Australia’s Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance has condemned the continued targeted killing of media workers in Gaza and the baseless smearing of working journalists as “terrorists”, following the deaths of five Al Jazeera staff over the weekend.
Al Jazeera journalists Anas Al Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh, and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal, and assistant Moamen Aliwa were killed on Sunday when Israel bombed a tent housing journalists in Gaza City, near Al-Shifa Hospital.
Shockingly, the Israeli military confirmed the targeted killing on social media, with a post to X accompanied by a target emoji.
The latest deaths come after Israel had conducted a long smear campaign of unsubstantiated allegations against Al Sharif and other journalists, labelling them “Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists”, which the International Federation of Journalists has condemned.
As Al Jazeera has said, this was a “dangerous attempt to justify the targeting of journalists in the field”.
“The targeting of journalists is a blatant attack on press freedom, and it is also a war crime.
“It must stop.”
Call for ‘unfettered coverage’ MEAA also said the Israeli ban preventing the world’s media from accessing the region and providing unfettered coverage of the worsening humanitarian crisis must stop.
The silencing of Palestinian journalists via a rising death toll that the Gaza Media Office puts at 242 must also stop, the union said.
“In his final words, Al-Sharif said he never hesitated for a single day to convey the truth as it is — without distortion or falsification,” said MEAA
“His reports brought to the world the reality of the horrors being inflicted by the Israeli government on the civilians in Gaza.
“He asked the world to not forget Gaza and to not forget him.”
MEAA said it stood up against attacks on press freedom around the world.
Pacific Media Watch says there has been no equivalent condemnation by New Zealand journalists, who have mostly remained silent during the 22 months of Israel’s war on Gaza.
The war between Russia and Ukraine is taking place in Europe, but its security implications are increasingly being felt in Asia, too.
North Korea has benefited tremendously from its decision to supply enormous quantities of ammunition and soldiers to Russia in return for advanced nuclear and missile technology and diplomatic cover.
North Korea’s involvement in the conflict is transforming it into a much more capable and technologically advanced rogue state in east Asia. This evolving threat may soon prompt South Korea to reassess its security strategies in an increasingly challenging international environment.
How has North Korea helped Russia?
As Russia’s invasion of Ukraine began to turn into a protracted conflict in late 2022, Moscow faced a problem: it was at risk of running low on ammunition and soldiers to send to the front lines.
Its diplomatic overtures to North Korea began soon after.
In July 2023, Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu was warmly received by North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in a visit to the North Korean capital, Pyongyang.
In a matter of weeks, high-resolution satellite imagery showed what looked like the establishment of a new munitions supply route from North Korea to Russia.
Around that time, Russia was using about 5,000 artillery shells per day. Around the time the first North Korean shells would have arrived at the front lines several months later, the rate suddenly increased to an average of 15,000 per day.
In September 2023, Kim travelled to Russia for a meeting with President Vladimir Putin, where he was given the red-carpet treatment at a space satellite launch facility.
In mid-2024, Putin repaid the favour, making his first visit to Pyongyang in 24 years. He signed a new strategic partnership treaty with North Korea that included mutual defence clauses – each country pledged to provide immediate military assistance if either faced armed aggression.
Soon after, a deployment of 11,000 North Korean troops was headed to the front lines to help Russia retake the Russian region of Kursk, part of which had been captured by Ukraine.
North Korea is also sending thousands of builders and deminers to help rebuild the Kursk region.
What is North Korea getting out of the deal?
Estimates from a German think tank suggest North Korea has earned anywhere from US$1.7 billion to $5.5 billion (A$2.6 billion to $8.5 billion) from selling war materiel to Russia since 2023. The think tank also estimates North Korea may also be receiving up to half a billion US dollars annually from the troop deployments.
Russia is also helping North Korea modernise its ageing Soviet-era military.
For example, Russia appears to have provided assistance to Pyongyang in building a critical new air-defence system, an airborne early warning system, tanks with improved electronic warfare systems, a naval destroyer with supersonic cruise missiles, and air-to-air missiles.
In addition, North Korean soldiers have received valuable modern combat experience using artificial intelligence and drones against a highly skilled Ukrainian military.
And Russian soldiers have also tested North Korea’s weapons in combat, such as ballistic missiles, which will assist in their future research and development.
With Russian expertise, North Korea has also made recent progress on technologies associated with launching satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles, which can deliver numerous miniaturised nuclear warheads.
These developments mean South Korea and its allies will need to deal with a much more battle-hardened and technologically advanced North Korean military. Its antiquated systems, historically limited by isolation and a range of international sanctions, are now being rapidly transformed, making it a much more formidable foe.
How can South Korea adapt to the new threats?
South Korea’s new liberal president, Lee Jae Myung, is much less hawkish on North Korea and Russia than his predecessors.
Instead, Lee is doing his best to ease tensions with the North. For instance, he recently ordered propaganda speakers to be removed from the North Korean border, which I visited this week.
Though North Korea also dismantled its own propaganda speakers from the border, it has largely rebuffed other overtures from South Korea. The regime’s rapidly expanding Russian ties give it little incentive to resume international talks aimed at reducing sanctions.
Lee may soon find the evolving situation across the border requires a much more proactive security policy.
South Korea may seek to bolster coordination with its main ally, the United States, and others in the region, such as Australia.
For example, joint military exercises between South Korea and the US later this month will specifically focus on the threats posed by the North’s advancing missile program, as well as drones, GPS jamming and cyber attacks.
Current South Korean law prohibits it from sending arms to war zones, but Seoul has helped Ukraine indirectly and stepped up its sales of weapons elsewhere in Europe.
And though Lee skipped the recent NATO summit that his predecessor had attended three years in a row, he may need to reverse course and continue deepening ties with the bloc if his soft diplomacy approach with the North doesn’t bear fruit.
Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
You’ll pay substantially less to charge an electric vehicle (EV) than if you were refuelling a petrol car to go the same distance.
But what often surprises new EV owners is how much the cost of a charge can vary. Using a smart charger to draw from rooftop solar at home can cost as little as 10 cents per kilowatt-hour — or almost nothing if you use “excess” solar that would otherwise be exported for a low feed-in tariff or not paid for at all. Charging from the grid off-peak might cost around 20 cents per kWh.
For an EV with a 60kWh battery, paying 10 cents per kWH means it would cost about A$6 for a full charge – enough to drive 300–400 kilometres. But if you’re on a road trip and want to charge quickly at an ultra-fast public charger, it might cost up to 60c per kWh – or about $36 for a 60kWh battery. By contrast, driving the same 350km in a new petrol car would cost almost $50 at Sydney’s recent average of 203.5c per litre – and likely more, given petrol cars often burn more fuel than their manufacturers claim.
It makes sense to charge your EV as cheaply as possible, given many drivers are switching to save on running costs and help tight household budgets. Here’s how.
How does EV charging work?
Charging an EV is like charging your phone, but on a larger scale.
How much driving range you gain per hour depends on the charging speed (measured in kilowatts) and the battery’s total capacity (measured in kilowatt-hours). On average, EVs use about 18kWh per 100km of driving, and most EVs have battery capacities between 40kWh and 120kWh.
There are three main charger levels. Each offers different speeds of charging and are designed for different situations.
EV drivers in Australia will come across three different charger speeds. Here’s how they work.
Level 1: Trickle chargers (1.4–2.4kWh)
Trickle chargers are essentially slow portable chargers plugged into a standard home power point. They add 10–15km of range per hour, making them best suited to overnight charging or emergency top-ups. On the plus side, these chargers come with the car and typically only need access to a standard plug.
Level 2: Top-up chargers (7–22kWh)
Level 2 chargers include home wallbox chargers and destination chargers at hotels, car parks and shopping centres. These AC chargers are faster, adding about 40–120km of range per hour – great for when your car is parked for a while.
Level 3: Rapid chargers (25–350kWh)
You’ll find these fast and ultra-fast DC chargers at motorway rest stops and along major travel routes. They can add 150–300km of range per hour. They’re ideal for long trips and short breaks with quick turnarounds, but they usually cost more.
Home charging is cheapest – if it’s available
If you live in a standalone house with off-street parking, home charging is generally the cheapest option. You can easily use Level 1 or 2 chargers at home, although Level 2 speeds require a wallbox charger. These can cost $1,000–2,000, plus installation.
If you have solar power, it makes sense to plug in your car on sunny days. Over the past 15 years, the value of home solar power exports has fallen 99% as the market hits saturation point. It’s now much more useful to just use the power at home.
Alternatively, charge from the grid overnight on off-peak rates. With the right electricity plan, charging at 20c per kWh is possible.
Not everyone can access cheap charging
Making the EV transition fair will mean ensuring broad access to affordable charging. Apartment residents and regional drivers may be forced to rely on more expensive public options due to a lack of access to dedicated chargers or the need for strata approval.
Community chargers, standardised pricing and smart grid incentives can help here. New South Wales is now offering grants to help apartment residents get EV-ready.
Public charging is fast and convenient – but watch the fees
Public charging stations often offer Level 2 destination chargers for longer stops and Level 3 rapid chargers for quick top-ups. There’s a wide range of pricing models and fees.
These networks may charge by kilowatt-hour or by time. Many apply idle or congestion fees to encourage drivers not to leave their cars plugged in after charging – especially at busy highway sites.
Level 3 fast chargers are great for topping up quickly, but speed usually means they cost more.
Apps such as PlugShare and NextCharge offer useful ways to find available chargers in real time and check the price.
It’s smart to limit charging to between 20% and 80% of your battery capacity. Charging slows down substantially when almost full, meaning more time and cost for relatively little gain.
Charging on the cheap
It’s hard to give definitive answers on the cheapest way to charge your EV, as costs can vary by charger type, location, electricity tariff, EV efficiency and driving habits. But it is possible to offer general estimates.
Timing, planning and avoiding unnecessary fees will help too, such as:
charging overnight at home using off-peak or time-of-use electricity tariffs. If you have solar, charge up while solar generation is highest
consider installing a smart charger so you can schedule and automate charging via an app
plan your longer trips carefully to avoid expensive or busy chargers.
Cheaper than petrol – and cheaper still with planning
Overall, EVs are more affordable to drive than petrol cars. But you can make the most of the technology by charging smartly.
Charging at home on solar or off-peak electricity offers the best value by far. Public charging adds flexibility but comes at a cost, especially at ultra-fast motorway sites. With a little planning, most drivers can avoid expensive options most of the time.
Making the EV transition fair will mean expanding access to affordable, reliable charging for everyone – not just those with off-street parking or rooftop solar.
Hussein Dia receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the iMOVE Australia Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, and Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts.
Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage
By William Camacaro
New York
Since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998 Washington has waged a relentless war against the Bolivarian revolution. The Trump administration continues to deploy political, economic and military measures aimed at the overthrow of Venezuela’s government and the reversal of advances in regional independence and integration: the two pillars of the Bolivarian cause. At the present juncture, it is critically important to make no mistake about Washington’s duplicitous policy towards the Maduro administration of simultaneous negotiation and intensifying aggression. This aggression is not a mere show to placate the Trump administration’s hard line anti-Chavista allies in Miami; it is an imminent threat to Venezuela’s national security and part of a strategy to recuperate U.S. domination of the Americas.
On June 12, 2024, newspapers astonishingly published Donald Trump’s incredibly candid opinion: “When I left, Venezuela was ready to collapse.We would have taken all the oil.” This is why it comes as no surprise when Miami-based Venezuelan opposition journalist Carla Angola comments thatDonald Trump is interested in having absolute control of Venezuela’s oilreserves. She adds that the opposition leader, Maria Corina Machado is promising the United States government absolute control of these natural resources, not because this radical sector of the Venezuelan opposition is interested in managing them, but rather in privatizing them.
This terrorist plot cannot be written off as an isolated incident. Washington is pulling out all the stops to prepare public opinion for new acts of aggression by portraying President Nicolas Maduro, through U.S. corporate media, as a narcotrafficker with a price on his head.
The most recent and series of attacks against the Bolivarian Revolution began with a press release by theU.S. Treasury Departmenton July 25 of this year. Titled “Treasury Sanctions Venezuelan Cartel Headed by Maduro,” the release designated the so-called “Cartel of the Suns” as a terrorist entity and named President Maduro as its head. It further pointed to his alleged relationships with both the Tren de Aragua and the Sinaloa Cartel, and accused them of being “violent narco-terrorists.” A few days laterPresident Donald Trump directed the Pentagon to prepare options for the possible use ofU.S. military force against drug cartelsdesignated as terrorist organizations authorizing military intervention in countries with drug trafficking. This came weeks after Secretary of State Marco Rubio publiclyaccused Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro of being the head of the “Cartel of the Suns.” In a further escalation, Rubio stated that the recent designation of the “Cartel of the Suns” as a “terrorist organization”now provides a pretext for Washington to use military and intelligence tools against Maduro and his allies.
All of these accusations sound very ominous, but there is no evidence for them. This narco-mythology is viewed by some political analysts as political cover for eventual attacks on not only Venezuela but also its regional allies like Nicaragua, Cuba, and Bolivia. For this reason Venezuelan security forces have issued strong statements of loyalty and defiance in the face of threats from the North.The Trump administration is doubling a reward to$50 millionfor the arrest of President Maduro, accusing him of being one of the world’s largest drug traffickers and working with cartels to flood the U.S. with fentanyl-laced cocaine. Historically, rewards of this magnitude for political leaders are rare. The first similar historical case was the reward for the apprehension ofPancho Villaafter his raid on Columbus, New Mexico, on March 9, 1916. The reward for Pancho Villa was $5,000, while a smaller reward of $1,000 was offered for his lieutenants. More recently, the State Department formalized its “Rewards for Justice” program in 1984. Its first high-profile case was Manuel Noriega of Panama in 1989, accused of drug trafficking. The reward for Saddam Hussein in 2003 was $25 million.
Drug trafficking ruse for U.S. intervention
Washington demonstrates its contempt for the people of the Global South by treating their presidents as pawns, making accusations without any evidence, and imposing unilateral and illegal sanctions against those who resist imperial domination. This latest bizarre accusation should remind us of the allegations of the existence of weapons of mass destruction that served as an excuse to destroy Iraq, murder a million people, displace thousands from their homes, and deprive the nation of control over their natural resources.
The hypocrisy of the narco-mythology could not be more blatant. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has publicly supported former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, particularly in the context of Uribe’s recent conviction for witness tampering and bribery. Rubio’s statements have drawn criticism from some who view it as interference in Colombia’s judicial system. Rubio’s defense of the former Colombian president is nonetheless troubling given that the same entity he leads designated Alvaro Uribe in 1991 as amajor drug trafficker, a member of thecartel of Medellinand a personal friend of Pablo Escobar. .
Colombian President Gustavo Petro affirmed that his Venezuelan counterpart, Nicolás Maduro, has backed the fight against drug trafficking on the border and that this “support has been forceful and must continue.” Petro warned last Sunday that a military operation against Venezuela without the approval of “brother countries”would be an act of aggression against Latin America and the Caribbean.
There have also been a series of strong pronouncements fromTegucigalpa,Havana,Managua, La Paz and the Caribbean countries against this designation that seeks to stigmatize the Bolivarian Revolution. After the US attorney general accused the Venezuelan president of working with the Sinaloa Cartel, Mexican PresidentClaudia Sheinbaumresponded, “Mexico has no investigation under way and no proof that Maduro is linked to the Sinaloa Cartel.”
The statements by Secretary of State Rubio and Attorney GeneralPamela Bondiare extremely ridiculous, especially considering that the U.S. has been engaged in a “war on drugs” in Colombia for over 50 years. Since the 1990s, this war has resulted in over450,000 deaths. Far from diminishing drug production, this war has seen Colombia become the world’s largest drug producer.
It is notable that the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in its most comprehensive annual report on the subject,the 2023 World Drug Report, states that Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are the main cocaine producers. The same report identifies Australia, New Zealand, US, and Spain as the largest cocaine consumers worldwide. Curiously, Venezuela is not mentioned in any of these reports, neither as a producer nor as a major consumer.
At a press conference on August 9, Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello reported that a foiled plot was sponsored by “narco-gangs” of the far-right Venezuelan opposition, in direct coordination with the US government. The plot involved a criminal group from the Zulia region, led by Francisco Javier Linol, and a representative from Colombia’s Guajira Cartel. The authorities arrested José Daniel García, who confessed to being offered $20,000 to carry out the attack. This confession led to the capture of 13 other individuals in Venezuela and an additional suspect in Colombia.
Cabello’s said “This proves the ties between narco-paramilitarism, the fascist far-right, and the U.S. government… It confirms the script we’ve long warned about.” This underscores the Venezuelan government’s perspective that these are not isolated incidents but part of a larger, orchestrated plan. Two days later, in Monagas state, Cabello displayed a new, massive cache of explosives, including various types of explosives and electric detonators, found in boxes inside a warehouse.
History of US attacks on the Bolivarian Revolution
These actions are paralleled by diplomatic attacks. On August 6th of this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS), an organization from which Venezuela withdrew, launched avirulent attackon Venezuelan democracy. The Rapporteur on the Rights of Afro-Descendants,Gloria Monique de Mees, accused the government of a systematic violation of human rights and the imprisonment of more than 900 political prisoners. This accusation, coming a day before the foiled attack and Rubio’s militaristic rhetoric, adds another layer of coordinated pressure and raises questions about the political motivations behind such reports.
Since its inception in 1998, the Bolivarian Revolution has endured a large number of attacks. The first major blow was the 2002 coup d’état against the elected leader Hugo Chávez. This coup, which was widely celebrated bythe corporate media, was ultimately reversed thanks to the massive public support that saw people take to the streets, risking their lives to defend the constitution and demand Chávez’s return to power. This was an unprecedented situation in Latin American history. The celebratory tone of the US media at the time is revealing. For example,theNew York Timesinitially welcomed his removal before being forced to retract its triumphant narrative just a day later when Chávez was reinstated. Shortly after, at the end of that year and beginning of 2003, a brutal oil strike occurred, causing losses of billions of dollars.
After President Nicolás Maduro assumed the presidency, the attacks evolved into multiple hybrid forms, including assassination attempts. One of the most audacious was a drone attack on August 4, 2018, during a live-streamed military event in Caracas.Two drones loaded with explosiveswere detonated near the platform where Maduro was speaking. This event set a grim precedent as the first assassination attempt using commercial drones against a head of state.
In 2019, a virtually unknown congressman namedJuan Guaidóswore himself in as interim president of Venezuela with the immediate support of the U.S. and the European community. This was followed in 2020 by another attack on Venezuelan democracy through a mercenary invasion known as “Operation Gideon.”
Following the 2024 presidential elections,rioters ( comanditos ),some with firearms, took to the streets to demand foreign intervention, leading to small skirmishes in Caracas. The attacks against the Bolivarian Revolution are innumerable, and what has been truly amazing is its capacity to resist and reinvent itself in the face of every challenge.
Current threat
Despite this history of attacks, there is a belief among some supporters of the Bolivarian Revolution that relations with the U.S. are improving. They point to dialogue and the continued operation of Chevron in Venezuela as evidence of an evolving more cooperative relationship. The reality is that it is in Washington’s interest to maintain a foothold in the Venezuelan oil business.
The Trump administration, however, has so far carried out only symbolic actions at détente. Concrete actions would involve dismantling the sanctions and eliminating the bounty on the president and members of his cabinet. They are not going to eliminate them. They do not want Venezuela to stand on its own two feet. The talks underway between Washington and Caracas do not preclude an attack on the constitutional government of Venezuela..
The proximity and interconnectedness of these events—the terrorist plots in Caracas and Maturín, the alleged links to Colombian paramilitary forces and the Venezuelan far-right, and the explicit threats from the United States—serve as a grave warning.
For Venezuela and its supporters, these incidents are not coincidental; they represent a coordinated effort to destabilize the nation through a combination of domestic terrorism, international political pressure, and the looming threat of military intervention. The government’s successful dismantling of these plots has, for now, averted major disasters, but it also confirms the ongoing and complex nature of the threats facing the country.
The Bolivarian Revolution is a project of Latin American integration that represents the search for social justice; it is a project of liberation. Washington commits a huge injustice by deploying more than athousand unilateral and coercive measures against Venezuela, as these only bring hardship and death to the nation’s most humble citizens.
It is essential to reflect on the fate of Augusto Sandino, who, after leading a 21-year guerrilla war against the U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua, successfully expelled foreign forces from his homeland. A revered revolutionary and emblem of anti-imperialist resistance, Sandino was tragically assassinated by the Somoza regime shortly after initiating a dialogue with representatives of the North American government, following a dinner at the national palace—a dinner with the enemy.
Photo Credit: VTV
William Camacaro is a Senior Analyst for the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). He is a co-founder of the Bolivarian Circle of New York “Alberto Lovera” a holds a Master’s Degree of Fine Arts and a Master’s Degree in Latin American Literature from City University of New York. He has published in the Monthly Review, Counterpunch, COHA, the Afro-America Magazine, Ecology, Orinoco Tribune and other venues. He has organized delegations to Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela.
Youth vaping is a major public health concern in many countries, with New Zealand’s youth vaping rates among the highest in the world, and rising.
In 2017, 3% of New Zealanders aged between 15 and 24 vaped daily, but by 2024, this was up to 21.3%.
Globally, one of the main drivers is the promotion of vapes on social media. Like many other countries, New Zealand introduced vape advertising restrictions, including on social media, as part of efforts to curb this problem.
But vape manufacturers mirror the techniques of traditional tobacco marketing, including stylish branding, flavours and sponsorship, and use global channels to get around domestic regulations.
This raises the question of whether New Zealand’s rules can be effective in a globalised digital world.
Our new study investigates the content posted to the global Instagram account of British American Tobacco’s vape brand Vuse, which holds more than 25% of the global market. We identify and describe the marketing strategies used to promote the brand to a global audience.
Collaborations and sponsorship
We assessed the marketing strategies used by the account by analysing all posts made by @Vuse.Worldwide – including imagery, audio and text – during the year from August 2023 to 2024.
We looked for brand and influencer collaborations and posts with high engagement (likes and views). We found the company formed several high-profile collaborations as a major part of its marketing strategy.
The most notable collaboration is with the Formula 1 motor racing team, McLaren. As a key sponsor, the car is heavily emblazoned with the Vuse logo and is frequently promoted on the Instagram account.
Sharing content between the McLaren and Vuse Instagram accounts increased the @Vuse.Worldwide audience from around 17,000 followers to the nearly 14 million followers of the McLaren race team.
The four most viewed video posts in our study featured the motorsport partnership, with one clip viewed more than 225,000 times.
British American Tobacco has maintained a decades-long partnership with Formula 1, dating back to when traditional cigarette advertising was still allowed.
Social media influencers
The Vuse Instagram account also features other lifestyle and entertainment collaborations. In a series of posts related to music festivals, Vuse employed DJs, artists, digital content creators and social media influencers to create engaging and stylish videos and photographs.
The tobacco industry has undertaken music festival marketing for generations as an effective strategy to reach young people.
“Get ready with me” videos are popular on Instagram, especially among young women. Four of the ten most viewed posts on the Vuse account were in this style, featuring young women filming themselves selecting fashion, makeup and hairstyles, and explaining their choices or setting the video to popular music.
In these videos, the vape may appear only briefly, for example slipped into a handbag as the final touch before a night out. Yet this placement connects the product and brand with glamorous, fun or exciting settings, creating an important association between the brand and appealing lifestyles and experiences.
The influencers often shared this content directly with their existing followers.
Instagram policy requires users to disclose paid partnerships with the #ad hashtag or paid partnership tag. Of the nearly 700 times an influencer or brand was tagged in the posts, only 14 were disclosed in this way.
Workarounds and weak policies
Vape companies often use workarounds to bypass restrictions on marketing to maintain a presence in youth-oriented settings.
Instagram lists @Vuse.Worldwide as a verified account, based in the UK, where advertising standards permit only “factual” vape content on a company’s social media account, but paid influencer marketing and “imagery unrelated to the product” are banned. The official @Vuse.UK account appears to align more clearly with these parameters.
Instagram’s own policies on vape marketing are difficult to decipher, with complicated rules that leave significant loopholes. For example, vape advertisements and paid influencer marketing for vape products are banned on Instagram. However, these rules do not extend to the brand content on a company’s own account.
Our research shows Vuse uses the worldwide account to promote brand associations, an indirect but powerful form of marketing that sits outside Instagram policies. Cross-posting to other accounts enables Vuse to reach new audiences without paid advertising on the platform.
Dealing with these issues will require global cooperation to require social media platforms to prohibit vape marketing more broadly. It will also require active monitoring and enforcement of breaches to hold social media platforms and vape brands to account. Domestic laws and rules must also apply to international content.
Lucy Hardie has received funding for public health-related e-cigarette research from the University of Auckland, Maurice & Phyllis Paykel Trust and the Auckland Medical Research Foundation. She is an advisor for the Health Coalition Aotearoa.
Becky Freeman is an unpaid expert advisor to the Cancer Council tobacco issues committee and a member of the Cancer Institute vaping communications advisory panel. She has received relevant competitive grants from the NHMRC, MRFF, NSW Health, the Ian Potter Foundation, VicHealth, and Healthway WA; consulting fees from the World Health Organization, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Department of Health, the US FDA, the NHMRC e-cigarette working committee, NSW Health, and Cancer Council; and travel expenses from the Oceania Tobacco Control Conference and the Australia Public Health Association preventive health conference.
Christina Watts has received consultancy payment from Cancer Council NSW, on behalf of Cancer Council Australia and the Australian Department of Health and Aged Care relating to adolescent and young adult e-cigarette use.
Judith McCool receives funding from the Health Research Council NZ.
Australia is home to a unique bunch of native land mammals, such as koalas, wombats and wallabies. These furballs evolved in isolation on this island continent and have become Australian symbols.
But between 27 and 23 million years ago, the coastal seas of Australia were also home to sea mammals found almost nowhere else: whales.
But not just any old whales. These creatures were among the strangest of all whales, called mammalodontids. If alive today, mammalodontids would be as iconically Australian as kangaroos.
Recent fossil discoveries from coastal Victoria reveal that not just one or two species, but a cornucopia of these wonderfully weird whales once called Australia home.
Our latest find, a roughly 25-million-year-old fossil of a newly named whale species Janjucetus dullardi, joins their bizarre ranks. Our discovery is published today in the Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society.
Baleen whales without baleen
Today, some of the most iconic whale species, such as blue and humpback whales, are baleen whales. These ocean giants use hair-like structures in their mouths, called baleen, to filter plankton – their main food source.
By contrast, mammalodontids were small-bodied (no longer than three metres), big-eyed, and had short jaws lined with teeth. Despite this description, we know that mammalodontids were, in fact, baleen whales … that lacked baleen. They were like an offshoot from the main evolutionary branch leading to today’s toothless giants.
All mammalodontid fossils date from the late Oligocene epoch – 27 to 23 million years ago. And three out of four named species have been found on Victoria’s Surf Coast, south-east of Melbourne.
Mammalodontid whales of Jan Juc, Victoria. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
The first mammalodontid was found in 1932, and in 1939 was given the name Mammalodon colliveri. It had blunt jaw bones with extensive blood and nerve supply for face and lip muscles. Curiously, the teeth were worn down to the gums, suggesting it fed by slurping prey (along with abrasive grit) from the seabed.
In 2006, local naturalist Staumn Hunder found the first fossil of a species later named after him, Janjucetus hunderi. This whale sported a robust triangular snout with sharp teeth and powerful jaw-closing muscles.
Although Mammalodon colliveri and Janjucetus hunderi hint at a surprisingly wide range of lifestyles for mammalodontids, the details of exactly how and when they became so different from other whales remain murky.
Fossil skulls of mammalodontid whales from left to right: Mammalodon colliveri, Janjucetus dullardi, Janjucetus hunderi. Tom Breakwell, Museums Victoria
A tiny new whale
In 2019, school principal Ross Dullard found a whale fossil eroding out of rocks along the coast at Jan Juc in Victoria.
Dullard donated his find to Museums Victoria, where it was painstakingly cleaned and repaired in the laboratory so we could study it.
The fossil skull of Janjucetus dullardi was found along the coast of Jan Juc in the south-east of Australia. Art by Ruairidh Duncan, graphic by Erich Fitzgerald
As we describe in our new paper, Dullard’s find is a mammalodontid like Janjucetus hunderi, yet with different enough teeth and ear bones to warrant the naming of a new species: Janjucetus dullardi.
Incomplete fusion between skull bones, minimal tooth wear, and open tooth root canals tell us the animal was not fully grown when it died, possibly being a juvenile.
Artist’s reconstruction of the complete skull of Janjucetus dullardi. Parts preserved in the fossil are white and light grey. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
But just how small was it?
Using an equation that takes into account measurements of skull width compared with the total length of whales, we predicted that Janjucetus dullardi was about two metres long – small enough to fit on a standard single bed.
This makes it the smallest fossil whale discovered in Australia, and perhaps the first fossil of a juvenile whale found here.
The newly described fossil whale Janjucetus dullardi (2 metres long) next to a modern fin whale (26 metres) and a human diver (2 metres). Art by Ruairidh Duncan, graphic by Erich Fitzgerald
A warm-water paradise
Janjucetus dullardi and its fellow mammalodontids lived during the Late Oligocene Warming, between 26 and 23 million years ago. The coastal waters of Victoria were as warm as those off present-day northeast New South Wales, and the sea level was higher.
Small, toothy whales clearly didn’t mind this long summer of balmy, sunlit waters: 80% of the dozens of whale fossils found in Victoria from that era are mammalodontids – mostly unnamed species. In contrast, rocks of the same age in New Zealand have yielded just one mammalodontid from a century of intensive fossil whale collecting.
Unfortunately, the mammalodontid paradise was lost. By about 22 million years ago, mammalodontids had gone extinct, no longer playing a part in the ongoing saga of baleen whale evolution. Global cooling at about 23 million years ago resulted in lower sea levels and the loss of the mammalodontids’ shallow coastal habitat.
Janjucetus dullardi calf and mother swimming through the shallow seas off Victoria, 25 million years ago. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
If we know how their story ends, the beginning is still a mystery. Our research on Janjucetus dullardi and its kin suggests mammalodontids must have originated long before the age of their oldest known fossils, maybe 34 million years ago.
We suspect that the cradle of their evolution was here, in splendid isolation off southern Australia – home of the mammalodontids.
Ruairidh Duncan receives funding from the Australian Government Research Program scholarship and the Monash University–Museums Victoria Robert Blackwood scholarship.
Erich Fitzgerald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Have you ever been part of a large group project? You might assume that with more people involved, the work gets done better and faster.
However, as more team members join the group, the effectiveness of each individual doesn’t increase. It doesn’t even stay constant – it gets worse. Many hands may make light work, but too many cooks spoil the broth.
This paradox is known as the Ringelmann effect, named after French engineer Max Ringelmann who discovered it in the late 19th century. When he measured the force produced by students pulling on a rope, he found that as more students joined the task, the total pulling force increased – but the average effort per individual decreased.
This decline was due to two main factors: the difficulty of coordinating within larger teams, and “social loafing”, the tendency for individuals to reduce effort when they feel less accountable within a group.
But many animal species, from fish schools to lion prides, cooperate successfully in large groups. Could they somehow overcome this decline in efficiency?
If any animal could, it would be ants. In a new study published in Current Biology, we aimed to find out whether weaver ant chains suffered from the Ringelmann effect.
Group work – for ants
Ants are champions of collective action, seamlessly coordinating complex tasks across colonies of millions. And among all ant species, the weaver ants (Oecophylla smaragdina) are a standout example.
Weaver ants craft treetop nests by pulling living leaves together and binding them with larval silk. To do so, they form “pulling chains” – each ant gripping the waist of another with its jaws and pulling in unison. The mechanical advantage of these chains has never been investigated.
Weaver ants build a treetop leaf nest. Chris Reid
We encouraged ants to form chains to pull an artificial paper leaf attached to a force meter which continuously monitored their collective force output. As more ants joined and left the pulling team, we could see how the group’s output changed in real time.
We hypothesised that the force per individual would decrease as chains grew, an idea supported by previous ant research. For instance, fire ants (Solenopsis invicta) are known to link together into sticky, raft-like balls to survive floods. When researchers pulled apart balls of varying size, larger groups showed signs of the Ringelmann effect, displaying less resistance per ant as group size increased.
To our surprise, we found that as more weaver ants joined the pulling team, the total force increased as expected – but so did the force per ant. In other words, individual weaver ants actually became more effective as team size grew.
The weaver ants, it seems, are not only able to avoid the Ringelmann effect – they are “superefficient” in their teamwork.
Weaver ants formed chains to pull the paper ‘leaf’ into a nest shape. Chris Reid
A division of labour
How do weaver ants achieve superefficiency? Is it just a matter of adding more ants to the mix?
Not necessarily.
Superefficiency seems to depend on how ants arrange themselves. Weaver ants performed best when arranging into a single, long chain rather than several short ones.
We also noticed that the posture of ants differed depending on their position in a chain. Ants at the rear stretched out their hind legs – a posture which helps them passively resist the counter-force of the leaf.
Ants positioned in the middle or front of the chain instead maintained a more crouched posture, typically associated with active pulling. This pattern hinted at a division of labour within chains.
Ants change their roles in the pulling chain depending on where they are positioned. Chris Reid
In our study, we propose a mechanism we call the “force ratchet”. The weakest link in pulling chains is not the ants’ connections to each other, but their grip on the ground.
When pulling alone, the maximum pulling force an ant can produce is limited by slipping. But in a chain, rear ants can act as passive resisters, increasing the contact to the ground and preventing slippage.
This allows the front ants to pull harder, storing and transmitting force through the chain itself. This division of labour locks in the force and prevents backsliding.
More is different
While speculative, our model provides a compelling new perspective on how teams might overcome the common pitfall of the Ringelmann effect, at least in the application of physical force.
Future experiments – such as varying the slipperiness of the ground or the leaf weight – will be critical to confirm our force ratchet hypothesis.
In a chain, rear ants can help the group increase contact with the ground to prevent slippage. Chris Reid
Our research has broad implications, especially for the field of autonomous robotics. In swarm robotics, teams of small, inexpensive robots are designed to collaborate to achieve tasks beyond the capabilities of any single group member.
Yet, so far, pulling robot teams have at best achieved linear scaling: doubling the number of robots doubles the force output. This means robots may not be suffering from the Ringelmann effect, but they’re also not “superefficient”.
Programming robots with ant-mimicking strategies – such as the weaver ants’ force ratchet – could improve their performance and allow machines to become more than the sum of their parts.
Our study also challenges the ubiquity of the Ringelmann effect. Sometimes, when it comes to teamwork, more is different. And for some animals at least, more really is better. If weaver ants were cooks, it’s fair to say they might just make the best broth.
Chris R. Reid receives funding from the Australian Research Council and Macquarie University. He is secretary of both the Australasian Society for the Study of Animal Behaviour, and the Australasian Section of the International Union for the Study of Social Insects. He is also on the education committee for the Australasian Entomological Society.
Daniele Carlesso receives funding from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Max Planck Institute for Animal Behavior.
Many families find feeding children a constant challenge. A favourite food is suddenly refused, someone is grumpy after a long day, siblings fight at the table.
But if parents and caregivers are turning to social media for advice, it may do more harm than good. Because here, feeding kids looks downright easy.
Our new research found Instagram is flooded with highly polished content that can perpetuate unrealistic standards of mealtimes. This could be adding to the frustration and guilt many caregivers already face.
Our study
We know parents face many pressures when it comes to feeding their kids, but little is known about how social media may be contributing to these pressures.
To find out how family meals are portrayed on social media, we looked at a popular platform, Instagram. With about 2 billion users, Instagram proffers a seemingly endless carousel of images and videos related to food, cooking and eating.
For our study, we downloaded the top 15 posts from the hashtags #familymeals, #familybreakfast, #familylunch and #familydinner every week for 14 weeks from February to May 2024, to analyse what was being posted.
Lots of ‘meals on a plate’
Unsurprisingly, most posts depicted food and drink, typically meals on a plate, the cooking process, or step-by-step recipe instructions.
Many posts included “healthy foods” from the five core food groups. Interestingly, #familybreakfast contained the most “unhealthy foods”, such as pancakes, waffles and big fry-ups.
But few posts promoted realistic, everyday family meals. Most images depicted highly polished and staged kitchens, plated foods and mealtimes.
To meet the ethics approval for our research, we are not able to publicly share the posts in our study. But below are images similar to those we found.
Where’s the mess?
It was rare to see posts with a toddler hanging off mum’s leg while she cooked, or a kid getting cranky because they are hungry. We didn’t see many kitchen benchtops with scattered ingredients, or plated food with sauce around the edges.
In reality, family meals are often made in a rush, squeezed between daycare pickups, sports training, work and school. Caregivers often describe mealtimes as messy, chaotic and noisy.
Image captions often contained recipes described as “quick”, “easy” or “family-friendly”.
However, there were few posts with families actually eating these meals together – which makes us question how “easy” these meals might actually be. These “easy” recipe posts also assume life always goes to plan, kids help set the table and want to eat what has been prepared (sometimes a simple meal of baked beans on toast can still result in chaos).
Few posts depicted people – they were more about the “perfect” food. Where they did, it was usually a woman or mother.
Instagram may offer caregivers quick, easy and family-friendly meal ideas. But it’s important to remember not everything you see on social media is real.
Algorithms favour popular content, and as a visual platform, Instagram posts are often picture-perfect and aesthetically pleasing. Messy kitchens and chaotic mealtimes do not make for visually appealing content.
So try not to compare your meals to the curated content and perfect dishes you see on social media. It is unlikely this is how a family cooks or eats every day. Food content may also be professionally filmed or photographed.
What works for one family may not work for yours. If you see a new recipe or idea, give it a try. But don’t be discouraged if it doesn’t work out. It can take up to ten exposures to a new food for a child to even agree to taste it, and some children are more adventurous eaters than others.
Also remember, healthy meals don’t need to be complicated. Look out for simple recipes with plenty of vegetables.
Mealtimes also do not need to look perfect to be healthy and enjoyable.
Post about real life
To promote more realistic, relatable social media content, we need to start posting it. Sharing images or videos of everyday dishes and family meals may support other parents to feel more comfortable and less guilty about their own mealtimes.
‘I’ll just play with the bread, thanks’. It’s important to depict family meals as they really are. Lisa from Pexels/ Pexels, CC BY
We know many men and dads are involved in family mealtimes. Sharing these moments may also help other men feel more comfortable getting into the kitchen.
Promoting gender diversity and real-life mealtimes on social media can help shift family mealtime norms, including easing some of the burden of feeding families that often falls on women and mothers.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Here, we serve some food for thought – the taxation of owner-occupied housing. This may seem distasteful, but there are some strong arguments for doing so.
Tax breaks for owner-occupied housing are very large
The size of tax concessions for owner-occupied housing is similar to that of superannuation, and much larger than for investment property. Treasury estimates it forgoes more than A$50 billion per year by exempting owner-occupied housing from capital gains tax (CGT).
There is also no tax on the rental value of owner-occupied housing, although we did tax such “imputed rental income” (what a homeowner would pay in rent) briefly between 1915 and 1923.
Owner-occupied housing exacerbates inequality
Australia prides itself on being a fair society. In reality, we are near the middle among developed countries on standard measures of income inequality. But such statistics ignore the income that owner-occupiers derive from their homes.
In a new paper, we see what happens to income inequality if owner-occupied housing income is included. This non-cash housing income refers to the imputed rent and unrealised capital gains on the property.
When these are included in the income measure, inequality is higher, and it increases more strongly over time. The effect is large enough to shift Australia’s inequality from 16th to tenth highest amongst OECD countries (though we haven’t conducted the same exercise for other countries).
Unsurprisingly, outright home owners are much better off than renters when income from the home is counted. They have an average income 86% higher than the average income of renters – compared with 34% higher if housing income is ignored, as it usually is.
Australia’s progressive tax system is largely a mirage
Income taxes reduce inequality because the tax rate is higher for people with higher incomes. That is what is meant by a “progressive” tax system.
Our paper finds that this changes greatly when income from owner-occupied housing is included. The income tax system reduces inequality by a lot less (about 40.5% less) if we include such housing income. Because this income is tax-free, the average tax rate for the rich is much lower than it seems. So the tax system is less progressive than it appears to be.
The same is true for government pensions and benefits. They also reduce inequality, since they are targeted to people with limited means.
But housing wealth is excluded from the pension assets test, so pensions are not as as targeted as they appear to be. Repeating the exercise above, we find the effect of pensions and benefits on inequality is 18.9% smaller when housing income is included.
Overall, the combined impact of income taxes and pensions/benefits on inequality is 26.7% lower when we include income from the family home.
Favourable tax treatment is built into house prices
These tax concessions may also increase house prices and encourage inefficient allocation of resources. Income from investing in owner-occupied housing is tax-free, while all other investments attract tax. So Australians plough their money into their home instead of other, more economically productive, investments. These funds could instead be invested into private firms (directly or through the stock market), stimulating entrepreneurial activity and lifting productivity, wages and profits.
While stamp duty is typically payable on home purchases, the value of the income tax exemption is much larger. That lifts demand for housing, and hence housing prices. We know of no recent studies that have estimated the size of this effect, but it is likely to be large and therefore make the move into home ownership more difficult.
The absence of recent studies may be because taxing owner-occupied housing is not seen as a politically viable option. Much more attention has been placed on the much smaller tax concessions for investment property income.
Home owners have an average income 86% higher than the average income of renters, new research shows. Artem Podrez/Pexels, CC BY
Most people would be better off
The Australian community as a whole would benefit from a reduced incentive to invest in housing because it would lead to increased investment in productive activities.
In terms of who would benefit most, renters stand out as obvious beneficiaries, since the tax burden would shift towards homeowners. But a progressive tax on housing could also benefit owners of modest homes, as part of a broader redesign of the tax system.
There is a temptation to equate a new tax with more total tax. This depends on the design. But it is certainly possible to implement a progressive tax on housing wealth, perhaps combined with an income tax cut, which could leave most people better off.
How would this look in practice?
There are many policy options for more fairly incorporating owner-occupied housing in the tax system. We do not make a specific proposal here, but options include:
a broad-based land tax would go a long way to addressing the issue, and should be on the government’s agenda. This is an economically efficient tax that is advocated by many economists
an explicit tax on owner-occupied housing wealth is also justifiable, since it is the only large asset that generates income that is not taxed
a broader wealth tax could also be considered.
We also believe there is a strong case for reconsidering the exemption of housing from the pension assets test. Many wealthy retirees benefit from public pensions, which are funded by taxes on the incomes of younger workers and renters.
Too important to be squeamish
We should have a national conversation on whether the current tax treatment of owner-occupied housing is sensible. Moving away from complete exemption would open up opportunities for reduced reliance on income taxes and more food on the table for renters, and owners of modest homes.
Will the reform roundtable etiquette permit consideration of reforming the taxation of owner-occupied housing? This is an important and much neglected consideration in assessing the overall fairness and efficiency of the tax system.
Peter Siminski receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Roger Wilkins receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
So proclaims Denzel Washington in Spike Lee’s new film, Highest 2 Lowest, where Washington portrays a hip hop mogul, David King, who finds himself the centre of a high-profile kidnapping case.
Highest 2 Lowest is a remake of Akira Kurosawa’s 1963 classic crime drama High and Low. In that film, Toshiro Mifune plays high powered executive Kingo Gondo, who, on the eve of the most important night of his career, receives a surprising phone call informing him that his son has been kidnapped.
Kurosawa’s film begins as a corporate thriller before transforming into a police procedural as detectives traverse the streets of Yokohama in the hope of solving the crime. At the same time, the film sees the director examining social tensions under the surface of reconstruction-era Japan.
More than just a historical document, the film stands up as a remarkable example in nail-biting tension, 60 years after release.
From America …
Kurosawa’s original film is already derived from an American source, adapted from King’s Ransom (1959), an instalment in a series of police procedural paperbacks collectively titled 87th precinct, from author Ed McBain.
The novel’s prose is streamlined and action oriented. Simple sentences like “The room was full of cigarette smoke” or “The 87th Precinct building was on Grover Avenue” read like blueprints for a screenplay.
McBain was a pseudonym for the screenwriter Evan Hunter, who would adapt many of his own novels, including King’s Ransom, for a short lived TV series of the same name which aired from 1961–62.
The series was a late entry in a trend of procedural TV shows popular in Eisenhower’s America, epitomised by The Naked City (1958–63) and Dragnet (1951–59).
… to Japan
The Japanese studio Toho bought the rights for King’s Ransom for US$5,000 in 1961. Kurosawa must have sensed the opportunity for second chance, having been disappointed in his earlier attempt to make a detective film with 1949’s Stray Dog.
However, believing McBain’s novel “wasn’t particularly well written”, he started to make radical adjustments.
The biggest change Kurosawa makes to the novel is to split it into two distinct sections.
In the first half, Kurosawa takes the majority of McBain’s novel and restricts it to the sleek living room of Gondo’s nouveau riche mansion. Gondo’s luxurious air conditioned home overlooks the sweltering overcrowded shanty towns of Yokohama – yet the curtains are often drawn.
This section resembles a chamber-play. Kurosawa’s masterful blocking of the actors forces the audience’s eyes to shift around the widescreen frame; examining each character’s reaction in real time to every gradual reveal of information.
In the second half, Kurosawa abandons the claustrophobia of Gondo’s living room and sends the investigation into the streets below. Abandoning the plot of the novel, this is when the film’s observations of contemporary Japanese society come to the forefront.
An era of Americanisation
The film comments on the “Americanisation” of Japan that took place in the postwar era. Following the end of American Occupation, Japan entered into an unprecedented period of production, prosperity and profit known as the Economic Miracle.
A huge demand for “Western” cultural and commercial goods reshaped much of private and public life. The “three sacred treasures” of domestic goods during the 1960s would be the colour television, the automobile and the air conditioner. The continued presence of United States Army bases allowed the proliferation of American comic books and magazines, jazz and rock ‘n’ roll records.
But for the Japanese, America was both a figure of aspirational culture, and of ongoing military control. During protests in 1960 hundreds of thousands protested against American military expansion. Violent clashes with the police ensued, and one young student was killed. US President Dwight D. Eisenhower cancelled a scheduled visit and Japanese Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi was forced to resign.
In the first half, the film resembles a chamber-play. Toho
This split vision of America is almost directly reflected in the dual structure of High and Low. Gondo’s home represents desire; the streets of Yokohama represent violence, and Kurosawa employs the aesthetic of film noir in intensifying the anxiety of the urban environment.
The film was released one year prior to the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, which sought to reintroduce Japan onto the world stage, showcasing the country’s remarkable transformation.
Kurosawa presents audiences with the repercussions of such progression, asking us to consider the lives and choices of those who have been left behind.
And back to America again
Kurosawa’s films have proved fertile material for American remakes. Seven Samurai (1954) became The Magnificent Seven (1960 and 2016); Yojimbo (1961) became A Fistful of Dollars (1964); and Last Man Standing (1996) and The Hidden Fortress (1958) were an inspiration behind Star Wars (1977).
High and Low has long been earmarked for an American remake. In 1993, Martin Scorsese tried to get a version off the ground, and in 2008 Scorsese tried to pass directing duties to Mike Nichols. Now finally, Lee’s version has premiered at Cannes and to positive reviews.
Kurosawa’s original film continues to impress over half a decade later. Toho
Kurosawa’s original film continues to impress over half a decade later.
In late 2024, the film received a 4K restoration and, along with numerous other Kurosawa classics, was part of a Kurosawa retrospective across cinemas worldwide.
The film has had a remarkable shelf life. It has transcended not only its low brow source material but also language, culture and history.
If Lee’s remake manages to capture even a small portion of the original, then it’s sure to be a great film.
Kristian Ramsden receives funding from The University of Adelaide in the form of a research stipend.
A stroke happens when the blood supply to part of the brain is cut off, either because of a blockage (called an ischaemic stroke) or bleeding (a haemorrhagic stroke). Around 83% of strokes are ischaemic.
The main emergency treatment for ischaemic strokes is a “clot-busting” process called intravenous thrombolysis. But this only works if administered quickly – ideally within an hour of arriving to hospital, and no later than 4.5 hours after symptoms begin. The faster treatment is given, the better the person’s chance of survival and recovery.
However, not everyone gets an equal chance of receiving this treatment quickly. Notably, research has shown ambulance staff are significantly less likely to correctly identify a stroke in women compared to men.
In a recent study, we modelled the potential health gains and cost savings of closing this gap. And they’re substantial.
The sex gap in stroke diagnosis
In Australia, about three-quarters of people who experience stroke arrive at hospital by ambulance. If paramedics suspect a stroke, they can take patients directly to a hospital which specialises in stroke care, and alert the hospital team so scans and treatment can start immediately.
Research has shown women aged under 70 are 11% less likely than men to have their stroke recognised by paramedics before they arrive at the hospital.
While younger men and women experience stroke at a similar rate, the symptoms they present with may be different, with “typical” symptoms more common in men and “atypical” symptoms more common in women.
Research has shown women and men are equally likely to present with movement and speech problems when having a stroke. However, women are more likely to show vague symptoms, such as general weakness, changes in alertness, or confusion.
These “atypical” symptoms can be overlooked, leaving women more vulnerable to misdiagnosis, delayed treatment, and preventable harm.
What we did
In our study, published recently in the Medical Journal of Australia (MJA), we used ambulance and hospital data from a 2022 MJA study in New South Wales. This is the study we mentioned above that showed paramedics correctly identified stroke more often in men than women under 70.
From this dataset, we identified more than 5,500 women under 70 who had an ischaemic stroke between 2005 and 2018. Using this group, we built a model to compare two scenarios:
the status quo, where women’s strokes are identified at the current rate of accuracy; and
an improved scenario, where women’s strokes are identified at the same rate as men’s.
We then projected patients’ health over time, including their level of impairment, risk of another stroke, and immediate and long-term survival.
Closing the diagnosis gap would save lives and money
When women’s stroke diagnosis rate was improved to match men’s, each woman gained an average of 0.14 extra years of life (roughly 51 days) and 0.08 extra quality-adjusted life years (QALYs), meaning an additional 29 days in full health.
Scenario two also meant A$2,984 in health-care costs would be saved per woman.
Scaled to the national level based on the number of women under 70 hospitalised with ischaemic stroke each year, closing this gap would mean 252 extra years of life, 144 extra QALYs, and $5.4 million in cost savings annually.
Some limitations
We didn’t have sex-specific data for every aspect of the model, which is in itself a telling sign of the lack of recognition of sex as an important factor in understanding disease. Because of this, we used combined data from both men and women in some parts of our model, which may have affected the results.
Further, the NSW data we used for rates of treatment with intravenous thrombolysis were higher than the national average, so our national figures may be slightly over-estimated.
Beyond stroke – why all this matters
The disparity we found is one example of a broader, systemic issue in women’s health: sex-based differences in diagnosis and treatment that favour men.
Too often, women’s symptoms are misinterpreted or dismissed because they don’t match a “typical” pattern. This can lead to delays, missed opportunities for early treatment, and worse outcomes for women.
In stroke, faster and more accurate diagnosis means people are less likely to die or require long-term care, and more likely to recover better and get back to their daily lives sooner.
So what can we do to close the diagnosis gap?
Investing in better training for paramedics and other emergency responders, so they can recognise a wider range of stroke presentations, could pay off many times over. Public awareness campaigns that highlight atypical stroke symptoms could also help.
Technologies such as mobile stroke units and telemedicine support may be part of the solution, but they must be implemented with attention to sex-specific needs.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
An artistic representation of a North Canterbury beach some 62 millions years ago.Canterbury Museum and Tom Simpson, CC BY-SA
Remarkable new fossil discoveries in New Zealand are driving a significant reassessment of our understanding of the early evolution of penguins.
We know Antarctica was home to at least ten species, including giant penguins, during the Eocene epoch from about 56 to 34 million years ago.
Now, our latest findings based on fossils from a site in North Canterbury reveal an even richer and earlier period of diversification.
These discoveries are reshaping the 66-million-year story of how penguins evolved in the wake of the devastating Cretaceous-Paleogene mass extinction
which followed the cataclysmic asteroid impact that wiped out most dinosaurs and many terrestrial and marine organisms.
For a long time, the early evolutionary journey of penguins remained largely shrouded in mystery. The fossil record for these seabirds was very sparse, particularly for the crucial period immediately after the mass extinction event.
This made it difficult to piece together how and where penguins first developed their distinctive aquatic adaptations. Our previous knowledge was limited to a mere handful of specimens, revealing only fragments of the group’s deep past.
But the new fossils help us track how penguins evolved from their earliest ancestors into the iconic divers we recognise today.
The Waipara Greensand: a palaeontological goldmine
An hour north of Christchurch in New Zealand’s South Island, North Canterbury’s Waipara Greensand is a true palaeontological treasure trove.
This unique geological formation spans a critical time period from about 62.5 million to 58 million years ago. Historically, it yielded few vertebrate fossils. But recent intensive collecting efforts have unearthed multiple exceptionally preserved specimens of ancestral penguins as well as of the earliest known representatives of other marine bird lineages, including tropicbirds and extinct bony-toothed birds.
Our latest study reports on a wealth of new ancestral penguins from this locality. We’ve identified four new species that lived around 62 million to 57 million years ago, during the Paleocene. These range from just bigger than little penguins to the size of an emperor penguin.
Crucially, we also found significant new material for known ancient species, including the first complete skull of Muriwaimanu tuatahi, one of the earliest described penguin species from the Waipara Greensand. These remarkable fossils significantly expand the known diversity and size range of early penguins.
Fossils unearthed from the Waipara Greensands include a skull of one of the earliest penguin species. Author provided, CC BY-SA
The Waipara Greensand fauna now includes at least ten distinct penguin species, with the biggest standing about 1.6 metres tall. These primitive penguins likely emerged after the extinction of large marine reptiles, suggesting they may have flourished by capitalising on newly opened ecological niches, free from formidable mammalian competitors or predators.
Intensive collecting efforts have unearthed exceptionally preserved specimens of ancestral penguins and other marine bird lineages. Al Mannering, CC BY-SA
The evolution of diving adaptations
Our findings show early penguin evolution primarily focused on profound changes to their wings, pectoral girdle (shoulder bones) and feet. All were optimised for powerful underwater propulsion.
Unlike their modern counterparts, these early forms likely possessed more flexible, “auk-like” wings with a movable carpal joint, rather than the rigid, stiff flippers we see today.
A key piece of evidence comes from the humerus (upper arm bone). The earliest species had a shorter attachment point for the supracoracoideus muscle. This lengthened progressively in later species, providing compelling evidence of increasing specialisation for wing-propelled diving, as this muscle is crucial for elevating the wing during the powerful underwater stroke.
These rapid evolutionary changes in the wing apparatus during the Paleocene likely represented a major adaptive leap. It paved the way for further radiations of penguins later in the Eocene.
Intriguingly, these early forms sported exceptionally long, dagger-like beaks, suggesting a vastly different feeding strategy compared to modern penguins. It possibly involved spearing fish rather than actively pursuing prey with shorter, more robust beaks.
This represents a profound shift in feeding ecology that unfolded over millions of years. The beak length remained surprisingly stable for more than 20 million years during early penguin evolution while limb morphology was refined rapidly.
In a truly exciting discovery, we also recorded gastroliths (stomach stones) for the first time in these ancient penguins. Living penguins ingest these stones regularly, and the finding offers vital clues about the diet and potentially the buoyancy control of ancient species.
New Zealand as a cradle of penguin evolution
The succession of increasingly more modern looking penguin forms found within the Waipara Greensand fossils supports New Zealand as a critical region for penguin evolution.
The newly discovered species span a broad range, with some of the oldest forms also being the smallest. This suggests early forms were likely outcompeted by later, more advanced ones, indicating strong selective pressures drove early penguin evolution.
New Zealand’s ancient environment, characterised by a notable absence of larger terrestrial predators, likely provided a setting conducive to the evolution of flightlessness in various avian lineages, including penguins.
The refinement of the wing apparatus probably enabled these early penguins to disperse beyond the New Zealand region towards the late Paleocene, colonising new waters.
The Waipara Greensand stands as one of the most productive fossil sites globally for understanding the earliest stages of penguin evolution. This locality promises to deliver more discoveries and further enrich our understanding of how these iconic seabirds came to be.
The authors thank Gerald Mayr at the Senckenberg Research Institute and Museum in Frankfurt for his help in preparing this article.
Vanesa De Pietri receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.
Paul Scofield receives funding from the Royal Society of New Zealand.
As generative artificial intelligence (AI) advances at breakneck speed, it is upending assumptions about which jobs are “safe” from automation.
Disruption now extends well beyond manual or routine work into white-collar roles once considered untouchable. Tools such as ChatGPT, Claude and Midjourney can produce policy briefs, analytical reports, software code, design assets and marketing copy in seconds.
Even in specialised domains, systems such as PolicyPulse can generate structured briefs and thematic syntheses – tasks that once required teams of experts.
If AI can so easily replicate large swaths of professional output, how much of the economy rests on work that creates the appearance of value rather than tangible impact?
And could New Zealand – anchored in sectors rooted in physical work, human judgement and essential services – be structurally better placed to thrive?
AI’s exposure effect
A 2023 Goldman Sachs report estimated generative AI could automate work equivalent to 300 million full-time jobs globally. The highest exposure is in administrative, legal and other information-heavy sectors.
In 2024, the International Monetary Fund warned that economies reliant on high-skilled services – such as education, law and finance – face both job losses and rising inequality.
This echoes author David Graeber’s concept of “bullshit jobs” – roles that add little genuine value. Between 2000 and 2018, most net job growth came from low productivity service sectors such as marketing, consulting and corporate administration. These are precisely the kinds of tasks AI can now perform in seconds.
Consultancy firm McKinsey estimates 60–70% of activities in office support, customer service and professional services can be automated. The OECD has noted routine information processing jobs face the greatest risk. AI is not only replacing roles – it is revealing how insubstantial many of them were.
Some argue finance illustrates this reality starkly: intended to allocate capital efficiently, the sector has expanded beyond its productive purpose.
Businessman Adair Turner famously called much of it “socially useless”, while research from the Bank for International Settlements found oversized financial sectors can stifle innovation by diverting talent from more productive areas.
Now, AI is automating functions such as risk modelling, compliance and equity research, prompting a reassessment of the sector’s true economic value.
New Zealand’s real-economy advantage
New Zealand – often caricatured as a remote, agrarian outpost – may be structurally insulated from the worst of the AI shock. Roughly 70% of its exports come from agriculture, horticulture, seafood and forestry.
Domestically, leading employment sectors include aged care, physiotherapy, plumbing, childcare and early childhood education.
These roles require physical dexterity, sensory judgement and human empathy – skills AI cannot yet credibly replicate.
In an era when many advanced economies are over-invested in finance, bureaucracy and “bullshit jobs”, New Zealand’s focus on tangible, value-producing work could be a strategic strength.
Innovation in these sectors is happening too. Robotic milking systems have improved dairy efficiency and animal welfare, biosecurity monitoring safeguards exports, and forestry research is targeting carbon neutral timber.
If finance reveals how AI strips away illusions, higher education shows its disruptive power. Generative AI can now produce essays credible enough to pass as human work.
The humanities tend to reward theoretical fluency and stylistic polish – areas where AI excels. By contrast, science, technology, engineering and mathematics – the so-called STEM subjects – demand precision, formal logic and testable hypotheses, which are harder for AI to mimic. OECD data has shown STEM-related occupations face the lowest automation risk.
Researchers warn that reliance on low-productivity, routine service work risks long-term stagnation unless economies pivot to innovation-led sectors.
New Zealand’s base in agriculture, manufacturing, trades and essential services offers comparative resilience – but only if reinforced by investment in measurable innovation and productivity.
New Zealand’s advantage lies not in chasing abstract, easily automated work, but in deepening its strengths in sectors AI cannot yet touch – food production, care and infrastructure.
These are industries where value is measured in what is grown, built, repaired and cared for – not in presentation slides.
As AI redraws the contours of global labour markets, every country must ask: if a job can be done by an algorithm, was it ever as significant as we believed?
For New Zealand, the answer may be to double down on the work that cannot be coded – turning what once looked like a structural constraint into a defining strength.
Kenny Ching does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Paris-based media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned the Israeli military’s “disgraceful tactic” to cover up war crimes in the wake of the killing of six journalists in Gaza on Sunday.
It has called for an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council to stop the massacre of journalists, RSF said in a statement.
The August 10 Israeli strike killed six media professionals in Gaza, five of whom currently work or formerly worked for the Qatari television network Al Jazeera and one freelance journalist.
The strike, which has been claimed by the Israeli army, targeted Al Jazeera reporter Anas al-Sharif, whom it accused, without providing solid evidence, of “terrorist affiliation”.
RSF said the military had repeatedly used this tactic against journalists to cover up war crimes, while the army has already killed more than 200 media professionals.
“RSF strongly condemns the killing of six media professionals by the Israeli army, once again carried out under the guise of terrorism charges against a journalist,” said RSF’s director-general Thibaut Bruttin.
“One of the most famous journalists in the Gaza Strip, Anas al-Sharif, was among those killed.
“The Israeli army has killed more than 200 journalists since the start of the war. This massacre and Israel’s media blackout strategy, designed to conceal the crimes committed by its army for more than 21 months in the besieged and starving Palestinian enclave, must be stopped immediately.
“The international community can no longer turn a blind eye and must react and put an end to this impunity.
“RSF calls on the UN Security Council to meet urgently on the basis of Resolution 2222 of 2015 on the protection of journalists in times of armed conflict in order to stop this carnage.”
Targeted strike on tent The Israeli army killed Al Jazeera reporter Anas al-Sharif in a targeted strike on a tent housing a group of journalists near al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza.
The strike, claimed by Israeli authorities, also killed five other media professionals, including four working or having worked for Al Jazeera — correspondent Mohammed Qraiqea, video reporter Ibrahim al-Thaher, Mohamed Nofal, assistant cameraman and driver that day, and Moamen Aliwa, a freelance journalist who worked with Al Jazeera — as well as another freelance journalist, Mohammed al-Khaldi, creator of a YouTube news channel.
The attack also wounded freelance reporters Mohammed Sobh, Mohammed Qita, and Ahmed al-Harazine.
This attack, claimed by the Israeli army, replicates a tactic previously used against Al Jazeera journalists. On 31 July 2024, the Israeli army killed reportersIsmail al-Ghoul and Rami al-Rifi in a targeted strike, following a smear campaign against the former, who, like Anas al-Sharif, was accused of “terrorist affiliation”.
Hamza al-Dahdouh, Mustafa Thuraya and Hossam Shabat, who also worked for the Qatari media outlet, are among the victims of this method denounced by RSF.
As early as October 2024, RSF warned of an imminent attack on Anas al-Sharif following accusations by the Israeli army.
The international community, led by the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States, ignored these warnings.
Under Resolution 2222 of 2015 on the protection of journalists in armed conflict, the UN Security Council has a duty to convene urgently in response to this latest extrajudicial killing by the Israeli army.
Since October 2023, RSF has filed four complaints with the International Criminal Court (ICC) requesting investigations into what it describes as war crimes committed by the Israeli army against journalists in Gaza.
The New Zealand-based Pacific Media Watch collaborates with Reporters Without Borders (RSF).
The bipartisanship about the path to a long-term settlement in the Middle East has finally been irrevocably broken.
The shadow cabinet, meeting Tuesday morning, did not just confirm the Coalition’s disagreement with the government’s decision to recognise a Palestinian state. It also decided that recognition would be revoked by a Coalition government.
In a statement after the shadow cabinet, Opposition Leader Sussan Ley and the shadow foreign minister, Michaelia Cash, said: “A Coalition government would only recognise a Palestine state at the conclusion of a proper peace process”.
On Monday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese announced Australia would recognise a Palestinian state at the United Nations General Assembly next month. The government is not putting preconditions on recognition, but is relying on assurances the Palestinian Authority has given.
In its statement, the opposition said Albanese had specified recognition was “predicated on there being no role for Hamas; the demilitarisation of Palestine; an acknowledgement of Israel’s right to exist; free and fair elections in Palestine; and, reform of [Palestinian] governance, financial transparency and the education system, including international oversight to guard against the incitement of violence and hatred”.
But, the Coalition said, “unfortunately the Albanese government has made it clear that they will still recognise a Palestinian state, regardless of whether or not their own conditions are met.”
Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison said that in government, the Coalition had listed Hamas as a terrorist organisation. “Our Labor successors have regrettably rewarded them through this action.
“I know this is not their intention, but it is the result. The caravan of appeasement is not one we should join”, Morrison said on his website.
While the split in bipartisanship has come to a head this week, it has been in the making for a considerable time.
The Coalition has been steadfastly rusted onto Israel (despite having some members, including Ley, who in the past had expressed support for the Palestinians).
In recent years, Labor has become increasingly divided between those wanting to stick to its traditional alignment with Israel and a growing number of pro-Palestinian supporters, who eventually succeeded in getting recognition of a Palestinian state into the party’s platform.
In the recent election, the Liberals pitched to and attracted many Jewish voters, while Labor was concerned with keeping the support of its Muslim constituency, located especially in western Sydney.
The government’s criticism of Israel’s approach to the war has intensified as the conflict has dragged on with no sign of resolution.
Once the current conflict reached its present impasse, with ever-more graphic footage of the suffering in Gaza, and countries such as France, Britain and Canada signalling Palestinian recognition, it was almost inevitable the Albanese government would follow, and the Coalition would oppose that decision.
The government argues something has to be done. It chooses to believe assurances given by the Palestinian Authority. It speaks as though the intractable players in this Middle East conflict can be influenced, even though the ongoing conflict makes this a heroic assumption.
Albanese undertook a round of Tuesday interviews to defend the government’s decision. Often reluctant to spell out the content of private conversations with overseas counterparts, the prime minister is being expansive about his conversation last Thursday with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
“It was a conversation which reflected the conversation that I had with him in 2024. And I expressed to him my concern that he was putting the same argument that he did in 2024, that military action against Hamas would produce an outcome. That hasn’t produced an outcome. What it’s produced is a lot of innocent lives, tens of thousands of innocent lives being lost.
“I expressed my concern about the blocking of aid that occurred as a conscious decision by the Israeli government earlier this year,” Albanese said.
“He again reiterated to me what he has said publicly as well, which is to be in denial about the consequences that are occurring for innocent people.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
New Zealand Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick has been ejected from Parliament’s debating chamber and told to leave for the rest of the week after a fiery speech about the war in Gaza.
As Swarbrick came to the end of her contribution, she challenged coalition MPs to back her member’s bill allowing New Zealand to apply sanctions on Israel “for its war crimes”.
Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick asked to leave Parliament after Gaza speech Video: Parliament TV
“If we find six of 68 government MPs with a spine, we can stand on the right side of history,” Swarbrick said.
Almost immediately, Speaker Gerry Brownlee condemned the remark as “completely unacceptable” and demanded she “withdraw it and apologise”.
Swarbrick shot back a curt — “no” — prompting Brownlee to order her out of the chamber for the remainder of the week.
“Happily,” Swarbrick said, as she rose to leave.
Green Party whip Ricardo Menéndez March later stood to question the severity of punishment, saying Parliament’s rules suggested Swarbrick should be barred for no more than a day.
Brownlee later clarified that Swarbrick could come back to the debating chamber on Wednesday, but only if she agreed to withdraw and apologise.
“If she doesn’t, then she’ll be leaving the House again,” he said.
“I’m not going to sit in this chair and tolerate a member standing on her feet . . . and saying that other members of this House are spineless.”
‘What the hell is the point?’ — Swarbrick Speaking outside the debating chamber, Swarbrick described the ruling as “ridiculous” and the punishment excessive.
“As far as the robust debate goes in that place, I think that was pretty mild in the context of the war crimes that are currently unfolding.”
She drew a comparison with comments made by former prime minister Sir John Key in 2015 when he challenged the opposition to “get some guts”.
Swarbrick said she was tired and angry at the massacre of human beings.
“What the hell is the point of everything that we do if the people in my place, in my job don’t do their job?” she said.
“If we allow other human beings to be just mercilessly slaughtered, to be shot while waiting for food aid, what hope is there for humanity?”
Swarbrick was not the only MP to run afoul of the Speaker during today’s debate.
Earlier, Labour MP Damien O’Connor was told to either exit the chamber or apologise after interjecting while Foreign Minister Winston Peters was speaking. O’Connor stood and left.
Brownlee also demanded ACT MP Simon Court say sorry — which he did — after Court accused Swarbrick of “hallucinating outrage”.
Government urges caution, opposition demands action In his speech, Court said any recognition of a Palestinian state must be conditional on all Israeli hostages being returned and Hamas being disarmed and dismantled.
“Security must come before politics,” he said.
No National MPs spoke during the urgent debate.
Peters — who is also NZ First leader — told MPs the matter of Palestinian statehood was not a straightforward or clear-cut issue.
“There are strong opinions on both sides,” he said. “That is why we are approaching this issue carefully, judiciously and calmly.”
Peters also took umbrage with the opposition’s complaints, pointing out Labour never moved on the matter when it was in government.
In a 10 minute speech, Labour foreign affairs spokesperson Peeni Henare said New Zealand was being left behind as the coalition walked into a “sunset of denial”.
“How many more people will suffer and how many more people will die?”
‘Despicable’ justifications Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer told MPs it was “despicable” to hear the justifications for another month’s delay.
“What will be left? Rubble? Martyred spirits? What is that you want to have left in a month’s time?” she said. “I have never been more ashamed to be in the House than I am today.”
In her speech, Swarbrick told MPs libraries of evidence demonstrated that the events unfolding in Palestine were “ethnic cleansing… apartheid [and]… genocide”.
“We are a laggard, we are an outlier,” she said. “We are one of the very few countries in the world who so far refuse to acknowledge the absolute bare minimum.”
Earlier, during Parliament’s Question Time, ACT leader and Deputy Prime Minister David Seymour objected to Swarbrick having a Palestinian scarf, or keffiyeh, draped across her seat.
“I invite you to consider what this House might look like if everybody who had an interest in a global conflict started adorning their seats with symbols of one side or another of a conflict,” he said.
“I think that would bring the House into disrepute and no member should be allowed to do such a thing.”
Brownlee said Seymour raised a good point, only for Swarbrick to then wrap the scarf around her neck.
“Oh, here we go,” he said. “Well, stay warm. We’ll move on now.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Until now, many of Western Australia’s most pristine coral reefs have avoided the worst bleaching brought by marine heatwaves. But their luck has now run out. The state’s longest lasting, largest and most intense underwater heatwave has hammered them.
The unusual heat began late last year off the northwest coast, before spreading south, eventually affecting seas along more than 1,500km of coastline. Surface temperatures hit up to 4°C above average in places.
For coral, sustained heat stress is measured using degree heating weeks (DHW). At 4 DHW, coral bleaching is likely. At 8 DHW, many corals are at risk of bleaching and dying.
The data so far suggests heat stress on most reefs was more than double that. Central Ningaloo hit 20 DHW. Off some parts of the Pilbara coast, heat stress hit an almost unthinkable 30 DHW.
My colleagues and I have recorded the result: intense bleaching at iconic Ningaloo reef, as well as across the spots we hoped would be more resilient, such as the Rowley Shoals well offshore, and the vast but little-known reefs of the northern Kimberley.
It’s undoubtedly the most widespread coral bleaching event yet recorded in WA. For the worst-hit reefs, it’s hard to see how recovery to their previous glory is possible, given temperatures will continue to rise in the coming years.
Sustained heat over a huge area
The heat started building towards the end of 2024. In the absence of monsoonal storms and cyclones, the unprecedented heat stress continued to rise throughout December 2024 and January 2025. Soon, reefs and other ecosystems off the Kimberley coast began to suffer. Ningaloo was feeling the heat by February.
A late monsoon gave a slight reprieve, but the heat was back on in March and April. By then, the underwater heatwave had swept across the northwest coast between Ningaloo and remote offshore reefs such as Ashmore and the Rowley Shoals. It took until May for the heat to begin to dissipate.
This figure shows the maximum degree heating from January 1 May 31 2025. The dark purple running from the central Pilbara coast down the south coast of WA is used for 20 DHW – the maximum threshold used by the NOAA Coral Reef Watch. During this marine heatwave, many WA reefs went well past 20, such as the central Pilbara reefs where DHW hit a maximum of 30. NOAA Coral Reef Watch, CC BY-NC-ND
Because unusually warm water sat in place for months in some regions, corals had no reprieve. Worse, the heat spread far down into the ocean. Our surveys of coral 20–30 metres below the surface found similar levels of heat stress and bleaching as those in shallower water, while higher temperatures were documented hundreds of metres deep in some places. While cyclones and other storms often offer temporary cooling by churning up the sea and mixing warm water with cooler, there was very little reprieve this time. The seas were simply too hot.
It will take months for scientists to understand the full extent of what’s happened underwater. Many of these reefs are remote. What we do know is coral reefs over a 1,500km span of ocean are bleaching at levels ranging from medium (11–30% of all corals) up to extreme (more than 90%).
Intense underwater heatwaves hit many of Western Australia’s coral reefs this year, from Ashmore Reef to the Rowley Shoals to Ningaloo. AIMS, CC BY-NC-ND
At the Rowley Shoals’ Mermaid and Clerke Reefs, field surveys in April found very high (61–90%) death rates across most coral types. Bleaching had hit every type of habitat, from sheltered lagoons to the 30m-deep outer reef slope.
At Ningaloo, coral bleaching and death was at high levels (31–60% of corals) in the northern and central regions in May, with southern Ningaloo less affected, while reefs across the vast Kimberley ranged from high (31–60%) to very high levels.
One way to measure marine heatwaves is by using satellites to monitor sea surface temperatures. But when our researchers arrived at the remote Ashmore Reef, they found the temperatures in shallow lagoons were even hotter in real life than they were in satellite data.
It’s often said coral reefs are the tropical jungles of the sea due to their wealth of species. When the coral bleaches or dies, it threatens many other species. Our scientists saw this clearly. The most obvious change was a drop in the numbers of colourful coral-eating butterflyfish.
There are some small silver linings to the event. WA coral reefs still remain among the world’s healthiest. Bleaching damage can be patchy. Some coral species are less susceptible, and some parts of the reef can escape the worst of the heat. Bleaching hasn’t been spotted this year at Shark Bay, the Houtman Abrolhos Islands, or WA’s southernmost reefs at Rottnest Island.
Will coral have a future?
Witnessing this silent devastation has taken a toll on our scientists and everyone in the reef community in WA. It is very hard to see these natural marvels suffering.
What makes it worse is that we know this isn’t a single event. On the contrary: climate change gets steadily worse, year after year. As ocean temperatures rise and rise, the destruction underwater can only increase.
The bleaching in WA is only a small part of the spate of underwater heatwaves that has swept through coral reefs globally since 2023 – the fourth event of its kind to affect all the world’s coral reefs. More than 80% of the world’s reefs have suffered bleaching, including the Great Barrier Reef.
It’s not the end of WA’s coral reefs. Reefs can recover, given enough time. Not all reefs, sites on a reef or types of coral are affected equally. While some will be devastated, others will escape the worst damage and others still may prove resistant to future conditions or adapt faster. Only time will tell what their path to recovery might look like.
But giving these these hard-hit coral reefs a chance will require rapid, meaningful action to cut greenhouse gas emissions.
Good management of local issues and trialling ways of helping coral reefs cope with the heat will also be essential.
James Paton Gilmour receives funding from Parks Australia, philanthropy and private industry. He is an adjunct at the Indian Ocean Marine Research Centre at the University of Western Australia.
The Reserve Bank of Australia lowered the official interest rate by 25 basis points to 3.60% at its meeting today, marking the third cut this year. The move follows reductions in February and May, and comes after a pause in July that surprised analysts and upset mortgage holders.
The Reserve Bank cut its outlook for economic growth, and said inflation was back within its target band. In a post-meeting press conference, Governor Michele Bullock said:
The forecasts imply that the cash rate might need to be a bit lower than it is today to keep inflation low and stable, and employment growing, but there is still a lot of uncertainty. So the board will continue to focus on the data to guide its policy response.
Markets had widely anticipated the decision. Futures pricing put the odds of a cut at nearly 100%, and all four major banks had forecast at least one more reduction before the end of the year. A Reuters poll last week found all 40 economists surveyed expected the Reserve Bank to lower rates this week.
Bullock told reporters the bank did not discuss a larger rate cut. The Commonwealth Bank was the first to pass on the rate cut to mortgage rates. The other major banks followed suit.
The economy is cooling
The Reserve Bank is encouraged by the sharp fall in inflation. This is the second straight quarter with its preferred measure of core inflation, the trimmed mean, below 3% — a marked turnaround from 2023, when inflation was well above target. Headline inflation has slowed to 2.1%, comfortably inside the 2–3% target range, while the trimmed mean sits at 2.7%.
As the Reserve Bank noted, “inflation has fallen substantially since the peak in 2022, as higher interest rates have been working to bring aggregate demand and potential supply closer towards balance.”
At the same time, the economy is clearly cooling. Gross domestic product (GDP) grew just 0.2% in the March quarter and 1.3% over the year, well below the bank’s earlier forecasts.
In its quarterly policy statement, the bank trimmed its GDP forecast for December 2025 to 1.7% from 2.1%, based on slower consumer spending and business investment. The reduction suggests further rate cuts will be needed to support growth.
Minutes from last month’s policy meeting showed the decision then was finely balanced. Three members favoured cutting in July, while six preferred to wait for more inflation data.
Today, all nine board members voted unanimously for a cut — signalling the Reserve Bank is now more convinced about acting early, choosing to provide extra support now rather than risk a sharper slowdown later.
A cautious outlook
The Reserve Bank’s statement kept the door open to further cuts, noting that rates could fall again if inflation remains contained and economic activity softens further.
The Board nevertheless remains cautious about the outlook, particularly given the heightened level of uncertainty about both aggregate demand and potential supply.
Markets are still betting on additional cuts this year. Traders now see a high probability of another 25 basis point cut in November, with markets suggesting the cash rate could fall to around 3.35% by year-end.
Major bank forecasts point to lower rates ahead: NAB expects a cash rate of 3.10% by February 2026, while Westpac sees 2.85% by mid-2026. While the pace and scale differ, the consensus is that today’s cut is unlikely to be the last in this cycle.
Global uncertainty
The decision comes as the slowdown becomes more evident across key indicators. The economy is barely growing, the job market is weakening, and inflation has returned to the central bank’s target range. Wage growth is still above inflation but is no longer accelerating, easing fears of a wage–price spiral.
Australia’s move mirrors a global trend toward lower rates.
In the United States, the Federal Reserve cut official interest rates three times in the second half of 2024 and has since held steady.
In Europe, the European Central Bank paused at its July meeting, after eight straight 25 basis point cuts since June 2024, balancing weak growth in economies like Germany and France with stubbornly high inflation in other parts of the euro area.
Bullock noted at the press conference that Australia had not raised rates as aggressively as other central banks to tame inflation, and therefore would be more modest in the cuts:
Because we didn’t take rates as high as some other countries, it may be that we don’t need to reduce rates as much either.
By lowering the cash rate to 3.60% today, the Reserve Bank is showing it’s ready to act more quickly to help the economy as prices slow and growth weakens.
Markets expect more cuts ahead, but the pace will depend on whether inflation stays in check and the slowdown deepens. The interest rate cut cycle is clearly still in motion — and today’s decision suggests it may have further to run.
Stella Huangfu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In June 2024, Ukraine shocked Russian forces with the surprise Operation Spiderweb, an unprecedented, coordinated drone strike deep inside Russian territory.
More recently, as part of Operation Rising Lion, Israel used drones to destroy Iranian air defences in a highly coordinated opening attack.
These operations were tactically successful, yet strikingly simple and inexpensive. They demonstrate the significant role drones have come to play on the battlefield.
But the same low-cost, easily assembled drone technology could be repurposed by extremists.
Policymakers need to act quickly by making it harder to purchase drone equipment, investing in methods to destroy drones in the air and investing in research into how drones might be used in the future.
In 2020, Houthi militants launched a combined missile and drone strike on a Yemeni military training camp, killing 79 and injuring 150.
In January 2024, a drone attack by Kataib Hezbollah killed United States soldiers at a military outpost in Jordan, the first such American fatalities attributed to enemy drones.
Yet, the evolution in drone use as part of the conflict in Ukraine reveals the potential to amplify the threat.
During the past two years, improvements in accessibility, affordability, range and speed have transformed commercial drones into precision strike platforms capable of inflicting mass casualties at low cost.
Drones having been credited with causing as much as 70% of frontline casualties on both sides in the war in Ukraine.
These innovations are unlikely to remain confined to state actors for long.
Historically, insurgent and terrorist groups have borrowed, adapted and repurposed military innovations to suit their needs.
How could terrorists use drones?
Drones in the hands of non-state actors pose the greatest danger on the battlefield but the domestic landscape is far from immune.
One especially vulnerable area is critical infrastructure. Several incidents in recent years highlight this.
Between 2015 and 2019, the United States experienced at least 57 drone incursions at two dozen of its nuclear sites.
In 2018 and 2019, drone sightings shut down major airports in London.
Sydney Airport has reported increasing levels of drone activity in its no-fly zone.
In the US in December 2023, drones repeatedly breached restricted airspace above Langley Air Force Base. The US government had no meaningful response to these incursions.
Even more concerning is the potential convergence of extremist ideology and drone capability.
“Accelerationism” – the belief that societal collapse should be hastened – has gained traction among far-right and fringe extremist groups. Critical infrastructure is a prime target: damaging it can both sow public panic while serving the movement’s broader strategic goal of engineering a systemic collapse by destroying key institutions.
So far, most drone-related incidents have not had a malicious intent. However, Ukraine has shown how easily drones can transition from nuisance to lethal weapon.
However, the operational complexity of Ukraine’s high-end drone tactics should not be understated. Achieving this level of drone innovation requires financial resources, technical skill, infrastructure and bespoke software.
While more established, state-like entities might possess such capabilities, it is less clear whether more fragmented or ideologically disorganised groups, or “lone wolf” actors, can replicate them at scale.
Nevertheless, resource and technological hurdles alone should not be relied on as the only safeguard.
What can be done?
Local and national law enforcement agencies must be equipped with counter-drone tools such as:
But these technologies are expensive, and too few are available to cover all potential targets.
Improving the regulation of over-the-counter drone products is also key.
Many drones sold in the US do not include in-built “geofencing” features, which block access to restricted airspaces. There is also no mandate requiring manufacturers to include them.
Australia has a similar regulatory framework, with the Civil Aviation Safety Authority largely relying on user compliance rather than requiring the embedding of safety features. The European Union, though, has developed a regulatory framework that requires geo-awareness and geofencing capabilities.
A more urgent challenge is the unregulated DIY drone market. Components can be sourced online and assembled with ease, sometimes using 3D-printed parts.
Malicious actors can tailor drones to bypass geofencing and other safety protocols, while also improving performance capabilities.
Just as 3D-printed firearm components are becoming subject to regulation, policymakers should consider establishing oversight mechanisms for drone parts and manufacturing tools.
One of the most effective ways to curb the misuse of DIY drone technology is to close the anonymity gap in how parts are made and shared. Requiring commercial 3D-printing providers to keep verifiable records of all jobs and to embed serial numbers or digital watermarks (a printer’s fingerprint) into critical printed components would make it far harder to produce and circulate untraceable parts.
In parallel, regulating the distribution of digital blueprints for high-capability drone components, as has been proposed in the United Kingdom for 3D-printed firearm schematics, would prevent the easy online spread of weaponisable designs.
Together, these measures would raise the cost, complexity and risk for extremists. They would also give authorities the tools to quickly trace and disrupt illicit drone manufacturing networks.
If extremist groups are allowed to adapt these technologies faster than governments can respond, we risk entering an era in which the skies are a vector for disruption and terror.
James Paterson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A female plains-wanderer in open shrublands dominated by the low-growing woody herb _Sclerolaena_.Saskia Gerhardy
In the vast, arid landscapes of South Australia’s northeast, on the lands of the Adnyamathanha and Wilyakali, a surprising discovery is changing our understanding of one of Australia’s most endangered birds.
The plains-wanderer (Pedionomus torquatus) has long hovered on the brink of extinction. Conservation efforts focus on protecting its known grassland habitats, mainly in Victoria and and New South Wales. But our new research shows more than 250 of these birds are thriving in habitats previously considered unsuitable, on the western edge of its range.
We used tracking devices – attached to a harness resembling a tiny backpack – to discover that this new population prefers open shrublands to grasslands. This could change how we conserve one of Australia’s most unique birds.
Nocturnal surveys detected plains-wanderers and nest sites in Boolcoomatta Station Reserve, South Australia. Saskia Gerhardy
Studying the Goldilocks bird
Most people agree Australia is home to some pretty special birds, but the plains-wanderer often goes unnoticed. This small, mottled brown, ground-dwelling bird is the sole surviving member of an ancient lineage. It’s often called a “living fossil” because its closest relatives died out long ago.
Known as a habitat specialist, the plains-wanderer has been nicknamed the “Goldilocks bird” because its survival depends on conditions being just right.
Historically, this included well-managed native grasslands in Victoria and NSW, while habitat in SA was considered too degraded or unsuitable.
Our new research challenges this view, uncovering a population thriving in habitat nobody expected the species to use.
Semi-arid rangeland in South Australia was not previously considered preferred habitat for plains-wanderers. Saskia Gerhardy
Strap on the birdie backpacks
Against all expectations we found 272 plains-wanderers living in Boolcoomatta Station Reserve, 100km west of Broken Hill in semi-arid rangeland.
To learn more about this new population, we used miniature GPS data loggers to track their movements for a month. Then we used VHF (very high frequency) devices to locate the birds, so we could retrieve and download the information.
Both devices are lightweight and designed to sit comfortably between the birds’ wings, like a tiny hiking pack. Researchers conducted extensive testing with captive birds to ensure the fit was safe and comfortable.
Once we had ethics approval in place, we fitted 29 plains-wanderers with these miniature backpacks. Then, like following breadcrumbs through the bush, we traced the steps of our tracked birds to find the habitats they selected.
The tracking device fits neatly between the birds’ wings, like a little hiking pack. Saskia Gerhardy
Choosing shrublands over grasslands
We found this new population of plains-wanderers consistently selected open shrublands dominated by a low-growing woody herb, Sclerolaena.
This prickly, hardy, drought-tolerant plant does not seem like particularly hospitable habitat. It’s more often associated with grazed rangelands than endangered birds. But time and again, our GPS-tracked birds chose these sparse, open areas. Their preferred habitat featured about 55% plant cover with large patches of bare ground. The plants were an average 11cm tall.
Typical plains-wanderer habitat in South Australian arid-rangeland has large patches of bare ground. Saskia Gerhardy
Grassy places could also be found in the landscape. But these areas were particularly dense, providing the wrong kind of cover for plains-wanderers. The birds’ consistent avoidance of these denser grasslands suggests vegetation structure, rather than just plant species, is key.
This challenges decades of ecological thought. The plains-wanderer, long considered a “grassland specialist”, may actually be more selective about vegetation structure than species composition. In other words, habitat use is not solely about grass cover but the right mix of plant height, density and bare ground.
A female plains-wanderer in open shrublands dominated by the low-growing woody herb Sclerolaena. Saskia Gerhardy
Unanswered questions
Our discovery of more than 250 so-called grassland specialists in shrubland raises important questions about the management of this threatened species.
For decades, conservation efforts have focused on protecting core habitat of the plains-wanderer in NSW and Victoria. While these areas remain crucial, our findings suggest the species lives in a broader range of habitats than previously thought. Interestingly, the habitat we found is widespread in SA’s arid interior, opening up new possibilities for conservation in areas often dismissed as unsuitable.
Peripheral populations of threatened species are often overlooked, but they remain vital for survival of a species. These populations may have unique traits, behave differently, or buffer declining core habitats.
Our findings show conservation shouldn’t focus solely on assumptions about habitat. If we only search where we expect to find a species, we risk missing important parts of the bigger picture — or, in this case, vital parts of the population.
Yet, there is much we still do not know about this population. Where did it originate? How far does its range extend? How will it cope with droughts and climate change? Our discovery raises more questions than answers.
To better understand this population, we are now conducting genetic analyses to explore how it interacts with the core population. The results should tell us more about how closely they are connected.
We are also incorporating this new data into computer models to identify other possible hidden populations, refine the species’ range, and aid in population discovery.
Perhaps most importantly, this research allows us to protect not just the places we’ve always looked — but the places we’ve overlooked.
Keep searching for more surprises
It’s uncommon to write a positive story about a species listed as critically endangered, especially when they’re in better condition than expected.
Even as biodiversity loss accelerates, discoveries like this remind us nature still holds surprises.
This find serves as a strong reminder to keep searching, not just in the usual spots, but in the misunderstood areas at the edges of a species’ range. Because sometimes, hope can be found in the most unexpected places.
This research was made possible through Bush Heritage Australia funding, and with the support of the Grubb foundation, BirdLife Australia, Nature Conservation Society of South Australia, and the Schultz Foundation.
Steven Delean does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A new road charge is looming for electric vehicle drivers, amid reports Treasurer Jim Chalmers is accelerating the policy as part of a broader tax-reform push.
At a forum in Sydney this week, state and federal Treasury officials are reportedly meeting with industry figures and others to progress design of the policy, ahead of next week’s economic reform summit.
Much discussion in favour of the charge assumes drivers of electric and hybrid vehicles don’t “pay their way”, because they are not subject to the fuel excise tax.
This view is based on an economic misconception: that fuel taxes are justified by the need to pay for the construction and maintenance of roads.
This is incorrect. In a properly functioning economic system, fuel taxes should be considered a charge on motorists for the harmful pollution their vehicles generate.
That leaves the problem of paying for roads. To that end, a road-user charge should be applied to all motorists – regardless of the vehicle they drive – so no-one gets a free ride.
Some, such as the Australian Automobile Association claim revenue from the excise pays for roads. But it actually goes into the federal government’s general revenue.
The primary economic function of the fuel tax is that of a charge on motorists for the harmful pollution their vehicles generate.
Paying the cost of pollution
Vehicles with internal combustion engines – that is, those that run on petrol or diesel – create several types of pollution.
The first is carbon dioxide emissions, which contribute to human-caused climate change. Others include local air pollution from particulates and exhaust pollution as well as noise pollution.
In economic terms, these effects are known as “negative externalities”. They arise when one party makes another party worse off, but doesn’t pay the costs of doing so.
How big are the costs to society imposed by polluting vehicles? Estimates vary widely. But they are almost certainly as large as, or larger than, the revenue generated from fuel excise.
Before the re-election of United States President Donald Trump, the nation’s Environmental Protection Agency estimated the social cost of carbon dioxide emissions at about US$190 (A$292) per metric tonne.
So in Australian terms, that means CO₂ emissions from burning petrol costs about 67 cents a litre, more than the current excise of 51 cents per litre.
University of Melbourne analysis in 2023 landed at an even higher figure. It suggested vehicle emissions alone may be responsible for more than 11,000 premature deaths in adults in Australia a year.
Putting a dollar value on life and health is difficult – but necessary for good policy making.
The usual approach is to examine the “statistical” reduction in deaths for a given policy measure. For example, a policy measure that eliminates a hazard faced by 1,000 people, reducing death risk by 1 percentage point, would save ten statistical lives.
The Australian government ascribes a value of $5.7 million per (statistical) life lost or saved. So, hypothetically, a saving of 2,000 lives a year would yield a benefit of more than $10 billion.
This is more than half the revenue collected in fuel excise each year.
The best road forward
Given the harms caused by traditional vehicles, society should welcome the decline in fuel excise revenue caused by the transition to EVs – in the same way we should welcome declining revenue from cigarette taxes.
If we assume fuel excise pays for pollution costs, then who is paying for roads?
The cost of roads goes far beyond construction and maintenance. The capital and land allocated to roads represents a huge investment, on which the public, as a whole, receives zero return.
Vehicle registration fees make only a modest contribution to road costs. That’s why all motorists should pay a road-user charge. Such a system will soon be introduced in Aotearoa New Zealand.
The payment should be based on a combination of vehicle mass and distance travelled. That’s because damage to roads is overwhelmingly caused by heavy vehicles.
Then comes the question of Australia’s emissions reduction. The switch to electric vehicles in Australia is going much too slowly. A road user charge targeting only electric and hybrid vehicles would be a grave mistake, slowing the uptake further.
John Quiggin is a former member ot the Climate Change Authority.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Meyer, Senior Lecturer, Anatomy and Pathology in the College of Medicine and Dentistry, James Cook University
We’re all born with mammary glands – better known as breasts. These are made of glandular tissue, fat and the ligaments that attach them to our chest wall.
For roughly half of us – those born biologically female – our breasts will change dramatically in size and shape at puberty. Size is largely genetic: genes explain 56% of the differences in breast size between people. But breasts may also change during pregnancy and breastfeeding, and can be affected by age, diet and exercise.
So, what about bras?
There are a lot of popular beliefs about when, how and what kind of bra to wear to stop your boobs sagging or make them grow. But is there any evidence behind these?
Before we myth bust, let’s get one thing straight: breasts are sisters, not twins. So, while your bra is symmetrical, it’s normal your breasts aren’t.
1. Do bras give you cancer?
No, there is no evidence to show wearing a bra is linked to developing breast cancer.
This myth seems to come from the idea bras can block lymphatic drainage, but there is no evidence to support this or any other cancer-causing mechanism.
One study, involving more than 1,000 women aged 55 to 74, compared those diagnosed with breast cancer to those without. Researchers found no aspect of bra-wearing – including how many hours per day and whether it had an underwire – was linked to breast cancer risk in post-menopausal women.
Risk factors for breast cancer are well established and include being female, over 50 years old, having a family history of breast cancer, and lifestyle factors such as inactivity and drinking a lot of alcohol.
2. Does sleeping in a bra stop your boobs growing?
No. Wearing a bra – day or night – won’t affect their size.
Breasts grow thanks to hormones, which are regulated by your brain. Nutrition and overall health can also play a role; for example, if you lose body fat, your breasts may also shrink.
There is no evidence to suggest sleeping with a bra has a negative effect on their growth.
So, it comes down to comfort. Women with larger breasts may find a bra reduces how much their breasts move during sleep, while others may find it uncomfortable.
If sleeping in a bra is comfortable for you, don’t worry – it doesn’t affect boob size. Willie B. Thomas/Getty
3. Will wearing a bra stop my breasts sagging?
No.
Gravity affects everyone, meaning breasts will sag as we age. But larger breasts are affected more by gravitational forces pulling them towards the ground. This may stretch the skin and ligaments over time, making them sag more.
Being pregnant also usually makes your breasts grow bigger and this – along with milk production affecting their composition – can increase strain, potentially stretching skin and ligaments.
Some other factors can also increase this effect, including being older, having a higher body mass index, having multiple pregnancies and smoking. Even surgically reduced breasts sag more with smoking.
However, breastfeeding does not appear to make breasts saggy.
So, while we don’t have evidence to show bras can prevent natural sagging, a well-fitted one may offer support and comfort.
4. Should you only exercise in a sports bra?
Yes. Breasts and bras move with your body. The pull of gravity on your breasts has the potential to cause damage by straining the skin and breaking collagen fibres which support the structure of the breast.
Again, this is more likely to affect women with larger breasts. Researchers found when women with D-cups exercised without a sports bra, their breasts moved up and down about 4 centimetres when walking. When they ran, their breasts bounced about 15cm – the height of your smartphone.
High-impact sports bras are the most effective at reducing breast movement and discomfort, compared to crop tops and everyday bras.
So exercising in a bandeau or “boob tube” bra – like these Roman women in a 4th century mosaic – is not recommended.
These strips of fabric pulled across the chest don’t offer support against gravity and bounce. izanbar/Getty
5. Can underwire bras injure your boobs?
Yes. It’s possible for underwires from bras to escape their casing and scratch or dig into your breast skin, but this has not been studied.
However, one 2023 study found women who wear underwire bras after breast implants are 2.7 more times likely to have them rupture. This suggests underwire bras can put more pressure on breasts.
One case study in 2014 suggested a tight underwire bra was responsible for blocking and inflaming breast veins, causing pain and breast tissue to harden.
However we don’t have evidence this condition is common, and it can be avoided by wearing correctly fitted bras. If you have breast pain or notice unusual lumps or changes, speak to a doctor.
6. Should I get fitted if I have small breasts?
Yes. Wearing a poorly fitting bra can cause unnecessary discomfort, even if you have small breasts.
One study of 309 Australian women, with bra cup sizes ranging from A to K, found only one in ten were wearing a bra that fitted correctly. This affected women with small, medium, large and extremely large breasts equally.
Most had an incorrectly fitting backband (either too loose or too tight) and the wrong cup size. However women with smaller breasts were more likely to have badly fitting bra straps while women with medium or larger breasts were more likely to have ill-fitting front bands and underwire.
A 2018 review of evidence about women with benign but unidentified breast pain (mastalgia) also found most experienced relief when offered bra-fitting advice and reassurance from their GP.
Amanda Meyer is affiliated with the Australian and New Zealand Association for Clinical Anatomists, the American Association for Anatomy, and the Global Neuroanatomy Network.
Monika Zimanyi is affiliated with Global Neuroanatomy Network.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 12, 2025.
Māori wards: how the Hobson’s Pledge campaign relies on a ‘historical fiction’ Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Shaw, Professor of Politics, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University Hulton Archive/Getty Images The phrase “We are now one people” has resurfaced lately, largely due to a campaign by the Hobson’s Pledge lobby group against the retention of Māori wards at referendums being held as
Whales and dolphins regularly hang out with each other – new study Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Olaf Meynecke, Research Fellow in Marine Science and Manager Whales & Climate Program, Griffith University drewsulockcreations/Getty As the annual humpback whale migration is underway with thousands of whales passing by the Australian coast, there are reports of dolphins joining the mass movement. But this isn’t a one
How the neoliberalism of ‘Hayek’s Bastards’ changed the world – and fuelled the rise of the populist right Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Pollard, Associate Teaching Fellow, Sociology, Deakin University F.A. Hayek, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Milton Friedman and Murray Rothbard. Vladimír Krupa 81/Gage Skidmore/Bachrach Studios/Ludwig von Mises Institute, via Wikimedia commons, CC BY Neoliberalism has had an enormous influence on the world, driving policy and governance at the national and
How can you be sure your clothing has been produced ethically? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aayushi Badhwar, Lecturer in Enterprise and Technology, RMIT University Naomi Rahim/Getty Images/Canva Today’s consumers are swimming in a sea of information. Products are marketed with big, bold words such as “sustainable”, “ethical” and “organic”. They sound good, they catch our attention, and they make us feel better
Australian workers are likely to change occupations twice in the next 20 years. How do we help them do this? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine de Fontenay, Honorary Fellow, Department of Economics, The University of Melbourne Over the next two decades, the average Australian worker is likely to change occupations at least twice. Rapid technological change and longer working lives mean the days of having “one job for life” are long
Ozempic and other weight-loss drugs linked to rare but serious eye conditions Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Flora Hui, Research Fellow, Centre for Eye Research Australia and Honorary Fellow, Department of Surgery (Ophthalmology), The University of Melbourne Drugs such as Ozempic, Wegovy and Mounjaro (known as semaglutide and tirzepatide) have changed the way clinicians manage diabetes and obesity around the world. Collectively known as
Ethnicity is a powerful indicator of health needs – cutting it from a new GP funding formula is a mistake Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Crampton, Professor of Public Health, University of Otago Getty Images The government’s recently announced new health funding formula for general practices aims to better distribute funding according to patient needs. We welcome the update, to take effect from July next year, and the government’s commitment to
70 years of data show extreme heat is already wiping out tropical bird populations Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Watson, Professor in Conservation Science, School of the Environment, The University of Queensland DeAgostini/Getty Images Human-driven climate change threatens many species, including birds. Most studies on this topic focus on long-term climate trends, such as gradual rises in average temperatures or shifts in rainfall patterns. But
Why Israel’s assassination of Al Jazeera’s Anas al-Sharif and crew threatens all journalists By David Robie, convenor of Pacific Media Watch I never knew Anas al-Sharif personally. But somehow he seemed to be part of our whānau. We watched so many of his reports from Gaza that it just appeared he would be always around keeping us up-to-date on the horrifying events in the besieged enclave. Although he
What should I eat (and avoid) while breastfeeding? How does my diet affect baby’s milk? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Therese O’Sullivan, Associate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics, Edith Cowan University Natalia Lebedinskaia/Getty Images Many people are familiar with the saying that a woman is “eating for two” during pregnancy. Although this is an exaggeration, nutritional needs do certainly increase during pregnancy to support the growing baby.
PSNA calls on Luxon to end ‘support’ for Israel as Australia plans backing for Palestine state Asia Pacific Report A leading advocacy group supporting Palerstine has called on the government to follow Germany’s lead and suspend New Zealand military support for Israel to continue its mass killing and mass starvation of Palestinians in Gaza. Germany and New Zealand were two of the countries to sign a letter yesterday condemning Israel’s plans
Beyond recognition: the challenges of creating a new Palestinian state are so formidable, is it even possible? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Kear, Sessional Lecturer, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney Australia will recognise a Palestinian state at the UN General Assembly meeting in September, joining the United Kingdom, Canada and France in taking the historic step. Recognising a Palestinian state is at one level
Australia to recognise Palestine state next month at the United Nations Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has announced Australia will recognise Palestine as a state at the United Nations leaders’ week in late September. Unlike some other countries, the government has put no conditions on the recognition, relying on assurances received from
When a beach walk feels like grief: disasters like SA’s algal bloom cut us off from nature when we need it most Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brianna Le Busque, Lecturer in Environmental Science, University of South Australia John White Photos/Getty In March 2025, surfers and swimmers were the first to notice the harmful algal bloom taking hold in South Australian waters. People catching waves at a popular break on the Fleurieu Peninsula later
Want to know how far your new EV can actually go? Take 10–20% off its claimed range Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hussein Dia, Professor of Transport Technology and Sustainability, Swinburne University of Technology Alexwise/Getty Many electric vehicles (EVs) now come with range estimates of 400–500 kilometres, while some premium models claim ranges of more than 600km. Drivers new to EVs may look at the range figures given by
France’s betrayal of Kanak hopes for independence, Rainbow Warrior, climate crisis and other issues Pacific Media Watch Pacific affairs and media commentator Dr David Robie reflected on the 1985 Rainbow Warrior mission to Rongelap atoll to help US nuclear refugees and the bombing of the Greenpeace campaign ship by French secret agents in a kōrero hosted by the NZ Fabian Society. His analysis is that far from the sabotage
‘I end up buying less food’: Indigenous people should not have to go hungry to use the internet Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Azadeh Dastyari, Director, Centre for Western Sydney, Western Sydney University Access to the internet is not a luxury. It’s an essential part of life. It shapes how people study, find and do work, access healthcare, stay connected with community and interact with government services. For Indigenous peoples,
The phrase “We are now one people” has resurfaced lately, largely due to a campaign by the Hobson’s Pledge lobby group against the retention of Māori wards at referendums being held as part of the upcoming local body elections.
Māori wards and constituencies are the local authority equivalent of the Māori seats in Parliament, enabling a level of representation Māori have historically struggled to access. Anyone – Māori or non-Māori – can stand for election in a Māori ward or constituency.
The campaign against these arrangements has been somewhat overshadowed by the misuse of a Māori woman’s photograph on Hobson’s Pledge billboards next to the lines “My mana doesn’t need a mandate – vote no to Māori wards”.
But behind the immediate controversy lie deeper questions about the historical basis of claims made by Hobson’s Pledge and their justification for opposing city and district Māori wards.
At the core of those claims is the idea that the phrase “We are now one people” – more correctly, “He iwi tahi tātou” in te reo Māori, which is what Lieutenant-Governor William Hobson is held to have said at the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 – has both moral and constitutional status.
Effectively, the inference is that Hobson’s words amount to a political requirement to treat everyone in the same manner, irrespective of ethnicity. The Hobson’s Pledge website frames this as Hobson’s “promise […] that all New Zealanders would be one people”.
However, the only evidence Hobson uttered the phrase “He iwi tahi tātou” comes from Church Missionary Society printer William Colenso’s account, The Authentic and Genuine History of the Signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, published as part of the colony’s jubilee celebrations in 1890, 40 years after the events it recounts.
William Colenso, 1868. Wikimedia
In his 39-page booklet, Colenso stresses that his recollections are based on notes written “down on the spot while fresh in memory”, and says the manuscript on which his history was based was read and commented on by fellow missionary William Wade and James Busby, the outgoing British Resident, in late February 1840.
But research comparing Colenso’s manuscript and his later history has concluded his account “should be treated with a degree of informed caution”, partly because “none of the footnotes attributed to Busby by Colenso in his 1890 history appear in his 1840 manuscript”.
Colenso is clear Hobson spoke in te reo Māori, uttering the phrase “He iwi tahi tātou” each time he shook hands with one of the 45 rangatira (chiefs) who signed the Treaty at Waitangi. But his English translation – “We are [now] one people” – appears in parentheses to clearly indicate it has been added after the fact.
In their promotional material, Hobson’s Pledge routinely remove those parentheses, suggesting Hobson also uttered Colenso’s English translation.
No other existing record corroborates Colenso’s claim about what Hobson said. This includes the one compiled at the request of parliament by William Baker, a translator for the Native Department, in July 1865 – 25 years before Colenso’s recollections of events were published.
Neither Hobson nor Colenso make any reference to a “pledge”. In fact, Colenso gives just one line to Hobson’s interactions with rangatira at the signing, and spends far longer on the lieutenant-governor’s concerns about the behaviour of the Queen’s British subjects.
He recounts at some length Hobson’s explanation to rangatira that because “the law of England gives no civil powers to Her Majesty out of her dominions”, she “asks you to sign this treaty, and so give her that power which shall enable her to restrain them [her subjects]”.
‘We are peoples together’
Rather than being a pledge or promise, it’s much likelier Hobson was simply being polite when he said “He iwi tahi tātou”.
Significantly, too, there is no record of what the Māori rangatira at the time had to say about being “one people”. The same goes for the 500 or so other Māori, including 13 wāhine, who would subsequently sign te Tiriti o Waitangi in other parts of the country.
Colenso’s account lays bare the concern among, and division between, rangatira about signing the Treaty. But their views on Hobson’s te reo Māori phrase have not survived. Perhaps they simply assumed “we” were all Māori, which would have made sense given the estimated Māori population at the time was some 80,000, compared to around 2,000 Pākehā.
It is curious that one particular line – “He iwi tahi tātou” – has been picked from Colenso’s translation, when other lines have not – including his recollection that “Mr. Busby addressed the Natives to the effect that the Governor was not come to take away their land, but to secure them in the possession of what they had not sold”.
None of this is Colenso’s fault, of course. And Hobson’s Pledge is entitled to promote its broader political aims. But to assert Hobson made a “pledge” at Waitangi is a historical fiction, based on a Pākehā missionary’s translation of words spoken in te reo Māori that can’t be independently verified.
In fact, when translated by someone for whom Māori is their first language, “He iwi tahi tātou” might be better understood to mean “We are peoples together”. Which is largely where contemporary debates about the Treaty’s meaning begin, not end.
Richard Shaw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Olaf Meynecke, Research Fellow in Marine Science and Manager Whales & Climate Program, Griffith University
drewsulockcreations/Getty
As the annual humpback whale migration is underway with thousands of whales passing by the Australian coast, there are reports of dolphins joining the mass movement.
But this isn’t a one off. In fact, our new study, published today in Discover Animals, shows interspecies interactions between dolphins and whales are widespread and frequent around the world.
An astonishing interaction
There have been several reports of whale and dolphin interaction in the past.
But other forms of interactions resembling joint feeding, play and harassment are now being frequently documented thanks to drone technology. Many are also featured on social media.
A ‘whale’s-eye view’ of the world
For our new study, we undertook an analysis of 199 independent whale-dolphin interaction events involving 19 different species. These interactions spanned two decades and occurred across 17 countries.
We drew from social media platforms – such as Facebook, YouTube and Instagram – and footage contributed by citizens to get a variety of observations.
Each entry was carefully reviewed to identify the species involved, validate the interaction and categorise behaviours. Two additional cases came from camera tags attached to humpback whales. These offered an underwater “whale’s-eye view” of their encounters with dolphins.
We categorised behaviours such as rolling, tail slaps, bow riding, and rubbing, and classified dolphin positions relative to whale body parts such as head, flank and tail fluke.
Having fun or fighting?
The study contradicted earlier assumptions that interspecies interactions between dolphins and whales are very rare.
The most common interaction was dolphins swimming near the whale’s head (akin to bow riding). This accounted for 80% of observed dolphin positions. Humpback whales were the most involved whale species, while bottlenose dolphins led the dolphin side.
Based on videos we analysed, dolphins initiated most interactions through bow riding, swimming in formation, or even touching whales.
In more than one-quarter of the events, the whales responded in seemingly similar ways. For example, humpback whales often rolled, exposed their bellies, or gently turned toward dolphins.
Tail slaps and other signs of distress or aggression were rare (roughly 5% of cases).
As a result of this, we classified more than one-third of all interactions between humpback whales and dolphins as positive or possible social play.
The two camera-tag videos revealed previously undocumented interaction. Dolphins were observed following humpback whales not only at the surface but down to the ocean floor. They maintained eye contact or even touched the whales’ head – suggesting intentional, possibly social, engagement.
Reflecting advanced emotional capabilities
The findings reshape our understanding of how social marine mammals interact across species. They suggest interspecies interaction among marine mammals may be far more prevalent and complex than previously believed.
Dolphins may seek out whales as companions for stimulation, play or even courtship-like behaviour. Meanwhile, certain whale species, particularly humpback whales, may not only tolerate but also engage with dolphins in a social capacity.
This interspecies dynamic adds a new dimension to marine mammal social ecology and could point to cultural elements in whale and dolphin societies. The playfulness, cooperation and apparent enjoyment observed in many interactions reflect advanced cognitive and emotional capabilities.
The study also demonstrates the power of new technologies and community science. Social media and drones proved invaluable for collecting a range of diverse behavioural data that traditional surveys might miss.
Social media data has limitations, such as geographic and observer bias caused by different angles, heights, equipment and frequency of use of social media. But it does complement other data and helps uncover previously unknown behaviours.
Whales and dolphins don’t just coexist but also seek each other out. Future studies incorporating acoustic recordings and longer observation periods could further unravel the motivations and meanings behind these fascinating encounters.
Olaf Meynecke receives funding from the Whales and Climate Research Program through a private, charitable trust and is a board member of the not for profit organisation Humpbacks and Highrises Inc.
Neoliberalism has had an enormous influence on the world, driving policy and governance at the national and international level, particularly since the 1980s, when it was championed by the Reagan administration in the United States and the Thatcher government in the United Kingdom.
It has been associated with programs of economic deregulation, privatisation of state-owned enterprises, massive tax cuts for businesses and high-income earners, reduction of social services and welfare programs, anti-unionisation, and the independence of monetary policy.
The movement’s intellectual heart was the Mont Pelerin Society, founded in 1947 by the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek, who used the term “neoliberalism” into the 1950s. With the support of wealthy backers, neoliberalism became a global movement, its free-market principles promoted by a welter of influential institutes and think tanks.
Review: Hayek’s Bastards: The Neoliberal Roots of the Populist Right – Quinn Slobodian (Allen Lane)
Neoliberalism is often described as a form of market fundamentalism: the view that, as Slobodian puts it, “everything on the planet has a price tag, borders are obsolete, the world economy should replace nation-states, and human life is reducible to a cycle of earn, spend, borrow, die”.
Slobodian suggests, however, that to understand neoliberalism as a “hypermarketization of everything” is “both vague and misleading”.
Slobodian calls this US-centred version of neoliberalism the “new fusionism”. He traces its influence on important factions on the contemporary right.
From the 1950s to 1980s, US conservatives often melded libertarian economic ideas with religious traditionalism. They drew on the language of religion to back up claims about immutable human differences based on gender, race and culture.
The “new fusionism” deploys the language of science to defend neoliberal policies. Taking their cues from evolutionary psychology, sociobiology, genetics and neuroscience, groups like the self-described “paleolibertarians” have sought to ground their claims on the “bedrock of biology”.
Slobodian helps us to see how important emerging factions on the Right are “mutant strains of neoliberalism”. Attention to the “new fusionism”, he suggests, helps to “clear up some of the confused framing of politics in the last several years”.
He challenges prominent narratives that describe populism and the alt-right in terms of a “backlash” against the forces of neoliberalism. The key figures in Hayek’s Bastards are not presented as “barbarians at the gates of neoliberal globalism but the bastard offspring of that line of thought itself”.
“Behind the abstract talk of liberties and freedoms in much of 21st century neoliberal and libertarian discourse,” argues Slobodian, “lies a much grubbier story of hunting and gathering, primordial beginnings, and adamantine differences.”
Better understanding of this, and of the visions of capitalism interwoven with these views, helps shed important light on “the mystique of evolutionary psychology in the work of right-wing gurus like Jordan Peterson”, the pronouncements of “so-called race realists on the radical right”, and the obsession with IQ among Silicon Valley techno-libertarians.
The Cold War: victory or defeat?
Slobodian writes interestingly about the 1990s and 2000s, when neoliberals might have been expected to be basking in the glory of having “routed their enemies, won the battle against communism, and conscripted international financial institutions to carry out their world-changing project”.
Instead, observes Slobodian, they “seemed to fear the Cold War had been lost”. The Soviet Union had collapsed and communism was defeated, yet “public spending continued to expand even as capitalism became the only surviving economic system”.
“In the democratic countries of Western Europe, the US, and elsewhere,” wrote neoliberal economist Gary Becker, “government control and regulation of economic activities is expanding, not contracting.”
“There weren’t any summit meetings in Washington about how to cut down the size of government,” lamented Mont Pelerin Society member Milton Friedman. Instead, there were “enormous increases” in what the neoliberals saw as paternalistic “statism”.
Key threats were identified as feminism, the civil rights movement, and supranational institutions, such as the United Nations and the European Union.
Neoliberals had initially viewed the European Union as promising: an institution with the potential to accelerate “competition between labour, product, and finance markets”. They came to view it as a “socialist Trojan horse”. It was, as German historian of science and Mont Pelerin Society member Gerard Radnitzky put it,
a European super-state […] on the road to more government and more bureaucracy, to creeping socialism and hence to less freedom and less growth.
Another new threat was environmentalism. “Having fought back a red tide, we are now in danger of being engulfed by a green one,” warned Fred Smith of the Competitive Enterprise Institute.
Many neoliberals believed that, as Mont Pelerin Society member Charles Murray wrote in the 1990s, “the last thirty years represent an aberration which goes against human nature”. They thought that, as Slobodian puts it, “decades of ‘collectivism’ and state dependency – even in the capitalist world – had eroded the virtues of self-reliance”.
The “mechanisms which existed prior to the welfare state and in some measure served to fulfill its functions are gone”, said Michael S. Joyce, the worried president of conservative funding body the Bradley Foundation.
This presented a serious problem. Joyce thought it unlikely that “the private sector and the free market [would] fill the gap instantly – like Athena sprung fully born from Zeus – thus replacing the welfare state and making the new order acceptable to our citizens”.
A painful transition out of the world of the social state was the only path to recovery.
A return to first principles
Against this background, neoliberals and libertarians in the 1990s argued that, as Slobodian writes, “it was necessary to return to first principles, to open a wide-ranging discussion on the human condition and the prerequisites for market order”.
This involved a shift in focus, away from purely economic issues. As neoliberals sought to ground their arguments in “something beyond the social”, they looked for scientific support for their core view that egalitarian politics and the social state went against “human nature”.
This “appeal to nature” was a central part of the neoliberal solution to the problem of expanding public spending.
Behind it, notes Slobodian, there was a political problem. The social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, the neoliberals believed, had “injected the poison of civil rights, feminism, affirmative action, and ecological consciousness into the veins of the body politic”.
They were, as Slobodian puts it, “confounded by persistent demands for the redress of inequality”. They experienced this as an oppressive atmosphere of “political correctness”. They felt it created “a culture of government dependency” and “special pleading”.
In their view, such demands came at the expense of productivity, innovation, efficiency, stability, and order. To combat them, intellectually and politically, they “turned to nature in matters of race, intelligence, territory, and money”.
Rethinking the conditions of capitalism
Slobodian suggests that changing demographics in the United States – “an aging white population matched by an expanding nonwhite population” – spurred some neoliberals and libertarians to “rethink the conditions necessary for capitalism”.
Extra-economic issues were traditionally addressed in neoliberal debates via a discussion of topics like law, religion and morality. The New Right, which would merge with the alt-right, developed in the direction of advocating an “ethno-economy”.
Proponents argued that certain cultures – and, for some, certain “races” – were “predisposed to market success”. Slobodian summarises their argument like this: “Some societies had developed the cultural traits of personal responsibility, ingenuity, rational action, and low time preference over long periods; others had not.”
The advantageous traits, these neoliberals believed, were not easily transplanted to “less culturally evolved societies”. Alongside this, many began to argue that “cultural homogeneity is a precondition for social stability, and thus the peaceful conduct of market exchange and enjoyment of private property”.
From this line of thinking sprang groups like the “closed borders” libertarians, who advocated free movement for capital and goods, but “drew a hard line against certain kinds of people”. Their demand for an ethno-state, writes Slobodian, was grounded in the demand for an “ethno-economy”.
Race and IQ
“Faced with the neoliberal problem of how to explain unequal capacity in a universal marketplace,” argues Slobodian, influential figures on the right “diverged from Hayekian arguments about social learning and cultural imitation”.
They seized on what they believed was the “objectivity of race science”. Relying on fringe work on IQ science, many adherents divided humanity into “cognitive classes”. Intelligence – measured by IQ – “became a central category for the new fusionists”.
In 1994, Murray and co-author Richard Herrnstein published The Bell Curve, which argued there was a link between “race” and “intelligence”.
The paleolibertarian Murray Rothbard, another Mont Pelerin Society member and a leading “new fusionist”, also saw differences as “rooted in biology and race as a rigid hierarchy of group traits and abilities”. There was, he thought, a “genetic basis for inequality of intelligence which undercut any attempts to create an equality of outcomes through education or redistribution”.
In the early 1990s, Rothbard outlined a strategy of what he called “paleo-populism”. Its aim was to use electoral democracy as a means of transitioning to a stateless society. Rothbard’s protégé Hans-Hermann Hoppe further radicalised his program. He vilified democracy as “the god that failed” and proposed “racial explanations for patterns of economic behaviour”.
Slobodian credits Hoppe with creating “forums for exchange between theorists of eugenics, ethnic secessionism, and Austrian economics”. Hoppe acted as a bridge from the US to “dissident [Mont Pelerin Society] members in Germany and Austria who sought to create their own alliances to the Right of the mainstream parties”.
‘Junk science yarns’
In their appeal to the “junk science yarns” about IQ and the “biological reality of race”, Slobodian’s neoliberals believed they had identified “a genetic basis for unequal capacity, unequal achievement, and in Hoppe’s work, an explanation for the supposedly natural aversion of races to cohabitation”.
The 2008 global financial crisis and its aftermath, argues Slobodian, “created the conditions for new mutations of neoliberal thought – as well as new schisms”.
In 2015, more than one million refugees arrived in Europe. With them came “a new winning political hybrid that combined xenophobia with free-market values”. In Germany, the racist right’s position was crystallized in Thilo Sarrazin’s book Germany Abolishes Itself, which sold more than 1.5 million copies.
Drawing on the same research as Murray, Rothbard and Hoppe, Sarrazin made the case for “race differences in cognitive capacity”. His “synthesis of free trade, independent monetary policy, and biological racism is the intellectual core of the insurgent Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Austrian Freedom Party”.
It is important to recognise, Slobodian emphasises, that these figures “did not propose the wholesale rejection of globalism but a variety of it, one that accepts an international division of labour with robust cross-border flows of goods and even multilateral trade agreements”, while “tightening controls on certain kinds of migration”.
The common view of neoliberals and the New Right is scorn for “egalitarianism, global economic equality, and solidarity beyond the nation. Both see capitalism as inevitable and judge citizens by the standards of productivity and efficiency.”
And yet, as Slobodian points out,
The parties dubbed as right-wing populist, from the United States to Britain and Austria […] offer few plans to rein in finance, restore a Golden Age of job security, or end world trade. By and large, the so-called populists’ calls to privatize, deregulate, and slash taxes come straight from the playbook shared by the world’s leaders for the past thirty years.
In other words, a lot of what we have been witnessing is a “family feud”.
Christopher Pollard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Today’s consumers are swimming in a sea of information. Products are marketed with big, bold words such as “sustainable”, “ethical” and “organic”. They sound good, they catch our attention, and they make us feel better about what we buy.
The reality is, in today’s market, figuring out which claims are true is no easy task.
One big reason is greenwashing, when brands use these buzzwords to sell products without living up to what the words actually mean. In fashion especially, these terms are thrown around so often that their meaning has been watered down. Instead of being about genuine change, they are often just a sales tool.
So, how can you know what to look out for?
Who should take responsibility for green claims?
Greenwashing takes many forms. Sometimes brands know they are misleading; this is direct greenwashing. Other times, it’s indirect, when brands simply do not know the full story of their own supply chains. A T-shirt, for example, might start as raw cotton in one country, get processed into fabric in another, sewn into a garment, and then shipped overseas for sale.
At each stage, there are different suppliers, factories and workers. The brand has limited visibility over what happens in these tiers. When a brand claims it produces ethically, but does not, that is greenwashing. If it involves exploitation or forced labour, it then becomes modern slavery, turning greenwashing into something more dangerous.
This raises a big question: who is responsible? The obvious answer is the brands. They design, order, and sell the products, and they profit from them. Consumers are paying for these goods, so they should have access to credible information, not just vague claims or nice-sounding labels.
The fashion industry is constantly in the spotlight for problems in its supply chains. Stories about poor working conditions, environmental damage, and lack of transparency pop up all the time. But just like a viral trend on social media, the attention often fades quickly, and people move on to the next story.
Certifications aren’t perfect
There are many certifications in the fashion industry trying to help, but they are not foolproof. A label might promise ethical sourcing, but that does not guarantee transparency or prove that every step was ethical.
Tracing global supply chains is hard. But the responsibility does not disappear just because it’s complicated.
In Australia, the Modern Slavery Act took effect in January 2019 to tackle issues such as forced labour and exploitation. Penalties include heavy fines or jail time.
However, there is a major loophole, as only companies with an annual revenue over A$100 million are required to report under the act. For big corporations, even if they are caught, the penalty can be tiny compared to the profits they have made.
This is not just an Australian problem, it’s global. For example, luxury brand Dior was placed under judicial administration after being found negligent for failing to act against worker exploitation in its subcontracted supply chain in Italy. The pattern is often the same; a company gets accused, sometimes even fined, but the cost is minimal compared to their annual revenue, so it’s barely a setback.
Is there a role for government?
So, should the responsibility rest only with brands? Not entirely. Governments also benefit from these companies through taxes and trade. They profit indirectly when the companies profit, and they benefit from the jobs these companies provide.
A stronger approach would involve government bodies and brands working with supply chain mapping companies, such as Textile Genesis, TrusTrace or FibreTrace. These platforms, often powered by blockchain and artificial intelligence, track a product through every stage of production.
Blockchain – which uses a decentralised database – can be a game changer.
Unlike websites or paper trails, blockchain data cannot be altered without leaving trace. Once recorded, the information is permanent, and it can be shared across manufacturers, brands and government bodies to maintain real-time disclosure.
When products enter a country, the ethical claims behind them could be verified in real time, instead of relying on brands to respond after an allegation is made.
The upfront cost is high and adoption might be slow. But in the long run it could save money on compliance, audits and damage control, while also building consumer trust.
Brands would still make profits, but consumers would have the confidence the products they are buying live up to the claims. Instead of government agencies being passive players, they would actively enforce that products meet the standards consumers expect.
In short, brands need to be held accountable, but so do governments. Greenwashing, modern slavery, and unethical sourcing will keep slipping through the cracks, unless they both work together.
The tools to make the fashion industry more transparent and honest already exist; it’s just a matter of using them.
Aayushi Badhwar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Over the next two decades, the average Australian worker is likely to change occupations at least twice.
Rapid technological change and longer working lives mean the days of having “one job for life” are long gone. New occupations will also appear and some older ones will shrink or vanish. And our preferences change.
So Australians’ ability to adapt to new occupations will be crucial for their wellbeing at work and for national productivity.
In a new Productivity Commission interim report, released today, we examine how Australia can build a skilled and adaptable workforce.
Here’s what we recommend for schools, mid-career learning and entering new occupations.
Can we help schools teach basic skills?
Being able to adapt in the workforce starts with having basic skills that can be transferred across different occupations. These are taught at school and include reading, maths and basic digital literacy.
But many Australian students lack these skills. For example, the most recent NAPLAN results show about 10% of students need additional support and about 20% are “developing” towards expectations.
Gaps in outcomes for students from disadvantaged groups emerge early and worsen over time. For example in Year 3, on average, students with parents who did not finish high school are two years behind in reading compared to students with parents with a bachelor’s degree. By Year 9, they are five years behind.
Students who fall behind also pose a huge challenge for teachers, who may need to teach a broad range of levels within one class. Our report found 53% of schools had the highest possible range of achievement levels when it came to NAPLAN scores.
To build these students’ skills, the Productivity Commission proposes investment in a comprehensive online bank of high-quality lesson planning materials. Some states and school systems already have, or are developing, banks of lesson plans. There is an existing central resource, but it requires updating and expanding.
A central bank could help teachers support students of all abilities in their classes. These would be available to all teachers, no matter what type of school they teach at. They would cover all aspects of the Australian Curriculum from the first year of school to Year 10.
Our report also found generative artificial intelligence (AI), if implemented well, has tremendous potential to support students who are falling behind (and to challenge those who are ahead).
We propose a national approach to “edtech” – including a stocktake of what’s currently used. This approach could also draw on the combined purchasing power of states to provide approved AI tools at a cheaper price than what schools could procure alone.
Can we make it easier to train and study mid-career?
Lifelong learning is also vital for adaptability. Workers who improve their skills or gain new ones over their working lives are more likely to adjust successfully to new technology and developments in their occupation.
We found sole traders and small and medium enterprises provided 65.9% of Australian jobs, yet their workers tend to receive less training than those in larger firms. So the Productivity Commission recommends trialling financial incentives (such as a tax credit) to encourage training for staff working in these organisations.
Some workers also need new qualifications to change occupations. They may look to get credit from their new institution for some of their prior experience to speed up their study.
But this system can be complicated. Providers get less revenue if students finish their courses more quickly and may be hesitant to give credit for prior learning. It can be also hard to determine what experiences, including overseas qualifications, should get what specific credits.
So we propose an independent process to assess “recognition of prior learning” and a public register of credit transfer decisions to show students what education pathways they might pursue.
Can we make it simpler to enter a new field?
Occupational entry regulations – or rules that require workers to meet minimum conditions – may also be hampering workers’ adaptability.
Our inquiry found between 15% and 31% of Australian workers are subject to registration or licensing – a higher proportion than as many as 23 European Union countries.
Across different Australian states, the rules for licensing workers vary widely, yet the Productivity Commission found no evidence those states with tighter licensing experience better consumer or worker safety outcomes.
Some of the industries we found has too many regulations included hairdressers, motor vehicle repairers, painters and decorators and air conditioning mechanics.
Many Australian occupations require lengthy qualifications, and in some non-trade occupations the educational requirements have ratcheted up over time.
In trades, trade apprentice numbers have stagnated. And only 54% of trade apprentices have finished within four years of starting their training. So we recommend alternative models are considered. These include a shorter apprenticeship for mature students, more narrowly focused qualifications, and completing coursework prior to a shorter apprenticeship.
Adapting to new job markets is always challenging. But workers who are changing occupations multiple times need to be supported to manage this volatility. Helping Australians to survive and thrive through change is the key to an adaptable workforce.
Catherine de Fontenay is a Productivity Commissioner.
Alex Robson is deputy chair of the Productivity Commission.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Flora Hui, Research Fellow, Centre for Eye Research Australia and Honorary Fellow, Department of Surgery (Ophthalmology), The University of Melbourne
Drugs such as Ozempic, Wegovy and Mounjaro (known as semaglutide and tirzepatide) have changed the way clinicians manage diabetes and obesity around the world.
Collectively known as GLP-1 agonists, these drugs mimic the hormone GLP-1. This limits both hunger and interest in food, helping users lose weight, and helps control blood sugar levels.
But two new studies published today show that people taking these drugs may have a small increased risk of serious eye conditions and vision loss.
Here’s what you need to know if you’re taking or considering these medications.
What damage can occur?
Non-arteritic anterior ischaemic optic neuropathy, or NAION, is a rare but devastating eye condition that occurs when blood flow to the optic nerve is suddenly reduced or blocked. It’s also called an “eye stroke”.
The exact cause of NAION remains unclear and there are no current treatments available. People with diabetes are at increased risk of developing NAION.
Unlike other eye conditions that develop gradually, NAION causes a sudden, painless loss of vision. Patients typically notice the condition when they wake up and discover they’ve lost vision in one eye.
Vision tends to worsen over a couple of weeks and slowly stabilises. Recovery of vision is variable, but around 70% of people do not experience improvement in their vision.
What has previous research shown?
A previous study from 2024 found participants prescribed semaglutide for diabetes were four times more likely to develop NAION. For those taking it for weight loss, the risk was almost eight times higher.
In June, the European Medicines Agency concluded NAION represented a “very rare” side effect of semaglutide medications: a one in 10,000 chance. In a first for medicines regulators, the agency now requires product labels to include NAION as a documented risk.
However the recent studies suggest the risks may be lower than we first thought.
In addition to NAION, there is also evidence to suggest GLP-1 drugs can worsen diabetic eye disease, also known as diabetic retinopathy. This occurs when high blood sugar levels damage the small blood vessels in the retina, which can lead to vision loss.
It may sound counter-intuitive, but rapid blood sugar reductions can also destabilise the fragile blood vessels in the retina and lead to bleeding.
What do the new studies say?
Two newly published studies investigated people with type 2 diabetes living in the United States over two years. The studies looked at the medical records of 159,000 to 185,000 people.
One study found semaglutide or tirzepatide was associated with a more modest risk of developing NAION than previously thought. Of 159,000 people with type 2 diabetes who were taking these drugs, 35 people (0.04%) developed NAION, compared with 19 patients (0.02%) in the comparison group.
The researchers also found an increased risk of developing “other optic nerve disorders”. However, it’s unclear what kind of optic nerve disorders this includes, as the medical record codes used didn’t specify.
Counter to this, the second study did not find an increased risk of NAION among those taking GLP-1 drugs.
However, the researchers found a small increase in the number of people developing diabetic retinopathy in those prescribed GLP-1 drugs.
But overall, participants on GLP-1 drugs experienced fewer sight-threatening complications related to their diabetic retinopathy and required less invasive eye treatments compared to the group taking other diabetes medications.
Further studies are still needed to understand how GLP-1 drugs can lead to eye complications. A current, five-year clinical trial is studying the long-term effects of semaglutides and diabetic eye disease in 1,500 people, which should tell us more about the ocular risks in the future.
What does this mean for people taking GLP-1 drugs?
NAION is a serious condition. But we need to strike a balance between these (and other) risks and the benefits of GLP-1 medications in diabetes care, obesity treatment, reducing heart attack risks and extending lives.
The key lies in informed decision-making and identifying different levels of risk.
People with multiple NAION risk factors – such as sleep apnoea, high blood pressure and diabetes – should undergo careful consideration with their treating doctor before starting these medications.
“Crowded” optic nerve heads are also a risk factor for NAION. This is an anatomical feature where blood vessels at the optic nerve head are tightly packed together. People with crowded optic nerve heads should also undergo careful consideration before starting GLP-1 medications.
Although NAION can strike without warning, regular comprehensive eye examinations with your optometrist or ophthalmologist still serve important purposes. They can detect other drug-related eye problems, including worsening diabetic retinopathy, and can identify patients with crowded optic nerve heads. It’s also important to tell them if you are taking GLP-1 medications so they can keep a close watch on your eye health.
Emerging research also suggests that improving your heart health might help reduce risks of developing NAION. This includes proper management of high blood pressure, diabetes and cholesterol – all conditions that compromise the small blood vessels feeding the optic nerve.
Studies also show patients with heart conditions who better adhere to their medication prescriptions have lower risks of NAION than those who don’t.
Doctors should discuss NAION risks during prescribing decisions and work with eye care providers to monitor regularly for diabetic eye disease. Patients need clear instructions to seek immediate medical attention for sudden vision loss and the need for regular eye examinations.
Aggressive treatment of sleep apnoea and other heart conditions may also help reduce NAION risks. But for now, there remains an ongoing need for more research to understand how GLP-1 medications can affect the eye.
Pete A Williams has received past funding from Novo Nordisk Fonden (Foundation) for glaucoma neuroprotection research and is involved in, but does not directly receive funds from, a Novo Nordisk Fonden-funded clinical trial for glaucoma neuroprotection. Novo Nordisk Fonden has no role in the planning, execution, or data analysis of these studies. Novo Nordisk Fonden owns Novo Holdings A/S, which owns and controls Novo Nordisk A/S, the pharmaceutical company that makes Ozempic and Wegovy.
Flora Hui does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
We welcome the update, to take effect from July next year, and the government’s commitment to reviewing the funding formula regularly.
However, the new formula remains incomplete.
The government accepted expert advice to include factors such as rurality, morbidity (the level of sickness) and socioeconomic deprivation (poverty), but it modified recommendations and left out ethnicity.
Matching funding with need
The public health system strives very hard to match the level of funding to people’s need for healthcare services. Communities with the most need should of course receive the highest level of public funding.
Since the early 2000s, the formula has been the main funding mechanism for general practices providing primary healthcare and related services. It is used to allocate money to individual general practices based on the characteristics of the patients enrolled with each practice.
Over the past 20 years, there have been many calls for the formula to be substantially overhauled and to include not only age and sex, but also other factors that affect healthcare needs.
It was acknowledged when the formula was first set up 25 years ago that ethnicity and poverty should be included because they are powerful indicators of need. But back then, the necessary data were simply not widely available.
Despite these calls and various reviews and technical reports, as well as better data, changes to the formula were only minor and incremental.
Then, in 2022, the government commissioned the Sapere consultancy firm to carry out a thorough analysis. This report concluded a new formula should be implemented that includes age, sex, ethnicity, socioeconomic deprivation and morbidity.
Ignoring ethnicity leads to poor policy
Up until the most recent announcement, we expected the government to implement a state of the art, fully fit-for-purpose formula. But the government chose to change it in an unexpected way by removing the ethnicity funding factor.
For context, the government acknowledged the importance of needs-based funding in its cabinet circular in September last year. The circular directed all public services to adhere to the principles of needs-based funding and service provision, acknowledging that funding for a particular ethnic group is justified as long as there is evidence of need.
Extensive epidemiological evidence from the past 30 years tells us the need for health care of Māori and Pacific populations is very high, and is driven not just by poverty but also by the added disadvantages they face in New Zealand society.
By excluding ethnicity, the funding formula fails to properly reflect the underlying patterns of health need. This leaves us with an inferior formula because it does not take account of the measured health needs of Māori and Pacific families and communities.
Aside from reducing the effectiveness of the formula, the omission of ethnicity sends the misleading message that it is not important and has no place in health funding. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The government’s focus on blanking ethnicity is undermining the foundational principle of matching health dollars with need. This is poor public policy.
Instead of the partial formula that was announced, we argue for a complete, evidence-based mechanism to fund general practices – in keeping with the government’s own stated objective of needs-based funding, supported by evidence.
Peter Crampton has been involved with capitation funding formula design since its inception 25 years ago, as a member of technical advisory groups for the Ministry of Health and Te Whatu Ora. He receives funding from the Ministry of Health and the Health Research Council.
Gabrielle McDonald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Human-driven climate change threatens many species, including birds. Most studies on this topic focus on long-term climate trends, such as gradual rises in average temperatures or shifts in rainfall patterns. But extreme weather events are becoming more common and intense, so they warrant further attention.
Our new research shows extreme heat is having a particularly severe effect on tropical birds. We found increased exposure to extreme heat has reduced bird populations in tropical regions by 25–38% since 1950.
This is not just a temporary dip – it’s a long-term, cumulative effect that continues to build as the planet warms.
We analysed data from long-term monitoring of more than 3,000 bird populations worldwide between 1950 and 2020. This dataset captures more than 90,000 scientific observations.
Although there are some gaps, the dataset offers an unmatched view of how bird populations have changed over time. Some parts of the world such as western Europe and North America were better represented than others, but all continents were covered.
We matched this bird data with detailed daily weather records from a global climate database that stretches back to 1940. This allowed us to track how bird populations responded to specific changes in daily temperatures and rainfall, including extreme heat.
We also looked at average yearly temperatures, total annual rainfall, and episodes of unusually heavy rainfall.
By combining all these sources of data, we created computer models to evaluate how climate factors and human impacts influence bird population growth.
Our research confirmed the work of other climate scientists showing extreme heat events have increased dramatically over the past 70 years, especially near the equator.
Birds in tropical regions are now experiencing dangerously hot days about ten times more often than they did in the past.
What we found: extreme heat is the biggest climate threat to birds
While changes in average temperature and rainfall do affect birds, we found the increasing number of dangerously hot days had the greatest effect – especially in tropical regions.
At temperatures beyond a bird’s limit of endurance, they go into hyperthermia, where their body temperature rises uncontrollably. In this state, birds may adopt a drooped-wing posture to expose more skin for heat loss, hold their beaks open and pant rapidly, spread their feathers, and become lethargic or disoriented. In severe cases, they lose coordination, fall from perches, or even collapse unconscious.
A black-collared barbet (Lybius torquatus) from Botswana. Sergey Dereliev
If they survive the experience, they can suffer long-term damage such as heat-induced organ failure and reduced reproductive capacity. Heat exposure reduces breeding success by lowering adult body condition and reducing time spent foraging – because the birds must rest or seek shade during the hottest hours.
It also causes heat stress in eggs and nestlings. In extreme events, nestlings may die from hyperthermia, or parents may abandon nests to save themselves.
Heat also increases a bird’s demand for water — not because they sweat (birds lack sweat glands) but because they lose water rapidly through evaporative cooling. This happens mainly via panting (respiratory evaporation) and, in some species, gular fluttering (rapid vibration of throat skin to increase airflow), as well as evaporation through the skin. As temperatures climb, these processes accelerate, causing significant dehydration unless birds can drink more frequently or access moister food.
Our study found that across tropical areas, the impact of climate change on birds is perhaps even greater now than the impact of direct human activities such as logging, mining or farming. This is not to say habitat destruction due to these activities is not a serious issue – it clearly is a major concern to tropical biodiversity. But our study highlights the challenges climate change is already bringing to birds in tropical regions.
Extreme heat is bad for birds in more than one way. James Watson, Maximilian Kotz and Tatsuya Amano with icons from Flaticon, design by Canva.
A clear warning
Our research highlights the importance of focusing not just on average climate trends, but also on extreme events. Heatwaves are no longer rare, isolated incidents – they are becoming a regular part of life in many parts of the world.
If climate change continues unchecked, tropical birds – and likely many other animals and plants – will face increasing threats to their survival. Change may be too fast and too extreme for many species to adapt.
Conservation strategies must take this into account. Protecting habitats from human industrial development remains important, but it’s no longer enough on its own. Proactive action to help species adapt to climate change needs to be part of wildlife protection plans – especially in the tropics.
Ultimately if we are to preserve global biodiversity, slowing down and eventually reversing climate change is essential. That means cutting greenhouse gas emissions, investing in ways to draw down existing carbon dioxide levels, and supporting policies that reduce our impact on the planet. The fate of tropical birds – and countless other species – depends on it.
Tropical bird population declined by one-third since 1980 due to climate change, featuring the study’s lead author Maximilian Kotz (Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research)
James Watson has received funding from the Australian Research Council, National Environmental Science Program, South Australia’s Department of Environment and Water, Queensland’s Department of Environment, Science and Innovation as well as from Bush Heritage Australia, Queensland Conservation Council, Australian Conservation Foundation, The Wilderness Society and Birdlife Australia. He serves on the scientific committee of BirdLife Australia and has a long-term scientific relationship with Bush Heritage Australia and Wildlife Conservation Society. He serves on the Queensland government’s Land Restoration Fund’s Investment Panel as the Deputy Chair.
Maximilian Kotz receives funding from European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under a Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant.
Tatsuya Amano receives funding from the Australian Research Council Future Fellowship and Discovery Project.
I never knew Anas al-Sharif personally. But somehow he seemed to be part of our whānau.
We watched so many of his reports from Gaza that it just appeared he would be always around keeping us up-to-date on the horrifying events in the besieged enclave.
Although he actually worked for Al Jazeera Arabic, the 28-year-old was probably the best known Palestinian journalist in the Strip and many of his stories were translated into English.
It is yet another despicable act by the Israeli military to assassinate him and four of his colleagues on the eve of launching their new mass crime to seize and demolish Gaza City with a population of about one million as part of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s pledge to occupy the whole of Gaza.
In many ways the bravery of al-Sharif — he had warned several times that he was being targeted — was the embodiment of the Palestinian courage under fire when UNESCO awarded the 2024 World Press Freedom Award collectively to the Gazan journalists.
But it wasn’t enough just to “murder” him and his colleagues — as the Al Jazeera channel proclaimed in red banner television headlines — Israel attempted unsuccessfully to try to smear him in death as a “Hamas platoon leader” without a shred of evidence.
The drone attack late on Sunday night hit a journalists’ work tent near the main gate of Gaza City’s al-Shifa Hospital, killing seven people. Among those killed beside al-Sharif were fellow Al Jazeera correspondent Mohammed Qreiqeh and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher, Moamen Aliwa and Mohammed Noufal.
Call for UNSC emergency session Al Jazeera later said a sixth journalist, freelancer Mohammad al-Khaldi, was also killed in the strike. Reporters Without Borders said three more journalists had been wounded and called for a UN Security Council emergency session to discuss journalist safety.
Al Jazeera condemns the assassination of its journalists by Israeli occupation forces
Al Jazeera Media Network condemns in the strongest terms the targeted assassination of its correspondents Anas Al Sharif and Mohammed Qraiqea, along with photographers Ibrahim Al Thaher, and… pic.twitter.com/0otP6IYIgC
In a statement, the Qatar-based Al Jazeera Media Network condemned in “the strongest terms” the killing of its media staff in “yet another blatant and premeditated attack on press freedom”, noting that the Israeli occupation force had “admitted to their crimes”.
“This attack comes amid the catastrophic consequences of the ongoing Israeli assault on Gaza, which has seen the relentless slaughter of civilians, forced starvation, and the obliteration of entire communities,” Al Jazeera said.
“Anas and his colleagues were among the last remaining voices from within Gaza, providing the world with unfiltered, on-the-ground coverage of the devastating realities endured by its people.”
Five Al Jazeera journalists killed in Gaza by Israel’s “psychopathic liar” — Marwan Bishara Video: Al Jazeera
“In fact, we have decided, and I’ve ordered, directed the military, to bring in foreign journalists, more foreign journalists,” Netanyahu told a news conference in Jerusalem.
Israeli authorities have in the past barred any foreign media from entering the Gaza Strip, while it has been deliberately targeting and killing local Palestinian journalists.
Other attacks on Al Jazeera The deadly strike on Anas al-Sharif and his four colleagues is not the first attack on Al Jazeera journalists in Gaza since the start of Israel’s current war on the Palestinian territory in October 2023
Israeli forces have previously killed five Al Jazeera journalists: Samer Abudaqa, Ismael al-Ghoul, Ahmed al-Louh, Hossam Shabat and Hamza Dahdouh, son of Al Jazeera’s Gaza bureau chief, Wael Dahdouh, as well as many of the family members of Al Jazeera journalists.
The Israeli military has been systematically killing journalists, photographers and local media workers in the Gaza Strip since the start of the war in an attempt to silence their reports.
But some media freedom groups put the casualty figure even higher. The Government Media Office in Gaza, for example, reports that 242 journalists have been killed.
The Israeli military have frequently accused journalists of being “terrorists” without evidence.
‘Enormous influence’ “He’s held enormous influence there, and that’s precisely why Israel murdered him.
Shehada told Al Jazeera he had “looked into the allegations” that Israel produced, trying to smear him as a Hamas militant, adding that “the allegations were completely contradictory.” He added:
“There’s zero evidence that al-Sharif took part in any hostilities, in any armed actions, aided or abetted any kind of these hostilities. None at all. His entire daily routine was standing in front of a camera from morning to evening.”
An early Instagram report of the killing of the Gazan journalists . . . later updated to five Al Jazeera staff and a sixth journalist. Image: AJ
It had been alleged by Israel that Anas al-Sharif was a member of the military wing of Hamas, and the army claimed that it had found documents in Gaza that proved their point.
“It includes some links to content that anyone could have printed,” she said. “This has been going on for a few weeks, ever since Anas started reporting on the starvation in Gaza, and he had such a huge impact on the Arab world.
“Immediately after, a spokesman for the Israeli army in Arabic… posted a video on social media, accusing al-Sharif of being a Hamas member and threatening him.”
‘Knew he was at serious risk’ Abdel-Hamid said she had been going through his X feed.
“He knew his life was at serious risk, and he repeatedly wrote that he was just a journalist, and he wanted his message to be spread widely, because he thought that was a way to protect him.”
Posted on his X account in case he was killed was his “last will” and final message. He wrote in part:
“I entrust you with Palestine — the jewel in the crown of the Muslim world, the heartbeat of every free person in this world. I entrust you with its people, with its wronged and innocent children who never had the time to dream or live in safety and peace.
“Their pure bodies were crushed under thousands of tons of Israeli bombs and missiles, torn apart and scattered across the walls.
“I urge you not to let chains silence you, nor borders restrain you. Be bridges toward the liberation of the land and its people, until the sun of dignity and freedom rises over our stolen homeland . . . “
This is my will and my final message. If these words reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice. First, peace be upon you and Allah’s mercy and blessings.
Allah knows I gave every effort and all my strength to be a support and a voice for my…
— أنس الشريف Anas Al-Sharif (@AnasAlSharif0) August 10, 2025
Jodie Ginsberg, chief executive for the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), said that last October Israel had accused al-Sharif and “a number of other journalists of being terrorists without providing any credible proof”.
“We warned back then that this felt to us like a precursor to justify assassination, and, of course, last month… we saw again, a repeated smear campaign”, she told Al Jazeera.
“This is not solely about Anas al-Sharif, this is part of a pattern that we have seen from Israel… going back decades, in which it kills journalists.”
Accusations repeated Al-Sharif had warned last month about the starvation facing journalists — “and we saw then the accusations repeated.
“Of course, now we are seeing a new offensive, plans for a new offensive, in Gaza, the kind of thing that Anas has been reporting on for the best part of three years.”
“The [Israeli] occupation is preparing for a major massacre in Gaza, but this time without sound or image,” Dr Mohammed Abu Salmiya told Turkiye’s Anadolu news agency.
“It wants to kill and displace the largest number of Palestinians in Gaza City but this time in the absence of the voice of Anas, Mohamed, Al Jazeera and all satellite channels.”
Assassinated Gazan journalist Anas al-Sharif . . . “killed to prevent coverage of atrocities” Israel intends to carry out in its Gaza City seizure. Image: AJ screenshot APR
‘Fabrications don’t wash’ Al Jazeera’s senior analyst Marwan Bishara warned that “Israel’s lies” about al-Sharif endangered journalists everywhere, saying that the “best response to the killing of our colleagues is by continuing to do what we do”.
“I want to correct one thing [about Western media reports], and I need our viewers and readers around the world to pay attention:
“It doesn’t matter whether what Israel said about al-Sharif is correct or not.
“It’s an absolute fabrication. It’s wrong. But it doesn’t matter.
“Because if every American journalist who served in Iraq and Afghanistan would have been killed because there’s a suspicion that they worked for the CIA; if every French and British journalist would be killed because they work for the MI5 or something like that, then I think there will be no Western journalists working in the Middle East.
“It’s not OK to kill a journalist in a tent of journalists because you accuse him of something.
“If you accuse him of something, you take him to court, you make a complaint, you follow certain procedures, with the network, with the [International Federation of Journalists], and so on and so forth.
“You don’t kill a journalist who has been doing their job for months on, day in, day out, night and day, and claim later that they work for Hamas.
“That doesn’t wash.
“It’s wrong, it’s a lie, it’s a fabrication as usual, but this psychopathic liar should not get away with killing a journalist and simply attaching an accusation to it.
“It doesn’t wash, because otherwise, every single Western journalist covering a war that a Western government is involved in is going to be a target.
I wrote that it was time for journalists to take a moral stand for truth and justice, and although I expected a strong response, the feedback was merely tepid. It was as if Western journalists did not comprehend the enormity of the Gaza crisis facing the world.
It is shameful that New Zealand journalists and media groups have not come out in the past 22 months with strong denunciations of Israel’s war on both journalists and truth – and the genocide against Palestinians.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan O’Brien, Professor of Public Policy and Urban Affairs and Director of the Boston Area Research Initiative, Northeastern University
A tree canopy can make a big difference in temperature for people on the street below. The challenge is getting trees where they’re needed most.Andrey Denisyuk/Moment via Getty Images
It’s summer, and it’s been hot, even in northern cities such as Boston. But not everyone is hit with the heat in the same way, even within the same neighborhood.
Take two streets in Boston at 4:30 p.m. on a recent day, as an example. Standing in the sun on Lewis Place, the temperature was 94 degrees Fahrenheit (34.6 degrees Celsius). On Dudley Common, it was 103 F (39.2 C). Both streets were hot, but the temperature on one was much more dangerous for people’s health and well-being.
The shade of a few nearby trees doesn’t keep Dudley Common from heating up several degrees more than neighboring streets. Dan O’Brien
A closer look at the two streets shows some key differences:
Dudley Common is public open space sandwiched between two thoroughfares that create a wide expanse of pavement lined with storefronts. There aren’t many trees to be found.
Lewis Place is a residential cul-de-sac with two-story homes accompanied by lots of trees.
This comparison of two places within a few minutes’ walk of each other puts the urban heat island effect under a microscope. It also shows the limits of today’s strategies for managing and responding to heat and its effects on public health, which are generally attuned to neighborhood or citywide conditions.
Emerging technologies are making it easier to find urban heat islets, opening the door to new strategies for improving health in our communities.
While the idea of reducing heat across an entire city or neighborhood is daunting, targeting specific blocks that need assistance the most can be faster and a much more efficient use of resources.
Doing that starts with making urban heat islets visible.
Data from those sensors generate a real-time map of the conditions in the neighborhood, from urban heat islets like Dudley Common to cooler urban oases, such as Lewis Place.
Temperature varied substantially in Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood at 4:30 p.m. on July 25, 2025. These are some of the readings captured by the Common SENSES heat sensors. Common SENSES
Although detailed knowledge of urban heat islets is becoming more available, we have barely scratched the surface of how they can be used to enhance people’s health and well-being.
The sources of urban heat islets are rooted in development – more buildings, more pavement and fewer trees result in hotter spaces. Many projects using community-based sensors aspire to use the data to counteract these effects by identifying places where it would be most helpful to plant trees for shade or install cool roofs or cool pavement that reflect the heat.
However, these current efforts do not fully capitalize on the precision of sensors. For example, Los Angeles’ massive investment in cool pavement has focused on the city broadly rather than overheated neighborhoods. New York City’s tree planting efforts in some areas failed to anticipate where trees could be successfully planted.
Most other efforts compare neighborhood to neighborhood, as if every street within a neighborhood experiences the same temperature. London, for example, uses satellite data to locate heat islands, but the resolution isn’t precise enough to see differences block by block.
In contrast, data pinpointing the highest-risk areas enables urban planners to strategically place small pocket parks, cool roofs and street trees to help cool the hottest spaces. Cities could incentivize or require developers to incorporate greenery into their plans to mitigate existing urban heat islets or prevent new ones. These targeted interventions are cost-effective and have the greatest potential to help the most people.
Comparing maps of New York’s vegetation and temperature shows the cooling effect of parks and neighborhoods with more trees. In the map on the left, lighter colors are areas with fewer trees. Light areas in the map on the right are hotter. NASA/USGS Landsat
But this could go further by using the data to create more sophisticated alert systems. For example, the National Weather Service’s Boston office released a heat advisory for July 25, the day I measured the heat in Dudley Common and Lewis Place, but the advisory showed nearly the entirety of the state of Massachusetts at the same warning level.
What if warnings were more locally precise?
On certain days, some streets cross a crucial threshold – say, 90 F (32.2 C) – whereas others do not. Sensor data capturing these hyperlocal variations could be communicated directly to residents or through local organizations. Advisories could share maps of the hottest streets or suggest cool paths through neighborhoods.
Trees in the yards of homes on Lewis Place in Roxbury help keep the street several degrees cooler than nearby paved open spaces such as Dudley Common. Dan O’Brien
There is increasing evidence of urban heat islets in many urban communities and even suburban ones. With data showing these hyperlocal risks, policymakers and project coordinators can collaborate with communities to help address areas that many community members know from experience tend to be much hotter than surrounding areas in summer.
As one of my colleagues, Nicole Flynt of Project Right Inc., likes to say, “Data + Stories = Truth.” If communities act upon both the temperature data and the stories their residents share, they can help their residents keep cool — because it’s hot out there.
Dan O’Brien has received funding from the National Science Foundation’s Smart & Connected Communities program for work associated with this article (award #2230036).
Many people are familiar with the saying that a woman is “eating for two” during pregnancy. Although this is an exaggeration, nutritional needs do certainly increase during pregnancy to support the growing baby.
But what’s perhaps less known is that energy needs are actually even slightly higher during breastfeeding than during pregnancy.
Human breastmilk is a dynamic liquid and its composition (including carbohydrates, fats, proteins, vitamins and minerals) varies over the entire breastfeeding period, and even between feeds.
It can change depending on what mum is eating, environmental factors, and what the baby needs, through a biofeedback system (sometimes called “baby backwash”). For example, if a baby is starting to get sick, breastmilk will adjust to include more leukocytes, immune cells that fight infection.
So what should breastfeeding women be eating? And how does a mother’s diet influence the nutritional makeup of her milk?
Nutritional needs increase during breastfeeding
Fully breastfeeding mums can produce around 800 millilitres of milk a day in the first six months after birth, which has an energy content of roughly 3 kilojoules per gram.
Even factoring in using up excess fat stored during pregnancy, mums still need on average an extra 2,000 kilojoules to support milk production. This is roughly equivalent to adding a cheese sandwich, a handful of nuts and a banana on top of normal dietary intake.
Interestingly, requirements don’t drop off after the baby starts solids. In the second six months, milk production is thought to drop to an average of 600ml per day, as babies start to eat solid foods. But because maternal fat stores deplete by this stage, additional energy requirements remain similar.
Some nutrients are particularly important during breastfeeding, including protein, calcium, iron, iodine and vitamins.
For example, compared with a non-pregnant, non-breastfeeding woman, protein requirements increase by almost half when breastfeeding (from 0.75 grams to 1.1 grams per kg of body weight per day).
Meanwhile, iodine requirements almost double (from 150 micrograms per day to 270 micrograms per day). Iodine is important for thyroid function, and can impact baby’s growth and brain development.
high-protein foods (meat, fish, eggs, nuts, seeds, soy-based protein such as tofu and tempeh, legumes such as chickpeas, baked beans and lentils)
dairy foods or alternatives (for dairy alternatives, check calcium is included)
whole grains
fruits and vegetables.
While making all that milk, drinking more water also becomes extremely important. Thirst is a good guide, but around 2.5 litres per day is generally recommended, or more if it’s hot or with exercise.
Is there anything I shouldn’t be eating?
What a mum consumes can pass into her breastmilk. For example, in one study, babies whose mothers drank small amounts of carrot juice while breastfeeding were more accepting of cereal flavoured with carrot juice compared with a control group of babies whose mothers drank water.
It’s therefore important to limit alcohol and caffeine, which can also pass though to the baby. No alcohol is the safest choice, but if you’re planning to have a drink, tools such as the Feed Safe app can be used to estimate when your breastmilk should be free of alcohol.
Up to 200mg of caffeine per day (equivalent to roughly a cup of brewed coffee, an energy or cola drink, or four cups of tea) is considered safe for breastfeeding.
Breastfeeding mums don’t need to take any particular foods out of their diet to prevent allergies in their baby. In fact, experts believe babies exposed to common allergens via breast milk could be less likely to develop allergies to these foods, however we need more research into this question.
Although relatively uncommon, babies can be allergic or intolerant to certain aspects of their mothers’ diet when breastfeeding. They may react in the form of colic or wind, reflux, mucus or blood in their poo, eczema or rash, or appear to be in pain.
In these cases, mum’s diet may need adjustment. The most common culprits include cows’ milk (the protein, not the lactose component), soy and egg.
It’s recommended to remove suspected foods from the diet for a minimum of three weeks. This should ideally be done with supervision from an Accredited Practising Dietitian who specialises in allergy, to ensure the mother’s nutritional needs continue to be met.
4 tips for breastfeeding mums
it’s a good idea to get a blood test to check your vitamin D and iron levels – these can be depleted over pregnancy and are important for breastfeeding. If your levels are low, you can discuss options with your doctor
iodine requirements are so much higher in breastfeeding that an iodine supplement of 150 micrograms a day is recommended to support infant growth and neurodevelopment
have a variety of nutritious snacks that can be eaten with one hand for those late-night feeds, such as peeled boiled eggs, a peanut butter sandwich on wholegrain bread, or avocado and cheese on a rice cake. My personal favourite is homemade rocky road with dark chocolate, nuts, seeds and dried fruit
keep a drink bottle with water nearby when breastfeeding.
The author’s home-made rocky road, which she gives as a gift to friends with new babies. Therese O’Sullivan/Author provided
If you’re considering a gift for a family with a new baby, remember new parents’ personal needs often take a back seat when bub arrives, including eating well. Consider a hearty frozen meal, muffins with oats and nuts, a nice stainless steel water bottle, gourmet trail mix or even some homemade rocky road.
Therese O’Sullivan has previously received funding from the Stan Perron Charitable Foundation and the Department of Health Western Australia for a project on antenatal colostrum expressing.
A leading advocacy group supporting Palerstine has called on the government to follow Germany’s lead and suspend New Zealand military support for Israel to continue its mass killing and mass starvation of Palestinians in Gaza.
Germany and New Zealand were two of the countries to sign a letter yesterday condemning Israel’s plans to extend its war to Gaza City, displacing another million Palestinians.
However, one of the other signatories, Australia, announced that it would go a step further by moving to recognise a state of Palestine at the UN General Assembly next month.
“I have said it publicly and I said it directly to Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu: the situation in Gaza has gone beyond the world’s worst fears,” he said.
“Far too many innocent lives have been lost. The Israeli government continues to defy international law and deny sufficient aid, food and water to desperate people, including children.”
The decision rides on a condition that the Palestinian resistance group Hamas plays no role in its future governance.
Letter condemns Israel New Zealand joined Australia, United Kingdom, Germany and Italy in signing a letter that said:
“The plans that the government of Israel has announced risk violating international humanitarian law. Any attempts at annexation or of settlement extension violate international law.
It will aggravate the catastrophic humanitarian situation, endanger the lives of the hostages, and further risk the mass displacement of civilians.”
PSNA co-chair John Minto said in a statement that Israel had a long history of ignoring outside opinion because they never included accountabilities.
“However, Germany has followed its condemnation with action. New Zealand needs to do the same,” he said.
Minto says New Zealand should:
• End approval for Rakon to export crystal oscillators to the US which are used in guided bombs sent to Israel for bombing Gaza; • Ban all Rocket Lab launches from Mahia which are used for Israel reconnaissance in Gaza; and • Launch an investigation by the Inspector-General of Security and Intelligence into the sharing of intelligence with the US and Israel which can be used for targeting Palestinians.
“New Zealanders expect our government to end its empty condemnations of Israel and act to sanction this rogue, genocidal state,” Minto said.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Kear, Sessional Lecturer, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney
Australia will recognise a Palestinian state at the UN General Assembly meeting in September, joining the United Kingdom, Canada and France in taking the historic step.
Recognising a Palestinian state is at one level symbolic – it signals a growing global consensus behind the rights of Palestinians to have their own state. In the short term, it won’t impact the situation on the ground in Gaza.
Practically speaking, the formation of a future Palestinian state consisting of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem is far more difficult to achieve.
The Israeli government has ruled out a two-state solution and reacted with fury to the moves by the four G20 members to recognise Palestine. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the decision “shameful”.
So, what are the political issues that need to be resolved before a Palestinian state becomes a reality? And what is the point of recognition if it doesn’t overcome these seemingly intractable obstacles?
Settlements have exploded
The first problem is what to do about Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which the International Court of Justice has declared are illegal.
Palestinians see East Jerusalem as an indispensable part of any future state. They will never countenance a state without it as their capital.
In May, the Israeli government announced it would also build 22 new settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem – the largest settler expansion in decades. Defence Minister Israel Katz described this as a “strategic move that prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger Israel”.
Second is the issue of a future border between a Palestinian state and Israel.
The demarcations of the Gaza Strip, West Bank and East Jerusalem are not internationally recognised borders. Rather, they are the ceasefire lines, known as the “Green Line”, from the 1948 War that saw the creation of Israel.
However, in the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel captured and occupied the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem, Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula (since returned), and Syria’s Golan Heights. And successive Israeli governments have used the construction of settlements in the occupied territories, alongside expansive infrastructure, to create new “facts on the ground”.
Israel solidifies its hold on this territory by designating it as “state land”, meaning it no longer recognises Palestinian ownership, further inhibiting the possibility of a future Palestinian state.
For example, according to research by Israeli professor Neve Gordon, Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries covered approximately seven square kilometres before 1967. Since then, Israeli settlement construction has expanded its eastern boundaries, so it now now covers about 70 square km.
Israel also uses its Separation Wall or Barrier, which runs for around 700km through the West Bank and East Jerusalem, to further expropriate Palestinian territory.
According to a 2013 book by researchers Ariella Azoulay and Adi Ophir, the wall is part of the Israeli government’s policy of cleansing Israeli space of any Palestinian presence. It breaks up contiguous Palestinian urban and rural spaces, cutting off some 150 Palestinian communities from their farmland and pastureland.
The barrier is reinforced by other methods of separation, such as checkpoints, earth mounds, roadblocks, trenches, road gates and barriers, and earth walls.
Then there is the complex geography of Israel’s occupation in the West Bank.
Under the Oslo Accords of the 1990s, the West Bank was divided into three areas, labelled Area A, Area B and Area C.
In Area A, which consists of 18% of the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority exercises majority control. Area B is under joint Israeli-Palestinian authority. Area C, which comprises 60% of the West Bank, is under full Israeli control.
Administrative control was meant to be gradually transferred to Palestinian control under the Oslo Accords, but this never happened.
Areas A and B are today separated into many small divisions that remain isolated from one another due to Israeli control over Area C. This deliberate ghettoisation creates separate rules, laws and norms in the West Bank that are intended to prevent freedom of movement between the Palestinian zones and inhibit the realisation of a Palestinian state.
Who will govern a future state?
Finally, there are the conditions that Western governments have placed on recognition of a Palestinian state, which rob Palestinians of their agency.
Chief among these is the stipulation that Hamas will not play a role in the governance of a future Palestinian state. This has been backed by the Arab League, which has also called for Hamas to disarm and relinquish power in Gaza.
Fatah and Hamas are currently the only two movements in Palestinian politics capable of forming a government. In a May poll, 32% of respondents in both Gaza and the West Bank said they preferred Hamas, compared with 21% support for Fatah. One-third did not support either or had no opinion.
Mahmoud Abbas, leader of the Palestinian Authority, is deeply unpopular, with 80% of Palestinians wanting him to resign.
A “reformed” Palestinian Authority is the West’s preferred option to govern a future Palestinian state. But if Western powers deny Palestinians the opportunity to elect a government of their choosing by dictating who can participate, the new government would likely be seen as illegitimate.
This risks repeating the mistakes of Western attempts to install governments of their choosing in Iraq and Afghanistan. It also plays into the hands of Hamas hardliners, who mistrust democracy and see it as a tool to impose puppet governments in Palestine, as well as Israel’s narrative that Palestinians are incapable of governing themselves.
Redressing these issues and the myriad others will take time, money and considerable effort. The question is, how much political capital are the leaders of France, the UK, Canada and Australia (and others) willing to expend to ensure their recognition of Palestine results in an actual state?
What if Israel refuses to dismantle its settlements and Separation Wall, and moves ahead with annexing the West Bank? What are these Western leaders willing or able to do? In the past, they have been unwilling to do more than issue strongly worded statements in the face of Israeli refusals to advance the two-state solution.
Given these doubts around the political will and actual power of Western states to compel Israel to agree to the two-state solution, it begs the question: what and who is recognition for?
Martin Kear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has announced Australia will recognise Palestine as a state at the United Nations leaders’ week in late September.
Unlike some other countries, the government has put no conditions on the recognition, relying on assurances received from the Palestinian Authority, the current Palestinian governing body in the West Bank.
Announcing the decision on Monday, Albanese said he had spoken to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last Thursday. In what Albanese said was a long call, Netanyahu argued the case against the proposed Australian action.
“I put the argument to him that we need a political solution, not a military one, because a military response alone has seen the devastation in Gaza, and that has contributed to the massive concern that we see from the international community,” Albanese said.
Albanese told a joint news conference with Foreign Minister Penny Wong “a two-state solution is humanity’s best hope to break the cycle of violence in the Middle East and to bring an end to the conflict, suffering and starvation in Gaza”.
Asked whether this was a symbolic gesture, Albanese said, “This is a practical contribution towards building momentum. This is not Australia acting alone. What we are seeing is a range of countries engaging in detailed dialogue.”
Albanese said that over the past fortnight, he had discussed the issue with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, New Zealand Prime Minister Chris Luxon and Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba.
He also had a call last week with the Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
Albanese said the Palestinian Authority had committed to there being no role for Hamas in a Palestinian state and reaffirmed it recognised Israel’s right to exist, as well as making other pledges.
Shadow Defence Minister Angus Taylor said there is a risk the decision would be rewarding Hamas for its attacks on Israel on October 7 2023.
When asked about this criticism, Albanese said “Hamas don’t support two states”.
“This is an opportunity to isolate Hamas, that has been forged by the very clear statements of the Palestinian Authority on June 10, and the very clear statements of the Arab League,” he said.
Before the announcement, Netanyahu strongly condemned the move.
He said it was “shameful” and “disappointing” that European countries and Australia would “march into that rabbit hole” and buy “this canard”. He made it clear Israel would not be deterred.
Asked about Australia and other countries moving to recognition, he said, “Well, first of all, those who say that Israel has a right to defend itself are also saying, ‘but don’t exercise that right’.”
He said Israel was applying force judiciously and “they know it”.
“They know what they would do if right next to Melbourne or right next to Sydney you had this horrific attack. I think you would do, at least what we’re doing – probably maybe not as efficiently and as precisely as we’re doing it.”
The Albanese government’s decision, which was reported to a cabinet meeting early Monday, followed years of pressure within the Labor party which has ramped up dramatically in recent months.
Wong spoke at the weekend to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio about Australia’s proposed course.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In March 2025, surfers and swimmers were the first to notice the harmful algal bloom taking hold in South Australian waters. People catching waves at a popular break on the Fleurieu Peninsula later reported feeling sick with flu-like symptoms.
Over the five months since, an “unprecedented” environmental disaster has unfolded, devastating marine ecosystems and the South Australian economy. It has also fundamentally changed the way people connect to the ocean.
This particular bloom – caused by Karenia mikimotoi – is deadly to various marine species, while in humans it can cause milder illness and irritation.
But the impact on mental health and wellbeing is profound.
When people can no longer use “blue spaces” such as the ocean to surf, swim, fish and walk on the beach, they are losing activities that calm and relax them – exactly when they’re most sick with worry about their beloved coastline.
A perfect storm
South Australia’s algal bloom is the result of a “perfect storm” – a marine heatwave, nutrient rich water from previous flooding, and a rare cold-water upwelling.
Current public health advice tells surfers and swimmers to stay out of water if it looks “discoloured, foamy, or where there’s dead marine life”.
Given that dead marine life is washing up across many South Australian beaches, this means it’s hard to find any place to surf or swim.
Recreational fishers are advised that catching fish (and other marine species) is safe if it’s cleaned thoroughly before eating. But many are not throwing their lines in due to concerns about depleting the surviving marine life.
Blue spaces and health
Activities such as swimming, surfing and fishing are not only enjoyable, they have a range of health benefits.
There is mounting empirical evidence about the range of benefits from spending time in “green spaces”, such as parks and bushland.
In 2020, a review of evidence about “blue spaces” – meaning oceans, rivers and lakes – found similar benefits.
For example, swimming outdoors in nature – sometimes known as “wild swimming” – can reduce fatigue and improve mental health. There is also early evidence that it can promote immune functioning.
Surfing also has physical and mental health benefits, and increases community connections. One study of recreational fishers found three in four (75.5%) fish for stress relief.
But these are benefits people in areas affected by the algal bloom are no longer getting.
Grief and anxiety
The algal bloom means people can’t access blue spaces and their health benefits. In fact, the devastation can mean engaging with blue spaces actually makes people’s mental health worse, through worry and grief about the environment.
Eco-anxiety describes the extreme fear, worry, sadness or a generally heightened emotional state we may feel in response to changes in the climate or environment. When people experience grief and other negative emotions about changes to a place they love, this is sometimes called “solastalgia”.
Both eco-anxiety and solastalgia can be responses to global changes, such as warming temperatures and rising sea levels. But they are felt most acutely among those affected directly by a disaster.
Research after Australia’s 2019–20 bushfires found high levels of eco-anxiety and solastalgia among those who survived, with the environment becoming a source of pain and grief.
Given this harmful algal bloom is being referred to as an “underwater bushfire”, it is unsurprising we are seeing people describe similar concern, worry, sadness and loss.
I am part of a team from the University of South Australia currently researching this impact, by surveying people who live near and use the beach to better understand their experience.
Are there any silver linings?
Grief about the destruction of a place we love is the sign of how much we care about it – and this can be galvanising.
We are already seeing this in South Australia. Over 12,000 recordings on iNaturalist – a website where members of the community upload photos and help identify species – provide shocking visual evidence of the loss and devastation.
Distressed beachgoers who are participating in citizen science programs such as these help keep the spotlight on the disaster, as well as rescuing stranded sea animals and protesting for action from government and industry.
Amid the grief, it’s important to try and still maintain our connection to our environment. When we can’t spend time in our usual natural spots, we can still benefit from connecting with nature beyond blue spaces – even if it’s simply visiting a park or planting something new.
Brianna Le Busque does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Many electric vehicles (EVs) now come with range estimates of 400–500 kilometres, while some premium models claim ranges of more than 600km.
Drivers new to EVs may look at the range figures given by the manufacturer and think that’s how far their new car will go on a single battery charge.
But this isn’t quite accurate. In reality, an EV’s actual range is usually less. Recent real-world testing of five popular EV models by the Australian Automobile Association showed the real range was an average of 11.6% less than the official figures. There was wide variation: BYD’s Atto 3 had 23% less range, while the Smart #3 had just 5% less.
This is because official figures come from a standardised laboratory test done in idealised conditions different to the way people actually drive.
The problem is not confined to EVs. When the same testing was done on popular petrol cars, some were found to use up to 35% more fuel than official figures claim.
Real-world testing is an important public service. Drivers looking for a new EV could knock off 10–20% from official ranges as a rule of thumb. But it’s worth looking for testing of the exact model to see what the true difference is.
How are official range figures produced?
To produce official range estimates, new EVs are run through a standardised test.
Vehicles are tested on a dynamometer – a treadmill for cars – in a controlled laboratory environment on a 30-minute driving cycle. During the cycle, the cars are driven at four levels of intensity: low (up to 60km per hour), medium (up to 80km/h), high (up to 100km/h) and extra high (above 130km/h), with a set sequence of accelerations, steady speeds and decelerations.
Testing is done at an ambient temperature of 23°C, with no passengers, accessories, or use of heating or air conditioning. The EV is driven by computer through repeats of the 30‑minute cycle until the battery is fully depleted. The total distance covered becomes the official range used by the manufacturer.
This testing regime is very useful, as it offers a single consistent way to compare cars worldwide. But the test doesn’t take conditions such as congestion, driving style and weather variations into account.
That means drivers should take the official range figures as a benchmark, not a guarantee.
How EVs perform in real-world driving
Testing the realistic range of EVs requires real-world testing. To get these figures, testers drove the EVs on a 93km circuit in and around Geelong, including a mix of urban, rural and highway driving conditions.
Their findings are similar to international results. European testing suggests everyday use cuts between 10% and 30% off the official range. If an EV is driven hard during winter, the range can drop as much as 40%.
Under Australian conditions, drivers can reasonably expect the real range to be 10–20% less.
What real world conditions affect range?
Real-world ranges can be less for several reasons, such as driving style, weather and extra weight.
Driving style is important. High speeds increase wind resistance and energy use. Driving in hilly terrain uses more energy, though some of this is returned to the battery through regenerative braking, where EVs convert the kinetic energy of braking back into electricity.
Temperature and weather can also have an impact. Very cold conditions can temporarily reduce range, while very hot conditions force the car to use some power to keep battery packs cool. Using air conditioning and heating can also reduce range, particularly in extreme temperatures.
How temperature and weather impact electric vehicle range.
Adding weight (passengers, cargo) can reduce range, as can roof racks or roof boxes.
Trip planning is key
The average Australian commute is around 35km per day – well within the capabilities of even the shortest-range EVs.
But range becomes important when doing longer trips.
Some EV owners use route planning tools such as A Better Route. These tools estimate how much energy you’ll use on a given journey, taking into account elevation, speed and temperature.
Setting EVs to eco-driving mode and reducing the use of energy hungry air-conditioning will help get more range. Keeping tyres properly inflated and avoiding unnecessary weight or roof racks where possible will also help.
Cooling or heating your EV before departure — known as preconditioning — can be done while plugged in or running off the battery. Doing it while plugged in is preferable, as it uses grid power rather than draining the battery, helping preserve range.
EV preconditioning explained.
Petrol and diesel cars use more fuel in the real world
There’s nothing new about the gap between lab-testing and real-world performance.
Combustion engine cars are sold with official figures for their fuel consumption. But they can use significantly more fuel in the real world.
Real-world tests in Europe found fuel consumption and carbon dioxide emissions from diesel and petrol vehicles were around 20% higher than under lab testing.
Range doesn’t have to be a guessing game
While countries such as Norway and China have streaked ahead in taking up EVs, Australia is still at the early stages. Clear, independent information is essential to help people make informed choices and encourage EV uptake.
Real-world testing helps bridge the gap between marketing promises and the reality on the road, giving drivers the confidence to plan their trips.
Lower real world ranges aren’t a deal breaker. Savvy drivers can use this data together with trip planning and an understanding of conditions to travel with confidence.
Hussein Dia receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the iMOVE Australia Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, and Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts.
Pacific affairs and media commentator Dr David Robie reflected on the 1985 Rainbow Warrior mission to Rongelap atoll to help US nuclear refugees and the bombing of the Greenpeace campaign ship by French secret agents in a kōrero hosted by the NZ Fabian Society.
His analysis is that far from the sabotage being an isolated incident, it was part of a cynical and sordid colonial policy that impacts on the Pacific until today.
He also spoke on wide-ranging issues ranging from decolonisation in Kanaky New Zealand and Palestine to climate crisis and media upheavals in the livestreamed event on Friday evening.
The Fabian Society and Just Defence spokeperson Mike Smith introducing journalist and author David Robie at the kōrero on Friday.
Former professor David Robie has a passion for the Asia-Pacific region and he founded the Pacific Media Centre at Auckland University of Technology in 2007 that ran until 2020 when he retired from academic life.
A journalist for more than 60 years, David has reported on postcolonial coups, indigenous struggles for independence and environmental and developmental issues in the Asia-Pacific.
He was a journalist on board the Rainbow Warrior mission and his book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the Rainbow Warrior has recently been republished with an introduction by former NZ prime minister Helen Clark.
On Saturday, he participated in the Nagasaki Day / Aro Valley Peace Talks where he and former RNZ journalist Jeremy Rose were in conversation analysing Pacific geopolitics and media coverage and challenges of the future.
Journalist and author Dr David Robie speaking to the Fabian Society about environmental activism, decolonisation and Pacific geopolitics. Image: Del Abcede.APR