At almost 10% of gross domestic product, and a much larger per cent of government spending, Australia’s fiscal response to the COVID-19 crisis has been one of the biggest in the world.
The government is spending an average of A$26 billion a month on programs that didn’t exist in February.
To put that in perspective, before COVID-19 the government’s total average monthly expenditure this financial year was going to be $42 billion.
While far from perfect, these emergency measures have been successful at supporting the incomes of many households and businesses.
But, as this chart shows, each and every one will be gone by the end of October, making October a very dangerous time for businesses and for the economy.
In his address to parliament on Tuesday, Treasurer Josh Frydenberg spoke of a return to work as restrictions were eased.
But he noted that any new outbreaks of COVID-19 could see restrictions re-imposed at a loss of more than $4 billion per week to the economy.
Treasurer Frydenberg’s address to parliament.MICK TSIKAS/AAP
Even if things go to plan, the harsh reality is that big parts of the economy are still likely to be doing less than they should for some time yet.
Most of the world has not fared as well as Australia in limiting deaths and the spread of the virus, which means global economic activity and demand will be weak for some time.
Businesses and consumers are likely to be cautious. Many will find themselves financially challenged because their loan and rent obligations were deferred rather than removed during the crisis.
Australia’s population growth will be much slower because of the reduction in temporary migration, hitting consumer-facing businesses and the broader economy.
Against this backdrop, the sudden withdrawal of massive government spending will leave an enormous hole in economy activity and the incomes of business and households.
The chart below shows that huge amounts of government support (more than 25% of gross domestic product) scheduled to vanish by the end of October.
It’s a recipe for a second downturn.
A much better approach would be to remove the measures slowly.
JobKeeper could be wound back in line with the recovery of individual businesses.
Reassessing eligibility after most physical distancing restrictions have been removed, particularly if the health situation is well controlled, seems sensible.
Support should end early for some, late for others
If the revenues of some businesses rebound to close to pre-coronavirus levels, they could come off JobKeeper early, before the September deadline.
But if the revenues of others remain weak because their operations are still constrained by health restrictions, the government could consider extending their JobKeeper payments beyond September.
Targeting support to the firms that need it most in this way would be a better use of taxpayers’ money – and it would help stop the economy falling off a “cliff” in late October.
The JobSekeer supplement could also be phased out more slowly than the government currently plans.
JobSeeker should stay higher than it was
The treasurer should settle on a new level of income support – lower than JobSeeker with the supplement but probably $75 to $100 a week better than JobSeeker without the supplement – so that people on it are spared significant financial distress while searching for work.
It could also announce a range of measures to boost demand in the danger zones that will be created by supports coming off.
There are plenty of good options.
one-off cash payments to households, which we know have boosted spending
more spending on mental health services or programs to help disadvantaged students catch up on learning lost
infrastructure spending on shovel-ready projects with good returns to the community including social housing, roads and school maintenance
Debt will need to be managed over the medium term, but it shouldn’t constrain the government from implementing the policies needed to drive recovery.
On Wednesday the Office of Financial Management unloaded $19 billion of new 10-year bonds in the biggest bond sale in Australian history after receiving bids for more than twice that many.
Women have been hurt more than men, losing 11.5% of the hours worked in March, compared to men who lost 7.5%.
Predictions of much bigger job losses for the young than the old have been proved correct, with workers aged 15 to 24 losing about 11% of employment compared to 3.4% for those aged 25 to 54, and 4.3% for the over 55s.
Queensland and NSW have so far fared better than other states.
To calculate its official rate the Australian Bureau of Statistics follows International Labor Organisation conventions in classifying employment and unemployment.
These classify as employed anyone who worked zero hours but was still being paid or who believed they had a job to go back to.
Much worse than it looks, and the bureau says so
This is important because the JobKeeper scheme means many workers in Australia fit these categories. It makes a difference.
For this reason, the bureau has provided an adjusted rate of unemployment which counts these workers as unemployed.
It puts our unemployment rate at 11.7% in April, up from 5.2% in March.
It is more in line with what we have been seeing in Canada and the United States.
And many workers have also withdrawn completely from looking for work.
In the past month the labour force participation rate fell by 2.5 percentage points.
Again, women have been hurt more than men, with an extra 2.9% of women out of the labour force compared to an extra 2.1% for men.
Statistically, these people have vanished. They are not employed, but they are not counted as unemployed because they say they are no longer available for work.
Generally in Australia, we all get along pretty well and feel good about our society.
Studies show we have a strong “social cohesion index,” which has remained relatively stable for the past seven years.
But we cannot take this for granted, especially if the coronavirus pandemic also leads to a recession.
In the context of COVID-19, Australia has seen its politicians take quick and decisive action to protect our health and our economy. But in the flurry of recent press conferences from state and federal leaders, social cohesion has been dangerously neglected.
The Australian Human Rights Commission says it recorded more complaints under the Racial Discrimination Act in February than at any time over the previous 12 months.
While complaints have remained within the high end of the normal range, since the start of February, one-third of all racism complaints made to the commission have been COVID-related.
Even before coronavirus, we were already seeing worrying examples of racism in Australia.
Even before coronavirus, there were worrying examples of racism in Australia.Darren Gray/ AAP
Last year, one in three NSW and Victorian school children reported being on the receiving end of racial discrimination from other kids.
The Executive Council of Australian Jewry has found a marked increase in the number of more serious incidents of anti-Semitism. In 2019, 40% of respondents to the Scanlon survey reported negative or very negative attitudes towards Muslims.
Far-right extremism is also on the rise, with ASIO warning small cells of people are meeting to salute Nazi flags.
Current levels of racism could get worse
None of this is good. What’s even more troubling is that it has the potential to balloon into something far worse in the near future, thanks to the COVID-precipitated economic downturn.
We know this from past experience. Economic downturn has been linked to an increase in racial discrimination again and again and again.
More precisely, it leads to scapegoating. Economic downturns precipitate scapegoating, because struggling people are looking specifically for someone, not just something, to blame. Often, that blame falls on ethnic minorities and immigrants.
Lawrence University psychologist Peter Glick is an expert on prejudice and discrimination. He says one of the main reasons people blame ethnic minorities is because it’s psychologically more appealing to do that than blame one’s own group, or accept that something happened outside of one’s control.
Indeed, accepting events that severely impact our lives (like recessions) are the result of natural forces (like an organically occurring virus) reinforces our feeling of a lack of control. And feeling a lack of control is arguably the defining feature of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Scapegoating is not haphazard
But blaming a group of people means action can be taken, often against them.
We may even be able to predict which ethnic minority groups are particularly vulnerable to scapegoating in these situations.
Scapegoating in this scenario is not haphazard. It focuses on specific type of ethnic minority – those that are perceived to be successful, but unintegrated or competitive with the dominant group.
So, ethnic minorities perceived as poor and unintegrated are less likely to be on the receiving end of blame and thus discrimination. It is the prosperous but untrusted minority we will accuse.
In recent times, there was an increase in racial prejudice in places like Italy and Britain during economic downturns such as the Great Recession of the 2000s.
Looking further back in history, there is the horrifying and violent treatment of Jewish people in Nazi Germany and Armenians in Ottoman-era Turkey, both of which occurred in the context of economic downturns.
Of course, it is ridiculous to suggest economic downturns are the sole cause of genocide, or that we are heading in such a monstrous direction.
But it is also unwise to ignore the repeated lessons about the impact of recession on relationships between ethnic groups in society.
We need specific support for Chinese Australians
In Australia, the historical precedence of the recession-racism link, coupled with our current struggles with race issues, means our nation is primed for strife.
We are in a moment of collective pause and planning. But in amongst the thinking about economic recovery, school openings and international travel, we need to be planning for a likely upswing in bigotry against ethnic minorities.
In particular, we should be anticipating which groups are most likely to bear the brunt of an increase in racism.
Chinese Australians were perceived as a threat to Australia before COVID-19, and are already reporting an increase in racist abuse during the pandemic. Most importantly, they are stereotyped as “competent but cold ” – a characterisation that makes them likely to be targeted in times of economic downturn.
Given these factors, it would be prudent to offer this community-specific, proactive support, and tackle any racism – towards them or any other group – decisively.
We need our leaders to step in
Political leaders are crucial in this regard.
Politicians can either stoke antagonism or lead the discourse in the other direction. They can aggressively counter any suggestion of racism and steer Australia through a difficult time, without allowing it to devour itself from the inside in the process.
We need our politicians to lead the discourse away from racism.Mick Tsikas/AAP
Recently we have seen examples of both.
Labor senator Kristina Keneally has called for a cut to temporary migration to put “Australian workers first”.
But other MPs have had a different emphasis. In the context of coronavirus, Labor’s multicultural affairs spokesperson Andrew Giles has been repeating Labor’s calls for an anti-racism strategy.
On matters as important as this, unequivocal guidance from the highest levels of politics is required.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison has already criticised COVID-related racism. But given that history shows us we are just at the beginning of what could be a protracted and dark period for race relations in Australia, much more must be done – and soon.
The PNG Defence Force has handed over three suspects for the killing of police Senior Inspector Andrew Tovere to the investigating police.
Assistant Police Commissioner Anthony Wagambie Jnr was accompanied by three officers to attend a muster parade at Port Moresby’s Murray Barracks yesterday.
The attendance was prompted by the invitation of the commanding officer in charge of Support Company purposely to address the troops.
PNG Senior Inspector Andrew Tovere … killed in a clash with off-duty soldiers. Image: The National
“I was given the opportunity to speak to our soldiers and after this parade we escorted the three suspects involved in late SIP Tovere’s murder [on May 8] to Boroko Police Station at around 10am.
“The three suspects were handed over by the PNGDF military police and are now being processed at Boroko Police Station,” he said in a statement.
– Partner –
Assistant Commissioner Wagambie said the three suspects would go through normal process of interview and charges will be laid against them.
“We will as much as possible get them to attend court today for mention to get their warrants to move them to Bomana CS.
“I have assured the military hierarchy and rank and file on parade that the security of the three soldiers is guaranteed.
“We have mobile squads stationed at Boroko Police Station to ensure their security is protected…
“I want to assure members of the PNGDF and residents of NCD [National Capital District] that police are on normal operations and we have taken control as of last Saturday after the incident…
“Both the murder and the subsequent confrontation at ATW is very unfortunate. Commissioner of Police will issue a separate statement in regards to this.”
Wagambie added that “normalcy” had returned to police activities as of Saturday evening and is calling on the police and PNGDF to remain calm as the process took its course.
Republished under a collaborative partnership with EMTV News.
Both China and the United States have suffered reputational damage with the Australian public as a result of their handling of the coronavirus crisis, according to a Lowy COVIDpoll.
Most Australians (68%) say they feel “less favourable towards China’s system of government” when thinking about China’s handling of the outbreak.
Nearly seven in ten (69%) think China has dealt with it badly.
An overwhelming 90% believe the US has performed badly. The US is rated at the bottom of a list of six countries, also including Singapore, the United Kingdom and Italy, in how well COVID has been handled.
In contrast, 93% think Australia has done well so far.
Building on the anti-Trump feeling that showed up in earlier Lowy polling, 73% said they would prefer Democratic candidate Joe Biden to become president at the November election, compared 23% who want Donald Trump to be re-elected.
The poll of 3036 was done April 14-27.
It comes as trade relations with China have become increasingly tense this week with disputes over Australian exports of barley and beef. China has suspended imports from four abattoirs in Australia and threatened hefty tariffs on Australian barley.
Although the barley row has been going on some time, as have some of the beef complaints, the actions on both fronts are seen as retaliation for Australia pushing for a inquiry into the origin and handling of COVID-19.
As of late Wednesday trade minister Simon Birmingham had not been able to get in contact with his Chinese counterpart.
The trade difficulties are also generating domestic pressure.
On Wednesday Queensland Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk said she was writing to Birmingham asking him to get a resolution to the beef dispute as soon as possible. She said thousands of Queensland jobs were involved.
Australia China Business Council CEO Helen Sawczak said: “To go out like a shag on a rock little Australia demanding an inquiry and insinuating blame was probably not a great foreign policy move.”
On the other hand some Coalition backbenchers have been taking strong public positions against China, complicating the government’s attempt to manage the disputes between the two countries.
In the Lowy poll, 37% said that when the world recovers from the crisis, China will be “more powerful” than it was before the crisis; 27% said it would be less powerful; 36% predicted no change. In 2009 in the wake of the global financial crisis 72% said China would be more powerful.
Just over half (53%) say the US will be less powerful; 41% predict no change; 6% believe American power will grow. In 2009 33% said the US would be less powerful than before.
Lowy’s Natasha Kassam, author of the Lowy report, said: “Despite Beijing’s efforts to shift the focus from its early mismanagement and coverup of the virus, to its apparent success in containment and providing support to struggling countries, Australians appear unconvinced.
“Australians’ views of China during the pandemic track with the previous downturn in sentiment towards China: in 2019, only a third of Australians said they trusted China, and the same number had confidence in China’s leader Xi Jinping to do the right thing in world affairs.
“As much as Australians have expressed disappointment in China’s handling of the outbreak, they are even more concerned by the response of the United States.
“While watching the current tragedy unfold in the United States, the competence and reliability of the United States is looming even larger as a question for Australians,” Kassam said.
In the poll, people gave a big thumbs up to Australian medical authorities and governments. More than nine in ten (92%) said they were confident the chief medical officers were doing a good job responding to the outbreak. The rating for states and territories was 86%, and 82% for the federal government. Confidence in the performance of the World Health Organisation was a much lower 59%.
Australians are not retreating from globalisation as a result of the crisis. Seven in 10 people say globalisation is “mostly good for Australia”. This is consistent with 2019.
Some 53% want “more global co-operation rather than every country putting their own interests first” in a global crisis.
A majority (59%) say they are just as likely to travel overseas as before, when COVID is contained.
Asked their preferred sources of information during the coronavirus outbreak (and allowed to choose up to three), 59% chose the Prime Minister and government officials, 50% government websites, 50% the ABC, 31% newspapers and news websites, 28% commercial, pay TV news and radio, 20% social media, and 5% word-of-mouth.
In a single year, extra-medical opioid use caused more than 2,200 deaths, 32,000 hospital admissions and resulted in the loss of over 70,000 years of life in Australia.
“Extra-medical” opioid use includes both the illegal use of opioids such as heroin, and the misuse of pharmaceutical opioids – that is, when they’re not used as prescribed or intended.
In a report released today, we’ve quantified the social costs of pharmaceutical opioid misuse and illicit opioid use in Australia over the financial year 2015-16.
We found extra-medical opioid use came at a cost of an estimated A$15.7 billion.
The scope of the problem
An Australian survey showed more than 645,000 people used extra-medical opioids in the previous year.
But because of the stigma around opioid use, estimates from national surveys of how many people use extra-medical opioids or how many people would be classified as “dependent” may be underestimates.
We used results from the Global Burden of Disease study to estimate more than 104,000 people in Australia were opioid-dependent in 2015-16, putting them at high risk of harms associated with their drug use.
While Australia has so far avoided the pharmaceutical opioid crisis seen elsewhere, especially in the United States, the number of Australian deaths due to pharmaceutical opioids outstrip those from heroin.
In 2017, only 28% of opioid deaths involved illicit opioids alone. Some 63% involved pharmaceutical opioids and the remainder involved both.
Let’s break down the costs
Premature deaths accounted for about 80% of the costs of opioids to society, both in tangible and intangible costs.
As the average age of death from opioids is quite young (43 years), each death results in many potential years of life being lost. We calculated 70,000 years of life were lost as a result of premature deaths from opioids in 2015-16.
The intangible cost is the value society is willing to pay to prevent pain and suffering or premature death, which we come to through a variety of modelling techniques.
The tangible costs are the economic contributions the deceased person would have made through employment and unpaid household work, as well as the costs to employers in replacing an employee.
Making up the tangible costs, we also found crime accounted for $940 million, workplace costs such as from absenteeism and injury were $460 million, hospital inpatient care $250 million, and costs to other health services were $830 million.
Typically, economic modelling doesn’t include any “harms” to the consumer, as those harms are part of a rational decision to consume. But for someone who has a drug dependence, that decision may be affected by the dependence and related consequences such as withdrawal.
As including those costs is controversial, we calculated them, but did not add them to our total. Based on data from the Global Burden of Disease study we estimated the value of the lost quality of life for the 104,000 people dependent on opioids at $14.9 billion.
We also looked at lost quality of life for partners and children living with a person dependent on opioids. We calculated there were more than 41,000 adults and 70,000 children living in these households in 2015-16.
Based on research on the impact of living with an alcohol dependent person, we estimated the value of their lost quality of life at $12 billion.
These tentative estimates were also omitted from the overall total.
Tackling the problem
Since a low point of 529 deaths in 2006, we’ve seen an increasing trend in deaths from extra-medical opioid use in Australia. But recent initiatives could serve to reduce deaths and other costs.
In Australia, “take home naloxone”, a drug that can reverse the effects of an opioid overdose, is increasingly available with support from the federal and state and territory governments.
While most deaths documented in our report were due to drug toxicity (overdose), liver disease and liver cancer due to hepatitis C virus (HCV) accounted for 39% of extra-medical opioid deaths.
In March 2016, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme subsidised a new treatment for HCV.
This development has the potential to markedly reduce HCV related-disease and death for people dependent on opioids. A study in New South Wales has already noted a significant decline in HCV-related deaths and ill health in a broader population.
Needle and syringe programs remain important in preventing blood borne viruses for people who inject opioids. Along with access to opioid treatment (both pharmacological and psycho-social) these programs are central to our efforts to prevent and reduce opioid-related disease and deaths.
We’ve also seen regulatory changes. Between 2000 and 2013, 1,437 deaths involved codeine. So in 2018 increased restrictions were placed on over-the-counter medications containing codeine.
Initial findings are promising but we look forward to evidence about the longer-term effects of this approach.
There’s more we could be doing
It’s important to recognise costs are typically estimated, for example the amount of time a general practitioner spends treating opioid-related conditions.
There are also other costs we know occurred, but where we can’t attribute a specific amount to opioids, such as efforts at our borders to address drug importation. So overall expenditure is the best approximation rather than a definitive figure.
Social cost studies like this one provide a focus on the overall harms associated with a condition that can drive debate, policy reform and the allocation of health resources.
It’s critical we continue to enhance access to a range of treatments for opioid dependence and continue with other strategies already in place to tackle this tragic loss of life.
In addition, we need to focus on examining the impact of online supply of “counterfeit” and other pharmaceuticals outside of medical regulation, and develop targeted responses where indicated.
But pet cats are wreaking havoc too. Our new analysis compiles the results of 66 different studies on pet cats to gauge the impact of Australia’s pet cat population on the country’s wildlife.
The results are staggering. On average, each roaming pet cat kills 186 reptiles, birds and mammals per year, most of them native to Australia. Collectively, that’s 4,440 to 8,100 animals per square kilometre per year for the area inhabited by pet cats.
More than one-quarter of Aussie households have pet cats.Jaana Dielenberg, Author provided
If you own a cat and want to protect wildlife, you should keep it inside. In Australia, 1.1 million pet cats are contained 24 hours a day by responsible pet owners. The remaining 2.7 million pet cats – 71% of all pet cats – are able to roam and hunt.
What’s more, your pet cat could be getting out without you knowing. A radio tracking study in Adelaide found that of the 177 cats whom owners believed were inside at night, 69 cats (39%) were sneaking out for nocturnal adventures.
Surely not my cat
Just over one-quarter of Australian households (27%) have pet cats, and about half of cat-owning households have two or more cats.
Many owners believe their animals don’t hunt because they never come across evidence of killed animals.
But studies that used cat video tracking collars or scat analysis (checking what’s in the cat’s poo) have established many pet cats kill animals without bringing them home. On average, pet cats bring home only 15% of their prey.
Collectively, roaming pet cats kill 390 million animals per year in Australia.
This huge number may lead some pet owners to think the contribution of their own cat wouldn’t make much difference. However, we found even single pet cats have driven declines and complete losses of populations of some native animal species in their area.
On average, an individual feral cat in the bush kills 748 reptiles, birds and mammals a year – four times the toll of a hunting pet cat. But feral cats and pet cats roam over very different areas.
Pet cats are confined to cities and towns, where you’ll find 40 to 70 roaming cats per square kilometre. In the bush there’s only one feral cat for every three to four square kilometres.
So while each pet cat kills fewer animals than a feral cat, their high urban density means the toll is still very high. Per square kilometre per year, pet cats kill 30-50 times more animals than feral cats in the bush.
The impact of roaming pet cats on Australian wildlife.
Most of us want to see native wildlife around towns and cities. But such a vision is being compromised by this extraordinary level of predation, especially as the human population grows and our cities expand.
Many native animals don’t have high reproductive rates so they cannot survive this level of predation. The stakes are especially high for threatened wildlife in urban areas.
Pet cats living near areas with nature also hunt more, reducing the value of places that should be safe havens for wildlife.
The 186 animals each pet cat kills per year on average is made up of 110 native animals (40 reptiles, 38 birds and 32 mammals).
For example, the critically endangered western ringtail possum is found in suburban areas of Mandurah, Bunbury, Busselton and Albany. The possum did not move into these areas – rather, we moved into their habitat.
What can pet owners do?
Keeping your cat securely contained 24 hours a day is the only way to prevent it from killing wildlife.
It’s a myth that a good diet or feeding a cat more meat will prevent hunting: even cats that aren’t hungry will hunt.
A bell on a cat’s collar doesn’t stop hunting, it only makes hunting a little harder.Wes Mountain/The Conversation, CC BY-ND
Various devices, such as bells on collars, are commercially marketed with the promise of preventing hunting. While some of these items may reduce the rate of successful kills, they don’t prevent hunting altogether.
And they don’t prevent cats from disturbing wildlife. When cats prowl and hunt in an area, wildlife have to spend more time hiding or escaping. This reduces the time spent feeding themselves or their young, or resting.
In Mandurah, WA, the disturbance and hunting of just one pet cat and one stray cat caused the total breeding failure of a colony of more than 100 pairs of fairy terns.
Benefits of a life indoors
Keeping cats indoors protects pet cats from injury, avoids nuisance behaviour and prevents unwanted breeding.
Cats allowed outside often get into fights with other cats, even when they’re not the fighting type (they can be attacked by other cats when running away).
Two cats in Western Australia stopped fairy terns from breeding.Shutterstock
Roaming cats are also very prone to getting hit by a vehicle. According to the Humane Society of the United States, indoor cats live up to four times longer than those allowed to roam freely.
Indoor cats have lower rates of cat-borne diseases, some of which can infect humans. For example, in humans the cat-borne disease toxoplasmosis can cause illness, miscarriages and birth defects.
But Australia is in a very good position to make change. Compared to many other countries, the Australian public are more aware of how cats threaten native wildlife and more supportive of actions to reduce those impacts.
It won’t be easy. But since more than one million pet cats are already being contained, reducing the impacts from pet cats is clearly possible if we take responsibility for them.
As an emergency response to the potential mass unemployment created by the sudden lockdown, the Morrison government’s JobKeeper program has been reasonably successful.
An estimated 700 000 employers, accounting for 4.7 million workers have signed up.
On the other hand, the sign up of workers has been been about one million less than expected.
Some reflect the difficulty of defining a “job” in an environment in which permanent employment has been eroded in favour of casual employment and contracting and the gig economy.
Others seem arbitrary, such as the effective exclusion of local government and university employees, and workers whose employers are companies owned by foreign governments.
There will be bigger problems as time goes on.
Working life will change
Many workers will need to move.Dan Peed/AAP
JobKeeper helps workers keep their existing jobs, but it can’t do anything for those who are already unemployed, who leave their jobs, or who need to switch employers.
As the crisis continues, the number in these categories is going to grow, while the number of workers protected by the scheme will shrink.
In six months time, when JobKeeper is due to end, it seems reasonable to assume that most of the restrictions requiring businesses to close their doors will have been lifted.
Shops, cafes, gyms and bars will be open, with adaptations for social distancing.
But other parts of the economy won’t be anything like the “normal” that existed before the crisis.
Even after the domestic restrictions end, large-scale international travel won’t resume until an effective vaccine is found and distributed widely enough so that (at a minimum) all intending travellers can be vaccinated.
Tourism will be very different, as will work and commerce, with the shift to online working, shopping and medicine only partly reversed.
A much smaller number of people coming into the country (even if long-term arrivals are be allowed in subject to quarantine) means weaker construction and education industries.
And even if we recover fully, our customers in the rest of the world will not. Europe is already in a deep recession. The pandemic was slow to reach the United States, but the likely impacts on both health and the economy look to be even worse.
These shocks would be a challenge even to a strong economy. But Australia’s performance before the crisis was sluggish at best.
Unemployment had barely come down from the levels reached during the global financial crisis and under-employment had reached all time highs. Inflation was persistently below the Reserve Bank’s target range, reflecting the overall weakness of the economy.
In these circumstances, the idea that the economy will magically “snap back” to normal once restrictions are lifted is a dangerous fantasy.
If we are to avoid an era of sustained high unemployment similar to the one we had in the early 1990s, the government must act to stop it happening.
JobKeeper should be made portable
The first step should be to convert JobKeeper into a wage-subsidy program, in the hands of workers, not tied to previous employment. Unemployed workers could assign the subsidy to whichever employer willing to hire them under standard wages and conditions.
There are plenty of difficulties with such a program. The most immediate is the need to ensure that it creates additional jobs, rather than allowing employers to sack existing workers and replace them with subsidised new hires.
A second lot of problems arises, as with JobKeeper, because of the increasing prevalence of non-standard forms of employment.
These problems are not reasons to abandon the idea of wage subsidies. Rather, they imply that the government should be thinking about these problems now, rather than deferring the problem with the assertion that everything will return to normal in six months.
Much more will be needed to avoid mass unemployment.
Public services such as health and education will need to employ more people to deal with the extra requirements of social distancing, and the need for training and retraining.
Restructuring the economy will require the abandonment of free-market doctrine in favour of direct government involvement, including public ownership where necessary, at least for a while.
And while it is appropriate to meet the immediate needs of the economy through increased borrowing, we will ultimately need increased revenue, and we will probably need to forgo the lavish legislated tax cuts that were due to kick in from the mid-2020s.
I am feeling isolated. Is this a state, or an emotion? Rather than getting into the semantics of language, I will ask another question: what does isolation feel like?
Isolation feels like being stuck on the couch despite having time for a walk. Isolation feels like comfort eating nachos and box wine.
Our bodies are tired. Our minds slip and skid between blank boredom and anxious overthinking. What is happening to us, here in our homes, away from the routines and interactions that used to shape our days?
I am feeling isolated. Scholars of emotion talk about feelings as judgements – our considered response to what’s happening. These judgements tint our experience as we live it: like the transferred epithets of Wodehouse’s Bertie Wooster, “pronging a moody forkful” of eggs, or “balancing a thoughtful lump of sugar” on his teaspoon. Experience reaches us through these filters of judgement.
This morning I made myself a lonely piece of toast and am writing this article drinking a grateful-for-free-childcare cup of tea.
Would you like a grateful-for-free-childcare cup of tea?Kira auf der Heide/Unsplash
Every lonely person is lonely in their own way
Some of the effects of isolation are common to all human beings, across times and places. Humans have evolved as communal animals living in “families, tribes, and communities”. We feel “the pain of social isolation and the rewards of social connection”.
Beyond these human constants, our emotional experiences are powerfully shaped by our individual circumstances. Our communal and personal histories affect our expectations of life and our responses to events. In this sense, your feeling of isolation is different to mine. Like Tolstoy’s unhappy families, each of us is feeling this crisis in our own way.
Medical researchers of isolation note this recursive flow of emotion: symptoms like poor sleep and high blood pressure correlated not with measures of patients’ objective isolation, but their perceived isolation.
One person’s agonising loneliness is another’s boring staycation. We are as isolated as we feel.
Is this a place of loneliness, or a place of staycation joy?Sven Brandsma/Unsplash
This does not mean our feelings aren’t real. They are, in fact, the only reality we can know. Is there a meaningful difference between asking “How are you?” and “How are you feeling?”
Full bodied feeling
Our feelings are experienced by our whole selves: bodies, minds, emotions, all intertwined.
We feel the absence of human touch, we feel anxiety as we obsess over daily statistics, we feel exhausted by shopping trips that feel like ventures into no-man’s-land, we feel grief at the horrific headlines of death, and frustration at government responses. We feel loss and confusion about our about our identity and value as jobs disappear.
Those who contract COVID-19 report not only fear of dying, but boredom and anger at being isolated from family and friends.
We are feeling isolated. Despite our Tolstoyan uniqueness, we find comfort in shared feelings. We share memes about interminable Zoom meetings, or homeschooling, or day drinking. We feel seen, heard, understood – less isolated. These are called affiliative behaviours and they are a powerful coping strategy for all kinds of crises. Somehow our suffering is more bearable if another human being knows how we feel, and feels it too.
Connecting with one another, and feeling that we are in this together, can mitigate some of the pain of isolation. Sufferers during previous pandemics who felt their isolation was serving an altruistic goal of protecting their neighbours reported less negative emotions about isolation.
Political exiles have, throughout history, found ways to endure isolation. Early modern English nuns in exiled European convents drew upon antique history to comfort themselves, identifying with Biblical stories of suffering that finally resolve in homecoming and restored community.
Exiled nuns drew upon Biblical stories of suffering for comfort.Anton Hansch c1876/Wikimedia Commons
Prisoners in solitary confinement have relied on simple things like sunlight and human voices on the radio to keep the worst at bay.
They are feeling isolated. Isolation feels like being alone but it also feels like reaching beyond our usual spheres, feeling new empathy with people who were strangers before.
New parents, especially mothers, experience isolation with feelings familiar to many of us right now: “powerlessness, insufficiency, guilt, loss, exhaustion, ambivalence, resentment and anger”. Those who are young, or poor, or single, are especially at risk of feeling isolated, overwhelmed and worried.
In our empathy we are connected across social and economic gaps.
Emotional force
We are feeling isolated. Now, our shared emotions become a central part of how we make sense of the crisis.
Shared, collective emotion can be a strong driver of collective activity. Enough shared emotion can cause us to feel like a unified nation, our common humanity stronger than our superficial differences. Conversely, emotional sparks can create political cliques who cohere around shared anger towards other groups.
Scholars of emotion describe emotions as a force, not only felt within, but acting upon the external world. Emotions do things. Big, collective emotions do big things. We are only beginning to discover what isolation is doing to us.
Much has been written on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on negative emotions, such as rising anxiety and the loneliness of self-isolation.
But while things may seem all doom and gloom, new data reveals it’s surprisingly rare for a person to experience purely negative emotions. More commonly, people are instead experiencing mixed emotions.
Psychologists have traditionally viewed emotions as falling along a single dimension, ranging from positive (such as happy or excited) to negative (such as sad or anxious). This implies at any given moment we feel “good” or “bad”, but not both. Positive and negative emotions have even been said to mutually inhibit each other – so if you are enjoying your day but receive some bad news, your positive mood is supposedly replaced by a negative one.
However, an alternative view suggests positive and negative emotions vary independently, and can therefore occur simultaneously. This allows for the experience of “mixed emotions”, such as feeling both happy and sad, or nervous but excited, at the same time.
There is now extensive evidence for the existence of mixed emotions. And new data reveals they may be surprisingly common.
Mixed emotions are more common than purely negative ones
A recent study led by Kate Barford (an author of this article) examined how mixed emotions arise in day-to-day life. Across three participant samples, Barford and her colleagues found mixed emotions typically emerge when negative emotions intensify (such as following a negative event), and blend with ongoing positive emotions.
Thus, bad feelings do not always extinguish positive ones, like flicking off a light switch. Rather, they more often transform a positive mood into mixed emotions.
Intriguingly, the study also found purely negative emotions (the absence of any concurrent positive emotions) are surprisingly rare. In all three samples, participants reported purely negative emotions less than 1% of the time during one to two weeks of daily life. In contrast, mixed emotions were reported up to 36% of the time.
This shows our negative emotions are rarely so strong that they overwhelm our positive ones, at least during everyday circumstances.
Mixed emotions are much more common than purely negative feelings.Adrian Swancar/Unsplash
Mixed emotions during the COVID-19 pandemic
Currently, most of us are not facing everyday circumstances. As the coronavirus spreads around the globe many nations have gone into lockdown, and most of us are wondering when life might return to normal. You might think negative emotions would dominate during such ominous times.
To find out, we surveyed 854 Australian residents about their emotional experiences in late March, as government restrictions were introduced. In line with widespread reporting, we found 72% of our sample were indeed experiencing negative emotions.
However, almost all of these people also reported feeling positive emotions, such as joy and contentment. And only 3% of our sample reported purely negative emotions as the crisis unfolded. In comparison, around 70% of people reported feeling mixed emotions – much higher than previous found by Barford and colleagues.
This chart shows the prevalence of mixed emotions, alongside purely positive and negative emotions, in a representative sample of 854 Australians aged 18-89 (about 44% males and 56% females). Data was collected by the authors in early April, 2020.
The high rate of mixed emotions during the COVID-19 crisis may be the result of increased negative emotions that blend with positive ones – as Barford and colleagues found previously.
Mixed emotions might also arise from conflicted thoughts and feelings about this predicament. For instance, we might dislike social distancing, but approve of it for the sake of our collective health. Or we might enjoy the novelty and flexibility of altered working arrangements (such as working from home), even though they can be disruptive.
Indeed, almost half of the participants in our sample reported they enjoyed tackling some of the challenges of lockdown.
Who experiences mixed emotions?
Our emotions are not determined simply by our circumstances, but also our personalities.
In the study by Barford and her colleagues, individuals scoring lower on a personality trait called “emotional stability” experienced more mixed emotions. This was because these individuals were more susceptible to increases in negative emotion, which blended with ongoing positive ones to create an overall bittersweet experience.
This same finding emerged in our survey in the context of COVID-19. We found the personality trait of low emotional stability was a stronger predictor of mixed emotions than other situational and demographic factors. These included age (younger people experienced more mixed emotions) and the extent of disruption to one’s day-to-day activities.
Interestingly, psychologists think mixed emotions may have some benefits. Specifically, whereas purely negative emotions can lead us to disengage from our goals, mixed emotions may prepare us to respond to uncertain situations in flexible ways, such as re-proritising our work projects, or socialising via Zoom.
So, while sentiments of fear and sadness are dominating the headlines, the high prevalence of mixed emotions during this pandemic may be good news for our mental health.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Lycett, NHMRC Early Career Fellow, Murdoch Children’s Research Institute and Centre for Social and Early Emotional Development, Deakin University
As we start to think about rebuilding our lives in the midst of an ongoing pandemic, we need to be clearer than ever about what kind of Australia we want to live in, what counts as progress, and how we measure how well we’re succeeding.
This is because the indirect effects of this pandemic – social, emotional, educational and economic – will far outweigh the direct effects on physical health. We will need every ounce of clarity around our national identity (what we stand for) to ensure these don’t disproportionately impact the most vulnerable in our society.
Research shows how poorly some young Australians were faring:
The question now is how much worse these statistics will get as we enter the most significant economic downturn since the second world war.
The simple answer is we don’t know, but experts fear the worst for children and young people. This raises a pressing question about how we safeguard the well-being of future generations.
Positive changes brought by the pandemic
There are some reasons to be hopeful. The pandemic has forced us to find support in our local communities (albeit at a distance) and immediate families. For some, this has meant long walks in the park, getting to know neighbours and incredible acts of human kindness.
These simple things may be improving well-being in children and young people by helping them appreciate the natural world and better understand altruism. These values are often dismissed when we focus on developing the next generation to contribute to the economy rather than society.
We have seen the greatness of Australian civil society, too. The importance of protecting the health of every Australian has been a higher priority than protecting our wealth and economic growth.
However, health and economics are inextricably tied. As we adjust to living with coronavirus, we face the unenviable challenge of trying to spark an economic recovery while maintaining our focus on care for the most vulnerable in society. Herein lies a new test of Australian civic values.
Again, there is reason for hope. The nature of the pandemic has required societal changes that are more environmentally sound – greater localised food production, a focus on regional trade and Zoom meetings over travel. The more important things in life have been clarified for many.
Ironically, the pandemic may have paved the way for sweeping reforms that if sustained, could change society for the better.
Within these possibilities, it is essential we focus on the next generation because they are the future custodians of Australian civic values and society. It is time to elevate the well-being of children and young people as a new nation-building commitment, and fully invest in them as we adjust to our new norms.
Steps to ensure children’s well-being
We can do this in straightforward and concrete ways that can be implemented immediately. Key among these would be to
permanently increase income support, such as Newstart, and prevent long-term and structural unemployment to help bring children and young people out of poverty
invest in affordable and social housing construction to stimulate the economy and ensure all children and young people have a home
Leaders have been listening to experts and making decisions based on evidence throughout the pandemic. And as a result, confidence in government and social trust in Australia have improved.
It is time to choose the type of Australia we want to live in as we forge our new path with coronavirus. Let’s ensure we prioritise the health, well-being and security of our youngest citizens and future generations.
Stay-at-home orders have meant many people are happy to live in dispersed suburbs with free-standing, single-family homes. Quarantine feels less daunting with a backyard, plenty of storage space to stockpile supplies, and a big living room for morning stretches. Before the crisis, though, Australia was slowly moving toward urban density.
More apartments with communal amenities, rather than privatised space, were being built, creating less dependence on driving. It is easy to think these urbanites are now glumly looking out their windows towards the more spacious suburbs, wishing they had made different choices. Yet, despite the impacts of restrictions, Australia’s future is in urban density and not the suburban sprawl of the past.
Before the world changed and Australians were ushered inside en masse, the country was making great strides toward creating more compact, walkable cities. Denser neighbourhoods provided multiple benefits:
better access to transport alternatives to cars
the creation of vibrant commercial districts
increased ability to house more people during affordability and homelessness crises.
Density was achieved not just through towers for Asian investors in CBDs, but more subtle alterations such as townhouses and small blocks of flats. Residents moving into these neighbourhoods affirmed a sense of environmental consciousness, based on driving less, but also the belief in tight-knit communities with small businesses, parks and thriving street life.
Townhouses, like these in Hobart, increase urban density more unobtrusively than high-rise apartment blocks.David Lade/Shutterstock
With the onset of COVID-19, it seems Australia’s new-found love of city living might be over, reverting to the suburban norm. The suburbs always offered a sense of safety, now more than ever.
Yet much of this is illusory. People still have to go shopping and, in many cases, to work, where they could be exposed to the virus. People have just as much control over their physical space in an apartment as in a house. (The exception is the lifts, but distancing measures and gloves can easily reduce risk.)
Australians may be tempted to re-embrace suburbia out of nostalgia for pre-virus safety, but they should remember what brought them to cities in the first place. As the architect Robin Boyd bemoaned way back in his 1960 critique of suburbanisation, The Australian Ugliness:
… the suburbs’ stealthy crawl like dry rot eating into the forest edge.
With 60 years of government policy propping up sprawl through freeway construction and tax breaks like negative gearing, it continues to be its own kind of infection scarring the landscape.
The relentless spread of low-density Australian suburbs continues to expand our cities.Ben Rushton/AAP
Despite re-animated fears of living closer together, many countries that have successfully contained the coronavirus have some of the most densely populated cities in the world. These cities include Seoul, Hong Kong and Taipei. They have done this not by separating people but by increasing testing and contact tracing.
What is needed during a pandemic is not panic but effective public health. Prosperous, well-managed city governments are often best placed to offer these services to the community.
Negative examples like the United States, where the Trump administration has devolved responsibilities to states and cities, provide even more proof of why cities have to be at the forefront of public health campaigns, whether or not they choose that role voluntarily. The same could be said of Australia, where state governments in Victoria and New South Wales took the lead on restricting gatherings as the national government dithered.
Now, more than ever, we are appreciating urban life from afar: making lists of our favourite restaurants, changing our Zoom background during “virtual happy hour” to the interior of our local pub, and yearning for social connections that have migrated online.
We should listen to our desires and use this moment to double down on urban density when the crisis subsides, by funding mass transit and providing incentives to construct apartments rather than free-standing suburban homes.
Low-density living is less sustainable, less affordable and less fun. We should all remember that, despite currently having to keep our distance from one another.
COMMENT:Nik Naidu reflects on the 33rd anniversary of the original – first of four – coups in his homeland of Fiji.
Today is the 33rd anniversary of that fateful day when Fiji lost its political innocence, when the Fiji military overthrew a democratically elected “People’s government”.
Yes, 33 years have passed.
That first military coup on 14 May 1987, backed by failed politicians and Fiji’s indigenous and business power-elite, has since been repeated over and over.
And quite likely, the “coup culture”, as it is commonly referred to, will continue to plague Fiji’s future.
Now, in 2020, Fiji continues as a failed democracy.
– Partner –
And if unchecked, Fiji will end up joining the long list of the world’s other failed military-backed states.
Here are some sad facts, most of which have accelerated over the last 33 years, and are directly linked to the military coups:
Around 50 percent of Fiji’s 1 million residents live in dire poverty, earning less than $25 a week
50 percent of Fijians do not have access to safe drinking water and proper sanitation
Ethnic divisions are greater than ever before
Corruption is out of control, with nepotism and cronyism destroying the civil service. This has resulted in poor decision making and wastage of already scarce resources
Human rights of citizens are constantly undermined
Social media is monitored, and restrictions apply on what you can and cannot say. If you question the government on Facebook, you will most likely be arrested
The judiciary and courts have been compromised. Any judge or magistrate who dares question the government risks losing their positions
Parliament and its processes are prejudiced. Opposition parties have a limited voice, and legislative processes are non-inclusive and intolerant to different points of view
The Prime Minister is still the “real” commander of the Fiji army, which stands behind him, giving him authoritarian power
Media freedoms continue to be restricted by draconian laws. Journalists and media outlets are threatened with severe penalties and imprisonment
Freedom of speech is severely curtailed. Political gatherings and protest marches, things we take for granted in New Zealand, are strictly controlled
The military has completely entrenched itself in the civil service. Most government departments are headed by military officers and their family members and supporters
The military’s power is guaranteed in the current Constitution
People live in fear and uncertainty, with widespread state-backed intimidation and victimisation
The Security Forces (military, police, prisons) continue to violently oppress people with impunity
Power and control of the current government rests in the hands of two people
The Fiji military continues to be a racist institution. Its ethnic composition is still around 99 percent indigenous Fijian
Senior civil servants are regularly hired from overseas, and then mysteriously and unceremoniously removed from office soon after
Professionals and skilled workers continue to leave Fiji in droves, trying to escape lack of opportunity, high unemployment and low wages. Fiji’s loss is usually New Zealand and Australia’s gain
Trade unions have been almost completely curtailed. As a result, workers have very little protection
Hospitals are in an extremely poor state, with most patients expected to bring their own bedsheets and medicine. Imagine this in New Zealand!
Education standards have dramatically deteriorated, with low pass rates. Around 50 percent of Year 13 final year secondary students fail their exams
The majority of schools in Fiji are in extremely poor condition, with buildings in disrepair and reduced school funding
The country now faces major environmental challenges, including deforestation, unsustainable fishing practices, and the introduction of invasive species through poor border control
Fiji has put most of its economic “eggs in one basket” – tourism. This may be the undoing of the current regime. It has progressively dismantled the country’s previous top earner – sugar – through poor management, and sugar mill upgrades that were plagued by corruption. Now with closed borders due to the coronavirus pandemic, Fiji may not be able to recover from the economic fallout
Cherish our democracy We in Aotearoa-New Zealand sometimes take our democracy for granted. We must support, appreciate, celebrate and cherish it.
Fiji is an example of what happens when the rule of law is subverted, and bad leaders take over, resulting in poor governance, and lack of transparency and accountability.
Meanwhile, the power struggles, selfish leadership, and poor governance and decision making continues unchecked in Fiji.
And as the ever-growing gap between the haves and have-nots widens, it is the people who continue to suffer. Especially the 50 percent of Fijians who are so desperately poor.
Nik Naidu is a human rights advocate and a former spokesperson for the Coalition for Democracy in Fiji (CDF).
Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage
By Yorlis Luna From Managua, Nicaragua
I think when many of us look at the world today we feel like we’re watching a science fiction movie: 22 million officially unemployed in the U.S. while analysts say the true figure may be double that[1],; predictions of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s; and lines up to 15-hours-long where they are giving away food[2].
In Ecuador, they give the families of people who die from COVID-19 cardboard coffins[3], while other victims’ bodies lie in the streets or people’s homes with no one to collect them[4]. In Brazil[5], Colombia[6], and El Salvador[7] the pots-and-pans protests and demonstrations continue, despite the curfew and militarization because they closed the borders while domestic food production was insufficient, which caused food shortages that raised prices. Hunger has come to the homes and stomachs of the poor.
The World Food Program estimates that in addition to the 820 million people already going hungry in the world, 135 million more will suffer acute food insecurity as a preliminary impact of the health crisis. The main victims are women, infants, and children (UN, 2020). This in turn has major repercussions on health, nutrition, and humanitarian aid, causing larger flows of forced migration, displacement, violence, and social conflict.
In Latin America and the Caribbean there are already 19 million more people suffering from hunger and 37.71 million unemployed. “Model” countries such as the United States and its lackeys in Latin America are now paying the price for shrinking the State, cruelly privatizing basic services (particularly public health), and abandoning small farmers. Meanwhile, the countries continuously demonized as the “Troika of Tyranny,” Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua, are demonstrating their moral superiority and capacity to effectively manage the crisis based on the strengths they have built in the public sector and with more organized and socially conscious societies, disciplined to work for the common good.
This once again reveals the lies, shamelessness, and cynicism of the hegemonic media that are concealing the truth: imperialism in all forms is not only bad, but its worldview continuously fails.
How are we doing in our besieged, slandered, and sanctioned Nicaragua?
I grew up in a Nicaragua that always appeared in public discourse as an object of pity. Its hand stretched out for charity in response to the hunger, extreme poverty, and pain afflicting our people. This was even worse in times of international crisis, such as the disaster created by Hurricane Mitch. I remember it as though it were yesterday. In the public schools, we children would get in line to receive a teaspoon of powdered milk wrapped in a sheet of notebook paper, and see some of our little classmates faint from hunger or simply be unable to pay attention or play outside. Our desk chairs, on which we had to make ourselves comfortable, were made from cement paving stones. And if you got sick, you were out of luck because there was no place to go for medical assistance. Not to mention the shoot-outs and nightly battles we heard between the “Come Muertos” and the “Galleros”—the two youth gangs in my neighborhood made up of ill-fed, barefoot boys.
Nowadays, Nicaragua is no longer on maps depicting the tragedy of extreme hunger or hopeless violence like its neighbors Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. However, this fact is deliberately hidden by the corporate media.
Nicaragua is facing a fierce international smear campaign, with lie upon lie told in the world press, while a completely different situation is experienced within the country. In the context of COVID-19, families feel more economic pressure due to the indirect impacts on our open and capitalist economy, but there are also signs of a sense of normalcy, peace, and calm.
Many Latin American countries rushed to impose lockdowns with draconian, but inconsistent, measures: closing working class markets and small businesses, while international supermarket chains remain open in a display of unfair competition[8] which causes tremendous losses for small producers, merchants, and distributors. In contrast, Nicaragua did not “cut and paste” such policies to handle the health situation. Rather, its approach has been wise, measured, tailored to our context and reality, and appropriate for the number of cases. The focus has been on protecting the peasant and popular economy and the lives of most of the Nicaragua people who live off of it. This is an example of Mariátegui’s maxim: the revolution in Latin American should not be “a copy or imitation… it should be a heroic creation.” To each unique problem, a unique solution.
These decisions are backed by tangible and intangible achievements over 14 years of significant progress in promoting human dignity. This is particularly true for healthcare, with more hospital coverage, diversity and trained personnel. It is also true of education, security, production, and the building of roads in rural areas. And it is sustained by the confidence, tenacity, and daily sacrifice of thousands of Nicaraguan families that struggle on a daily basis to uphold the popular economy. It is sustained by the strength of the community health brigades in which the population merges with the government. And it is sustained by the hundreds of thousands of families of small and medium-sized farmers who are a bastion of production, producing around 80% of the food we Nicaraguans eat[9] .
Today, thanks to our peasant families and the public policies of the Sandinista government, Nicaragua is no longer on the hunger map. Instead, we are well on the way to food sovereignty because our food production is local and it is distributed in small clusters—even more true if one considers the size of the country. For this reason, there is enough food in Nicaragua at this difficult time, and prices have remained stable or fallen slightly.
The country’s peasant culture, and its talent and capacity to work in harmony with the earth, ensures that the words of President Daniel Ortega last month will remain true: “We will not die of hunger.” The first round of planting is about to start and farm families are lovingly preparing for it. They are getting their seeds ready, putting yokes on the ox teams, and just waiting for the first downpours, the aroma of damp earth, and a good moon to sow the sacred seeds of corn, rice, and beans that will ensure our resistance as a people once again.
Yorlis Gabriela Luna Delgado – Mathematician, popular educator, agroecologist, and researcher. PhD candidate in Ecology and Sustainable Development at the Colegio de la Frontera Sur, ECOSUR, Mexico.
Translation from original version in Spanish, by Jill Clark-Gollub, Assistant Editor/Translator at COHA
Quietly passing us by in these frenetic covid-19 coronavirus weeks as New Zealand takes a big step back to “normality” tomorrow – but it should be a step forwards for a “reset” – is the fate of those hugely wasteful and pointless war games: RIMPAC.
The biggest war games in the world and sponsored by the US Navy, the 27th Rim of the Pacific will be an “at sea only” mock showdown without the usual land and air forces involved.
Ironically, this year’s theme is “capable, adaptive, partners”.
Defending RIMPAC, the US Navy claims the exercise is designed to foster and sustain cooperative relationships, “critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific region”.
– Partner –
Admiral John Aquilino, Commander, US Pacific Fleet, adds: “We will operate safely, using prudent mitigation measures.”
But seriously what is the real justification for staging them at all given the global covid-19 crisis and the United Nations chief’s call on March 23 for a global ceasefire to focus on the “true fight of our lives”?
Silencing the guns Ten days later, UN Secretary-General António Guterres followed up with an open letter to the world repeating his plea and declaring: “To silence the guns, we must raise the voices for peace.” He said:
“Ten days ago, I issued an appeal for an immediate ceasefire in all corners of the globe to reinforce diplomatic action, help create conditions for the delivery of lifesaving aid, and bring hope to places that are among the most vulnerable to the covid-19 pandemic.
“This call was rooted in a fundamental recognition: There should be only one fight in our world today: our shared battle against covid-19.
“We know the pandemic is having profound social, economic and political consequences, including relating to international peace and security.
“We see it, for example, in postponement of elections or limitations on the ability to vote, sustained restrictions on movement, spiralling unemployment and other factors that could contribute to rising discontent and political tensions.
“In addition, terrorist or extremist groups may take profit from the uncertainty created by the spread of the pandemic.
“Nonetheless, the global ceasefire appeal is resonating across the world.”
Stalled ceasefire vote But it hasn’t resonated with isolationist Donald Trump’s United States. Washington “stunned” other members of the UN Security Council last Friday by preventing a vote on a resolution for a ceasefire in various conflicts around the world.
Responding in a recent Daily Blog column, campaigner John Minto wrote: “How brainless is this when we all know ships are floating viral incubators?”
Media reports have highlighted the grim case early last month of the USS Theodore Roosevelt, which was forced to put ashore in Guam more than 1100 crew members (more than a quarter of the ship’s total) infected with covid-19 and a row over the skipper who was the courageous whistleblower.
Captain Brett Crozier was relieved of his command after a letter he wrote to his superiors about the crisis was leaked to the media and he now has a desk job at US Pacific Fleet headquarters in San Diego, California.
French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle … recalled with 660 covid-19 infected crew members on board. Image: Al Jazeera
Then there was the case of the French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle, recalled 10 days early from deployment in the Atlantic on an anti-ISIS NATO exercise in the middle of last month. The ship was forced to put ashore 660 crew members – a third of the total – infected in a coronavirus outbreak.
At least 26 US Navy warships have reported cases of covid-19 infection, reports CNN.
A senior Navy official was cited as saying the ships were taken into port or maintenance yards for disinfecting but individual ships have not been publicly identified for “security reasons”.
More than 3500 US service members had been tested positive for the virus, including two deaths, by the end of April.
‘Dead keen’ for NZ Despite this, notes Minto, Defence Minister Ron Mark is “dead keen for New Zealand to take part”.
“We must join hands with people from around the Pacific and around the world to tell our governments to stop this dangerous behaviour,” adds Minto.
One of the bizarre footnotes to RIMPAC is the news that Israel is one of the countries that has pulled out this year. Why was it even in the mix in the first place?
Israel took part in the exercise for the first time in 2018 – along with 26 other nations, 47 surface ships, five submarines, 18 national land forces, and more than 200 aircraft and 25,000 military personnel, reports The Jerusalem Post.
However, in March the Israeli military cancelled all joint military drills because of the coronavirus pandemic.
“Given the global covid-19 pandemic, it is irresponsible to send New Zealand soldiers to interact with local communities in Hawai’i and to interact with soldiers from dozens of other nations. There is every probability that soldiers will transmit the virus, exacerbating the spread and imposing heavy tolls on vulnerable communities.”
The Jakarta Six … and now there are five left in prison after early release was denied by an Indonesian political intervention. Image: TAPOL/Licas News
Vindictive treatment for Jakarta Five Among other pandemic news that has dropped in the shadows is a revelation that the Jakarta Six activists – originally there were six but one has been released already – for Papua self-determination will languish in jail for their full jail terms and risk being infected.
Their plight and that of other political prisoners has already been canvased in an earlier edition of this Pacific Pandemic Diary column.
The five had been expected to be released early as part of the Indonesian government’s policy over prisoners in the light of the rapidly spreading virus. But this was cancelled by a last-minute political intervention from Jakarta.
Outrageous and vindictive.
According to the human rights watchdog TAPOL – which protested to the Indonesian government – Suryanta, Ambrosius Mulait, Dano Tabuni, and Charles Kossay are currently detained in Salemba Detention Center.
Ariana Elopere is detained at Pondok Bambu Detention Center where 24 prisoners have tested positive for covid-19.
“On Monday afternoon, the five remaining prisoners signed ‘letters of execution of sentences’ and in the evening, guarantors signed ‘letters of assimilation’. Yesterday [Tuesday], at midday, they signed letters confirming assimilation release, tested negative for covid-19 and were given rice and instant noodles by the detention centre to take home.”
Then they were told their planned release had been cancelled. They will now serve out their full sentences before being freed on May 26.
‘Brutal, deep and systemic’ Finally, with all the conflicted news of countries and states opening up their economies before they are ready, spare a thought for French Polynesia.
Senator Nuihau Laurey, put a cat among the pigeons by criticising the Tahiti local government for failing to cope adequately with the covid-19 pandemic, saying it was too dependent on France, and describing the impact of the crisis on the island paradise as “brutal, deep and systemic”.
This riled his party colleagues in a territory that has had 60 cases but no deaths with the Pape’ete leadership snorting what had he done for French Polynesia.
Unity, folks? Unity in the face of adversity facing us all.
Don’t shake hands, don’t high-five, and definitely don’t hug.
We’ve been bombarded with these messages during the pandemic as a way to slow the spread of COVID-19, meaning we may not have hugged our friends and family in months.
This might be really hard for a lot of us, particularly if we live alone. This is because positive physical touch can make us feel good. It boosts levels of hormones and neurotransmitters that promote mental well-being, is involved in bonding, and can help reduce stress.
In humans, the hormone oxytocin is released during hugging, touching, andorgasm. Oxytocin also acts as a neuropeptide, which are small molecules used in brain communication.
Touch also helps reduce anxiety. When premature babies are held by their mothers, both infants and mothers show a decrease in cortisol, a hormone involved in the stress response.
Positive touch can release oxytocin, which is involved in human bonding.Shutterstock
Touch promotes mental well-being
In adults with advanced cancer, massages or simple touch can reduce pain and improve mood. Massage therapy has been shown to increase levels of dopamine, a neurotransmitter (one of the body’s chemical messengers) involved in satisfaction, motivation, and pleasure. Dopamine is even released when we anticipate pleasurable activities such as eating and sex.
Serotonin is another neurotransmitter that promotes feelings of well-being and happiness. Positive touch boosts the release of serotonin, which corresponds with reductions in cortisol.
Social distancing during the pandemic has meant we’re barely touching each other, so it’s not surprising we might feel desperate for a hug.Jesus Merida/Sipa USA
But what about a lack of touch?
Due to social distancing measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, we should be vigilant about the possible effects of a lack of physical touch, on mental health.
It is not ethical to experimentally deprive people of touch. Several studies have explored the impacts of naturally occurring reduced physical touch.
For example, living in institutional care and receiving reduced positive touch from caregivers is associated with cognitiveanddevelopmental delays in children. These delays can persist for many years after adoption.
Less physical touch has also been linked with a higher likelihood of aggressive behaviour. One study observed preschool children in playgrounds with their parents and peers, in both the US and France, and found that parents from the US touched their children less than French parents. It also found the children from the US displayed more aggressive behaviour towards their parents and peers, compared to preschoolers in France.
Another study observed adolescents from the US and France interacting with their peers. The American kids showed more aggressive verbal and physical behaviour than French adolescents, who engaged in more physical touch, although there may also be other factors that contribute to different levels of aggression in young people from different cultures.
Maintain touch where we can
We can maintain touch with the people we live with even if we are not getting our usual level of physical contact elsewhere. Making time for a hug with family members can even help with promoting positive mood during conflict. Hugging is associated with smaller decreases in positive emotions and can lessen the impact of negative emotions in times of conflict.
In children, positive touch is correlated with more self-control, happiness, and pro-social skills, which are behaviours intended to benefit others. People who received more affection in childhood behave more pro-socially in adulthood and also have more secure attachments, meaning they display more positive views of themselves, others, and relationships.
In paediatric hospital settings, pet therapy results in improvements in mood. In adults, companion animals can decrease mental distress in people experiencing social exclusion.
Cuddling with pets is therapeutic and may help ease the mental health effects of social distancing.Shutterstock
If you live alone, and you don’t have any pets, don’t despair. There are many ways to promote mental health and well-being even in the absence of a good hug.
Staying in touch with friends and loved ones can increase oxytocin and reduce stress by providing the social support we all need during physical distancing.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steven Hamilton, Visiting Fellow, Tax and Transfer Policy Institute, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University
These were forgiven in the face of an impending calamity, but the health interventions have worked so well the generosity of the economic interventions is being reconsidered.
In light of a report the treasury is reevaluating the design of JobKeeper, it’s worth setting out where the scheme falls short and how it could be tweaked.
The fixed per-worker subsidy was a bad idea
The big flaw in JobKeeper is that it is paid as a fixed amount per worker, regardless of the hours worked or wage earned.
The COVID-19 economic crisis stems from businesses losing money and laying off workers due to a lack of customers – either voluntarily or by government fiat.
The ideal response would be to replace that lost revenue on the condition that businesses maintain their workers’ hours and wages.
With that condition, there would be no need to tie the amount of the subsidy to the number of workers on the payroll.
Doing so will save some firms and their workers’ jobs. But those with low margins and large fixed costs such as rent will be undercompensated, and others will be overcompensated.
Forcing firms to pay the entire subsidy to their workers (even where it means giving them a pay rise) limits their ability to use it to offset other costs. And it leads to all sorts of inequities among workers.
If the scheme must be tied to payroll, there are far better ways.
It could instead cover a portion of total payroll up to a ceiling with some additional support for non-payroll costs, of the kind offered in the United States and other countries.
To ensure no business got too much, the entire payment could be capped so the business made no more under JobKeeper than it did before the crisis.
Pay it up front and tax it back later if need be
Most businesses are eligible for JobKeeper if they expect turnover to fall by at least 30% in the coming quarter (or month if turnover is more than $20 million).
If things go better than expected and they end up not needing that much JobKeeper, they get to keep what’s been paid to them for the entire quarter, as long as their expectation was genuine.
We will accept your assessment of these turnovers, unless we have reason to believe that your calculation of your projected GST turnover was not reasonable.
But reasonable expectations are hard to police.
A better approach would be to pay businesses up front some proportion of total payroll for the same time period in the previous year.
Then, after the fact, what they are eligible for could be calculated based on actual payroll.
Any difference could be reconciled through the ordinary tax return process. Anything overpaid could be taxed back and any extra due could be paid out.
This would be simpler, clearer and better targeted, and solve the cash-flow problems businesses are complaining about.
Six months won’t be long enough for some
The scheme is set to end after six months on September 27 regardless of economic conditions.
Some businesses in some sectors are already back at work and others will come back soon. But some, such as those affected by the international travel ban, will be out of action until next year.
For those businesses that recover quickly, the turnover test will cut off support automatically. But for some others, the maximum six-month time frame will be too short.
A better approach would be to tie the duration to objective benchmarks tailored to particular sectors (such as the end of the international travel ban, for instance).
Extend it to workers who have missed out
Short-term casuals, most temporary visa holders, workers at certain foreign-controlled businesses, and employees at most universities were left out despite many of them working in the hardest-hit industries.
The reported underspend on JobKeeper makes these omissions all the more puzzling.
But the government made a clear commitment to these millions of businesses and workers to maintain a certain level of support for the full six months.
The last thing anyone needs right now, when the confidence of consumers and businesses is more critical than ever, is to have the government pull out the rug it extended.
While there’s a lot the treasurer could do, there’s also a good case for leaving things for now.
The New Zealand government’s recently announced NZ$50 million subsidy package to support local media was necessary and urgent – even if it came too late to save the Bauer magazine titles from closing.
But the injection of government cash did not address the underlying cause of the decline of New Zealand’s media, which predates the COVID-19 pandemic.
While the internet has created new opportunities for media and audiences alike, those opportunities have come at a price. Traditional media organisations now compete with giant digital platforms, not only for the attention of readers, but also for the advertising revenue that was once their lifeblood.
Adding insult to injury, the digital platforms compete for audiences’ attention partly by distributing the news content that was first created and published by those now-struggling media organisations.
This not only damages the media and public discourse, it is harmful to taxpayers.
A carefully designed digital service tax (DST) could redress the balance and help level the playing field for the New Zealand media. Such a tax would compensate New Zealand for revenue lost by its failure to tax the profits of non-resident tech giants operating in its territory.
Rules forcing the likes of Google and Facebook to compensate the creators of the media content they carry – as has been introduced in Australia – could also be helpful. Both options could be applied quickly if there was the political will.
The New Zealand market for internet advertising services is dominated by two multinationals – Google and Facebook. Unlike the local media, these giants do not pay income tax in New Zealand proportional to their local advertising revenues.
The attention economy: digital platforms sell advertising around news content created by ad-starved and struggling media.www.shutterstock.com
In 2015 Google, Facebook and Amazon accounted for 69% of digital ad revenues outside China. By 2018 their share had risen to 86%. But this growing share of global ad revenue is not matched by the income tax these firms pay in New Zealand.
Due to the complex way the digital giants report their finances, New Zealanders are left guessing how much ad revenue they generate. And yet, just across the Tasman, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC), the equivalent of the NZ Commerce Commission, has forced Google and Facebook to disclose their Australian targeted ad revenue for 2018.
The ACCC estimates Google generated around A$3.7 billion (NZ$3.9 billion) from ads placed on its own search pages and on third parties’ websites. Facebook’s ad revenue was around A$1.7 billion (NZ$1.8 billion).
Based on this data and the similarities between Australia and New Zealand, it is reasonable to conclude that in 2018 Google might have earned about NZ$720 million in New Zealand, and Facebook about NZ$349 million from targeted advertising only.
A disproportionately small tax take
Changes to reporting standards [made in 2014] mean Facebook isn’t required to file financial statements in New Zealand, so its 2018 tax bill is not public information. In 2018 Google NZ Ltd (an entity of Alphabet group) paid income tax of NZ$398,341 – about 0.055% of the estimated gross ad revenue “extracted” from the New Zealand market.
In Australia Google paid income tax A$26.5 million in 2018 (already a minimal amount), meaning Google New Zealand paid 66.5 times less income tax than its Australian equivalent for the same period. Given the New Zealand economy is about a seventh the size of Australia’s, this is an extremely wide disparity.
New Zealand has been reluctant to unilaterally adopt a DST, possibly to avoid conflict with the US. However, with many OECD members introducing a DST – including France, Italy and the United Kingdom – further delay is difficult to justify. The more countries that put a DST in place the more costly it will become for the US to retaliate.
The New Zealand government has said it prefers “an internationally agreed solution through the OECD” to the tax challenges of digitalisation. The OECD has agreed to find a “solution” by the end of 2020.
With rising tensions between Europe and the US over taxing highly digitalised multinational businesses, that timeframe is looking increasingly unrealistic.
California headquarters of Google and parent company Alphabet – a corporate structure with immense tax benefits.www.shutterstock.com
NZ can’t go it alone
The COVID-19 pandemic has further slowed the process. The delay favours the tech giants but not New Zealand and the other countries where they operate and pay little tax. These countries need to move quickly to stop the erosion of their tax bases.
New Zealand is unlikely to move without Australia on board, but Australia now seems more interested in other mechanisms to correct its relationship with the global tech giants.
The ACCC is developing a mandatory code of competitive conduct that will require Google and Facebook to pay news media for the use of their content. There are similar developments in France.
Such codes target anti-competitive conduct, whereas a DST involves compensation for the loss in revenue caused by outdated international tax rules. To some extent a DST is a charge for the dominant market position of multinational digital services firms.
The ACCC’s code is not a substitute for a digital services tax, but New Zealand could do worse than consider a similar scheme. In the end, both a DST and enforcing payment for content will be necessary if New Zealand wants its local media to survive, let alone thrive – and not just at the expense of taxpayers.
The coronavirus restrictions are slowly being eased but the pressures on families at home still probably lead to many tears of frustration.
It could be tensions about noise and clutter, keeping up with home schooling and mums and dads torn between parenting and their own work duties.
So to make sure our memories of being locked in with our families are as positive as possible, here are some evidence-based tips for calming down, preventing conflict and dealing with any sibling rivalry.
Take a deep breath
If you feel yourself getting angry at something, breathe in while counting to three. Then breathe out slowly counting to six (or any patterns with a slower out breath). If you do this ten times you should notice yourself becoming calmer.
If you’re too agitated to breathe slowly, put your hands on your heart and simply wait until you feel more relaxed. Try counting to ten or 100 before you react.
Leave the room and take a break. Plan to deal with the niggle another time. When you’re on break, do something to distract yourself like make a drink, listen to music, look at a beautiful picture or play a video game that is absorbing.
Different strategies work for different people, so try them all. Encourage your kids to keep trying if they don’t initially succeed. You need to practise any skill to make it feel natural. For younger children, taking a break may be simpler to master.
Ease the tension before things blow
It’s good to calm down from explosions but it’s even better if you can reduce the build-up in the first place.
Take time to share some of the problems upsetting people and see if as family you can negotiate a solution.
It’s likely everyone in your family is more tense because of the COVID-19 crisis. Many aspects can’t be easily fixed, like lost work or money stress, but others can, such as creating new routines or sharing space, resources or chores.
Work out different ways to get exercise indoors, like games or apps. Plan ahead for the times that need extra care, like when people are tired, or if difficult tasks need finishing. Let others know what to expect.
And importantly, lower expectations for everyone. What used to be easy might now be hard, and that’s okay.
Control the emotions
Help everyone work on managing their emotions. Just because you are experiencing extra distress doesn’t mean you should snap at your loved ones.
It could be spending time talking about what is going right and what is okay, working with your hands, meditation or prayer, time with your partner, reading or learning something new.
Every day, take time do something from your toolkit to chill out.
Talk to each other
When the tension is lower, quiet family conversations can help by naming any stresses. Naming things like “this is a stressful time” or “I’m a bit grumpy about work today” helps children process emotions.
Listen to your kid’s concerns, it might reveal something deeper.fizkes/Shutterstock
Listening and repeating back what others say makes people feel heard, and so does acknowledging shared feelings (“I miss my friends too”). When parents calmly talk about how some things cannot be easily changed, it builds acceptance.
Over time, the most powerful thing to prevent explosions is to notice when anger is building so you can deal with it before things escalate.
It’s useful to reflect on questions such as “Will this matter in 20 years?” and “Am I taking this too personally?”
You can help children by exploring what might really be bothering them. That argument about a toy might be about feeling sad. Try to listen for the deeper message, so they feel understood.
Calm that sibling rivalry
If sibling rivalry is driving you to distraction, the good news is it does not mean there is something wrong. Low-level sibling bickering is common during times of tension and boredom.
Make sure any sibling rivalry doesn’t get out of hand.FrameStockFootages/Shutterstock
But you should step in when the volume goes up with nasty name-calling or physical contact.
Acknowledge emotions, help the kids express what they feel and encourage empathy. Try to help them decide what’s fair, instead of imposing your view.
More serious incidents require you to stop the interaction. If there is harm, separate the kids, care for the hurt child and consider a consequence. Use time-outs to calm things down, not for punishment.
But like all conflict, prevention is better than punishment. Does one child need more attention, exercise, stimulation or structure? Do certain toys need to be put away, or shared?
Depending on the age of your children, you can help older kids to learn to react gently to provocation. Praise children when they take steps to manage their stress.
Remember, these are stressful times for many families around the world. If we can use this time to stay patient, manage tension and act with goodwill towards our loved ones, our families will be better equipped to weather COVID-19, and many other storms that will follow.
This article was co-written with help from Tori Cooke at No To Violence, Peter Streker at Community Stars, Carmel O’Brien at PsychRespect, and the University of Queensland’s students Ruby Green and Kiara Minto.
If you need confirmation of how much the world has changed, consider this. Finally I have a thing or two to teach Matthew McConaughey about performance.
McConaughey may have acted in more than 50 movies. He may have, among his accolades, two Golden Globes and an Oscar for best actor. He may be a professor of practice in television and film at the University of Texas.
But he’s just as much a newbie when it comes to Zoom, House Party and the like as the rest of us. It’s a performance reality many of us are not really ready for, despite video chat being nearly two decades old.
Whether it’s a games night, a wine with the gang, your new virtual classroom or boardroom, video conferencing is how many of us are maintaining a semblance of our old connections to loved ones, colleagues and community.
“I’m learning about this, a little bit,” McConaughey told late-night TV chat host Stephen Colbert after he hosted bingo over Zoom for Texan seniors.
“I was on a Zoom conference the other day and one of my friends in particular looked just sensational. He was uplit, he looked just like a czar! And I texted him: “What’s your Zoom game, bud?”
His friend’s game was to have considered video-conferencing as a stage, and then setting that stage using the elements used on any television or film set: lighting, sound and scenery.
What I want to talk about, though, is not the stage but what happens on it: performance.
Staging and performance
Performance is what I study in its broadest social sense as a researcher in persona studies. My speciality is celebrity persona. How celebrities strategically create and maintain public personas is the subject of my new book featuring famous Canadian women (including Margaret Trudeau, mother of Canada’s prime minister, and pop singer Shania Twain).
Shania Twain.Shutterstock
Persona comes from the Greek word for the mask worn by an actor to depict a character. It involves performance, though not acting in the usual sense. It is instead, in the words of leading persona scholars P. David Marshall, Christopher Moore and Kim Barbour:
A strategic public identity that is neither the true individual nor a false individual. It is an identity that is used to navigate the social world and only exists to manage collective connections. It is a performance of the self for strategies to be used in some public setting.
Who are you when you’re in public or interacting with others? How did you create that impression? Persona researchers investigate questions like these in a broad range of contexts – from relationships with family or colleagues to interacting through online video games and social media.
Just think of McConaughey, the good ol’ Texan boy and his development of his signature catchphrase – “alight alright alright”. It’s not false, but nor could it said to be true. It is persona.
Though it is often amplified in celebrities, everyone has a public persona. More than one, in fact.
How we present in a formal meeting is likely to differ to how we interact one-on-one with a close colleague. How we are with friends, and even different groups of friends, might be different again. So too with different family members.
We develop and cultivate these personas over a long period. We become so acclimatised to performing them that they feel “natural”.
Hide Self View
Video conferencing radically changes the conditions under which we interact with others.
As McConaughey’s Zoom mate recognised, it is a shiny new stage on which we’ve been thrust. What makes it different is that it enables (and requires) us to watch ourselves as we perform. This hyper-awareness of how we look and behave can be exhausting, and stressful. It’s not something even most actors ever need to do.
Which is why the “Hide Self View” option is so important.
When you enable this option, you are still performing your persona. You just don’t see it. It’s a little bit more like real life and the other “stages” we’re used to performing on.
Like audio-only phone calls. Here is a “stage” that is deeply familiar and provides some reprieve from the self-surveillance of video-conferencing.
So give yourself, and others, a break from video-conferencing if and when necessary. If you find it exhausting, there’s a good reason. The only real fix is to “switch off”.
Australians have been told they can no longer be “heroes” and go to work if they have a cold.
During Prime Minister Scott Morrison’s press conference last week announcing plans to re-open the economy, workers were firmly instructed to stay home if they were sick.
Chief Medical Officer Brendan Murphy said:
Everybody stays home when they’re unwell, no matter how mild your cold or your cough, stay home when you’re unwell, and please get a COVID test. That’s the best way we’ll find these hidden cases of the virus in our community … No more heroics of coming to work with a cough and a cold and a sore throat. That’s off the agenda for every Australian for the foreseeable future. Please.
In response, ACTU secretary Sally McManus pointed out that many workers do not have the luxury of paid sick leave and called for “paid pandemic leave”.
Nobel Prize-winning immunologist professor Peter Doherty tweeted his agreement, noting:
that’s a really important idea …The worst economic scenario is to open up, then have to shut down again.
There is also parliamentary support for greater pandemic leave.
Labor says the government must deal with the “core issue” of helping people stay home if they are sick. On Tuesday, the Greens introduced a bill to the Senate for 14-days of paid leave for “all workers”.
Almost 37 per cent of Australian workers don’t have paid sick leave
As we pointed out in March, Australia’s lack of sick leave is a major barrier for many workers who need to stay home.
According to our analysis of 2019 Australian Bureau of Statistics data, 24.4% of Australian employees were casuals without any access to paid leave. Adding in the self-employed, the proportion of all Australian workers without paid sick leave is close to 37%.
ACTU secretary Sally McManus is among those calling for pandemic leave for all workers.Joel Carrett/ AAP
This share will have gone down since the start of the pandemic, because casuals are much more likely to have lost their jobs. But those seeking to go back to work in coming months are highly unlikely to be offered permanent jobs, so the share of employees without paid leave is likely to increase even more.
It is also worth noting that casual workers have less ability to work from home. Our ABS data analysis also shows about 30% of employees with paid sick leave were able to regularly work from home, compared to 10% of those without paid sick leave.
What leave do casuals already get?
In early April, the Fair Work Commission temporarily amended 99 modern awards to give all workers access to two weeks of unpaid “pandemic leave” and the flexibility to take extra annual leave at half pay.
But this leave is unpaid and casual workers are not entitled to annual leave.
There are sickness provisions under the JobSeeker payment. But as Labor argues, this does not pass the “pub test”, if people need to interact with Centrelink’s administrative processes in order to access a payment at short-notice.
If Professor Murphy’s strong recommendations are to be followed, then we will need an immediate payment – without a waiting period – that is enough to keep people who should be self-isolating away from work.
We will also need to think about how to support people without paid leave who live in the same household as others who need to self-isolate.
In the short-term, only the federal government has the capacity to foot the bill so that workers stay home during coronavirus.
But there are a number of ways in which sick leave payments could reach casual workers.
Chief medical officer Brendan Murphy is imploring Australians to stay away from work if they feel sick.Lukas Coch/AAP
The payment could come either directly from government or through employers, with the government reimbursing employers for the costs.
The JobKeeper payment – aimed at keeping workers connected to businesses who are struggling due to coronavirus – is roughly equivalent to the full-time minimum wage. It is paid by employers with reimbursement from the Australian Taxation Office.
Similarly, we already have other programs, such as the paid parental leave scheme, which can be paid either by Centrelink or by employers who are then reimbursed.
However, there are significant gaps in coverage for both the JobSeeker and JobKeeper payments, as they excluding short-term casuals and many temporary visa holders.
Even for those eligible, the administrative processes are too cumbersome to provide short-term sickness support.
We need to keep thinking outside the box
The simplest approach would be to build on our current employer-provided schemes. This would see employers pay their casual workers when sick, and then be reimbursed by the government.
The cost of this is unlikely to be particularly onerous, unless we have a large second outbreak of the virus (which this measure is designed to avoid). It would be available only to a subset of workers for a limited period.
Employees might be required to provide some health evidence. This could vary over time and across region, depending on the risk profile and the availability of services. But given the push to expand testing, asking people to have a virus test might be entirely feasible and desirable.
This would mean them being off work until they received their results, but this is the strategy we need for a COVID-safe nation.
The federal government has already shown an impressive ability to adapt existing social security support to the unprecedented challenge of this pandemic.
A little more thinking outside the box may be needed if Australia is to successfully negotiate the next stages of re-opening the economy.
TAPOL has condemned the political decision to cancel the early release of five political prisoners that were arrested in Jakarta for demonstrating in favour of self-determination of West Papua.
On April 24, the Central Court of Jakarta sentenced Paulus Suryanta Ginting, Ambrosius Mulait, Dano Tabuni, Charles Kossay and Ariana Elopere to nine months’ imprisonment; while Isay Wenda was sentenced to eight months.
A sixth prisoner – and they were known as the Jakarta Six – Isay Wenda was released last month on April 29 having served his full sentence, the human rights watchdog reports.
The Ministry of Law and Human Rights implemented a new policy on prisoners as a result of the covid-19 pandemic in early April, making provisions for the conditional release or assimilation of those who have served at least two-thirds of their sentences.
The remaining five political prisoners have to date served eight months and 12 days of their sentences.
– Partner –
Suryanta, Ambrosius Mulait, Dano Tabuni, and Charles Kossay are currently detained in Salemba Detention Center. Ariana Elopere is detained at Pondok Bambu Detention Center where 24 prisoners have tested positive for covid-19.
On Monday afternoon, the five remaining prisoners signed “letters of execution of sentences” and in the evening, guarantors signed “letters of assimilation”. The guarantor for Suryanta, Dano Tabuni and Ambrosius Mulait is the priest Suarbudaya Rahadian. The guarantor for Charles Kossay is his sister Sati Kossay.
Yesterday, at midday, they signed letters confirming assimilation release, tested negative for covid-19 and were given rice and instant noodles by the detention centre to take home.
After these preliminary steps which should have preceded their release, they waited a further 30 minutes and were then summoned by the Head of Registration of Salemba’s Detention Centre. He relayed to the prisoners that a political intervention from the central government had resulted in their planned release being cancelled.
The Jakarta Five will now serve out their full sentences before being freed on May 26.
Most of us are familiar with the expressions ‘economic pie’ or ‘economic cake’. The ‘pie’ metaphor is probably best, because pies represent a holdall food item, less homogeneous in their finished forms than are cakes. Further, most of us are familiar with pie charts. Yesterday I published National Income: a Pie Chart, which shows the key divisions of income, and also shows how we should think of reserve capacity in our national economies.
The divided pie represents gross domestic product (GDP) and other similar concepts; it is the ‘material economy’. In a closed economy – an economy without foreign trade, investment, and migration – the ‘other similar concepts’ represent different aspects of the same pie. Thus, statisticians can measure the size of the GDP in three different ways: by totalling production (the finished goods and services which the pie contains), by totalling spending (expenditure) on those goods and services, and by totalling incomes (as per the chart referred to above).
It is conventional to divide material economies into two sectors – public and private – and then to divide the private sector into businesses and households. (Different accounting methods may define these divisions in some different ways, but the broad outlines are universally accepted.)
A particularly useful form of economic pie chart has a broad ring around the outside. This represents spare capacity – and should be understood as an economic ‘good’ rather than as an economic ‘bad’. An economy without this outer ring can be classed as ‘maxed out’ and ‘highly stressed’. In my chart I call this ring the ‘relaxation’ zone, representing the ‘life’ component of ‘work-life balance’.
Economic Happiness and Work-Life Balance
Happiness arises from having the time to do the things we want to do, the environments we require to do those things, and having the consumer goods and services that give us sustenance and enjoyment.
If we consider a camera, it’s a consumer good that we can use in our spare time, in the physical and social environments that we enjoy being present in. The economic happiness of amateur photographers depends on having the things (cameras), having the time, and being in places. The complementary balance – between things, times and places – varies for different people. Some people will give more weight than others, to having time relative to having purchases; relaxing on a beach may not require many purchases. Ultimately, all three are important, and interdependent.
From a happiness point of view, economic growth can be understood as the annual increase in the size of the whole pie, including its outer ring. From a conventional macroeconomic view, however, economic growth is simply the annual increase in the size of the inner pie.
One way many growth-focussed policymakers seek to get higher growth is to raise the size of the inner pie by reducing the size of the outer ring. We have to stop thinking this way, and to realise that – especially in our brave new post-Covid world – we should be looking to do the opposite: to accept a reduction of the inner (divided) pie while expanding the outer ring. While this may or may not increase total economic happiness, it certainly rebalances our economic lives.
Economic Pandemics
An economic pandemic is a global economic crisis. The Great depression of the 1930s was an economic pandemic. The global financial crisis of 2008 – a financial pandemic – unleashed an economic pandemic. The Covid19 global emergency has already become an economic pandemic; a pandemic that will most likely outlast the viral pandemic. Economic pandemics permanently change our economic landscapes, and their associated intellectual landscapes.
Sometimes, the changes are for the better. At other times we learn the wrong lessons. Typically, changes for the better and wrong lessons both happen. We already know, this time, that people have had more time to re-evaluate their personal notions of economic happiness. Many people do not want to return to their past overstressed lives; their priorities have changed.
In economic pandemics, the medium-term economic consequence has been restraint in consumer spending; structural increases in the financial surpluses of the household sector. This means households save more, repay more debt, withdraw less savings, and take out fewer new loans.
Intrinsically, the financial balances of the three major sectors must add to zero. If one sector – in this case the household sector – strongly affirms a desire to run large surplus balances, then other sectors must run deficits large enough to offset these surpluses. Traditionally economists have assumed the business sector will run these offsetting deficits; induced to do so, if necessary, by low interest rates. However, a little remarked-on fact has been, since around the turn of the century, that businesses – especially the big corporates – have been choosing to run surpluses. Further, businesses must run surpluses when they are repaying debt.
When both households and businesses are choosing to (or having to) run surplus balances, the only way the global economy can survive is if governments run financial deficits – big deficits, and ongoing deficits.
The 2008 global financial crisis happened because of huge pressures being placed on households to run deficits. The principal mechanism was to push home mortgages onto people who never had a hope of being able to service those loans to completion. As a way of getting out of the global financial crisis, governments – albeit with some reluctance – took on the huge financial (budget) deficits required. China took the lead, to the extent that we can argue China itself saved the global capitalist economy, through the willingness of its governments to spend on domestic infrastructure and housing.
But then things turned sour. As soon as 2010, many western governments turned first to ‘fiscal consolidation’ and then on to outright ‘austerity’. In essence, they tried to ‘pay the money back’ when households and businesses were still trying to run financial surpluses. In reality, governments can only reduce their debts – running financial surpluses – when the private sector (households and businesses taken together) is running deficits. Government debt is paid back when and only when the rest of the economy is feeling good; only when the private sector is running deficits. The result of the premature attempts by governments – in the 2010s’ decade – to repay debt was that the households and businesses of the world ended up much less able to repay their debts. Japan’s government, to its credit, kept out of this push to reduce government debt. The European Union nations’ governments were the worst offenders.
Helping People versus Helping Businesses
In this economic pandemic, many households and many businesses will become technically insolvent. So governments will have no choice but to run huge financial deficits, and to keep doing so until the private sectors are in positions to (and have the will to) run financial deficits; that is, until the private sectors become net borrowers and investors.
So, who should governments help the most? Households or businesses? It is already clear that demand for international tourism (especially intercontinental tourism) will be suppressed for quite some time, by restrictions (and fears of quickly imposed new restrictions that could leave tourists stranded), by fear of visiting places which may still seem dangerous to visit, and by higher travel costs. Governments should not go far to assist a business sector for which there is no assurance of substantial post-pandemic consumer demand.
From the 1960s, intercontinental passenger shipping died out (when air travel became a more viable alternative). However, the international shipping industry did not die. Likewise, aviation will not die; rather it will join other transport modes in becoming principally a freight service. My sense is that this will also be true, to a lesser extent, in relation to domestic air travel.
What will happen, I believe, will be a substantial rise in virtual tourism – we have already seen the growth of the ‘Slow TV’ industry. (Note that this will involve consumers having more time, and not needing to buy much more than they already have.) And we will see a rise in long distance trips, by car and by bicycle rather than by bus and train. We may also see rises in long distance walking, though not necessarily on the backcountry tourist trails that may risk congestion in dedicated accommodation facilities.
Government policies need to inject money from their balance sheets into households’ balance sheets, and to leave households to decide which goods and services people buy more of, and less of; to decide which businesses to buy from. Through consumer sovereignty, the market mechanism should be allowed to determine the future allocation of resources. Governments should only be ‘picking winners’ to the extent of their own purchases, and not through direct business subsidies.
We also need to ensure that this market mechanism is extended to the ‘macro’ level, meaning that households – acting individually, but differently from the past – can choose work-life balances that optimise their reassessed economic happiness. We need to make it possible for those who want to work less to do so (ie by not punishing people who make this choice), and to make it possible for people who want more paid work to do so (and without punishing them by removing existing subsistence benefits).
Back to the Income Pie
The income version of the economic pie chart shows that, if the combined private sector insists on running financial surpluses (meaning is not willing to buy its full share of the pie), then the government (public) sector needs to buy the private sector’s unbought portion. In financial balance terms, it means that governments must run financial deficits until there is no longer an unbought private portion; if they do not, then the pie shrinks and intended surpluses cannot be achieved. It is only when the private sector optimistically chooses to take on a deficit (ie chooses to buy more than its combined private income share) that the government sector can reduce the accumulated debt on its balance sheet by buying less than its income share. (At such times of private sector expansion, tax revenues automatically rise faster than GDP, so the government sectors’ debts automatically fall. No debt repayment policy is required.)
Households should determine their own work-life balances, not governments. This propensity of governments (to set this balance for us) is the feature of ‘socialism’ which rankles with many people. When households prefer to take productivity gains in the form of more relaxed lifestyles, then governments should not be acting to prevent this choice. If households do make the ‘more relaxation’ choice that I believe they will want to make, it necessarily means that the business sector will become smaller. If fewer businesses – or more correctly, fewer hours of paid work – are required to service our ongoing material needs and wants, then so be it.
We get income in part from what we do (labour income), and in part from our economic property rights. The market economy itself will not suffer if the balance between labour income and property income changes. The economy will suffer however if income distribution between households becomes more unequal. Indeed, given many past years of rising income and property inequality, the market economy itself would be enhanced with a less unequal distribution of property income.
Australia’s literary journals are produced in a fragile ecosystem propped up by a patchwork of volunteer labour, generous patrons and, with any luck, a small slice of government funding.
The Sydney Review of Books, the Australian Book Review and Overland were among a group of publications who sought four-year funding from the Australia Council in 2020 but were unsuccessful.
These publications join the ranks of many others – among them Meanjin and Island – defunded by state or federal arts funding bodies in recent years.
These magazines are vital for today’s publishing industry. For many authors literary magazines provide the first opportunity for publication. For editors and arts administrators, they provide a training ground for life-long careers in Australia’s creative sector.
The past decade has seen a steady decline in arts funding going to individuals and organisations. According to Chairman of the Copyright Agency and former media executive, Kim Williams, writing in the Sydney Morning Herald:
[…] if funding for literature had been maintained as in the mid-70s, considering inflation and population growth, it should be at $12 million, at least. Today, it stands at just $5 million (compared with $4.2 million 30 years ago).
The list of defunded writing-focused organisations in the most recent multi-year funding round is stark. Those losing their multi-year status include Artlink, Eyeline, Art Monthly, the Australian Script Centre, Playwriting Australia, Sydney Writer’s Festival, The Wheeler Centre and Brisbane Writers Festival.
Without securing medium-term support, these organisations face an uncertain future.
Vital discourse
In response to the 2020 funding announcement, editor of Australian Book Review, Peter Rose, stated the decision demonstrates
little understanding of [the magazine sector’s] contribution to the literary ecology, and no appreciation of the dire consequences for readers, authors, contributors and publishers.
The cultural discussions within the pages of literary journals set the agenda for the more higher-profile but slower-moving institutions such as publishers, prizes and festivals.
Literary magazines are often the first place authors are published. Against the backdrop of an industry largely staffed by white, middle-class people, small magazines are at the forefront of bringing more Australian writing to the surface from writers of colour, First Nations writers, disabled writers, trans writers and working-class writers, challenging those who hold power at the top of the sector.
Writing in 2015 about the position magazines such as Island or Overland occupy, Emmett Stinson noted these publications:
[…] are essential to contemporary literary culture: they showcase new and emerging writers; […] offer more extended literary debates and discussions than the broadsheets; comprise a venue for journalism that contains views outside of the liberal mainstream; serve as rallying points for different communities of readers and coteries of authors […]
Ben Etherington’s essay about the parallel lives and deaths of Mudrooroo and Les Murray, Cher Tan’s exposition and critique of taste production on the internet, and Blak Brow – which was written, edited, illustrated, curated and performed by First Nations creators – are among countless examples of the ways literary magazines carve out space for critique, expression, consideration and reflection.
In shifting funding away from small magazines, we lose the place for these discussions.
Not a competition
Uncertainty, instability and fragility are perhaps the defining characteristics of small magazines.
The decisions to not fund literary magazines not only have a significant impact on the individual publications, but also to Australian cultural discourse.
What gets published within the pages of these magazines can entertain us, it can inspire us to critically examine the world around us, and can help us understand culture that moves us.
Vibrant discussion about culture, society and the arts does not happen by accident. It must be carefully nurtured and requires financial support.
The Australia Council make extremely difficult decisions about what gets funded and what doesn’t.
Not every organisation and publication and festival can receive funding. Those who don’t secure funding are no more or less worthy than those who do. Reduced financial support for Australia’s creative endeavours encourages artists to turn against one another in judgement of what should and should not receive funding.
Australian artists entertain us, challenge us and allow us to see things from different perspectives. Fulfilling a capitalist desire for competition, however, only distracts from the importance of Australian artists and the contribution the creative sector makes to our lives.
French Polynesia’s ruling Tapura Huiraatira party has responded with anger to a radio interview with one of the party’s two members of the French Senate.
Nuihau Laurey, a former finance minister, had told Tahiti’s Radio1 that the territorial government’s measures to deal with the covid-19 coronavirus pandemic had not been up to the challenges.
He said the government should not wait for assistance from France but to take out a loan in the order of US$600 million to cope with what he described as a “brutal, deep and systemic crisis”.
Laurey warned that there was no unemployment assistance as in France and that thousands of people risked losing their jobs in the coming months.
He said it was essential to act quickly.
– Partner –
Laurey also said the party’s idea was “terrible” to propose holding the second round of the municipal elections next month when covid-19 concerns lingered.
He added that by stating his views he would make more enemies.
In a statement, the ruling Tapura party said that instead of “riding a media wave”, the government and the social partners were working on minimising the impact of the crisis.
It said that confined in his bubble, Nuihau had not used his role as parliamentarian to help French Polynesia.
It also questioned why he was still in the party as a “public moraliser” and why he did not relinquish his mandates to use his talents in the private sector.
Op-Ed by Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana – United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of ESCAP.
Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of ESCAP.
Memories of idyllic beaches and sonorous waves may seem far away while we remain at home. Yet, we need not look far to appreciate the enduring history of the ocean in Asia and the Pacific. For generations, the region has thrived on our seas. Our namesake bears a nod to the Pacific Ocean, a body of water tethered to the well-being of billions in our region. The seas provide food, livelihoods and a sense of identity, especially for coastal communities in the Pacific island States.
Sadly, escalating strains on the marine environment are threatening to drown progress and our way of life. In less than a century, climate change and unsustainable resource management have degraded ecosystems and diminished biodiversity. Levels of overfishing have exponentially increased, leaving fish stocks and food systems vulnerable. Marine plastic pollution coursing through the region’s rivers have contributed to most of the debris flooding the ocean. While the COVID-19 pandemic has temporarily reduced emissions and pollution on the ocean, this should not be moment of reprieve. Rather, recovery efforts have the potential to rebuild a new reality, embedded in sustainability and resilience. It is time to take transformative action for the ocean, together.
Despite a seascape celebrated in our collective imaginations, research shows that our picture of the ocean is remarkably shallow. Insights from Changing Sails: Accelerating Regional Actions for Sustainable Oceans in Asia and the Pacific, the theme study of this year’s Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, reveal that without data, we are swimming in the dark. Data are available for only two out of ten targets for Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 14: Life Below Water. Due to limitations in methodology and national statistical systems, information gaps have persisted at uneven levels across countries. Defeating COVID-19 has been a numbers game and we need similar commitment to data for the state of our shores.
While there is much we cannot see, images of plastic pollution have become commonplace. Asia and the Pacific produces nearly half of global plastic by volume, of which it consumes 38 per cent. Plastics represent a double burden for the ocean: their production generates CO2 absorbed by the ocean, and as a final product enter the ocean as pollution. Beating this challenge will hinge upon effective national policies and re-thinking production cycles.
Environmental decline is also affecting dwindling fish stocks.Our region’s position as the world’s largest producer of fish has come at the cost of overexploitation. The percentage of stocks fished at unsustainable levels has increased threefold from 10 per cent 1974 to 33 per cent in 2015. Generating complete data on fish stocks, fighting illicit fishing activity and conserving marine areas must remain a priority.
Economic activity from shipping must also be sustainable. While the most connected shipping economies are in Asia, the small island developing States (SIDS) of the Pacific experience much lower levels of connectivity, leaving them relatively isolated from the global economy. Closing the maritime connectivity gap must be placed at the centre of regional transport cooperation efforts. We must also work with the shipping community to navigate toward green shipping. As an ocean-based industry, shipping directly affects the health of the marine ecosystem. Enforcing sustainable shipping policies is essential to mitigate maritime pollution.
The magnitude of our ocean and its challenges represent how extensive and collaborative our solutions must be. Transboundary ocean management and linking ocean data call for close cooperation among countries in the region. Harnessing ocean statistics through strong national statistical systems will serve as a compass guiding countries to monitor trends, devise timely responses and clear blind spots impeding action. Through the Ocean Accounts Partnership, ESCAP is working with countries to harmonize ocean data and provide a space for regular dialogue. Translating international agreements and standards into national action is also key. We must fully equip countries and all ocean custodians to localize global agreements into tangible results. ESCAP is working with member states to implement International Maritime Organization (IMO) requirements on emissions reduction and environmental standards.
Keeping the ocean plastic-free will depend on policies that promote a circular economy approach. This strategy minimizes resource use and keeps them in use for as long as possible. This will require economic incentives and disincentives, coupled with fundamental lifestyle changes. Several countries in the region have introduced successful single use plastic bans. ESCAP’s Closing the Loop project is reducing the environmental impact of cities in ASEAN by addressing plastic waste pollution and leakages into the marine environment.
Our oceans keep our health, the economy and our lives above the waves. In the post-COVID-19 era, we must use the critical years ahead to steer our collective fleets toward sustainable oceans. With our shared resources and commitment, I am confident we can sail in the right direction.
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Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of ESCAP
The New Zealand Herald owners filed an urgent Commerce Commission application at on Monday for the purchase – for $1 – and wanted to have the transaction complete by May 31.
In a who-will-blink-first move, it was seeking the government’s help with urgent legislation to help clear the way for the application.
The company revealed in a market announcement to the New Zealand Stock Exchange (NZX) that it had entered an exclusive negotiation period with Stuff’s owner, Australian-based Nine Entertainment, on April 23.
However, Nine have said it “terminated” negotiations without a satisfactory conclusion.
As Andrew Holden, a journalist for more than 30 years, including five as editor of the Christchurch daily newspaper The Press, and four as editor-in-chief of The Age in Melbourne, told RNZ’s Nine-to-Noon programme yesterday:
“How strange it is, as Alice in Wonderland would say, it has become curiouser and curiouser.”
“At 9.34am, the New Zealand Herald website announcing precisely that, NZME has gone to the government and that it sought special legislation so it could circumvent the Commerce Commission and allow it to go ahead with the purchase,” the media commentator said.
“Pretty quickly Sinead Boucher, the CEO for Stuff comes back, and says the announcement was surprising to both to Nine and ourselves and not sure why NZME took this step given the clear message from our owners that there will be no transaction.
“That became more brutal when Nine entertainment issued its own statement to the Australian Stock Exchange saying not only that, but it had terminated further engagement with NZME,” he said.
Exclusive period
That forced NZME to issue another statement to the NZX saying as far as it was concerned it had an exclusive negotiation period with Nine and that had not finished.
“Further to that, we’ve had the regulator for the NZX asking some questions of NZME as to why their initial statement at 9.31am hadn’t mentioned the fact that talks had broken down, so there may be some further consequences,” Holden said.
“So basically, they are in a fundamental standoff and some of the commentators saying it was an attempt to bully the government,” he said.
“It leaves us in a very murky situation.”
There were also suggestions that a private equity firm in Australia were interested in Stuff, as was National Business Review owner Todd Scott.
With a day until the budget, and the government having already announced a $50 million first tranche of support for media, the question is whether NZME were already aware of what is in the budget?
Not so, said Dr Gavin Ellis, a former editor of The New Zealand and media commentator. He had a different take on what had taken place.
Budget process
“The budget process is such that it is not flexible enough to entertain 11th hour and 59th minute alterations,” Dr Ellis said.
“It is a bit puzzling I have to say,” he said of the whole process.
“The only development I’ve seen yesterday was a piece in The Australian about a medium sized private equity company having been in talks with Nine, apparently in conjunction with Todd Scott (NBR) but whether that was part of the ongoing discussion they had with a large number of people over a period of time with the possible sale of Stuff, I don’t know,” Dr Ellis told Pacific Media Watch.
His take was that there was a misunderstanding between the two parties.
“It seems to me that, both NZME and Nine, having made statements to their relative stock exchanges, that this appears to me not a matter of gamesmanship, so much as fundamental misunderstanding between the parties,” he said.
“They would not have made statements to the stock exchanges unless they believed it to be to current position because the consequences of misinforming the stock exchange are onerous.
“Particularly given that NZME share price rose yesterday,” Dr Ellis said.
‘Believed negotiations live’
“They must have believed the negotiations were live and that they were enlisting the aid of the Commerce Commission and potentially the government to ease the way for that sale to take place.
“The only unknown element is the role of Commerce Commission and the government, it is conceivable, and we’re privy to the financial details of Stuff or the liabilities that NZME would take on, but it is possible that if the government or the commerce commission were minded to facilitate a merger that they may put in place a number of binding conditions,” he said.
“It hasn’t said that publicly but BusinessDesk reliably understands that Nine has delivered that stark message to government ministers and officials,” he said.
“If Stuff were to close or were perhaps placed in receivership or liquidation next month, that could be the end not only for the country’s most-trafficked news website, but also a string of regional newspaper titles that are household names.”
That includes Wellington’s Dominion Post, Christchurch’s The Press, Hamilton’s Waikato Times, the Taranaki Daily News, the Timaru Herald, the Southland Times, and the Nelson Mail.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By C Raina MacIntyre, Professor of Global Biosecurity, NHMRC Principal Research Fellow, Head, Biosecurity Program, Kirby Institute, UNSW
As Australia’s coronavirus restrictions are gradually lifted, we may well see an upswing in cases of COVID-19. The World Health Organisation has warned of the need for “extreme vigilance” in countries that are now emerging from lockdown.
A vaccine remains the best possible tool to guard against the virus. But with a vaccine still months or even years away, we will have to rely on other epidemic control measures, of which there are five key pillars.
Expanded testing criteria in some states allow any doctor to order a test if they suspect COVID-19, but national criteria still do not recommend testing of high-risk people (such as family contacts) who do not have symptoms.
In closed settings where COVID-19 cases have been identified – such as an aged care facility, cruise ship or household – everyone exposed should be tested, as there is a high rate of asymptomatic and pre-symptomatic infection that would otherwise be missed.
This was not done aboard the Ruby Princess cruise ship, where only those with symptoms were tested. This may have resulted in missed infections and further outbreaks. It is vital to avoid further incidents like this as we move out of lockdown.
We need to avoid another debacle like the Ruby Princess at all costs.NSW Police/AAP Image
2. Rigorous contact tracing
Every person who has come into contact with a known COVID-19 case needs to be traced and quarantined for two weeks. Ideally, they should be tested. Using the COVIDSafe app will help identify all contacts more thoroughly.
3. Continued social distancing
Extreme social distancing measures such as home lockdowns are now coming to an end in Australia. But we should keep practising lesser measures, such as maintaining a distance of 1.5 metres from other people.
4. Ongoing travel bans
Travel bans prevent infections being imported from countries with severe epidemics. In Australia, more than 60% of cases up to May 12 were imported through travel. Keeping the borders closed will allow further lifting of restrictions within Australia.
It is not a recommendation at this stage in Australia, but masks can also help ease restrictions safely, and may be something to consider in the coming months in crowded public places.
Know your enemy
Besides on-the-ground tactics such as widespread testing and contact tracing, we also need a clear understanding of infectious disease epidemiology, and defined criteria to alert us when we may be heading into an epidemic period.
In countries that have flattened the curve and achieved low incidence of COVID-19, such as Australia and New Zealand, there has been talk of “elimination” of the disease.
But because of the low total infection numbers in these countries, most people remain susceptible to COVID-19. This means fresh outbreaks are possible in the 12-24 months or longer until we have a vaccine.
The concepts of “elimination”, “eradication” and “control” arose from vaccination programs. Eradication is global, whereas elimination is national or regional, and “control” is a goal when elimination is not possible. For measles, outbreaks may still occur during elimination, usually imported through travel, but do not lead to sustained transmission.
The World Health Organisation criteria for the elimination of measles include:
low incidence with an R0 below 1 (meaning each person with the disease infects less than one other)
high-quality surveillance
high population immunity.
But with no vaccine for COVID-19, low incidence and high population immunity are mutually exclusive propositions. For a novel disease with no vaccine, it is premature to talk about eradication.
Ideal infections for elimination and eradication have no presymptomatic transmission and no animal host – for these reasons, eradication of COVID-19 is unlikely.
This means for the time being at least, we need to aim for “control” of COVID-19 – keeping the disease at a manageable level. For this, we need to differentiate between sustained community transmission and sporadic, non-sustaining outbreaks.
Widespread testing is the key to this. It will tell us how much infection is present, and if it is increasing. A stark reminder of the consequences of failure to test is the case of the United States, where the growth of the epidemic was not detected until it was too late.
How do we distinguish between sustained and non-sustained outbreaks? One possible definition of a sustained outbreak would be a certain number of generations of transmission from an original case. Another would be demonstrating ongoing community transmission over a defined period of time (such as three months), or a rise in the R0 value, a measure of how strongly the outbreak is growing. Contact tracing will clearly be vital to assessing this.
Detection of a sustained outbreak would be a warning sign that we are potentially heading into another epidemic period. This might therefore signal the need for increased testing, stronger social distancing, and other measures.
It is likely we will face alternating epidemic and non-epidemic periods, and will need to continue to manage COVID-19 with intermittent returns to stronger restrictions. That is, until we have a vaccine, at which point we can begin working towards bringing the COVID-19 crisis to a genuine close.
The coronavirus pandemic has left many people questioning the relationship between urban density and healthy cities. After all, physical distancing has been the most common measure to contain the spread of the virus. But this doesn’t mean higher-density cities are necessarily more vulnerable and lower-density cities more resilient to the pandemic.
Some say high density is a key factor. Others argue it is unrelated. Evidence invoked on both sides has often been anecdotal. Advocates of lower densities choose cities such as New York or Madrid as examples of the perils of high density, while advocates of higher densities point to Hong Kong or Seoul.
Much of the time such debates are blind to the differences between various kinds of urban densities. Too little attention is paid to what urban density actually means. Density in cities takes on a broad range of meanings, such as density of buildings, residents or jobs.
There is often confusion between internal densities within buildings, which vary widely with wealth, and the external densities of street life, which we share. To complicate things further, each of these concepts can be applied to a range of scales, from a building to a neighbourhood to a metropolis.
Internal population densities (left) tend to vary by wealth, while external population densities (right) fluctuate in time according to people’s routes from home to work and other destinations.Images: Texier 1852, Pissaro 1898
High internal densities linked to spread
So what kind of density is relevant for the spread of coronavirus? It has become increasingly clear COVID-19 is mainly transmitted through extended close contact, particularly in enclosed spaces, where droplets and aerosols accumulate. The density that matters is internal population density – generally measured as square metres per person.
A well-documented study of an outbreak in Seoul illustrates the micro-spatial logic of COVID-19. Of the 131 infected people, 94 were working in a crowded open-plan call centre on a single level of a high-rise building. Despite a high density of people on the site, only three other people in the building were infected.
The infected workers also transmitted the virus to 34 family members within their homes located in various parts of the city. Again, the internal densities are what matters for these infections.
Why do other densities matter less?
Neither gross residential densities of suburbs or neighbourhoods nor overall metropolitan densities necessarily reflect conditions at the scale of human encounter that determines transmission risks. There are two main reasons for this.
First, densities at the street or walkable neighbourhood scale can differ vastly from metropolitan or postcode averages. A local main street or transit node, for instance, can be dense when the average is low.
Second, a short physical distance between people is not the same thing as social encounter. The density of quarantine accommodation (such as a hotel) may be much higher than that of an aged-care facility, but we have seen the latter can be quite lethal.
Internal densities are geared to wealth. This means some people live and work under conditions where they can adapt to this virus and some do not. If we look at the densities in New York, for example, we find COVID-19 cases so far do not correlate with the density of Manhattan. Instead, cases are concentrated in the outer suburban areas of Queens, Brooklyn, Staten Island and The Bronx.
New York City COVID-19 infections per capita by postcode of residence and residential density (people/hectare) within walkable catchments of 1x1km.Author provided. Maps by Fujie Rao and Ran Pan; data by NY Department of Health, May 5 2020; US Census 2010
What does this mean for our cities?
So what does this all mean for the design and planning of a healthy city? Some might be tempted to propose “pandemic-safe” urban forms similar to the anti-urban utopias of the early 20th century. But if urban form is solely conceived to distance people, to eliminate the friction of social interaction, it will also eliminate urban buzz, reduce economic productivity, sociability, walkability and ultimately public health as well.
Instead, we should use this crisis as an opportunity to rethink urban resilience from a broad and nuanced public health perspective. How do we design a more adaptable city that maximises capacities for change in both its architecture and urban design? How do we undo the rigidities of the “master plan”?
As urban sociologist Richard Sennett put it, how to design a city that works like an accordion – where people can spread out when necessary and vice versa? What we need to do is design a more equitable city without the internal densities that have proven so deadly.
It’s 18 days since the government launched its digital contact-tracing app COVIDSafe. The latest figure we have for downloads is 5.4 million, on May 8, about 29% of smartphone users aged 14 and over.
My own mini-survey suggests that in Sydney and Melbourne the takeup could already be 40% – a figure the government has mentioned as a target – while in other places it is much lower.
Oddly, it’s information the government isn’t sharing with us.
The importance of downloading and using the app is growing day by day as we relax restrictions. We are able to see what has happened in countries such as South Korea that have relaxed restrictions and then experienced a second wave.
5.4 million Australians after 13 days is a promising start.
As can be seen in the above graph produced by my colleague Demetris Christodoulou and me, 5.4 million downloads represents about 28.7% of Australians with smartphones.
It compares favourably to the 22.4% of Singaporeans with smartphones who downloaded their app within 13 days of its launch.
But the government is only making public a single figure indicating “total” downloads. It would be far more useful if it provided disaggregated community, city and state level data, and below, I attempt to fill the breach.
Letting us know more about which communities are downloading the app would help with health, motivation and transparency.
Health
Knowledge about potentially-dramatic variations in where the app was being downloaded could help guide policy.
Hypothetically speaking, if 70% of Melbourne’s smartphone users had downloaded the app but only 20% of Adelaide’s users, this could have distinct implications for the ability to successfully trace COVID-19 outbreaks in the respective cities and for the right amount of easing of restrictions in each city.
It could also help residents of those cities make more informed decisions about their own safety, such as whether and how to shop and whether to wear a mask.
Motivation
While COVIDSafe originally generated more than 500,000 daily downloads, the number has fallen to less than 100,000, suggesting that new efforts to motivate more downloads is urgently needed.
Providing geographical details could energise downloads in three ways.
First, people often feel enormous pride when their community steps up to help others. Knowing how well the community is doing is likely to motivate more people to help.
Second, knowing how well other communities are doing can be a powerful incentive to catch up; few people want to be in the community that isn’t doing its part.
Third, if state leaders make decisions about relaxing restrictions partly on the basis of local downloads, community members will see a direct connection between downloading the app and the freedoms that will be available to them.
Transparency
The government’s appeal to download the app is built around trust.
It has asked us to trust it by downloading the app. In return it should trust us with better information.
People in Adelaide, Alice Springs, Brisbane, Cairns, Canberra, Darwin, Geelong, the Gold Coast, Hobart, Launceston, Melbourne, Newcastle, Perth, Sydney, Townsville, Wollongong, rural communities and other places deserve access to information the government already has that could help them make better choices.
The sort of data authorities are keeping to themselves
Given the lack of transparency to date, I conducted my own online survey among 876 residents of Sydney, Melbourne and regional communities with less than 50,000 people.
My survey results, run with a sample of people using the online survey platform PureProfile, indicate the proportion of people who had downloaded the app by May 11 was 50.5% in Sydney, 44.0% in Melbourne and 36.1% in less populated communities.
Controlling for age and gender, there was no significant difference between downloads in Sydney and Melbourne. Both were significantly higher than rural communities.
Restricting the responses to people who have a mobile phone that is capable of downloading the app, the proportion of downloads increases to 53.8% in Sydney, 47.8% in Melbourne and 41.2% in less populated communities. An extra 7.2%, 6.9% and 5.7% of respondents said they would either definitely or probably download the app in the next week.
This survey evidence indicates that there are stark regional differences in the downloads, and that although the national level of downloads is about 29%, some locations such as Sydney and Melbourne may have already surpassed (or will soon supass) the 40% government stated target.
Of course the government shouldn’t rely these survey results, because it’s got the actual information. It is time it shared the detailed download information it has with us, both to reciprocate our trust and let us make more informed decisions.
A team of US and South African researchers has published highly detailed images of the largest X-shaped “radio galaxy” ever discovered – PKS 2014-55.
Notably, they’ve helped resolve ongoing confusion about the galaxy’s unusual shape.
The MeerKAT image of the giant X-shaped radio galaxy PKS 2014-55.Courtesy of SARAO and Bill Cotton et al/Author provided (no reuse)
The spectacular new images were taken using the 64-antenna MeerKAT telescope in South Africa, by an international research team led by Bill Cotton of the US National Radio Astronomy Observatory.
Thanks to its innovative “radio cameras”, ASKAP can rapidly map very large areas of the sky to catalogue millions of objects emitting radio waves, from nearby supernova remnants to distant galaxies.
Our ASKAP image of the giant X-shaped radio galaxy PKS 2014-55.CSIRO and the EMU team/Author provided (no reuse).
The prominent X-shape of PKS 2014-55 is made up of two pairs of giant lobes consisting of hot jets of electrons. These jets spurt outwards from a supermassive black hole at the galaxy’s heart.
The lobes emit electromagnetic radiation in the form of radio waves, which can only be detected by radio telescopes like ASKAP. Humans can’t see radio waves. But if we could, from Earth PKS 2014-55 would look about the same size as the Moon.
Typically, radio galaxies have only one pair of lobes. One is a “jet” and the other a “counter-jet”.
These jets expand into the surrounding space at nearly the speed of light. They initially move in a straight line, but twist and bend into many marvellous shapes as they encounter their surroundings.
Centaurus A, seen below, is an example of a giant elliptical galaxy with two prominent radio lobes.
This image of the Centaurus A galaxy incorporates both optical and radio data. Every galaxy has a black hole at its centre, including the Milky Way.NASA Goddard Space Flight Centre/Flickr, CC BY
Galaxy PKS 2014-55’s giant X-shape, with two pairs of lobes emerging at very different angles, is highly unusual.
What makes the lobes?
To understand why having two pairs of lobes is unusual, we first need to understand what creates the lobes.
Nearly all big galaxies have a supermassive black hole at their centre.
In an active galaxy, powerful jets of charged particles can emerge from the area around the supermassive black hole. Astronomers believe these are emitted from near the poles of the black hole, which is why there are two of them, and they usually point in opposite directions.
When the black hole’s activity stops, the jets stop growing and the material in them flows back towards the centre. Thus, what we see as one lobe of a radio galaxy is made up of both a jet spurting out, and the backflow material.
A mystery solved
In the past, there were two major theories for why PKS 2014-55 has two pairs of lobes.
The first suggested there were actually two massive active black holes at the galaxy’s centre, each emitting two powerful jets.
The second theory suggested the supermassive black hole had undergone a spin flip. This is when a rotating black hole’s spin axis has a sudden change in orientation, resulting in a second pair of jets at a different angle from the first pair.
But the recent observations from the South African MeerKAT telescope strongly suggest a third possibility: that the two larger lobes are the fast-moving particles zooming out from the black hole, while the two smaller lobes are the backflow looping around to fall back in.
The South African Radio Astronomy Observatory’s MeerKAT telescope array consists of 64 radio dishes (pictured). Computers combine signals from these antennas to synthesise a telescope eight kilometres in diameter.SARAO/Author provided (no reuse)
The MeerKAT team achieved high-resolution images ten times more sensitive than our ASKAP pilot observations conducted here in Australia last year.
A cosmic wonder
Using CSIRO’s ASKAP telescope, our team observed the “purple butterfly” of PKS 2014-55 to be an enormous cosmic structure. It spans at least five million light years – about 20 times the size of our own Milky Way galaxy.
PKS 2014-55 is located on the outskirts of a massive cluster of galaxies known as Abell 3667. It was discovered more than 60 years ago using the Mills Cross Telescope at CSIRO’s old Fleurs field station in New South Wales.
The galaxy’s first detailed radio picture was taken by Ron Ekers in 1969.
The ASKAP telescope we used to capture PKS 2014-55 is an array of 36 radio dishes laid out in a pattern six kilometres in diameter. Together, the dishes make up a large radio telescope that uses Earth’s rotation to produce sharp images of astronomical sources near and far.
Each dish is 12m wide and equipped with new technologies developed by CSIRO and industry partners. ASKAP is a fast survey machine, taking radio images over very wide areas of the sky. Several surveys of the entire sky are expected to start next year.
The Australian Square Kilometre Array (ASKAP) radio telescope, located in the Murchison Shire in Western Australia.
We acknowledge the Wajarri Yamatji as the traditional owners of the Murchison Radio-astronomy Observatory site.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Renwick, Professor, Physical Geography (climate science), Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington
Climate Explained is a collaboration between The Conversation, Stuff and the New Zealand Science Media Centre to answer your questions about climate change.
If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, please send it to climate.change@stuff.co.nz
Earth had several periods of high carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere and high temperatures over the last several million years. Can you explain what caused these periods, given that there was no burning of fossil fuels or other sources of human created carbon dioxide release during those times?
Burning fossil fuels or vegetation is one way to put carbon dioxide into the air – and it is something we have become very good at. Humans are generating nearly 40 billion tons of carbon dioxide every year, mostly by burning fossil fuels.
Carbon dioxide stays in the air for centuries to millennia and it builds up over time. Since we began the systematic use of coal and oil for fuel, around 300 years ago, the amount of carbon dioxide in the air has gone up by almost half.
NOAA
Apart from the emissions we add, carbon dioxide concentrations in the air go up and down as part of the natural carbon cycle, driven by exchanges between the air, the oceans and the biosphere (life on earth), and ultimately by geological processes.
Natural changes in carbon dioxide
Every year, carbon dioxide concentrations rise and fall a little as plants grow in spring and summer and die off in the autumn and winter. The timing of this seasonal rise and fall is tied to northern hemisphere seasons, as most of the land surface on Earth is there.
The oceans also play an active role in the carbon cycle, contributing to variations over a few months to slow shifts over centuries. Ocean water takes up carbon dioxide directly in an exchange between the air and seawater. Tiny marine plants use carbon dioxide for photosynthesis and many microscopic marine organisms use carbon compounds to make shells. When these marine micro-organisms die and sink to the seafloor, they take the carbon with them.
Collectively, the biosphere (ecosystems on land and in soils) and the oceans are absorbing about half of all human-emitted carbon dioxide, and this slows the rate of climate change. But as the climate continues to change and the oceans warm up further, it is not clear whether the biosphere and oceans will continue absorbing such a large fraction of our emissions. As water warms, it is less able to absorb carbon dioxide, and as the climate changes, many ecosystems become stressed and are less able to photosynthesise carbon dioxide.
Earth’s deep climate history
On time scales of hundreds of thousands to millions of years, carbon dioxide concentrations in the air have varied hugely, and so has global climate.
This long-term carbon cycle involves the formation and decay of the Earth’s surface itself: tectonic plate activity, the build-up and weathering of mountain chains, prolonged volcanic activity, and the emergence of new seafloor at active mid-ocean faults.
Most of the carbon stored in the Earth’s crust is in the form of limestone, created from the carbon-based shells of marine organisms that sank to the ocean floor millions of year ago.
Carbon dioxide is added to the air when volcanoes erupt, and it is taken out of the air as rocks and mountain ranges weather and wear down. These processes typically take millions of years to add or subtract carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.
In the present day, volcanoes add only a little carbon dioxide to the air, around 1% of what human activity is currently contributing. But there have been times in the past where volcanic activity has been vastly greater and has spewed large amounts of carbon dioxide into the air.
An example is around 250 million years ago, when prolonged volcanic activity raised atmospheric carbon dioxide levels dramatically. These were volcanic eruptions on a vast scale – lasting for around two million years and causing a mass extinction.
In the more recent geological past, the past 50 million years, carbon dioxide levels have been gradually dropping overall and the climate has been cooling, with some ups and downs. Once carbon dioxide concentrations became low enough (around 300 parts per million) between two and three million years ago, the current ice age cycle began, but the warming our emissions are causing is larger than the natural cooling trend.
While Earth’s climate has changed significantly in the past, it happened on geological time scales. The carbon in the oil and coal we burn represents carbon dioxide taken up by vegetation hundreds of millions of years ago and then deposited through geological processes over millennia. We have burned a significant proportion within a few centuries.
If human emissions of carbon dioxide continue to increase through this century, we could reach levels not seen for tens of millions of years, when Earth had a much warmer climate with much higher sea levels and no ice sheets.
We set off from Fremantle Harbour at 6 am – a ridiculous hour university students aren’t usually accustomed to – and sailed to Perth Canyon, 120 kilometres away.
A fellow volunteer and I were constantly on watch, too nervous and excited to take our eyes off the horizon in case we missed the tell-tale spray of a pygmy blue whale blow.
We searched for hours with nothing to show for our efforts. My eyes began playing tricks on me. Was that white dot in the far distance the blow of a blue whale? Was the crest of that wave more than just white water?
Whales can be hard to spot because some species spend little time at the surface.Shutterstock
In the early afternoon, finally, a magnificent spray of white water. Fully visible at 9 metres above the ocean surface, the sign of a pygmy blue whale. We surveyed about six blues that day, as well as a pod of bottlenose dolphins.
The behaviour of whales and dolphins means some species, including blue whales, spend little time at the surface. So despite their overwhelming size, they can be hard to find and tough to study.
That’s one reason we need to rely on drones. My research will use drones to collect video footage of humpback and pygmy blue whales in Australian waters. From this footage, we can extract still images to take measurements along the length and width of the whale.
These measurements will let us calculate the size and volume of a whale, and using this we can determine an individual’s body condition – an indication of its health.
I use drones to find whales, then video them lying flat on the surface.Author provided
Using drones for marine science
Advancements in drone technology have allowed them to be used in a variety of research projects, particularly in marine science, such as marine fauna abundance estimates, habitat use and behavioural studies. This is because drones are relatively cheap, accessible and easy to use.
Drones became a widely used marine scientific tool in 2015, and became more popular in 2018. Before then, researchers used manned aircraft to assess body condition from birds-eye view images of whales.
Drones captured this breathtaking footage.
But manned aircraft can be expensive – think plane hire cost, fuel, pilot hire and airport fees – and pose extra risks to researchers on board.
The drones I’ll be using will be around 20 m above the water, capturing video footage of the whale for ten minutes.
But this can be tricky – whales are great swimmers and can move in all different directions, arching their back, rolling over or even twisting to one side. We need the whale lying flat near the surface of the water to measure it.
Using a statistical software program, the focal length of the camera and the altitude of the drone, I can turn measurements of its total length from pixels to absolute metres.
From there, I can calculate its volume to determine whether it’s in good nick, comparing it to other whales from its population.
Humpback whales can weigh up to 40,000 kg and grow to about 13 to 18 m, with females usually the larger of the two. The blue whale, the largest animal on Earth, can reach 24 to 30 m in length, weighing in at a whopping 190,000 kg.
My research links the condition of a whale’s body to the timing of its migration. Understanding this relationship is important because it’ll hopefully increase our understanding about what trade-offs whales make during their migration.
For example, humpback whales rely on stored energy during their annual migration from their feeding grounds in Antarctica to their breeding grounds in the north west (Camden Sound) and eastern (Great Barrier Reef) waters of Australia. This means they don’t eat during this time.
The blue whale is the largest animal known to exist on Earth.Shutterstock
So, their body condition will determine how long they can physically spend in these breeding grounds. In other words, the more energy stores they have, the more time they can go without feeding.
While on the breeding grounds, whales also compete for breeding opportunities and calving. The most energetically demanding of these is calving, as the energy a mother passes onto her calf will influence her calf’s growth rate and survival.
Calving demands the most energy from whales.Shutterstock
More globally, many whale populations, including blue whales, are slowly recovering since the International Whaling Commission moratorium on commercial whaling started in 1986. But climate change adds new, and possibly unknown, threats to whales.
In particular, climate change – including changes in sea temperatures, ocean acidification, reduction in sea ice, primary productivity and changes to ocean currents – can threaten the main prey of whales: krill.
Human activity in the ocean and climate change can threaten whales.Shutterstock
Whales must consume large amounts of food per day to survive. And whales with reduced fat reserves have less chance of reproducing successfully. If their main food source is no longer there, they may not get enough food to make these long migrations, or to give enough energy to their calves for survival and growth.
Females may skip a reproductive cycle to ensure they have enough energy reserves for future pregnancy. Males may also spend less time on the breeding grounds if they don’t have sufficient energy reserves, decreasing their breeding opportunities.
Declining krill stock in the Southern Ocean plays a big role, but so do other stressors in their environment from shipping, oil and gas production, and other increased human activities in the ocean.
So until we better understand these mysterious and enigmatic creatures, I’ll forgive the early morning starts. I’ll embrace the wind in my face and the salt in my hair, knowing the welfare of whales around the world is everyone’s responsibility.
Time has finally caught up with Alan Jones. Time as measured in years, but not time as measured by social and attitudinal change.
It is remarkable that his recipe of nostalgia, bullying and reactionary politics, all delivered in a ranting, hectoring style, is as successful today as it has been for the whole 35 years of his career in radio broadcasting.
Two hundred and twenty-six ratings wins in the highly competitive Sydney breakfast radio market is testament to that.
And power. Former Prime Minister John Howard, said in a tribute that Jones had been the most influential radio broadcaster during his time in politics, a period of 33 years.
In the early 2000s, Jones was for a time a de facto member of the NSW state cabinet. In 2001, when Premier Bob Carr was about to appoint Michael Costa as the new police minister, he told Costa to go and see Jones at his home and talk about policing policy with him.
Only a year earlier, Jones had come out badly from what was called the cash-for-comment inquiry. The inquiry found he and other talkback hosts had taken money from big companies to spruik their virtues, while making it look as if it was their own honestly held opinion.
Yet within weeks, Jones was hosting an event for Howard, who was then prime minister and had become a fixture on the broadcaster’s program.
It invites the question, why?
There are many answers, but one is overwhelmingly more important than the others: the climate of fear and resentment created in certain sections of society by economic dislocation and the threat to security represented by the rise of Islamic fundamentalism.
In 2006, the Australia Institute produced a webpaper by Clive Hamilton that described the characteristics of Jones’s audience based on extensive demographic and attitudinal data from Roy Morgan Research.
It showed Jones draws his audience largely from an older generation in lower to middle income brackets. His listeners are more religious than other Australians, more socially conservative, more likely to believe that the fundamental values of Australian life are under threat and more likely to favour heterosexual families in which children are disciplined and taught respect for authority. They were also reported to feel less safe than they used to.
If we reflect on the tectonic shifts in society since Jones embarked on his radio career in 1985, it is possible to see how an audience like this might find the Jones recipe appealing.
The late 1980s were years in which the Hawke-Keating governments opened the Australian economy to global competition. Many manufacturing jobs were lost overseas. Blue-collar workers, many trained for one job only, were suddenly on the economic scrapheap.
The Australian Bureau of Statistics reported that long-term unemployment in Australia reached an unprecedented peak of 366,000 persons in March 1993, representing 38% of the unemployed. The previous peak (31% of total unemployment) occurred in February 1984. Older men had been particularly affected by this trend.
Nobody had asked them whether they thought this was good policy. They felt disenfranchised and their resentment was to surface in a variety of ways: dislike of Asians, contempt for Aboriginal people and more lately, fear of Islam and asylum-seekers.
It noted that many of the fears and resentments underpinning attitudes to asylum-seekers were similar to those behind the rise of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party in the mid-1990s.
The promise by Howard in 1996 to make Australians feel “relaxed and comfortable” turned out to be a successful election strategy, and for the 11 years of his prime ministership, Howard was a fixture on the Jones program.
It was symbiotic. The people Jones referred to as living in “Struggle Street” became “Howard’s battlers”.
The election of Kevin Rudd in 2007, with its focus on climate change, was calculated to make Australians feel anything but relaxed and comfortable.
Jones read this unerringly and became a relentless climate denier, offering his own version of comfort to an audience confronting an existential threat for which the science was both irrefutable and incomprehensible.
It was over climate change that in August 2019 Jones uttered his infamous entreaty to Scott Morrison that he should shove a sock down the throat of the New Zealand Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern.
Powerful women were often his target. His proposal in 2011 that Julia Gillard, then prime minister, should be taken out to sea and dumped in a chaff bag, was also provoked by his anger at her government’s climate-change policies.
This may or may not have resonated with his ageing audience, but at any rate they stayed loyal to him.
He has been accused of racism, particularly in respect of Middle Eastern people and Muslims generally.
In 2009, the New South Wales Administrative Decisions Tribunal found Jones “incited hatred, serious contempt and severe ridicule of Lebanese Muslims” during on-air comments in April 2005.
He had described them as “vermin” who “rape and pillage a nation that’s taken them in”.
These insults were unleashed at a time of racial tension in Sydney that culminated in the Cronulla riots, when a confrontation between men of Middle Eastern appearance and Anglo-Australian lifesavers provoked a violent retaliatory response a week later.
Multiculturalism and feminism have been two of the most enduring forces for social change in Australia over the past five decades. Jones has been a crude and vocal campaigner against both. Coupled with economic dislocation and the threat of terrorism, they have reshaped the contours of Australian society.
The times have suited him, but in many fundamental respects time has also passed him by.
His outbursts have generated social and commercial backlashes recently that were unthinkable just a few years ago, powered by the new force of social media.
For his latter-day employer, Nine Entertainment, he was high-risk. The withdrawal of 19 big advertisers from his program after the attack on Ardern came only a few months after he had cost 2GB $3.75 million in defamation damages, plus costs, for a baseless and relentless campaign in which he blamed a family of quarry owners for the deaths of 12 people in the 2011 Grantham floods.
It may be no coincidence that his retirement comes as his contract with Nine approaches its end.
The regent of Mimika in Papua has urged President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to temporarily close a mine in the regency owned by gold and copper miner PT Freeport Indonesia as the number of covid-19 coronavirus cases in the area continues to rise.
“Human lives are at stake here, so we hope the President will close Freeport for a while because covid-19 cases keep increasing there,” said Mimika Regent Eltinus Omaleng.
He said he would send a letter to the President about his appeal, reports The Jakarta Post quoting kompas.com.
Eltinus said that closing down the mine, located in Tembagapura district, was necessary to contain the spread of the disease because the work environment led to unavoidable crowding, even though Freeport Indonesia had enacted a social distancing policy.
“In Freeport, [the employees] sit together; they go into the mess halls together; they take the bus together; they take the trams together,” he said.
– Partner –
52 mine positive – 1 dead The company reported last week that 52 of its employees had tested positive for covid-19, one of whom had died.
The Mimika regency had recorded 97 covid-19 cases and three deaths as at last Thursday – the highest in Papua – with 56 of the cases coming from the Tembagapura district alone.
Papua as a whole had recorded 277 confirmed cases as at Saturday, according to the government count.
Papua covid-19 Task Force spokesperson Silwanus Sumule told Antara News Agency that Freeport Indonesia had prepared isolation chambers for its employees. The facility consisted of 600 beds.
In 2018, Freeport Indonesia said it employed about 30,000 workers, with tens of thousands more working as contractors in the mines.
Speaking as an expert in epidemiology, Deputy Chief Medical Officer Paul Kelly is candid about the prospects of a second-wave of coronavirus in a society that hasn’t developed herd immunity.
“There is a very large risk of a second wave. We need to do this very carefully,” he says, as Australia starts to roll back restrictions.
“We are potentially victims of our own success here because we have been so successful in minimising the first wave of infections, the vast majority of Australians have not actually been exposed to this virus in a way that could develop immunity in people or herd immunity in the population”.
“There is that sense that people want to just get back to doing what what they did before. But it’s going to be a new normal. We have to decide as a society, what does a COVID-safe society look like? And there will be changes…”
“This is a big change in the way we’re going to live. I think we’ve seen that in human history. The changes that pandemics have brought, back to [how] the 1918 flu changed the world. The HIV/AIDS pandemic has changed the world. And this one will change the world.”
Kelly, in his role as an adviser to the government, praises Australia’s response to the virus as one of the most effective in the world – comparable to the successes of Taiwan and New Zealand. But he also acknowledges the marked difference in policy between the Tasman neighbours.
“New Zealand very early on decided that they could and wanted to eliminate the virus altogether as a public health issue. And so they’ve gone very hard with their social isolation policies and so forth…they really are on a path to not having any virus in the country at all.”
“On our side of the Tasman, we went for a suppression approach, which meant that we didn’t go quite as hard with the lockdown measures that have been introduced, on the basis that the economic and social impacts of that were not proportionate to the threat of the virus.”
If, as both governments would like, a trans-Tasman “bubble” is established for travel, Kelly agrees that, in terms of risk, it would be the New Zealanders who’d have to be more careful about inviting Australians in rather than the other way around.
“But I think it’s definitely achievable. ”
Describing himself as a glass half-full person, Kelly says: “So with my glass half full, I will hope that sometime in 2021 we’ll be talking about vaccines. And then our challenge will be getting enough of them available to the people that need them, not only in Australia but throughout the world and particularly in the poorer nations of the world, so that we can have an equitable distribution of something that could change a lot of people’s lives.”
A New Zealand doctors’ union fears the Waitematā District Health Board is covering up mistakes that led to seven of its staff contracting covid-19 coronavirus.
Staff from Waitākere Hospital tested positive for the coronavirus after patients from St Margaret’s Hospital and Rest Home in Auckland were moved there.
The Resident Doctors Association said the the District Health Board (DHB) had failed to answer questions about the outbreak and workers at the hospital were increasingly nervous.
The seven people who contracted covid-19 at Waitākere Hospital were all nurses, but Dr Deborah Powell from the Resident Doctors Association said it could have been anyone.
“It could’ve been a cleaner, it could’ve been a resident doctor, it could’ve been a laboratory phlebotomist.”
– Partner –
It was not yet clear how the nurses caught the disease.
Health officials are investigating whether they were infected through environmental contamination, after the DHB ordered an urgent review into the outbreak this month.
Unions want answers Dr Powell said the unions representing hospital workers wanted answers now, and their repeated questions to the DHB had fallen on deaf ears.
“The unions have said to the District Health Board ‘we’re not interested in blame here, we’re interested in what went wrong so we can learn from it, that’s what we do in health’. We don’t get better unless we understand where we’ve made mistakes or we could’ve done things better.”
Unions wanted to know why the nurses and doctors treating patients infected with covid-19 were able to move between wards and why their personal protection equipment appeared to have failed, Dr Powell said.
Dr Powell also wanted to know why the St Margaret’s patients were taken to Waitākere Hospital in the first place.
“When we went into lockdown, vulnerable workers in health were moved away from the frontline, they were moved away from potential covid cases and quite a few of our North Shore people were put at Waitākere, the vulnerable people, because it was meant to be kept away from covid. The covid ward is at North Shore hospital.”
Dr Ashley Bloomfield … patients were “closer to their whanau in their community”. Image: RNZ/Pool/NZME
Director-General of Health Ashley Bloomfield said the patients were moved to Waitākere Hospital because of the level of care they required, and because “it was also closer to their whanau in their community”.
Waitematā DHB declined RNZ’s request for an interview. RNZ also contacted some of the elected members of the DHB, but all declined to comment.
Review details The urgent review’s terms of reference obtained by RNZ revealed a little more detail.
It showed the panel was reviewing Waitākere Hospital’s infection, prevention and control measures, as well as the use of PPE, training, rostering and the management of patients.
However, it is not investigating how the staff contracted covid-19 – this was being done by Auckland Regional Public Health.
Dr Bloomfield said he expected to be given a copy of the review today.
“The important thing here is we learn from each of the instances we have had so that we can then update our approach and policies nationally, which is what we’re intending to do here,” Dr Bloomfield said.
Dr Powell said the review process had lacked transparency.
“There’s a feeling of cover up here, which is utterly unnecessary and unhelpful, so I think that’s making people more nervous.”
The Waitematā District Health Board has indicated the review will be made public at the end of this week.
No new coronavirus cases The Ministry of Health reported no new cases of covid-19 today as the country prepared go relax lockdown rules to alert level 2 on Thursday.
The number of confirmed and probable cases remains at 1497, with 1147 confirmed.
Two people are in hospital – one in Middlemore Hospital and one in North Shore Hospital – but there are no patients in ICU and there have been no further deaths.
Dr Bloomfield said 12 more people have recovered – 93 percent have recovered overall.
This article is republished by the Pacific Media Centre under a partnership agreement with RNZ.
If you havesymptomsof the coronavirus, call the NZ Covid-19 Healthline on 0800 358 5453 (+64 9 358 5453 for international SIMs) or call your GP – don’t show up at a medical centre.
Treasurer Josh Frydenberg is being tested for COVID-19 and staying in isolation after having a major coughing fit in the House of Representatives while delivering his statement on the impact of the coronavirus on the economy.
Frydenberg gulped water from a bottle as he tried to stop coughing and regain his voice. Later he was present in question time.
During the afternoon he issued a statement saying that while making his speech “I had a dry mouth and a cough”.
“After question time I sought the advice of the deputy Chief Medical Officer,” who had advised “that out of an abundance of caution it was prudent I be tested for COVID-19.”
“Following receipt of that advice I immediately left Parliament House to be tested and will await the result in isolation. I expect the result of my test to be provided tomorrow”.
This is the second time Frydenberg has been tested for the virus. The other was when he had flu-like symptoms after he returned from a March G20 meeting in Saudi Arabia. The result was negative.
Home Affairs Minister Peter Dutton had COVID-19 after his return from a US visit.
The ABC tweeted that Frydenberg would not be able to appear on 7.30 from isolation.
Labor Stephen Jones, shadow assistant treasurer, tweeted he hoped Frydenberg had had the app on.
The speech, which Frydenberg was able to finish, was delivered to a chamber with a limited number of appropriately distanced MPs in it.
The official medical advice is that anyone with respiratory symptoms should be tested.