigration programme has stated: “The different ethnic groups will in the long run disappear because of integration, and there will be one kind of man.”

-Partners-

3. West Papuans overwhelmingly want independence
Even the pro-Indonesian US ambassador admitted in the late 1960s that “possibly 85 to 90 percent” of West Papuans “are in sympathy with the Free Papua cause”. Paul Kingsnorth, an investigative reporter who travelled to the region in the early 2000s, described the independence campaign as a “broad-based social movement, which almost everyone in West Papua, if you get them alone, will admit to belonging”.

Nothing speaks to this more than the long campaign of armed resistance and civil disobedience against the Indonesian state. In 2011, documents leaked from the Indonesian army detailed a “longstanding guerrilla network that is relatively well organised and which operates across the whole country”. A recent book describes the non-violent wing of the movement as “savvy and sophisticated”, and notes that “Papuans in 2015 desire freedom as much, if not more, than Papuans who desired freedom in 1963”.

Most West Papuans consider themselves Melanesian, with more in common with darker-skinned Pacific populations than the Indonesians who often treat them as racially inferior. Culturally, linguistically, ethnically – Papuans have little in common with Indonesians. For the overwhelming majority, nothing short of independence will suffice.

4. The Indonesian state is terrified of international exposure
Alongside barring international media from West Papua, Indonesia runs counter-intelligence operations overseas to neutralise the international independence movement, surveilling and harassing campaigners based in Australia and elsewhere. Leaked military documents bemoan the success activists have had in “propagating the issue of severe human rights violations in Papua”, and Indonesia has been working hard to ensure exiled Papuan representatives are barred from regional Pacific organisations. Foreign visitors in the provinces are placed under routine surveillance, and Indonesian concern at the opening of the Free West Papua campaign office in Oxford even prompted the British ambassador in Jakarta to publicly distance himself from independence aspirations.

5. Britain & the West have supported Indonesia’s occupation for decades
Britain’s historic alliance with the Indonesian state dates primarily to General Suharto’s bloody coup in 1965-6. In the midst of the slaughter of at least 500,000 suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party – which British officials gleefully described as a “ruthless terror” – the Foreign Office argued that “the generals are going to need all the help they can get”, releasing £1m in aid and granting the export of military equipment. The Indonesian Left was duly decimated – never to recover – and the pro-Western Suharto was firmly in control.

Since then, Britain’s support for Indonesian rule in West Papua has been unwavering. Privately recognising the “savage” nature of Indonesian rule, publicly officials have voted to legitimate Indonesian rule at the UN and pledged support for Indonesia’s “territorial integrity”. Until the late 1990s, the UK was one of Indonesia’s primary arms suppliers. Kopassus, the Indonesian special forces, have been trained and armed by the UK, US and Australia, despite a well-documented record of horrific human rights abuse in Papua. Britain funds and trains Detachment 88, the Indonesian counter-terrorism unit accused of massacres in Papua’s central highlands.

While in opposition, David Cameron described the situation in Papua as “terrible”; once in power, he headed to Jakarta with representatives from BAE Systems in tow. By contrast, opposition Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn is a long-time supporter of the Papuan struggle – another example of his “direct and open challenge to the British system of government of international alliances”, as Peter Oborne described it. It remains to be seen whether or not he will be able to dislodge the British establishment’s ossified support for the Indonesian state if he comes to power.

Connor Woodman is with the Politics of Papua Project, University of Warwick, UK. This article is republished from the Peter Tatchell Foundation for Human Rights and is republished under a Creative Commons licence.

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Jakarta advocacy group accuses hardline general over attack

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) advocacy head Muhammad Isnur … names two people suspected of masterminding the attack on the human rights office. Image: Detak

By Dwi Andayani and Noval Dwinuary Antoni in Jakarta

Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) advocacy head Muhammad Isnur has accused retired Major-General Kivlan Zen and Presidium 313 member Rahmat Himran of being behind the attack on the LBH Jakarta offices.

He bases this on the names Kivlan and Himran which have appeared in social media in relation to the attack.

READ MORE: ‘Fake PKI news behind anti-communist chaos’

“The first is Rahmat Himran, I don’t know who he is but apparently he is with the Presidium 313, in several press releases and hoaxes (false news reports) in the media, his name has been cited as the one responsible, I don’t know if the police have arrested him or not”, said Isnur at the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) offices on Monday.

Meanwhile, Isnur cites Kivlan Zen because his name was mentioned in an online news website.

In the article, Zen was mentioned as chairing a coordinating meeting on closing down the “Indonesian Communist Party” (PKI) meeting at YLBHI.

-Partners-

“The second name was Kivlan Zen, this was the first name that emerged when the news website Public News reported that he was chairing a coordination meeting on closing down the [alleged] PKI seminar, the police must investigate this,” said Isnur.

Zen has not yet been able to confirm or deny Isnur’s statement and Zen’s attorney Krist Ibnu was unable to comment any further about Isnur’s allegations.

Opposed to PKI
Ibnu, however, confirmed that Zen had indeed been moved to oppose the reemergence of the PKI.

“Now Pak Kivlan has indeed often spoken out opposing the PKI issue hasn’t he, because the PKI’s teachings have been banned. Pak Kivlan has been moved in his heart as a former fighter, so yes it quite legitimate that he opposes it,” said Ibnu when contacted.

“Now with regard to whether or not Pak Kivlan was behind the action last night I don’t really know, but we admit that Pak Kivlan has often spoken out opposing the PKI.

“Only, there have been those that have been candid about it and those that have done it on the sly, it’s not just Pak Kivlan,” he added.

In relation to the siege on the YLBHI offices, Isnur also linked this with President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo statement about “clobbering the PKI”.

According to Isnur, Jokowi’s statement is open to misuse by certain groups as a justification to carry out such attacks.

Background
Presidium 313 refers to the organising body that was behind the so-called 313 rally in Jakarta against former Jakarta governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama on March 31 calling for him to be jailed for alleged blasphemy.

Retired Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad, Green Berets) commander Major-General Kivlan Zen is as a hardline general best known for his bizarre claims about a PKI resurgence and was a staunch supporter of Gerindra Party chairman Prabowo Subianto during the 2014 presidential election. In December 2016, following the mass protests against Ahok, Zen was arrested and charged with treason for allegedly attempting to overthrow the Widodo government.

Speaking before 1500 TNI soldiers in Riau on May 19, Widodo said that the government would not stay silent in confronting movements that undermine the Constitution and the state ideology of Pancasila and this also applied to groups that followed communism. “Yes, we will clobber them, we will stamp them out, this is already clear. Don’t question this again. Don’t question this again. The legal umbrella is clear, the TAP MPRS,” said Widodo, referring to a 1966 decree banning the Indonesian Communist Party.

Translated by James Balowski for the Indoleft News Service. The original title of the article was “LBH Tuding Kivlan Zen Terlibat dalam Aksi Pengepungan Kantor”.

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Vanuatu’s PM aims at UN over ‘sensitive’ West Papua issue

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Prime Minister Charlot Salwai … “Vanuatu continues to commit to spearheading the West Papua cause”. Image: Vanuatu Daily Post

By Jonas Cullwick in Port Vila

Vanuatu’s Prime Minister, Charlot Salwai Tabimasmas, says some South Pacific leaders at this month’s Forum in Samoa backed off making a decision about West Papua because it was a “sensitive issue”.

This was in spite of it being a Forum agenda item.

However, Tabimasmas labelled the efforts of Vanuatu “developing” as several countries in the region had recently joined Vanuatu in supporting West Papuan self-determination.

Nauru, Marshall Islands, Palau, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Tuvalu were determined to continue the work towards taking the issue to the UN Human Rights Committee and were taking the issue up in the corridors of the UN General Assembly in New York, Tabimasmas added.

“So far, Vanuatu continues to commit itself to spearheading the West Papua cause, through the government, the civil society, and the churches. And this year we took the matter up to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries,” Tabimasmas said.

The council of ministers has appointed the former Ambassador to Brussels, Roy Micky Joy, as the special envoy for the issue of West Papua.

-Partners-

“These are some of the things the Vanuatu government has undertaken to show its commitment to the West Papua cause.

“I think the lobby effort has developed because before only Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands were taking up the struggle for West Papua, but now there are six other countries from Polynesia and Micronesia supporting them, advocating for West Papuan self-determination and against violation of human rights.”

Progress beyond region
The Parliamentary Secretary for the Prime Minister’s Office, Johnny Koanapo, echoed Tabimasmas’ comments in a meeting with media, the Vanuatu Daily Post reports.

Koanapo said the issue of West Papua’s self-determination and violations of human rights by Indonesia had progressed beyond the South Pacific islands region.

“The issue has now moved beyond the jurisdiction of the Melanesian Spearhead Group,” he said.

“It has moved to the level of the Forum and has become a regional issue. And if you see how the issue was listed in the South Pacific Islands Forum meeting to deal with out of 14 issues, one of them was West Papua.”

“The issue now has progressed to the international stage and I say this with a lot of confidence — the issue has never taken so much international attention as it is today, simply because the government is serious about it, there is no second opinion on it as to whether the government will take up the issue or not.

“The government has taken on this role because it is a global country and we are global citizens with obligations to defend such things as human rights, which are parts of the rights of a human being,” Koanapo said.

Pacific Island solidarity
The Vanuatu Daily Post also reports the prime ministers of Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands are organising a side event at the UN General Assembly in New York this week to continue to lobby for West Papua, so that when leaders make their political statements at the General Assembly these would reflect the Pacific’s efforts.

West Papua’s plight and struggle for independence from Indonesia was raised at the UN General Assembly in September last year, which the Free West Papua Campaign called an “incredible show of Pacific Island solidarity” and a “landmark moment”.

The 72nd session of the UN General Assembly is currently underway in New York and will conclude next Monday, September 25.

Jonas Cullwick is a reporter with the Vanuatu Daily Post. VDP news items are republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

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The Daily Blog: Why we’re giving 13 NZ political parties a ‘fair go’ tonight

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Kiwi Fair Go Debate #KiwiFairGo – tonight at 8pm.

OPINION: By Martyn Bradbury of The Daily Blog

I love New Zealand’s democracy. It’s representative, it allows for indigenous political representation and it gives everyone the chance to have a say whether they are a citizen or permanent resident.

Kiwi Fair Go Debate

What annoys me is our media coverage of that democracy. I believe that the mainstream media do an appalling job of giving you – the voter – real choice by limiting political parties from appearing in their debates.

Did you know that we have 16 Political Parties competing in this election?

Tonight from 8pm, live streamed at The Daily Blog and on www.kiwidebate.online , I will interview 13 political parties to hear what they think the big issues of our country are and how they intend to solve them.

I will be joined by The Daily Blog panel of unionist Kate Davis and political commentator Curwen Rolinson to review the answers.

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We also have a guest Twitter Panel tonight using the hashtag #KiwiFairGo with Twitter commentators The NonPlastic Māori, Jo Bond and LaQuisha St Redfern.

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Dressed to impress – PNG’s second city Lae celebrates Independence Day

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

A flag-lowering ceremony held in the capital of Port Moresby on Saturday concluded Papua New Guinea’s 42nd Independence anniversary celebrations. Video: EMTV News

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

A man from Menyamya in Morobe travelled from his district to Lae in his traditional attire at the weekend to celebrate Papua New Guinea’s 42nd Independence Day.

The 48-year-old said he made the costume himself and was proud to present them on Saturday, while others were in the country’s national colours of black, red and gold, reports EMTV’s

PNG Independence Day celebrations in Lae. Image: EMTV News

This year, as in  previous years, was celebrated in the province with a variety of activities.

The national colours, supported by the provincial colors were seen everywhere in the second city of Lae in Morobe, as a demonstration of pride.

A local from Menyamya District in Morobe, Awateng Gembasu was a proud Papua New Guinean during the celebration today at Sir Ignatius Kilage Stadium.

-Partners-

Raising of the flag
Everyone took part in the celebrations on Saturday, with the raising of the flag in the morning and the parade carried out by the schools and the Engineering Battalion of the PNG Defence Force in Lae.

Young and old, came in colourful dresses and attire. The presence of the Police Force prevented disturbances and interruptions.

The safe atmosphere allowed this young man to freely celebrate the occasion.

Despite the rainy weather, everyone still had a reason to smile.

The 42nd Independence was celebrated with the presence of Member for Lae, Morobe Governor and the Governor-General.

In Port Moresby, Prime Minister Peter O’Neill admitted the country was experiencing “ups and downs” in a speech at Independence Hill but added that the “hopes and aspirations of our founding fathers” remained as strong as ever, Loop PNG’s Freddy Mou reports.

The date 16 September 1975 marks Papua New Guinea’s independence from Australian colonial rule.

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PMC’s Professor Robie and Gadjah Mada team in Indonesian academic exchange

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Pacific Media Centre

Professor David Robie, director of the Auckland University of Technology’s Pacific Media Centre, and seven academics from Indonesia’s Universitas Gadjah Mada will be on exchange next month in the first communication and publication research collaboration of its kind in New Zealand.

The seven academics from Yogyakarta, led by Gadjah Mada University’s Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS) director Dr Hermin Indah Wahyuni, arrive in Auckland in October for a two-week visit featuring workshops, seminars and joint research projects.

IKAT ... the research journal produced by CESASS. They will also be collaborating with their newly published research journal IKAT, the PMC’s 23-year-old Pacific Journalism Review and AUT Library’s Tuwhera open access research platform on a major project involving ecological communication and Asia-Pacific maritime disasters.

Dr Robie is one of six academics invited by CESASS as part of the Indonesian government’s World Class Professor (WCP) programme to strengthen international publication and research studies.

The others are: Professor Thomas Hanitzsch, chair and professor of Communication Studies at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Munchen, Germany; Professor Judith Schlehe, professor of Social and Cultural Anthropology at University of Freiburg, Germany; Dr Magaly Koch from the Centre for Remote Sensing at Boston University; Professor Hermann M. Fritz from Georgia Institute of Technology; and Dr David Menier, associate professor HDR at Université de Bretagne-Sud, France.

Professor Berrin Yanikkaya ... pleased to host Indonesian research guests. Image: BY FBAUT’s Head of the School of Communication Studies, Professor Berrin Yanikkaya, said: “David has for many years run a vibrant and dynamic research centre out of the School of Communication Studies. The Pacific Media Centre has become a focus for research and political commentary and thanks to David’s energy and commitment has attracted many overseas scholars whose research has further enriched the unique perspective that the centre offers on Asia-Pacific affairs.

“One of David’s most notable contributions has been to become the voice of the voiceless, and to carry their stories to the world.  Both the print and the digital publications that the PMC produces are remarkable for their interest and accurate, compassionate reporting. 

PMC 10th anniversary
“This award made by Gadjah Mada University is particularly timely because 2017 is the 10th anniversary of the founding of the PMC, and it honours the achievements of an outstanding scholar and journalist.”

“I’m extremely pleased to host our guests from Indonesia and to join with them in congratulating David on this acknowledgement of his life’s work.”

Dr Hermin Inda Wahyuni ... targeting international journals.Dr Hermin of CESASS said: “We are honored to be given a chance to visit and cooperate with AUT’s Pacific Media Centre, especially through our colleague, Professor David Robie. He is a specialist in environment journalism, a topic that runs parallel with our main theme of Ecological Communication.

“We hope to implement the knowledge we share with the Pacific Media Centre and AUT to create a better academic environment for our staff and to increase our writing competence in international journals.”

The WCP programme, launched this year, was initiated by the Directorate General of Science and Technology Resource and Education, Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education of the Republic of Indonesia.

The programme involves inviting professors from various top universities, both from Indonesia and abroad, as visiting professors to be placed in different universities in Indonesia for a maximum of six months.

Dr Robie will visit Gadjah Mada University for two weeks later in October.

CESASS has collaborated with two other universities in Indonesia – the Centre for Coastal Rehabilitation and Disaster Mitigation Studies (CoREM) from Universitas Diponegoro, and the Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC) from Universitas Syiah Kuala.

The consortium proposed the programme under the theme “Ecological Communication in Maritime Disaster”.

The Universitas Gadjah Mada academics visiting AUT

CESASS ... enhanced academic research, writing and publication programme.
 

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Callamard slams $26 state budget for Philippine human rights body

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

UN Rapporteur Agnes Callamard … Human Rights Commission “cannot deliver on its mandate without an appropriate budget”. Image: Lito Boras/Rappler

By Paterno Esmaquel II in Manila

United Nations Rapporteur Agnes Callamard has slammed the P1000 (NZ$26) budget that the House of Representatives voted to give the Philippine Commission on Human Rights (CHR) for 2018.

Callamard has explained in an email to Rappler that the CHR “is a crucial institution for the Philippines: for human rights protection, the rule of law, accountability”.

“It cannot deliver on its mandate without an appropriate budget, particularly at a time when it is confronted with allegations of massive human rights violations throughout the country, and including, but not only, in the context of the ill-advised, destructive ‘war on drugs,’” Callamard said.

READ MORE: Give CHR zero budget if it cannot be abolished – Alvarez

“The people of the Philippines deserve a strong independent human rights institution able to monitor, investigate, and report on human rights violations, protect victims and their families, and hold the powerful to account for their abuses of international human rights standards,” she said.

“Instead they are getting a ‘war on drugs’ which, by the President’s own account, has failed to curtail addiction rates, while creating a climate of fear and insecurity, feeding impunity, and undermining the constitutional fabric of the country. If the Philippine Congress is looking for public money being wasted, damaging and hurting the Philippine society, this is it,” the UN rapporteur said.

UN Rapporteur Callamard’s tweet.

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Earlier, in a tweet, Callamard said of the lawmakers’ move: “Reprehensible and unconscionable”.

Callamard is the UN’s Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions, connected with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

She was the UN expert invited by President Rodrigo Duterte to probe the killings in the Philippines, provided that she engages Duterte in a debate – a condition that she has refused.

Callamard made her statement after the House of Representatives voted 119-32 to allocate only P1000 for the CHR in 2018.

In contrast, the House earlier approved a P900-million ($18-million) budget for Oplan Double Barrel, the anti-drug campaign of the Philippine National Police.

The P1000 budget for the CHR is not final, however, as it has to go through the Senate too for another round of deliberations. In any case, it already drew flak from Filipinos who described it as an “act of tyranny”.

The House is dominated by allies of Duterte, who has repeatedly slammed the CHR for questioning the killings in his war on drugs.

More than 14,100 people have been killed in both police operations and vigilante-style killings since Duterte began his drug war in July 2016.

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Journalist faces defamation probe over Indonesia’s treatment of West Papua posting

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Indonesian journalist and documentary filmmaker Dandhy Dwi Laksono … his message on Facebook about Megawati Sukarnoputri and Aung San Suu Kyi lands him in strife. Image: Tirto

By Mong Palatino of Global Voices

Indonesian police in East Java are investigating a veteran journalist for comparing former President Megawati Sukarnoputri to Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi in a Facebook post.

On September 3, 2017, journalist and documentary filmmaker Dandhy Dwi Laksono wrote on Facebook that Megawati and Suu Kyi were alike in many ways, noting that both were former opposition leaders who now head the ruling parties in their respective countries.

Dandhy added that if Myanmar’s government was being criticised for its treatment of ethnic Rohingya, the Indonesian government should similarly be held liable for suppressing the independence movement on the Indonesian-ruled Melanesian region of West Papua.

Cartoon in support of Dandhy Dwi Laksono, drawn by Iwan Sketsa/ @Sketsagram on Twitter and Instagram. Published with artist’s permission.

He further compared Suu Kyi’s silence on the persecution of the Rohingya to Megawati’s role as party leader of the government, which has recently intensified the crackdown on West Papuan independence and self-determination activists.

Rohingya people born and living in Myanmar are not recognised as citizens by the Myanmar government.

In recent weeks, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya civilians have been displaced from their homes due to clearing operations of the Myanmar military in response to attacks by a pro-Rohingya insurgent group in northwest Myanmar.

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Tens of thousands of Rohingya refugees, who are mostly Muslim, are crossing into Bangladesh to escape the fighting.

Human rights abuses
West Papua is a region of Indonesia, comprising the provinces of Papua and West Papua, with a vocal independence movement that has called for the creation of a separate Pacific state since the 1960s. Human rights groups have documented many cases of abuse committed by Indonesian state forces against activists, journalists, and other individuals suspected of supporting the independence movement.

Dandhy posted his comments on Facebook following a big rally was organised by Muslim groups in Indonesia, condemning the Myanmar government for its treatment of Rohingya refugees.

The youth arm of the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) filed a defamation complaint against Dandhy on September 6:

On the whole, (Dandhy’s) opinion was clearly intended to take advantage of the Rohingya incidents in Myanmar in order to insult and spread hatred of Megawati Soekarnoputri as the chairwoman of PDI-P and Joko Widodo as the president who is backed by PDI-P.

He is now under investigation by the police cyber crime unit. If he is prosecuted for and convicted of defamation, Dandhy could face up to four years in prison.

Reacting to the complaint, Dandhy wrote that it is a minor issue compared to the injustices suffered by Papuan activists and Rohingya refugees.

The complaint is the latest case of how the Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law is being used to silence dissent in the country.

35 activists charged
According to Indonesian digital rights group SAFEnet, at least 35 activists have been charged with online defamation since its enactment in 2008. Aside from Dandhy’s case, the group has documented six defamation charges involving activists and journalists in 2017.

Activists were quick to launch a campaign expressing support to Dandhy. They asserted that Dandhy was simply expressing an opinion which should be considered legitimate criticism and not a criminal act.

SAFEnet is encouraging Indonesian netizens to submit reports and testimonies about how the ITE Law is being abused to silence activists like Dandhy and suppress online free speech in general.

Instead of preventing the public from commenting on Megawati, a local investigative portal suggested that Dandhy’s case could in fact trigger greater interest in the former president’s legacy as a leader, including some of the issues that led to her defeat in the polls.

Republished with permission from Global Voices on a Creative Commons licence.

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The CESASS academic team from Indonesia coming to AUT’s PMC

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Pacific Media Centre

A team of seven academics from the Centre for Southeast Social Studies at the Universitas Gadjah Mada is visiting Auckland University of Technology next month.

They will be hosted by the School of Communication Studies and the Pacific Media Centre for a setries of workshops, seminars and professional exchanges. They will be in Auckland from October 1-13.

The Gadjah Mada University academics visiting AUT:

Dr Hermin Indah Wahyuni, director of the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS), Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia: Dr Wahyuni was born in Jember, East Java, Indonesia. She earned her doctoral degree in Leipzig University, Leipzig, Germany (2006). The title of the dissertation was “The Struggle to Create a Democratic Broadcasting System in Indonesia: Re-regulating Television after Political Transformation 1998”.

Now she dedicates her passion and knowledge to teaching at her Communications Department, Faculty of Politics and Social Science, Gadjah Mada University, where she finished her undergraduate and Master’s degree studies.

Since 2015, Dr Hermin has been the director of the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada. She has research interests in Political Communication, Media Regulation, Media Governance, Press and Law, Journalism, Economy Politic Media and Exploring Southeast Asian studies from the perspective of media and Communication Policy.

She has carried out several research projects in these topics and published in journals. Her best known books in Indonesia are titled Television and State Intervention, which was published in 2000, The Indonesian Broadcasting System (2008), and her latest book published in (2013) was The Policy of New Media in Indonesia.

She recently carried out research in “Digitalisation and Transforming Public Communication” (2013-2016). She is focusing on research about New Media Policy in Southeast Asian countries. Besides her academic interests, Dr Hermin loves orchids and gardens.

Dr Bevaola Kusumasari: She is a lecturer in the Department of Public Policy and Management, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

She graduated from Monash University, Australia. Her expertise is in public policy, disaster management, and social policy.

Currently she serves as assistant dean on academic and research at the faculty.
 

Dr Muhamad Sulhan: He is a lecturer in the Department of Communication, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

He is the author of Dayak Menang, Indonesia yang Malang (Dayak Win, and Indonesian Lost), Media Barudi Indonesia (New Media in Indonesian Country), Film Indonesia Mencari Wajah Baru (Find Out Indonesian’s Cinema), and of numerous chapters on qualitative research, television studies, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) studies, and other aspects of communication studies.

He is interested in media studies and sociological aspect of politic. Sulhan finished his PhD’s programmes in the Department of Sociology UGM with the dissertation “Homo Ludens as Political Communication in Television Talk Show” (2014).

Dr Budi Irawanto: He is associate professor (lektor kepala) in the Department of Communication Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia. He completed his research on cultural politics of contemporary Indonesian and Malaysian cinema for his PhD programme in the Department of Southeast Asian Studies at the National University of Singapore.

He wrote two books on Indonesian cinema and contributed articles to the Asian Cinema journal, and edited the volume Asian Documentary Today (2012) and Politics and the Media in the Twenty-First Century Indonesia: A Decade of Democracy (2011). Since 2006, he served as director of Jogja-NETPAC Asian Film Festival. He also served as jury members in many national and international film festivals.

Dr Novi Kurnia: Sheis a lecturer and researcher at the Department of Communication Science at Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Dr Kurnia is also a researcher at Pemantau Regulasi dan Regulator Media (PR2Media), a research centre on media regulation and regulator, in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Dr Kurnia finished her PhD study at Flinders University, South Australia, in 2014. Her thesis is about women film directors and their films in post-New Order Indonesia.

Dr Kurnia is also the founder and the chairperson of IFfest (Indonesian Film Festival) which held in Adelaide in 2006, 2008, and 2009. She is also organiser as well as a judge for several local and international film festivals. Her main interests are gender and media, film studies, political economy of media, media regulation, and digital literacy. Her works have been published in national and international journals and books.

Andi Awaluddin Fitrah, MA: Andi Awaluddin Fitrah is a junior reseacher in the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS). He is originally from South Sulawesi. He graduated from the Communication Department, Universitas Gadjah Mada.

His research interests are new media policy, digital divide and social aspects of internet. His current research project is “Southeast Asia Digital Policy Landscape: Analysis of Ideas, Structure, and Actors of Digital Policy in Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines, and Myanmar”. In CESASS, he has also served in the publication and workshop division.

Apriline Widani, MA, MPhil: Apriline Widani received her BA Degree in English Literature from Universitas Gadjah Mada with a Cum Laude honours in 2012. She just recently earned her MA degree in Religious and Cross-cultural Studies from Universitas Gadjah Mada and MPhil degree in the Theory and Practice of Human Rights from the University of Oslo.

She wrote two masters theses on the issue of gender equality and Islamic radicalisation in Indonesia. She presented her research entitled “Radicalisation and Women’s Issues Seen in Women’s Participation in Islamic Radical Movements: A Case Study of Java, Indonesia” at the Asia Research Institute (ARI), the National University of Singapore in July 2017.

Her strong interests in human rights fields are refugee and asylum law, development, democracy, poverty reduction, gender equality and religious freedom. She has been actively involved in some volunteer works related to refugees, development and social workers.

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Indonesian police probe funding for group accused of ‘hate hoaxes’

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Saracen syndicate accused of creating and spreading hoax news and hate speech for money in Indonesia. Image: Jakarta Post

Pacific Media Watch Newsdesk

Indonesia’s National Police continue to dig deeper into the Saracen group, an online syndicate accused of creating and spreading hoax news and hate speech for money, including by investigating their funding over the past three years.

“We are still investigating Saracen. We are looking back about three or four years ago to investigate their funding,” said National Police spokesman Rikwanto reports The Jakarta Post quoting kompas.com.

The police have teamed up with the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) to investigate at least 14 bank accounts allegedly used in the Saracen campaign.

“We are still waiting for the results from the PPATK to see what has being going on with the bank accounts, including whether there were flows of funds,” Rikwanto added.

Police have named at least three suspects in the case, individuals who had allegedly acted as the group’s administrators since July and spread hate speech and hoaxes on social media.

The group is believed to have been involved in spreading hoaxes and hate speech against President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and former Jakarta governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama, among others.

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National police chief General Tito Karnavian previously promised to solve the case and bring all the culprits before the law.

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Papuan landowners in PNG to receive first LNG project royalties of K15m

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Boera village in Central province landowners from the PNG LNG Project to receive royalties. Video: EMTV News

By Meriba Tulo in Boera village, Papua New Guinea

After more than three years and 200 shipments, landowners of Boera village in Papua New Guinea’s Central province have became the first beneficiaries from the PNG LNG Project to receive royalties.

This followed the release of royalty benefits for PNG LNG Petroleum Processing Facility Licence 2 (PPFL2) area landowners to the Mineral Resources Development Company (MRDC) from the Department of Petroleum and Energy, Department of Finance, and the Central Bank.

Boera landowners with their royalties certificates. Image: EMTV

Royalty payments for the four villages of Boera, Papa, Porebada and Rearea are in line with the Ministerial Determination number G692, 2015, which will see 83 clans receive a share of K15.6 million (NZ$6.7 million).

According to the Oil and Gas Act 1998, only 40 percent is to be paid as cash disbursement to landowners, with the remaining 60 percent to be set aside in two trusts – the Future Generation Trust Fund (FGTF) and Community Investment Trust Fund (CITF).

Royalty Payment Allocation:
1. Cash Payment to Landowners: K6,250,701.00
2. Community Investment Trust Fund: K4,688,026.00
3. Future Generation Trust Fund: K4,688,026.00

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From the K6,250,701.00 cash allocation, this is further broken up according to the following:
1. Rearea Village: K1,746,946.00
2. Papa Village: K1,746,946.00
3. Boera Village: K1,352,027.00
4. Porebada Village: K1,154,755.00
5. Others: K250,028.00

Meriba Tulo is a senior reporter and presenter and currently anchors Resource PNG as well as EMTV’s daily National News. EMTV News items are republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

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Murdoch press in Australia linked to deforestation in Indonesia

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AsiaPacificReport.nz

Campaigners from Australian advocacy group Markets for Change hand out parody copies of The Australian newspaper to News Corp staff in Sydney to raise awareness over the deforestation issue. Image: Markets for Change

By Vaidehi Shah

Environmental campaigners have accused The Australian and Courier-Mail newspapers in regional Queensland of being printed on paper linked to illegal deforestation and human rights abuses in Indonesia.

In a campaign launched earlier this month, Tasmania-based advocacy group Markets for Change and Washington DC-headquartered Mighty Earth said that the owners of the two publications, Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp, buys paper from Indonesian paper manufacturer Aspex.

Aspex is a wholly owned subsidiary of Korean-Indonesian agribusiness conglomerate The Korindo Group, which has businesses ranging from palm oil and paper to construction, to real estate, financial services, and building wind towers.

An investigation by Mighty Earth last year revealed that Korindo’s palm oil arm was burning ecologically precious tracts of forest in Indonesia’s Papua province bordering with Papua New Guinea, as well as violating the rights of local indigenous communities by grabbing land without their consent, and destroying their forest livelihoods.

While the company has committed to a moratorium on forest clearing until an independent assessment has identified areas that have a high carbon stock and high conservation value—though it did briefly break this ban in February—it has yet to make progress on implementing more stringent environmental and social impact policies.

Measures that environmentalists are calling for include the institution of a no deforestation policy, restoring forests to compensate for the land they cleared after issuing a moratorium on deforestation, resolving conflicts with communities, and being transparent about its concession boundaries, suppliers, and sustainability practices.

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The Australian connection
Deborah Lapidus, campaign director, Mighty Earth, said that the investigation was sparked by a reference to Aspex on the website of Australia-based paper products company Oceanic Multitrading; the firm says it imports Aspex newsprint—that is, the cheap paper used to make newspapers—into Australia.

Through further research, trade data analysis and collaboration with a paper supply chain expert, investigators determined that Aspex newsprint was used to produce The Australian and Courier-Mail in regional Queensland. News Corp has confirmed that it sources some newsprint from the firm.

Lapidus explained that this was not an active decision by News Corp, but rather a “holdover issue” from the media giant’s acquisition of APN News and Media’s regional Queensland publications last December.

APN had an existing trade relationship with Aspex in the regional Queesland market, which News Corp inherited, Lapidus said.

For the rest of its print publications, News Corp sources sustainable newsprint from the Norwegian pulp and paper firm Norse Skog’s Australian business.

News Corp’s head of environment Tony Wilkins told Mighty Earth and Markets for Change in a letter dated July 19 that “the only paper we procure from Aspex is 100 percent recycled fibre content newsprint and this is Forest Stewardship Council certified”.

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