Page 541

Some crimes have seen drastic decreases during coronavirus — but not homicides in the US

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Terry Goldsworthy, Associate Professor in Criminology, Bond University

The various restrictions put in place to combat the spread of coronavirus in recent months have disrupted life for everyone – including criminals.

More than six months into the pandemic, it is clear the pandemic has had a major effect on crime rates. Certain crimes, such as robberies and sexual offences, have declined dramatically, while others, such as online fraud, have been on the rise.

Of course, it is difficult to firmly establish a direct causal relationship between coronavirus restrictions and crime rates, but the statistics reveal some common themes.


Read more: Coronavirus: crime cartels helping communities will extract a high price in years to come


Reductions in burglaries and assaults

Lockdown policies in Australia and many other countries around the world have significantly altered the environment in which criminal activity can take place.

The broad view in the early days of the pandemic was some crimes would naturally decrease – those requiring access to public space, for instance, and human contact.

For example, under the routine activity theory in criminology, which focuses on the criteria that must be present for crimes to occur, the lockdown should have led to a significant decline in burglaries of homes. There were fewer suitable targets for burglaries (unoccupied houses) and an increase in capable guardians who could intervene (families staying at home).


Routine activity theory (or the crime triangle). UN Office on Drugs and Crime

The same theory can apply to violent crimes and sexual assaults – if you limit the ability of people to commit these crimes through lockdowns, it’s reasonable to expect crime rates would decrease.

The statistics in Australia suggest these theories may be correct.

The NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research found that in April, crime across many categories declined sharply compared to the same month for the past five years: robberies (down 42%), non-domestic assault (down 39%), sexual offences (down 32%), break and enter of dwellings (down 29%), break and enter of non-dwellings (down 25%), stealing from motor vehicles (down 34%) and car theft (down 24%).

A similar pattern was noticeable in Queensland, comparing crime data for April to the same month in 2019 — a 28% decline in unlawful entry of dwellings, 45% reduction in robberies and a 7% drop in sexual offences.


Read more: Explainer: why police will be crucial players in the battle against coronavirus


Increases in crimes committed in private

Conversely, offences that could be committed in private settings or remotely, such as cybercrimes, rose dramatically during the pandemic.

In Queensland, for instance, computer fraud was up 76% in April compared to the year before, while drug offences increased by 13%.

There was also great concern that domestic violence would also increase during lockdown periods.

NSW police did not see an increase in domestic violence reports in April, compared to the previous year, and Queensland crime data shows breaches of domestic violence orders have remained stable since the start of the pandemic. The NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, however, said police could not rule out an increase in unreported domestic violence.

In contrast to this, police data for the Northern Territory showed a 25% spike in domestic violence-related assaults in parts of central Australia during the first months of the COVID-19 lockdown.


Read more: How do we keep family violence perpetrators ‘in view’ during the COVID-19 lockdown?


A study by the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) surveyed 15,000 Australian women to gauge the prevalence of domestic violence during the lockdown period from February to May. It found 4.6% of women experienced physical or sexual violence from a partner and 11.6% reported experiencing emotionally abusive, harassing or controlling behaviour.

The report noted more research was needed to understand the problem.

Given the majority of women experiencing violence and abuse within their relationships do not engage with police or government or non-government agencies — particularly while they remain in a relationship with their abuser — this is a significant gap in knowledge.

Crime also down overseas, but homicides on the rise

Other countries reported similar decreases in crime. In England and Wales, crime dropped consistently by an average of 24% per month over a three-month period from April to June compared to the same period for 2019.

These figures, however, did not include fraud offences, which increased during the pandemic. In March, reported frauds in the UK increased by 400%.

Scotland also saw an 18% decrease in overall crime in April compared to the same month in 2019. One of the few exceptions to this was a 38% rise in fraud.

In the US, however, the findings have been mixed. One study that looked at crime in 16 large cities from January to May (when lockdowns were coming into force) found reductions in residential burglaries and car thefts in some cities, but little to no change to non-residential burglaries and serious assaults (including homicides).

Another study looking at the effect of social distancing on crime in two cities, Los Angeles and Indianapolis, found it

had a statistically significant impact on a few specific crime types. However, the overall effect is notably less than might be expected given the scale of the disruption to social and economic life.

Finally, a major study by the University of Pennsylvania found overall crime across 25 cities in the US declined by 23% in the first month of the pandemic, compared to the average over five years of data for the same time period.

Notably, the study found crime declined even before stay-at-home orders were issued as people changed their normal routines and spent more time at home. Drug crimes saw the biggest decline of any crime category, while home burglaries, assaults and robberies were also down across the 25 cities.

However, the study found little change to homicide rates or shootings in the first month after stay-at-home orders. One possible reason for this, the authors note, is people committing these types of crime are unlikely to be concerned with stay-at-home orders.

Chicago police investigating the scene of a mass shooting in July. Chicago Tribune/TNS/Sipa USA

In a separate analysis of crime data conducted by The New York Times, murders were up 21.8% in the 36 US cities it studied through at least May, compared to data for the same time period last year.

Other academics have said it is difficult to draw conclusions on homicide rates during the pandemic due to a lack of long-term data.

Further study of the impact of COVID-19 on crime will be required. In the UK, Leeds University has just been awarded funding to conduct such a study over the next 18 months.

Future challenges

Not only will law enforcement be required to adapt to the effect of COVID-19 responses on criminal behaviour, the role of law enforcement is also being expanded to take on non-traditional roles in the pandemic.

And the full economic impact of the pandemic has yet to be seen. Many economies have been insulated to some degree by government assistance programs, but the extent to which a severe economic downturn could affect crime rates is still not known.

ref. Some crimes have seen drastic decreases during coronavirus — but not homicides in the US – https://theconversation.com/some-crimes-have-seen-drastic-decreases-during-coronavirus-but-not-homicides-in-the-us-142718

Naming and shaming two young women show the only ‘enemies of the state’ are the media

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, University of Melbourne

The two young women who got into Queensland from Victoria by allegedly breaking the laws on coronavirus border restrictions have been tried, convicted and sentenced to naming and shaming by the media.

In the febrile climate of public anxiety about the pandemic, this is an invitation to vigilantism, either in the form of online trolling or, worse, by acts of retaliation.

There is also a streak of racism running through some of the coverage, most notably the Brisbane Courer-Mail’s characterisation of them as “enemies of the state”.


Read more: Coronavirus is a huge story, so journalists must apply the highest ethical standards in how they tell it


The Guardian, which has not named and shamed the women, has reported that members of Brisbane’s African migrant communities have contacted the Queensland Human Rights Commission. They say they have experienced a backlash as a result of the stories.

Many people have made serious mistakes endangering public health during the second wave of the pandemic: the people responsible for hotel quarantine in Victoria, the people who have tried to smuggle their way across borders in the boots of cars, and many others who have reportedly got across borders by breaking the rules.

None of them has been named and shamed. There are ranks of government ministers and public servants behind the Ruby Princess and hotel quarantine debacles. Why not track them down and republish photos from their social media posts?

The answer, of course, is power and the consequent risk of retaliatory legal action. The young women have no power, so it is fair to add a charge of cowardice against the media who have indulged in this exercise.

Queensland Police have charged these women – and a third who travelled with them but has not been named and shamed – with providing false and misleading documents and fraud. The latter charge carries a potential prison term of five years.

In these circumstances it was astonishing to see normally responsible media outlets, including the ABC, SBS, The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald, joining the pile-on.

There is a tendency in newsrooms to be stampeded by what rivals are publishing, and an ethically bankrupt inclination to say that because everyone else is running a story, we can run it too.

The women are entitled to due process. Naming and shaming is an atavistic response reminiscent of earlier centuries when malefactors were put in the stocks.


Read more: Whether a ratings chase or ideological war, News Corp’s coronavirus coverage is dangerous


When their case comes before the court, the media will be able to report it under conditions that require the reporting to be fair and accurate.

By running their own trial by media, the outlets that published the women’s names and photographs have been able to write their own rules, enabling some of them to use ugly and excessive language without restraint.

Australians live under the rule of law, not of media organisations. If any parties to this are behaving like enemies of the state, it is those who arrogate to themselves the functions that in our democracy are reserved to the courts.

ref. Naming and shaming two young women show the only ‘enemies of the state’ are the media – https://theconversation.com/naming-and-shaming-two-young-women-show-the-only-enemies-of-the-state-are-the-media-143685

Loving Captivity review: a delightful rom-com captures life under coronavirus

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Reid Boyd, Senior Lecturer School of Arts and Humanities, Edith Cowan University

Of all the challenges of intimate relationships, finding the balance between separateness and togetherness can be most difficult. It is a balance the COVID-19 lockdown has put to the test.

Loving Captivity is a new six-episode-by-six-minute romantic comedy screening on Facebook about the pleasures and perils of iso-dating. Written and directed by Libby Butler (The Heights, Erinsborough High, Neighbours) and co-written by Lewis Mulholland (On The Ward, Where To Bury Me), who also stars, the creators had a rom-com worthy “meet cute” of their own at an Australian Writer’s Guild speed-dating event where they discovered their shared love for the genre.

Developed through the first COVID-19 lockdown and produced as restrictions were lifting in Melbourne, Loving Captivity follows Ally (Christie Whelan Browne), a 30-something single mum who gives a second chance to Joe (Mullholland) – a “flirt-machine” who dated and dumped her before the pandemic.

Joe’s dumping of Ally and his avoidance of the “boring bits” of relationships is soon revealed as insecurity. He’s afraid he’ll be revealed as uninteresting – a fear intensified by the dull days of lockdown.

As they date over video chat, Joe’s fear diminishes. A romantic rapport is developed through repartee, warmth and facial expressions. (As the pandemic wears on, we may find masks more prohibitive for connection than screens.)

Both actors have comedy experience and the pacing and delivery is natural and unforced, a testament to human versatility in the face of compulsory computer-mediated communication.

Through the couple’s increased contact during the mundanity of lockdown, their banter about relationships, feminism, the friend-zone and the mum-zone gains traction. They pretend to go back in time, courting each other through “love letters in wartime”, evolving into sexting and ending up in a scene featuring a broomstick and banana bread as a memorable form of foreplay.

Whimsy and pain

There’s authenticity to the bite-sized series in the social isolation depicted – a distinctly COVID-19 combination of tension and ennui.

Butler used a minimal crew in the creators’ Melbourne apartments. Split screens show online dates and remind audiences of physical distancing rules. A whimsical night-time picnic has a curious sense of innocence; a welcome antidote for jaded plates in the world of dating (the cheese and wine looked good, too).

Split screen: a man and a woman each talk on the phone.
The series was filmed with minimal crew inside personal apartments. Loving Captivity

The series also offers insight into dating’s more persistent pains.

A scene in episode two reveals a perpetual form of misery that has unfortunately survived the lockdown: Joe stands Ally up. She is left waiting for the call that doesn’t come. Browne captures how the humiliation of being stood up is increased by being alone in a room with no way out.

Another key moment emerges at the end of the series, when Ally (and her daughter Clementine) come face to face with Joe’s sexual presence online. A screen between doesn’t mean there isn’t a need for clear communication and boundary negotiation around the ethics of relationships and parenting.

Human resilience

Both being together alone and being alone together has its problems. Divorce rates in Australia and elsewhere are expected to soar post-lockdown.

Domestic violence rates have reached tragic proportions.

Social isolation has increased rates of abuse from a dangerous partner or family member, and reduced contact with vital support from the outside world.

I am currently researching intimate civility – how we develop our interpersonal ethics in navigating intimate relationships. Key to relationships is how we embody regard for another human being and their physical and mental integrity.

Civility includes qualities such as trust, duty, morality, sacrifice, self-restraint, respect and fairness. Intimacy encourages caring, loyalty, empathy, honesty and self-knowledge.

View from an apartment to a balcony, where a mum stands with her daughter.
Coronavirus will change our relationships inside and outside our homes. Loving Captivity

We develop qualities such as morality and empathy – crucial for intimate relationships – if we have experienced secure, intimate relationships. Intimate civility is a learnt behaviour, both at an interpersonal and societal level. Leaning into this principle may be a challenging task – even without COVID-19.

As Loving Captivity explores, how we attach and separate, how we tolerate and cope with and without each other, may prove to be major factors in the resilience we show not only in the face of coronavirus itself, but also to the long-term social, physical and mental health effects of the lockdown.

Creativity might offer us one of our best ways out. Beyond this period of disruption, we may hopefully look forward to some extraordinary creative outcomes.

In the 14th century, the cultural changes brought about by the Black Death marked the shift from the medieval period to the creative and philosophical outpouring that became the Renaissance – arguably the highest point of humanist and artistic endeavour.

As Loving Captivity shows, our hearts – and heartbreak – will go on. Regardless of our physical proximity, it is human relationships and our humanity to each other that makes the difference to where we go from here.

Loving Captivity is now streaming on Facebook

ref. Loving Captivity review: a delightful rom-com captures life under coronavirus – https://theconversation.com/loving-captivity-review-a-delightful-rom-com-captures-life-under-coronavirus-143454

Friday essay: make some noise — the (forbidden) joy of crowds

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sally Breen, Senior Lecturer in Writing and Publishing, Griffith University

I live in what was one of the noisiest city precincts, pre-pandemic, in the country — Surfers Paradise — golden lit, white noise jewel of the Gold Coast.

The pandemonium vibe both natural and man-made, big waves crashing right up to the edges of the cityscape competing with the clangour of human joy and the human stain. My front yard — the azure Pacific and my backyard, Orchid Avenue, home to shiny super clubs, old bolt holes rebranded or new kids on the block, clubs that never even got to open, neon signs glittering more than their insides, the newest — Asylum — flashing on and off in a peculiar reminder of where we have ended up.

Usually Surfers is pumping. There are sirens all the time, a thousand scooters and every form of stupid kart, hired out to families from down south who take over the joint like there is no bedtime in paradise.

Horns, kids in pools, Lamborghinis and Skylines doing laps, gangs of skateboarders cruising the Esplanade, the wide concrete swathes host to their tricks and a kilometre-long market running every second evening, the unofficial motorbike convention rolling in on Saturday nights to chew the fat, hen’s nights in Hummers. 20,000 visitors a day. Middle Eastern families, kids from Logan, Chinese entourages, posses of French, Spanish and Argentinian gods and goddesses. Silence here isn’t normal. That’s why when the pandemic hit, it was next level eerie.

A crowd of schoolies from another epoch. Tony Phillips/AAP

On the first of May I took a stroll through the streets, even though I probably wasn’t supposed to. Well past the Cinderella hour, I saw not a single soul. Not even the kebab shops and the convenience stores placed at handy ten meter intervals were alight, no bored strippers leaning up against fake marble pillars, not one car moving, only cop cars, lined up in a shiny, stagnant row outside the police station.

Some might venture this was an improvement, but for a renegade like me who doesn’t mind the volume dialled up to 50, the scene was more post-apocalyptic than any previous version of Surfers. It was, in a word — boring. I say this in full acknowledgement of the seriousness of what’s become the global Corona horror show. The lives lost and the lives yet to go down the economic fallout drain.

But those memes circulating about us all heading into the apocalypse in our bathrobes and lounge-wear captured something of the inertia and restlessness we were feeling. A void of interaction has you questioning the meaning — of everything. For what are we left with without each other, without the crowd? Without the teeming masses that sometimes drive us crazy or even to despair? It is a world without the sounds we make. The good, the bad and the ugly.

The teeming masses … last year’s Melbourne Cup. Vince Caligiuri/AAP

Solitude as a choice

At first, I kinda liked the holes COVID-19 had buried me into. I’ll dance on a table until 3am but then I’ll want to disappear and think about it for, well, at least seven days. Most writers are like this. On the spectrum between hedonists and hermits. (The modernists more firmly in the latter pack — but I guess you can empathise with a mistrust of crowds in the 20th century.) The herd, the groupthink, rubs right up against the grain. A sentiment exemplified by Carl Jung when he said,

A group experience takes place on a lower level of consciousness than the experience of an individual. This is due to the fact that, when many people gather together to share one common emotion, the total psyche emerging from the group is below the level of the individual psyche. If it is a very large group, the collective psyche will be more like the psyche of an animal.

Jung might have been onto something but perhaps his take is only part of the story. Crowds can be lowest common denominator and maddening, but when the pandemic hit, I realised solitude is only preferable when it’s a choice.

Musos and sports stars generally love crowds — they know how important they are, hometown advantage, ticket sales, energy. When the AFL opened up to crowds again in July, the Twittersphere erupted in gratitude. People had “tears in their eyes” and the roar was “awesome”, “beautiful”. “I vow to never take genuine crowd noise like this for granted ever again,” said one fan.

A footy crowd returns to Adelaide on July 25 this year. David Mariuz/AAP

We didn’t want cardboard faces in the seats, cameramen trying to avoid the sweep of empty grandstands. We wanted “proper crowds” not fake ones, where our joy and rage got dubbed in for our consumption.

We didn’t want cardboard faces in the seats. Dean Lewins/AAP

Just like ‘boom!’

I was supped on crowds as a kid, and the best, most terrifying, glorious mass to be in was a sellout Queensland State of Origin crowd at Lang Park, when the beer was full strength, before they banned glass. A hallowed ground nicknamed the Cauldron, because its original intimate configuration resembled a pot, a hive where the intensity of the crowd could strike fear into the hearts of the opposition.


Read more: Footy crowds: what the AFL and NRL need to turn sport into show business


Lang Park was paganistic, with the steam rising and the baying for blood, always on the verge of violence but not quite tipping over because the passion wasn’t just about sport, the passion was political. Queenslanders making a point.

Early era Brisbane Broncos and Maroons player Paul Bowman summed it up. “We’re battlers, we’ve always got to scrap for what’s ours and what we deserve. I think there’s a lot of Queenslanders with that attitude. Southerners […] probably think about us as second-class citizens.”

He went on to describe the crowd at Lang Park as “unbelievable”. And almost every other player who ran out onto that paddock in a Maroon jersey has had something to say about it too.

Maroons fans cheer during a State of Origin Game in 2017. Glen Hunt/AAP

Former Origin star Gavin Allen: “The crowd was louder than any crowd I have played in front of. This crowd was just out of control.”

And Steve Renouf, known as one of NRL’s greatest centres and a Queensland Origin legend. “You walk out there, and they said it just really hits you and it does, the crowd is just like ‘boom’!”

Ephemeral power

You never forget those moments when you become part of something bigger than you, something stronger, louder and fiercer, something outside of your control. A crowd can exhilarate the ephemeral power in us.

French polymath Gustave Le Bon captures some of this unnameable force when he says,

Crowds display a singularly inferior mentality; yet there are other acts in which they appear to be guided by those mysterious forces which the ancients denominated destiny, nature, or providence, which we call the voices of the dead, and whose power it is impossible to overlook, although we ignore their essence. It would seem, at times, as if there were latent forces in the inner being of nations which serve to guide them.

When I got older that desire for a collective merging shifted — same stadiums, different offerings on the menu — mosh pits of thousands slivering and snaking to the Prodigy or Beastie Boys or Ministry, hive mind of their own, where the point was to fling yourself into other bodies and be carried away by them, where a multitude became one, sweat and spit flying and sometimes blood, in unbridled proximity.

The point of the mosh pit was to fling yourself into other bodies and be carried away by them. Martin Philbey/AAP

Of course, distrust of the crowd has always been elitist. Crowds change things: temperatures, moods, security levels. And they end things: reigns, wars, ideological creep. Conversely, they can also signify these things or generate them, hence our uncomfortable relationship with validating a war cry.

One thing’s for sure, right now, a crowd anywhere in any form is asking for trouble — but in essence that’s what crowds are for.

East Berlin residents waiting to cross into West Berlin after the fall of the Berlin Wall in Germany in November 1989. EPA

The film Italy’s War on Covid documents the day-to-day struggles of Dr Francesca Mangiatordi, ER Director of the Cremona Hospital in the north of Italy, one of the hardest hit regions in the world.

We bear witness to the unbearable choices she had to make between ventilating the young or the old, the hand of her co-worker’s son pressed up against the pale yellow glass on a door his mother is isolating behind. Nurses stripping off their anti-viral gear staring at their over-tired faces in the mirror. Mangiatordi’s young son in very enthusiastic Italian, comparing her to Captain America. She is a warrior and at the end of the doco, when her unit has regained some semblance of normality she says

I believe the moment we can say there is no risk of contagion, everyone will let out a thunderous roar.

She would know.

A roar of relief

It’s Saturday night on the May Day long weekend and my partner and I are bored. Usually a long weekend signals the need for veranda gatherings and the city gets hit with all kinds of trippers. But the city is quiet, no parties in the towers, no cars on the roads and the most exciting thing you’re allowed to do is walk down the street to pick up your takeout.

We collect the food but don’t head back right away. We can’t deal with it — we want air and other people’s faces, so we take a seat at one of the public tables set into the ground. The old couple in the expensive looking but worn coats sit two tables away from us, the man pushing his much frailer wife in a wheelchair. He locks the wheels, lays out their fillet of fishes, upturns the small packets of fries, gets out a jar of mayonnaise from his backpack, unscrews the lid, puts two neat dollops on the cardboard lids. A little picnic just like the one we’re having in a largely abandoned mall.

And when the fireworks go off and all our faces are lit up in golds and pinks and purples and my heart is pumping as the explosions rip through me like welcome gunshots, I don’t expect it. The council deciding to go ahead with their usual May Day celebrations without telling anyone. And that’s probably a good thing. Because those giant shots of dangerous chemicals and stars from the barges set out in the ocean are just the start.

The roar that comes next is all people, hundreds of bodies pooling out of high rises flouting the rules and acting purely on instinct, running almost desperate, towards the sound.

Hundreds more join them on verandas above us, screaming out in solidarity and relief, rattling their cages, the gunpowder in the air flicking a switch. Moments before, the buildings had seemed so desolate and lifeless. Now they appear to be covered in human lichen, spreading and calling out in whatever ways they can. We’ve seen similar outpourings all around the world, because this is the only way a crowd can be now, forbidden, illicit or socially distanced on separate balconies.

Italians belting out opera from flung-open windows, a stalled Spanish Armada banging pots and pans in a frenzy, whole neighbourhoods in the US breaking into song for the essential workers and high-rise captives in Surfers Paradise, screaming into a lit up sky. In two months time, Ukrainian band O.Torvald would take this force of circumstance one step further, staging a vertical concert, where every seat was a balcony, a hotel full of paying punters, watching over them as they play. Even when we’re spaced apart, we need the noise we make together to feel alive.

The old couple don’t really bother looking, just keep dipping their chips into the mayonnaise they brought themselves. Not really fussed. Maybe they’ve lived through something bigger than this after all.

And when the noise dies down, almost as quick as it came, we tidy up in ways which I’m hoping mirror the old couple’s ways and we wish them good evening, making our way home with the rest of the crowd, the revellers who’d busted out and the thousands of ghostly silhouettes in the high rises all around us. Slinking back into a long night of solitary confinement — tails between our legs — but at least we’re smiling.

ref. Friday essay: make some noise — the (forbidden) joy of crowds – https://theconversation.com/friday-essay-make-some-noise-the-forbidden-joy-of-crowds-142643

It’s OK to be OK: how to stop feeling ‘survivor guilt’ during COVID-19

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Smith, Associate Professor in Disaster and Emergency Response, School of Medical and Health Sciences, Edith Cowan University

Everyone’s pandemic experience is unfolding differently. There’s no denying COVID-19 has been devastating for millions of people around the world. At the worst end of the spectrum are the millions of cases and hundreds of thousands of people who have died, as well as their grieving friends and families.

There are also likely millions suffering financial hardship due to the pandemic, which in many cases will be affecting their mental health.

But at the other end of the spectrum are those who are not only doing well, but in some cases thriving. For some people, this can lead to a kind of “survivor guilt” – believing they’ve done something wrong by surviving and thriving during the pandemic.

A new type of survivor guilt

The term survivor guilt is usually used to describe the emotional distress some people feel after surviving a traumatic event in which others have died, such as a natural disaster or terrorist attack.

It has been identified in military veterans, those who survived the Holocaust, 9/11 survivors, and emergency first responders.

COVID-19 has certainly been a traumatic experience and has had a profound impact on mental health. Around 1,000 people have died by suicide in Australia since it began and modelling from the University of Sydney found suicide deaths could rise by 25% annually for the next five years.

During COVID-19 we have witnessed the conventional type of survivor guilt associated with surviving the coronavirus when hundreds of thousands haven’t.

But not everyone is struggling, and this has resulted in a new type of survivor guilt. This emerging type of guilt is characterised by not feeling “impacted enough” by the pandemic.

This type of survivor guilt can be seen in the workplace. The pandemic has forced many organisations to reduce staffing, causing some remaining employees to feel guilty, according to John Hackston, head of thought leadership at the Myers-Briggs Co.

Survivor guilt can result in a range of emotions, from shame to a sense of unworthiness or even anger. When emotions are not processed properly, they can impact our physical and mental health and cause depression, anxiety and physical illness.

Person crying at memorial service
Survivor guilt has been documented by psychologists in people such as war veterans and disaster survivors. But it could be felt by some people who are doing well despite the global COVID-19 pandemic. Shannon Stapleton/Reuters/AAP

It’s OK to be happy during the pandemic

While mental health advocates and support groups are right to remind people who are struggling that it’s “OK not to be OK” during this pandemic, it’s important to remember it’s “OK to be OK” too.

During a global public health crisis, no one should feel bad for being healthy or able to continue working. And if this pandemic has resulted in opportunities not just to survive but to thrive, we should celebrate those wins.

Cassie Mogilner Holmes, associate professor of behavioural decision-making at UCLA, says it’s not only OK, but essential, to enjoy one’s good fortune.

“It’s actually more important now than ever to focus on our personal emotional health,” says Holmes.

Professor Kim Felmingham from the University of Melbourne says feeling guilty about being “OK” during these challenging times isn’t just a “perfectly normal” reaction — it’s part of our evolutionary programming. That’s because feeling survivor guilt means you are feeling empathy for others who have been less fortunate. In an evolutionary sense, empathy allows us to form close social bonds and connections with others.

“So give yourself a break, don’t beat yourself up if you are feeling guilty,” says Felmingham.

A person enjoying working on their laptop at home
It’s OK to feel OK during the pandemic. Shutterstock

Unless we tackle survivor guilt, it could ultimately add to the mental health burden of COVID-19 by manifesting as future depression, anxiety or post-traumatic stress disorder.

For anyone struggling with these feelings, it’s important to remember this pandemic is not your fault. You didn’t do anything wrong. You are doing valuable work, either generating much-needed economic activity or helping your fellow citizens. You just happen to be lucky to be healthy, or to live in a place that’s relatively unaffected by the virus, or to work in an occupation that can withstand a recession triggered by a public health crisis.

How to manage the guilt

Guilt can sometimes be turned into a positive thing, as a sort of moral compass to help give back to the world.

If your mind is going down a negative path, perhaps you might like to start a “gratitude journal” to list the things for which you are thankful. It could help you settle into a more positive mindset, and allow you to ask yourself whom you can help right now, perhaps financially, physically with something like childcare, or mentally by letting someone unload some of their own stress on you with a simple chat.

ref. It’s OK to be OK: how to stop feeling ‘survivor guilt’ during COVID-19 – https://theconversation.com/its-ok-to-be-ok-how-to-stop-feeling-survivor-guilt-during-covid-19-143457

Unwelcome sea change: new research finds coastal flooding may cost up to 20% of global economy by 2100

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ebru Kirezci, PhD candidate, University of Melbourne

Over the past two weeks, storms pummelling the New South Wales coast have left beachfront homes at Wamberal on the verge of collapse. It’s stark proof of the risks climate change and sea level rise pose to coastal areas.

Our new research published today puts a potential price on the future destruction. Coastal land affected by flooding – including high tides and extreme seas – could increase by 48% by 2100. Exposed human population and assets are also estimated to increase by about half in that time.

Under a scenario of high greenhouse gas emissions and no flood defences, the cost of asset damage could equate up to 20% of the global economy in 2100.

Without a dramatic reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, or a huge investment in sea walls and other structures, it’s clear coastal erosion will devastate the global economy and much of the world’s population.

In Australia, we predict the areas to be worst-affected by flooding are concentrated in the north and northeast of the continent, including around Darwin and Townsville.

Man cleans up after Townsville flood
A clean-up after flooding last year in Townsville, an Australian city highly exposed to future sea level rise. Dan Peled/AAP

Our exposed coasts

Sea levels are rising at an increasing rate for two main reasons. As global temperatures increase, glaciers and ice sheets melt. At the same time, the oceans absorb heat from the atmosphere, causing the water to expand. Seas are rising by about 3-4 millimetres a year and the rate is expected to accelerate.

These higher sea levels, combined with potentially more extreme weather under climate change, will bring damaging flooding to coasts. Our study set out to determine the extent of flooding, how many people this would affect and the economic damage caused.


Read more: The world may lose half its sandy beaches by 2100. It’s not too late to save most of them


We combined data on global sea levels during extreme storms with projections of sea level rises under moderate and high-end greenhouse gas emission scenarios. We used the data to model extreme sea levels that may occur by 2100.

We combined this model with topographic data (showing the shape and features of the land surface) to identify areas at risk of coastal flooding. We then estimated the population and assets at risk from flooding, using data on global population distribution and gross domestic product in affected areas.

Homes at Collaroy in Sydney damaged by storm surge
Many coastal homes, such as these at Sydney’s Collaroy beach, are exposed to storm surge damage. David Moir/AAP

Alarming findings

So what did we find? One outstanding result is that due to sea level rise, what is now considered a once-a-century extreme sea level event could occur as frequently as every ten years or less for most coastal locations.

Under a scenario of high greenhouse gas emissions and assuming no flood defences, such as sea walls, we estimate that the land area affected by coastal flooding could increase by 48% by 2100.


Read more: Water may soon lap at the door, but still some homeowners don’t want to rock the boat


This could mean by 2100, the global population exposed to coastal flooding could be up to 287 million (4.1% of the world’s population).

Under the same scenario, coastal assets such as buildings, roads and other infrastructure worth up to US$14.2 trillion (A$19.82 trillion) could be threatened by flooding.

This equates to 20% of global gross domestic product (GDP) in 2100. However this worst-case scenario assumes no flood defences are in place globally. This is unlikely, as sea walls and other structures have already been built in some coastal locations.

In Australia, areas where coastal flooding might be extensive include the Northern Territory, and the northern coasts of Queensland and Western Australia.

Elsewhere, extensive coastal flooding is also projected in: – southeast China – Bangladesh, and India’s states of West Bengal and Gujurat – US states of North Carolina, Virginia and Maryland – northwest Europe including the UK, northern France and northern Germany.

A woman struggles through floodwaters in Bangladesh
Bangladesh is among the nations most exposed to coastal flooding this century. SOPA

Keeping the sea at bay

Our large-scale global analysis has some limitations, and our results at specific locations might differ from local findings. But we believe our analysis provides a basis for more detailed investigations of climate change impacts at the most vulnerable coastal locations.

It’s clear the world must ramp up measures to adapt to coastal flooding and offset associated social and economic impacts.

This adaptation will include building and enhancing coastal protection structures such as dykes or sea walls. It will also include coastal retreat – allowing low-lying coastal areas to flood, and moving human development inland to safer ground. It will also require deploying coastal warning systems and increasing flooding preparedness of coastal communities. This will require careful long-term planning.

All this might seem challenging – and it is. But done correctly, coastal adaptation can protect hundreds of millions of people and save the global economy billions of dollars this century.


Read more: Just how hot will it get this century? Latest climate models suggest it could be worse than we thought


ref. Unwelcome sea change: new research finds coastal flooding may cost up to 20% of global economy by 2100 – https://theconversation.com/unwelcome-sea-change-new-research-finds-coastal-flooding-may-cost-up-to-20-of-global-economy-by-2100-143599

Sharks are thriving at the Kermadec Islands, but not the rest of New Zealand, amid global decline

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Smith, Senior Lecturer in Statistics, Massey University

A recent global assessment of shark populations at 371 coral reefs in 58 countries found no sharks at almost 20% of reefs and alarmingly low numbers at many others.

The study, which involved over 100 scientists under the Global FinPrint project, gave New Zealand a good score card. But because it focused on coral reefs, it included only one region — Rangitāhua (Kermadec Islands), a pristine subtropical archipelago surrounded by New Zealand’s largest marine reserve.

It is a different story around the main islands of New Zealand. Many coastal shark species may be in decline, and less than half a percent of territorial waters is protected by marine reserves.

The first global survey of reef sharks shows they are virtually absent in many areas.

Read more: Scientists at work: Uncovering the mystery of when and where sharks give birth


Sharks in Aotearoa

In New Zealand, there are more than a hundred species of sharks, rays and chimaeras. They belong to a group of fishes called chondrichthyans, which have skeletons of cartilage instead of bone.

Some 55% of New Zealand’s chondrichthyan species are listed as “not threatened” by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). Not so encouraging is the 32% of species listed as “data deficient”, meaning we don’t know the status of their populations. Most species (77%) live in waters deeper than 200 metres.

Seven species are fully protected under the Wildlife Act 1953. They are mostly large, migratory species such as the giant manta ray. Some are threatened with extinction according to the IUCN, including great white sharks, basking sharks, whale sharks and oceanic white tip sharks.

Basking shark and snorkellers
Basking sharks were once common in some coastal areas in New Zealand. Martin Prochazkacz/Shutterstock

Historically, basking sharks were caught as bycatch in New Zealand fisheries, and seen in their hundreds in some inshore areas. Sightings of these giant plankton-feeders suddenly dried up over a decade ago. We don’t know why.

Commercial shark fisheries

Eleven chondrichthyan species are fished commercially in New Zealand under the quota management system. Commercial fisheries for school shark, rig and elephant fish took off from the 1970s and now catch around 8,000 tonnes per year in total.

Finning of sharks has been illegal throughout New Zealand since 2014.

Most of New Zealand’s shark fisheries are considered sustainable. But a sustainable fishery can mean sustained at low levels, and we must tread carefully. School shark was recently added to the critically endangered list after the collapse of fisheries in Australia and elsewhere, and there’s a lot we don’t know about the New Zealand population.

We do know sharks were much more abundant in pre-European times. In Tīkapa Moana (Hauraki Gulf), sharks have since declined by an estimated 86%. An ongoing planning process provides some hope for the ecosystems of the gulf.

Protecting sharks

Not surprisingly, the global assessment found a ban on shark fishing to be the most effective intervention to protect sharks. Several countries have recently established large shark sanctuaries, sometimes covering entire exclusive economic zones.

These countries tend to have ecotourism industries that provide economic incentives for protection — live sharks can be more valuable than dead ones.

Other effective interventions are restrictions on fishing gear, such as longlines and set nets.

Waters within 12 nautical miles of the Kermadec Islands have been protected by a marine reserve since 1990. In 2015, the Kermadec Ocean Sanctuary was announced but progress has stalled. The sanctuary would extend the boundaries to the exclusive economic zone, some 200 nautical miles offshore, and increase the protected area 83-fold.

A large population of Galapagos sharks, which prefer isolated islands surrounded by deep ocean, thrive around the Kermadec Islands but are found nowhere else in New Zealand. Great white sharks also visit en route to the tropics. Many other species are found only at the Kermadecs, including three sharks and a sex-changing giant limpet as big as a saucer.

Galapagos sharks
Galapagos sharks were recorded around Raoul Island in the Kermadec archipelago. Author provided

Read more: Squid team finds high species diversity off Kermadec Islands, part of stalled marine reserve proposal


New technologies are revealing sharks’ secrets

What makes the Global FinPrint project so valuable is that it uses a standard survey method, allowing data to be compared across the globe. The method uses a video camera pointed at a canister of bait. This contraption is put on the seafloor for an hour, then we watch the videos and count the sharks.

Grey reef, silver tip and hammerhead sharks circle a baited camera station set up near Walpole Island in the Southwest Pacific.

Baited cameras have been used in a few places in New Zealand but there are no systematic surveys at a national scale. We lack fundamental knowledge about the distribution and abundance of sharks in our coastal waters, and how they compare to the rest of the world.

Satellite tags are another technological boon for shark research. It is difficult to protect sharks without knowing where they go and what habitats they use. Electronic tags that transmit positional data via satellite can be attached to live sharks, revealing the details of their movements. Some have crossed oceans.

Sharks have patrolled the seas for more than 400 million years. In a few decades, demand for shark meat and fins has reduced their numbers by around 90%.

Sharks are generally more vulnerable to exploitation than other fishes. While a young bony fish can release tens of millions of eggs in a day, mature sharks lay a few eggs or give birth to a few live young. Females take many years to reach sexual maturity and, in some species, only reproduce once every two or three years.

These biological characteristics mean their populations are quick to collapse and slow to rebuild. They need careful management informed by science. It’s time New Zealand put more resources into understanding our oldest and most vulnerable fishes, and the far-flung subtropical waters in which they rule.

ref. Sharks are thriving at the Kermadec Islands, but not the rest of New Zealand, amid global decline – https://theconversation.com/sharks-are-thriving-at-the-kermadec-islands-but-not-the-rest-of-new-zealand-amid-global-decline-143439

Students are more than a number: why a learner profile makes more sense than the ATAR

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Geelan, Deputy Head of School, Griffith University

A recent review of available pathways after secondary school into work, further education and training recommended all students leave school with a learner profile.

Recommendation four of the report, commissioned by the Education Council, said:

Students should leave school with a Learner Profile that incorporates not only their ATAR score (where relevant) together with their individual subject results, but that also captures the broader range of evidenced capabilities necessary for employment and active citizenship that they have acquired in senior secondary schooling.

This report echoed many of the themes raised in a September 2019 paper by the Australian Learning Lecturre: Beyond ATAR: A Proposal for Change. The paper proposed differences in the way we represent students’ knowledge, capabilities and activities, to describe secondary school graduates as whole human beings, and to ease transitions and pathways into further education and work.

The paper recommended completely replacing the ATAR (Australian tertiary admissions rank) with a learner profile, as opposed to having the ATAR be part of the profile.

But what is a learner profile, and do students really need it when they leave school?

More than a number

Is there a single number that can represent the totality of who you are? Your salary, height, weight, IQ? I think most of us would say “no”.

Yet a single number — the ATAR — is the main way secondary school students are represented, ranked and given access to tertiary education. The ATAR is the result of a scaling process that gives students a percentage rank in relation to others in their age group. If a student gets an ATAR of 80, it means they are 20% from the top of their age group.


Read more: What actually is an ATAR? First of all it’s a rank, not a score


A number of universities and degree programs complement ATAR scores with entry tests, interviews or other measures. But the ATAR remains dominant.

Australia is the only country that uses an almost universal student ranking system for tertiary entry. Beyond ATAR: A Proposal for Change, p. 11.

The dominance of ATAR has costs. It can shape senior secondary schooling, transforming it from a broad activity of learning to be an adult and citizen to the quest for a higher score. It can influence students’ and families’ subject choices, and their decisions about things like extracurricular activities.


Read more: The majority of music students drop out before the end of high school – is the ATAR to blame?


What is a learner profile?

The model of the learner profile in the 2019 Australian Learning Lecture paper proposed including information about the student’ extracurricular activities such as sport, part time work, music and theatre, hobbies and the other things they do to broaden their engagement with society and enhance interpersonal skills.

It is broader than the model prescribed in the recent Education Council report which recommended that the learner profile focus on students’ school-based activities.

Perspectives differ on whether a learning profile would complement and include an ATAR or similar score, or completely replace it.

A learner profile has been part of the International Baccalaureate for some time. Students complete the program with a document focused on their personal qualities such as communication, risk-taking and open-mindedness as well as on their knowledge and thinking skills.


Read more: How will the class of COVID-19 get into university? Using year 11 results is only part of the answer


Similar profiles are used for senior secondary students in Hong Kong, recording three years of academic results and learning experiences, including the attitudes and values students have developed. These profiles also list awards and achievements, inside and outside school, and an essay in which the students describe themselves.

While the Australian National University does consider the ATAR, applicants must also meet a co-curricular or service requirement. This is a measure of the breadth of a student’s engagement in the community.

School is about building citizens

Both the Education Council and Australian Learning Lecture reports argued that using a learning profile would better match graduates with the university courses that will best allow them to develop and fulfil their potential.

But school shouldn’t be just about getting into a university course, or getting the right job. It should also be about preparing students to be citizens actively engaged in society, who participate in the arts and community organisations, who have lives outside of work, who serve others and have a global vision.


Read more: What’s the point of education? It’s no longer just about getting a job


Broadening the ways we measure and represent the outcomes of the senior years of schooling has the potential to broaden our vision of school itself.

ref. Students are more than a number: why a learner profile makes more sense than the ATAR – https://theconversation.com/students-are-more-than-a-number-why-a-learner-profile-makes-more-sense-than-the-atar-143539

Post-COVID, there’ll be less of a reason to cut company tax than before

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janine Dixon, Economist at Centre of Policy Studies, Victoria University

They’re at it again, pushing lower company tax as a way to resuscitate the economy.

The arguments were well ventilated at the time the government pushed for company tax cuts, failed to get support in the Senate, and then abandoned them in favour of personal income tax cuts in the leadup to the last election, declaring “we’re not coming back to the company tax cuts”.

The new argument is that they’ll help get us out of recession, but in the same sense that Leo Tolstoy observed that while all happy families resemble each other, each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way, each recession is different.

This recession is the result of the forced hibernation of large parts of the economy in order to reduce the spread of COVID-19.

This recession is about households

The first priority will be household spending.

When the time is right, it will be households that hold the key to reversing the effects of hibernation.

Australian households account for 60 cents in every dollar spent in the Australian economy, and they accounted for a disproportionate share of the fall in GDP in the first half of 2020.

With shops and cafes shut, the need for investment in new facilities is low.

The first step to recovery has to be reopening the businesses that exist and are closed or are operating well below capacity.

This means getting households spending, supported by stimulus.

Company tax cuts benefit foreigners

Our modelling in 2018 showed that while a company tax cut would stimulate investment and economic activity, in both the short run and the long run the benefits would accrue to foreign investors rather than to Australians.

In theory, all investors should respond positively to a lower company tax rate, but under Australia’s system of dividend imputation local investors are shielded from company tax, meaning the cuts matter most for those overseas.

Those overseas investors would be likely to invest more in Australia after a company tax cut, boosting Australia’s capital stock (buildings and equipment) making workers more valuable, pushing up wages.


Read more: Big business doesn’t want to talk about it, but SMEs lose from a company tax cut


While sold as a plus, higher wages would make it harder for locally-owned businesses. Our modelling found the biggest losers would be in the retail, health care and education industries.

With foreign investors paying less tax, the local population would bear the consequences of spending cuts or higher taxes, broadly negating the benefit of higher wage growth.

COVID makes the case weaker

As well, much of the company tax cut would be ‘wasted’ providing a windfall gain to foreign investors already in Australia.

The case for a company tax cut is now weaker, not stronger, than it was in 2018.

Budget deficits will reach new highs in 2019-20 and 2020-21. It is the right policy for the circumstances we are in, but it will leave future governments with difficult decisions about budget repair.


Read more: A temporary income tax hike is the bitter but equitable pill Australia should swallow


When the economy is strong enough, taxpayers could face deficit repair levies, bracket creep, new taxes, and the broader application of existing ones.

It is for this reason that the International Monetary Fund warned against knee-jerk tax changes during the crisis and said:

a premium should be placed on measures that move the tax system in desirable directions – specifically: refrain from tax holidays; keep environmental taxes; do not cut corporate income tax rates

If the company tax rate was to be cut now, it would be difficult later to restore it to where it was when it was needed.

The smaller tax contribution by foreign investors would mean more of the adjustment would fall on us.

And investors may well find us increasingly attractive

Another fresh reason to be cautious about a cut in company tax is that Australia’s relative attractiveness as an investment destination might well improve.

We have suffered, but most of the world has suffered the same or worse.

Deciding where to invest their next dollars, investors might well form the view that our response to the pandemic has been better than those of other destinations such as the United States, Britain and Brazil.


Read more: Morrison government toughens foreign investment scrutiny to protect ‘national security’


One of the benefits of being a peaceful, well-managed resource-rich Western democracy is that when things are bad elsewhere foreign investors look here.

We might continue to find (as we have in the past) that we get all the foreign investment we can handle with our company tax rate as it is.

ref. Post-COVID, there’ll be less of a reason to cut company tax than before – https://theconversation.com/post-covid-therell-be-less-of-a-reason-to-cut-company-tax-than-before-143622

Forget a capital gains tax – what New Zealand needs is a tax on inherited wealth

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan Barrett, Lecturer, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

The world’s wealthiest people will transfer US$15.4 trillion in assets to their heirs in the next decade, according to a recent report.

Published by specialist data analysts Wealth-X, the report focused on the richest 0.1% (those with net assets worth over US$5 million), but it’s a similar story for the more modestly wealthy baby boomers.

With New Zealand’s average national house price now over $700,000, the heirs of home-owning boomers (as well as people born before 1945 whose significant wealth is often overlooked) will receive a currently untaxed bonanza.

Ignoring this unprecedented transfer of wealth from people who no longer need it to people who haven’t earned it would be absurd. But equitable tax policy must first overcome political timidity and rhetoric.


Read more: How rising inequality is stalling economies by crippling demand


As New Zealand’s election approaches, forward-thinking politicians should take heart from Sinn Féin winning a majority in the 2019 Irish election on the promise of making the country’s tax system radically more equitable.

While a capital gains tax (CGT) is off the table for now, tax arrangements are never set in stone and voters can be open to change.

Taxing inheritance is nothing new

New Zealand first taxed inter-generational capital transfers in 1866. However, the rate of estate duty was reduced to zero in 1993 and gift duty was scrapped in 2011. According to tax law specialist Michael Littlewood:

These taxes for many years enjoyed broad political support. Indeed, it was widely regarded as obvious that a significant part – perhaps as much as 50% or so – of every large estate ought to go to the state.

Taxing a person’s wealth when they no longer need it, provided a reasonable exemption is made to support dependants, has been usual since Roman times. In the modern era, inter-generational wealth was seen as eminently taxable, too. Indeed, progressive tax rates were applied to estate taxes before they were first used for income taxes.

In 1979 Australia became the first developed country to abolish estate duty (at both state and federal levels). As analysts Sam Reinhardt and Lee Steel pointed out, support for estate taxes had declined despite “various tax review committees recommending refinements to improve the equity, efficiency and simplicity of the tax”.

Politics gets in the way

In New Zealand, Te Herenga Waka—Victoria University’s 2010 tax working group didn’t consider reintroducing an estate tax or retaining the gift duty then in force. It argued that reforms in the late 1980s had “improved the efficiency and equity of the tax system”.

Certainly, stamp duty is an unlamented tax – although many jurisdictions try to use it to cool overheated housing markets. But it’s not clear why the working group considered estate taxes inefficient or inequitable.


Read more: New Zealand’s proposed capital gains tax could nudge taxpayers to invest in art instead of property


Unfortunately, the terms of reference of the next tax working group, established by the Labour-led government after the 2017 election, specifically excluded an inheritance tax. While there were good theoretical reasons for such a tax, group member Geof Nightingale said, it “breaks down at the politics”:

Inheritance taxes are intensely disliked, so if you haven’t got one it’s very hard to put one in.

The arguments against estate taxes are well rehearsed – usually accompanied by emotive references to “death taxes”. But, in the long term, the current ideological opposition to taxing inter-generational wealth transfers may prove to be an anomaly.

One simple reason for reviving the debate about such a tax is demographic: baby boomers, the wealthiest generation that has ever lived, will increasingly start dying during the 2020s.

Tax policymakers cannot ignore the opportunity – arguably the moral imperative – of taxing and redistributing those transfers.

Millennials and Gen X will be the winners

There remain three challenges to achieving a fairer tax based on inter-generational wealth.

First, the application of tax needs to shift from the deceased to the living. In other words, we need to focus on the recipient of the wealth transfer. Ireland’s capital acquisitions tax (CAT) applies a flat rate of 33% to accumulated gifts and inheritances over the relevant threshold.

Unlike a CGT, which can be perceived as penalising business owners, a CAT targets unearned windfalls from an accident of birth. This should make a CAT more politically acceptable than a CGT.


Read more: If you want a fair inheritance tax, make it a tax on income


Second, the younger generations most critical of baby boomers’ “unfair” acquisition of wealth (Gen X and millennials) must accept that taxing this unprecedented transfer of wealth will promote both inter- and intra-generational fairness.

If we don’t tax and redistribute these transfers, wealth inequalities will be exacerbated and entrenched among future generations.

And finally, arguments in favour of a more equitable system have to overcome the rhetoric of “death taxes”. As far back as the 1960s, Canada’s Royal Commission on Taxation did this by popularising the idea that “a buck is a buck”, no matter how it is earned.

In other words, if you have the money you can pay tax, whether that money comes from labour, investment or inheritance.

So far, only the Greens are proposing any tax on wealth as part of their election policy offering. But with the generational clock ticking, it’s maybe time for New Zealand to think about getting a CAT.

ref. Forget a capital gains tax – what New Zealand needs is a tax on inherited wealth – https://theconversation.com/forget-a-capital-gains-tax-what-new-zealand-needs-is-a-tax-on-inherited-wealth-143604

Why NSW is skewing its tax system toward build-to-rent apartments and away from mum and pop landlords

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Harry Scheule, Professor, Finance, UTS Business School, University of Technology Sydney

In an apparent about face, the NSW government has halved land tax for developers of build-to-rent housing.

It came weeks after the the Treasurer Dominic Perrottet launched a report that called for a greater reliance on land tax as a replacement for stamp duty.

The greater reliance on land tax is a long-term goal. At the moment family homes are exempt, along with boarding houses, caravan parks, retirement villages and farms. Most other users pay land tax, including landlords and businesses.

The change will give developers who invest in build-to-rent schemes offering long tenancies a 50% discount on their land tax for 20 years.

Why build-to-rent?

Most Australian rental properties are owned by individuals, units in apartment blocks as well as free-standing houses. Half are owned by landlords with only one property; three quarters by landlords with only one or two properties.

If you want to rent from a corporation, or from someone with wide experience in owning and renting properties, you’ll find it hard.

It makes Australia unusual.

Nails in walls can cause problems for tenants.

In other countries corporations rent out housing, big time. America’s five largest corporate landlords own 420,000 properties. Germany’s largest landlord, Vonovia, owns more than 330,000.

Overseas experience suggests corporations provide more affordable housing, and in many ways they make better landlords.

Individuals who own just one property have put most of their eggs in one basket.

Because they can’t afford for anything to go wrong they check the condition of the property regularly.

They prohibit nails in walls and pets, and typically offer only short-term leases.

Corporations can play the law of averages.

Because they know most properties will be well maintained they are satisfied with less-frequent inspections. They allow modifications, and typically offer long-term leases.

They offer an experience pretty close to ownership, in return for rent.

It’s this that the NSW government wants to encourage.

To ensure it happens and to ensure built-to-rents don’t revert to the Australian pattern of individual investors owning individual units, it will specify that the apartments have at least 50 units and are managed under unified ownership.

Tax makes it hard

At the moment such developments are discriminated against when it comes to land tax. No tax is due if the land value is below a threshold.

Individual landlords are usually below the threshold (some spreading their portfolio between multiple states to ensure they don’t trigger each state’s threshold).

Wholly-owned apartment blocks are above the threshold and can’t escape it. University of Technology Sydney calculations suggest land tax on build-to-rent developments can consume up to 27% of the annual rent collected.


Read more: ‘Build to rent’ could be the missing piece of the affordable housing puzzle


And they are subject to goods and services tax. They can reclaim some of it but not all.

The announcement comes at a time when the COVID crisis has cut stamp duty receipts and created an oversupply of vacant apartments, particularly around universities.

The initiative appears to have been crafted before the crisis and to be more forward looking. Many of the build-to-rent projects will take years to complete.

It’s about changing the mix

That said, any extra building activity will support the construction industry and extra stock will reduce home prices and rents.

The initiative doesn’t spell the end of mum and dad landlords. They will still predominate for a long time.

It’s about providing options and security for tenants that isn’t widely available and will become more important as a greater proportion of Australians rent.

Other states will be taking note.


Read more: What Australia can learn from overseas about the future of rental housing


For a government that wants to eventually make land tax universal, the 50% cut is a step in the wrong direction. It might have been better to remove the threshold for small landlords.

But there’s no sign the NSW government has given up on its longer term goal. It’s unlikely to be the last time land tax rules are changed.

ref. Why NSW is skewing its tax system toward build-to-rent apartments and away from mum and pop landlords – https://theconversation.com/why-nsw-is-skewing-its-tax-system-toward-build-to-rent-apartments-and-away-from-mum-and-pop-landlords-143594

Vital Signs: the COVID-19 crisis in aged care shows elimination is the only effective strategy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Holden, Professor of Economics, UNSW

As Victoria struggles to get its hotel-quarantine-debacle-driven COVID-19 outbreak under control, there has been renewed focus on the plight of those in aged-care facilities.

The facts are these. Between March 26 and July 5, Victoria recorded 20 deaths. None of those were in aged-care facilities. Between July 6 and July 29 there were 47 deaths in such facilities, nearly double the number from all other areas. COVID-19 cases have now been recorded in 87 aged-care facilities, with 10 aged-care facilities currently linked to about 50 or more cases.

These facts are undisputed.



What is – just barely – still in dispute is whether Australia should be following some kind of augmented herd-immunity strategy where we “protect” older Australians and let COVID-19 rip throughout the rest of the community.

Based on the data, that idea makes no sense.

Sweden tried it, and it was a disaster. Sweden’s chief epidemiologist admitted more than eight weeks ago he was wrong. Sweden’s central bank has acknowledged it will experience worse economic outcomes than its neighbours, along with the dramatically worse health outcomes.


Read more: No, Australia should not follow Sweden’s approach to coronavirus


Can we ‘protect’ older Australians?

But the tragedy taking place in Victoria right now also demonstrates the impossibility of isolating and protecting older Australians in aged-care facilities.

The cases in Victorian facilities involve both residents and staff. Indeed, the number of staff infected is significant.

These grim facts represent public health and labour market truths.

First, a higher “viral load” tends to make someone more contagious. Any relatively large number of people in a confined space is a recipe for disaster.

Second, staff in aged-care facilities in Australia often work at multiple facilities and are employed as casual workers. They are lowly paid and their work is quite insecure.


Read more: ‘Far too many’ Victorians are going to work while sick. Far too many have no choice


Australia’s Fair Work Commission highlighted the problem of insecure work in its decision this week to provide “pandemic leave” to aged-care workers:

There is a real risk that employees who do not have access to leave entitlements might not report Covid-19 symptoms

Even if we sought to strictly quarantine the residents of those facilities, the staff can’t be locked down.

Imagine what that would look like. Have the workers spend, say, six weeks living in a facility and go into quarantine on the way in and out. Victoria hasn’t even been able to manage its existing hotel quarantine. And these workers typically have other care responsibilities in their own homes.

Thinking we can somehow cleanly segregate older and particularly vulnerable Australians from the rest of the community is a fantasy.

The Estia Health aged care home in the western Melbourne suburb of Ardeer, The faciity has so far recorded 91 cases of COVID-19 among residents and staff. Daniel Pockett/AAP

Elimination is the only option

The dreadful events playing out in these facilities also remind us why we need to functionally eliminate all local transmission in Australian states and territories.

If even a relatively small number of cases are in the community, this terribly infectious disease will spread unless the reproduction rate is kept below 1.

The inevitable result is that some of the most vulnerable Australians – people who have contributed to this country all their lives – will die in large numbers and in terrible conditions.

They will often die alone, with their loved ones and family members unable to touch them or even be with them as they pass.

This human tragedy ought to concern us all.


Read more: View from The Hill: Aged care crisis reflects poor preparation and a broken system


But even without considering that, any reasonable cost-benefit analysis using the “value of a statistical life” favours elimination over other strategies.

To protect older Australians we need to protect all Australians. That means a commitment to stamp out all community transmission, and understanding the evidence that close to 90% of the economic cost of this pandemic comes from the pandemic itself, not the wise lockdown measures that are an investment in our future economic health.


Read more: Vital Signs: the cost of lockdowns is nowhere near as big as we have been told


And as a polite reminder to the Australian press: what makes for a good “story” is not the same as what makes for a good public policy debate.

The evidence is in and the answer is clear. We must try and eliminate local transmission of COVID-19 in Australia for the health and economic benefit of Australians of all ages.

ref. Vital Signs: the COVID-19 crisis in aged care shows elimination is the only effective strategy – https://theconversation.com/vital-signs-the-covid-19-crisis-in-aged-care-shows-elimination-is-the-only-effective-strategy-143621

Data privacy: stricter European rules will have repercussions in Australia as global divisions grow

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Normann Witzleb, Associate Professor in Law, Monash University

A big year for privacy just got bigger. On July 16, Europe’s top court ruled on the legality of two mechanisms for cross-border transfers of personal data.

The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) struck down the “EU-US Privacy Shield”, an intergovernmental agreement on which thousands of US companies based their data processing with EU trading partners and consumers. At the same time, the CJEU generally upheld so-called “standard contractual clauses” (SCC) for data exports but imposed new requirements on their use.

The decision has an immediate impact on data flows between the USA and the EU. But it will also create new challenges for Australian companies that engage with Europe.


Read more: Tough new EU privacy regulations could lead to better protections in Australia


The global reach of European privacy laws

In 2018, the EU brought into force the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), one of the world’s strongest privacy protection frameworks. This latest decision provides further evidence that the GDPR has impact far beyond the EU. It allows data about European citizens to be exported outside the bloc only if an adequate level of data protection is guaranteed.

Adequacy can be demonstrated at country level, and some major trading partners of the EU (such as Japan, Canada and New Zealand) have been certified by the EU as having a comparable level of privacy protection. Until a fortnight ago, US companies could likewise rely on an adequacy decision for the EU-US Privacy Shield. The Privacy Shield allowed companies to self-certify their data practices against a set of minimum criteria and enhanced US regulatory oversight. The Court has now held that this is not enough.

What does this mean for Australia?

Australian companies and consumers need to be mindful of the new CJEU decision. Data exports are very common, particularly where companies operate multi-nationally, outsource some of their data processing or store data on overseas cloud servers.

Australia was not a party to the EU-US Privacy Shield. It also does not have EU adequacy status. This is because our Privacy Act does not apply to small businesses, employee data, and political parties, amongst others. An EU entity that seeks to export personal data to Australia therefore needs to use other safeguards to ensure that EU personal data remains protected.

This is commonly done in the form of standard contractual clauses, by which the sender and recipient of data agree that their data processing meets GDPR standards. The CJEU has now clarified that companies and regulators must verify in each case that the clauses stand up in light of the recipient country’s data laws.

Governmental surveillance programs and access to effective legal remedies are a particular concern. Privacy professionals around the world now have to work out what this new requirement means.


Read more: Here’s what a privacy policy that’s easy to understand could look like


Deepening global divisions and the trend to data localisation

To comply with the ruling, companies need to engage in a more detailed risk analysis than before. In some cases, data may no longer be transferred. This is likely to contribute to an international trend to house critical data locally. A recent example of this trend is the COVIDSafe app: the data it collects must remain in Australia.

The CJEU decision comes at a time of intense public debate of privacy in Australia and many other countries. The COVID-19 pandemic has turbo-charged the digitalisation of many aspects of daily life. Every digital transaction leaves traces in the form of personal information, which could be a target for data mining and surveillance by corporate and state actors.

It would be sensible to adopt internationally harmonised data protection standards to regulate global data streams. But the world appears currently headed in the opposite direction.

Despite both the EU and US sides emphasising the need for cooperation after the CJEU ruling, the major trading powers and blocs are increasingly pitted against each other.

Apart from the long-standing EU-US division over privacy, China, India and Russia have also begun to assert their own distinct data processing models. These powers generally give their citizens fewer privacy rights than the EU. They also make increasing use of data localisation requirements, which prohibit or impede data export, to enforce their own data protection protocols. The intensifying conflict between the US and China, most recently erupting over the new security laws for Hong Kong, also marks data governance and cybersecurity as significant battlegrounds.

Australia’s new challenges in data protection

Australia’s data regulation tends to be pragmatic and business-friendly. It steers a middle course between the conflicting privacy approaches of the US and the EU. However, in a world retreating from globalised regulation, it is becoming increasingly difficult not to take sides.

Privacy is looming larger than ever in public consciousness, and Australia’s Privacy Act is due for an overhaul. More than ever, Australia needs to determine its own course in safeguarding personal information against potential overreach by corporations and governments.

ref. Data privacy: stricter European rules will have repercussions in Australia as global divisions grow – https://theconversation.com/data-privacy-stricter-european-rules-will-have-repercussions-in-australia-as-global-divisions-grow-142980

Guyana: Sovereignty Imperiled by Disputed Election  

Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage

By Tamanisha J. John
From Miami, Florida

Guyana is facing political turmoil given that the March 2020 elections have yet to be recognized by the incumbent APNU + AFC alliance coalition government. As of July 28th 2020, the APNU + AFC alliance coalition government claims that their electoral loss to the PPP/C almost 5 months ago, was an orchestrated attempt at regime change in Guyana. Not only are these claims by the APNU + AFC alliance coalition government unfounded, but they also threaten to undermine Guyana’s electoral integrity, increase racial hostilities in the country, and undermine Guyanese sovereignty. The manufactured political crisis makes Guyana  vulnerable to foreign intervention, given Guyana’s ascent into the ranks of the world’s oil exporting countries in 2020 and its geographical positioning as Venezuela’s neighbor. These factors have placed the political situation unfolding within Guyana on the radar of many Western countries looking to secure contracts for oil from a Guyanese government, and the U.S. government in particular which wants to intervene in neighboring Venezuela.  

Overview

On December 21st, 2018 a vote of no confidence against the ruling A Partnership for National Unity + Alliance for Change (APNU + AFC) coalition government in Guyana shocked the country. The vote was expected to follow along party lines, stripping the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) opposition of being able to get such a motion through. Expectations crumbled when the opposition was able to win the vote on a narrow 33-32 margin, made possible by a single defector (Charrandass Persaud, AFC) within the incumbent alliance coalition government. The vote would set the stage for new elections to be held in 90 days, with the winner of the new elections gaining hold of the presidency. 

However, legal challenges to the motion itself remained throughout the first half of 2019, with various courts either validating or invalidating the vote of no confidence. It would not be until the second week of June of 2019 that the motion would be upheld by the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) – Guyana’s highest court of appeals – guaranteeing that new elections would be held in Guyana. There would be further delays for holding elections in 2019, as the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) – the statutory body responsible for overseeing the electoral process – faced its own series of challenges, including a change in Chairperson. 

Per the CCJ’s requirements, a new GECOM Chairperson appointed by incumbent President David Granger (APNU + AFC) and agreed upon by the opposition leader Bharrat Jagdeo (PPP/C), would make the process more independent and fair. Justice Claudette Singh, the first woman Chairperson of GECOM, was announced as the new Chairperson on July 26th of 2019. Two months later in September, GECOM made it clear that it would be unable to conduct credible elections until the end of February 2020. Thus, the new round of elections was scheduled and carried out in March of 2020—a full two years before the constitutional term of the APNU + AFC presidency was to end. 

By all credible measures, as indicated by local and international observers like GECOM and CARICOM, the APNU + AFC alliance coalition lost the March 2020 elections. Yet, four months after the elections, and the already divided APNU + AFC coalition government leaders have yet to formally cede power. Instead, some APNU + AFC leaders maintain that the results of the March 2020 elections, which showed a PPP/C win, are still under judicial review. The longer that the APNU + AFC alliance coalition takes to admit defeat, the more likely racialized political divisions within Guyana will increase. Such social and political dynamics have the potential to undermine the cohesiveness necessary for the full exercise of national sovereignty by Guyana. All this, at a time of heightened tensions between Guyana and Venezuela over oil resources, boundary disputes, and the real threat of foreign intervention in the region.

Allegations of election rigging is a theme of Guyana’s elections every election year, even though it is the case that these allegations are consistently unfounded by observers [Vasciannie 2017, 185]. Nonetheless, elections and election results in Guyana are always hotly contested between the politicians and the populace— due to blind party loyalty that paints any and all criticism of one’s party, and loss by one’s preferred party, as insidious and racist manipulation by the other side. Incumbent President Granger (APNU + AFC) has been a consistent critic of Guyanese elections—although not of the 2015 elections, in which the alliance coalition of which he was part won the election. Needless to say, the 2015 election was not without its allegations of electoral fraud, as the PPP/C alleged Western interference, rigging, and ballot stuffing for their 2015 loss. Thus, regaining power for what the PPP claimed a fraudulent 2015 election has been the hallmark of their opposition presence against the APNU + AFC. The PPP/C has called for new elections ever since 2015. 

If this all sounds familiar in 2020, it’s because the same playbook has been sadly utilized by the losing party every election cycle in Guyana since 1964. The 2020 elections are only unique given the extremely high stakes in this election for Guyana and for the geopolitics of the region, which provides more urgency for these claims. These stakes include: (1) newfound oil wealth in Guyana, that is expected to enrich the country and allow the party that rules over the oil to gain political supremacy; and (2) an imperial and bipartisan consensus in Washington to bring about regime change in Venezuela. This foreign meddling is supported by Colombia and Brazil, which like Guyana, also border Venezuela. 

Guyana’s 2020 elections draw intense scrutiny of the West

Given the high stakes for 2020, Guyana and its elections are receiving intense scrutiny by some Western states, which before, were largely uninterested in the small South American (but culturally Caribbean) country. The United States, Britain (UK), Canada, and the European Union (EU)— collectively referred to as the ABCE countries in the region— have all uniquely weighed in on the 2020 Guyanese elections, given the allegations of election rigging. They assert that the incumbent APNU + AFC alliance coalition must step down, lest they (and Guyana) be met with sanctions and interventions that go against Guyana’s sovereignty. The U.S. has couched its intent to violate international law, under the broader concern for democracy (ironically), a concern that was notably absent during prior election years in Guyana— where allegations of rigging were also rampant. For instance, in 2015 when the PPP/C lost the election and pushed for a recount, the U.K. and other international observers made it clear that they were not interested in conducting a recount, stating that elections were free and fair. 

This is far from the case of the 2020 elections, where multiple recounts were implemented, supported by ABCE countries which expressed “concern for democracy.” This concern is undoubtedly linked to Guyana’s newfound oil reserves and wealth—of which Exxon Mobil has already secured a lucrative contract with the Guyanese government after discovering the oil in 2015. Guyanese newfound crude oil is expected to gross billions of dollars for the country, Exxon Mobil, and the other oil corporations, depending on the outcome of negotiations with the Guyanese government. In addition to oil, the U.S. geopolitical interest in Guyana is tied to support for regime change in Venezuela, which the U.S. has long backed. 

Although current analyses of Guyana necessarily involve its oil potential, and U.S. attempts to intervene in Venezuela, a central concern should be what is at stake for Guyanese people and Guyana’s political democracy. In 2013, prior to the elections that would see the APNU + AFC alliance coalition defeating the then incumbent PPP/C (which held power for over two decades prior to 2015), I wrote a letter to the editor in Kaieteur News. In that letter, I lamented how racial divisions in Guyana not only undermined political democracy in the country, but consistently allowed for the contractual arrangement (through Guyana’s constitution) between the people and government to be violated. As too often, these divisions are always the prelude to actual foreign intervention in Guyana, as supported by some in the Guyanese diaspora and the opposing party. Ever since Guyana’s independence, racial divisions in the country have been stoked and amplified by US and other external interventions. In 2013, my letter was in response to rallies being held by the PPP/C with clear coded racial language, that aimed to paint the multi-ethnic coalition government gaining popular support, as solely an arm of Burnham’s People’s National Congress (PNC). In response to my letter in Kaieteur News, I promptly received correspondence from the PPP/C government, noting that they have always been “friendly” with COHA, the organization I was working for at the time, implying that such things should not be published, instead of addressing their complicity in pushing racial division in Guyana.  

Guyana’s two party power structure

The internal political dynamics in Guyana have long been influenced by colonialism and foreign interventions, the result being a two-party dominant structure within the country that exploits racial divisions to stay in power. The two dominant parties within Guyana are the PPP/C and the PNC (/APNU), and although smaller parties do exist, none of them have been electorally viable. The PPP/C party is understood as ‘belonging’ to Indo-Guyanese, and the PNC party, including its APNU alliance rebrand, is understood as ‘belonging’ to Afro-Guyanese. This racial split between the two dominant parties occurred during Guyana’s independence, whereby the two independence leaders Cheddi Jagan (Indo-Guyanese socialist) and Forbes Burnham (Afro-Guyanese communist) had ideological differences, causing them to split. A more vocal and popular Jagan, who pushed multi-ethnic organizing in Guyana, would be labelled a communist by the U.S. and the U.K. The U.K. would send troops into Guyana to reinstate formal colonialism in the 1970s, before backing Burnham (who ruled as a dictator) in ousting Jagan. The political party structure within Guyana witnessed a change in 2015, when a coalition was formed consisting of the APNU alliance and the Alliance for Change (AFC) coalition. The AFC coalition’s strength came from popular PPP/C members who defected from the PPP/C in order to join the multi-racial AFC. Given the racial dynamics of politics within Guyana, and its impact on party loyalty, when PPP/C members defected to enter the APNU + AFC alliance coalition, those persons were labeled as committing “treason,” and thus, “traitors” by some members of the PPP/C and their loyalists. However, PPP/C economic mismanagement that failed to deliver to Guyanese, gave strength to a more unified form of politics that could represent national change, resulting in their 2015 loss.  

This is the context for the fragile APNU + AFCs rise to power in 2015. Prior to forming a coalition with the (racially coded Black) APNU party, as a standalone party the AFC focused on mixed representation within Guyana in order to address real issues. AFC leaders and members were concerned with issues like suicide, alcoholism, femicide, unemployment, and jobs— which they recognized as never having been tangibly addressed by either dominant political party (PPP/C and PNC/APNU) in the country. Given this understanding, the APNU + AFC alliance coalition was hard fought, as some AFC members did not believe that they should align with the APNU in 2015, given their critiques of both of the dominant parties. The alliance coalition was only made possible, when well known AFC members defected from the AFC itself, in order to join the APNU. While the AFC wanted to pursue a strategy of natural growth for its party in Guyanese politics, those who defected believed that aligning with a dominant party (in particular, the APNU which was the opposition to the PPP at the time) would advance their vision of national unity quicker. Defections were labelled as necessary, if a more nationalist vision for all Guyanese were to be implemented in order to address the deteriorating socio-economic situation for Guyanese people at the time, given PPP/C rule. 

Those who defected from the AFC were, in many cases, hoping to help form an alliance that would bridge the racial-political divide within Guyana in order to effectively address the negative social and economic situation that prevented Guyana and Guyanese from progressing. It should be noted that the goals of multi-ethnic and national rule in Guyana has long been pursued by Guyanese early independence leaders and activists. Most famously, Walter Rodney in the late 1960s to 1980s, fought for a more inclusive politics in Guyana aimed at uplifting all working class and oppressed peoples. The political assassination of Walter Rodney took place at a time when his theory and praxis of multi-racial organising within Guyana was gaining traction and would have likely been successful. This great leader’s life nevertheless remains a point of reference for those who still aspire to multi-racial unity, national sovereignty, and social justice in Guyana and beyond.

Race and Political Parties in Guyana

As has been noted, externally and internally within Guyana, there is this propensity to feed racial divisions at the expense of addressing the socio-economic situation in the country. This makes for a more artificial and superficial politics. Thus, the ruling parties in Guyana are understood by the populace as inherently racialized, which (sadly) translates into party support largely along racial lines. Receiving most of its support from Indo-Guyanese communities in Guyana and that diaspora abroad, the PPP/C is seen as having a history of failing to deliver economic prosperity and development opportunities and projects, to (and in) predominantly Afro-Guyanese communities. PPP/C action in predominantly Afro-Guyanese communities is perceived as slow, and only occurring when Afro-Guyanese protest for change. However, given the slight Indo-Guyanese majority—PPP/C electoral wins within Guyana are largely attributed to that fact. On the other end, the PNC (/APNU) party receives most of its support from Afro-Guyanese communities in Guyana and the diaspora abroad. The PNCs three-decade rule in Guyana during the post-independence period is largely credited to intervention by the U.S. and the U.K., which stifled hopes for multiracial political parties in the country. Instead, the PNC and its APNU rebranding, is seen as providing goods to city and urban communities that are largely Afro-Guyanese dominated, while neglecting rural and agricultural communities that tend to be dominated by Indo-Guyanese. Political flexibility within Guyana— regardless of ethnicity— is more often seen amongst the elite and upper-middle class members of Guyana, who choose parties based on which party has power.  

The win by the APNU + AFC alliance coalition in 2015 was arguably due to the alliance’s ability to expand the reach of a traditional APNU voter base, by allowing those disenchanted with the PPP/C—including some Indo-Guyanese— to vote for the AFC within a broader APNU + AFC alliance coalition. That Indo-Guyanese defected from the PPP/C to the AFC could be explained by the poor economic record of the PPP/C, especially during the 2006-2015 period, which failed to deliver to elite Indo-Guyanese communities. A resource driven manifesto by the APNU + AFC’s alliance coalition that would propel Guyana’s development provided defectors with a better alternative in 2015. The traditional strong base of Afro-Guyanese support for the APNU, was compounded by a broader base of votes attracted to the AFC and the expanded alliance coalition. The problems with this is that racial divisions stemming from the colonial past and neocolonial trajectory of Guyana continued to make multiracial political organizing difficult. Within the alliance coalition itself, people remained committed to leaders along racial lines and out of party fealty. 

Accordingly, it has been pointed out that the AFC has been no different from the PPP/C or PNC/APNU, when it comes to preaching racial politics, depending on which communities of people they are speaking to. Thus, defections within the alliance in 2020 would also be played out and analyzed amongst the general Guyanese public, through the traditional lens of race and party loyalties. This especially because the AFC member of Parliament who defected from the APNU + AFC alliance coalition during the “no confidence” motion in the opposition’s favor, is Indo-Guyanese. To PPP/C and their loyalists, Charrandass Persaud’s vote signalled an odd allegiance to race and thus party (PPP/C); whereas to APNU + AFC and their loyalists, the vote signalled a deliberate vote against the party based on race (APNU) and a betrayal to the broader project of national unity (AFC). Furthering the racial logics behind the vote is the fact that the president of the incumbent APNU + AFC alliance coalition (who has yet to cede power) is Afro-Guyanese. According to Persaud, his vote of no confidence in 2018 was two-fold: first, he did not believe that the alliance coalition negotiated a good contract with ExxonMobil for the oil, and second, he felt that the AFC (multi-ethnic) part of the alliance coalition were merely “yes men” to the larger (racially coded Black) APNU.

Prior to the 2018 no-confidence vote, a larger role for the PPP/C in Guyana’s governance was expected. Prospects of newfound oil wealth, coupled with perceived racial privileges depending on which party is in power, and the incumbent party seen as being financially irresponsible all contributed to the outcome of the 2020 elections. The PPP/C had a strong performance in the local elections held in 2016, showing the party performing well in areas that they lost in 2015. This signaled that there was some dissatisfaction with the coalition amongst Guyanese voters, especially those who voted for the AFC part of the alliance coalition in 2015. A good performance by the PPP/C in the 2016 local elections gave the PPP/C some hope about being able to push through a vote of no confidence motion— in spite of their minority status in Parliament. Outside of local elections, there were concerns amongst the general public and some AFC and alliance coalition members about government spending, fueling rumors of APNU + AFC financial irresponsibility. A decline in Guyana’s gold reserves in the span of two years contributed to this. However, it is also the case that the APNU + AFC alliance coalition successfully increased teachers’ salaries and funding for Guyana’s educational system overall, as well as installed proper irrigation systems to reduce flooding in Guyana’s capital.   

 While devastating, the APNU + AFC’s loss is due to the alliance coalition’s inability to continue expanding its base during the first two years, given the opposition’s intent to hold new elections. A win for the APNU + AFC would have only been feasible had they remained committed to forming a strong multiracial coalition—including strengthening the coalition that propelled it to power in 2015— with those impoverished and working class in Guyana in mind. It has been speculated that Persaud’s defection may have also taken into consideration that a substantial amount of sugar workers from his region in Guyana— a largely Indo-Guyanese dominated sector—were laid off during the APNU + AFC’s short tenure. Those workers did not have any job guarantees or an equivalent after these layoffs. As putting forth a mandate for change with Guyanese at the forefront regardless of race or ethnicity, it was up to the APNU + AFC alliance coalition to expand its base by balancing different regional development projects for all Guyanese. Instead, Persaud was labelled by some as a “traitor” by breaking ranks with his party in a crucial vote —his dual Canadian citizenship gaining more headlines that called into question his Guyanese loyalties. If alliance coalition members had an issue with Persaud’s citizenship, it should have been addressed at his 2015 swearing in, versus when it’s politically convenient. 

What is at Stake for Guyana, Guyanese, and the Geopolitics of the Region

While it is unlikely that a PPP/C return to power will bring about positive change in Guyana, it is the case that the APNU + AFC alliance coalition government leaders ought to cede defeat for the March 2020 elections. Prior to the 2015 elections, PPP/C leadership has been prone to abusing power in Guyana, relying on racial divisions, tropes, and stereotypes to remain in power. The PPP/C has shown itself, prior to the actions of the APNU + AFC post the March 2020 elections, to be less democratic whilst in power than the APNU + AFC. While in power the PPP/C refrained from holding local elections and, when faced with their own no-confidence vote, former President Donald Ramotar (2011-2015) suspended the parliament. If the APNU + AFC alliance coalition does not cede defeat, not only do they put Guyana’s democracy and sovereignty at stake, but they also lose the ability to remain a formidable opposition party. Given past PPP/C rule, an opposition party able to challenge the PPP/C— which, prior to 2015, did not have an opposition party strong enough to challenge them for two decades—is crucial. Failure of the APNU + AFC alliance coalition to cede power almost guarantees a return to the worst of undemocratic practices by the PPP/C, given the APNU + AFC’s current actions that undermine faith in Guyana’s democracy and electoralism.  

Undermined faith in Guyana’s democracy and electoralism makes foreign intervention in Guyana all the more likely. As it currently stands, the APNU + AFC alliance has decided not to ally with the U.S. and its regional and Western allies to intervene in Venezuela. This, even after under the APNU + AFC’s tenure, Venezuela carried out military exercises near a disputed border with Guyana, and ramped up claims to two-thirds of Guyana’s territory in order to claim the newfound Guyanese oil as Venezuelan. The APNU + AFC alliance coalition has also turned down U.S. requests to broadcast messages into Venezuela. This commitment to regional sovereignty despite differences with Venezuela is critical to maintaining peace and keeping diplomatic channels open for resolving the territorial dispute. However, posturing to steer clear in playing a role in destabilizing its neighbor may be for naught— if the APNU + AFC alliance coalition leaders fail to cede power. As the months go by, some PPP/C party members and their supporters (within Guyana and abroad) have called for Western intervention into Guyana. These calls for intervention are already picking up traction from U.S. officials who want to exploit any opportunity to attack Venezuela. 

On July 15th, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. will be placing visa restrictions on “individuals who have been responsible for, or complicit in, undermining democracy in Guyana” and their immediate family members (U.S. Department of State Press Statement). While the U.S. does not have a particularly friendly relationship with either the PPP/C or APNU + AFC alliance coalition government, the former has shown itself to be more amenable to the U.S. (and other Western) interests over the decades. There is a historic irony in the PPP/C asking for Western intervention into Guyana in 2020. PPP/C leaders frequently utilize the party’s history, of being founded by Cheddi Jagan, to distinguish itself from the PNC’s history of facilitating U.S. and U.K. intervention in Guyana. Foreign intervention ousted Jagan’s PPP, and placed the PNC in power, under Forbes Burnham’s three decade tenure. In 2020, there is almost a reversal of the political situation in the 60s and 70s, with the PPP/C government asking for foreign intervention, as the APNU + AFC’s alliance falsely paints the PPP/C as communist. Although alliance coalition leaders have sent out stern warnings against Western interventions into Guyana given the March 2020 election results, their warnings have revived Cold War era terminology, which is what led to intervention in the 60s and 70s.  

The PPP/C in Guyana is far removed from the PPP/C of Jagan (whose children supported the alliance coalition and have been vocal about how Jagan would oppose the PPP/C politics of the 21st century). In June of this year, incumbent Prime Minister Moses Nagamootoo (formerly PPP before joining and aiding in the AFC’s 2015 win) warned against regime change in Guyana and Venezuela, on the grounds that the U.S. should “take caution,” given that “the U.S. might have walked into a trap by allowing the communist-oriented PPP to deceive them that they are an ally, while in reality they are more closely knit with the Nicolas Maduro administration” (Chabrol, 2020). What is interesting about Nagamootoo’s reasoning, is that as an early PPP activist (thus Jaganite and Marxist himself), this language used by Nagamootoo is what kept multiracial political parties from developing within Guyana in the post-independence period, and justified Western interventions into the country. What Nagamootoo gets right is the fundamental misunderstanding of Guyanese politics by the U.S. State Department whose interventions have led to periods of undemocratic rule in Guyana and the assassination of activists working towards national unity.  

Worse still for internal dynamics within Guyana, the longer that President Granger holds onto power via legal maneuvering, racial stereotypes about the APNU—and thus the alliance coalition itself— will persist. These stereotypes uphold racist notions about Afro-Guyanese being incapable of holding fair political office in Guyana. This, even as some alliance coalition members have already ceded defeat and have accepted the results of the March 2020 elections. According to Dominic Gaskin, former Business Minister and AFC member:

 “While I empathize with many who do not wish to see the PPP return to power, the harm that will certainly ensue can never justify what is contemplated. Our political system may not be perfect, but trust in our electoral system is paramount. The votes in those ballot boxes, all of which have already been deemed legally valid, show that the majority of Guyanese prefer a PPP-C government to an APNU+AFC government. This is what the coalition should be working to change in time for the 2025 election, instead of trying to change what has already happened. It pains me to watch this situation escalate unnecessarily when it is clear to most that the APNU+AFC has lost the election, and will not be accepted, either at home or abroad, as the legitimate government for a second term. Fancy legal maneuvers cannot change the facts. They only serve to delay the inevitable and raise tensions among our people, while exacerbating the adverse economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.” (Dominic Gaskin. July 17, 2020. Facebook post)

The best thing that can happen for Guyana and Guyanese in the present, is for the APNU + AFC alliance coalition to cede power, so that they can remain a formidable opposition that keeps the PPP/C in check. The longer it takes the APNU + AFC alliance coalition leaders to cede power, Guyana’s sovereignty— vis-à-vis its ability to oppose ABCE intervention, is put at risk. This is further compounded by PPP/C calls for Western intervention, which makes lasting intervention on Guyanese politics and society all the more likely. If the PPP/C regains power via Western intervention, the PPP/C may become indebted to the ABCE countries, making their presence in Guyana more permanent— given the oil wealth and U.S. interests of regime change in Venezuela. 

It is not in the interest of any Guyanese, whether a PPP/C loyalist or an APNU + AFC loyalist, to see Western intervention in Guyana or in Venezuela. While there is a vocal overseas Guyanese diaspora that proclaims that intervention is what Guyanese want— within Guyana itself, and across political party lines, that is not the case. Intervention itself will allow external interests to yet again— as they did in the post-independence period— control Guyanese politics, and stunt the economic growth and developments that Guyanese people want to see happen for Guyana. 

Tamanisha J. John is a doctoral candidate of International Relations at Florida International University (FIU), conducting research on Caribbean sovereignty and politics, economic imperialism, race, financial exclusion, and Canadian multinational banks in the Caribbean.


References

“A Partnership for National Unity + Alliance for Change Coalition Manifesto: Elections 2015.” 2015. Manifesto. APNU + AFC. http://caribbeanelections.com/eDocs/manifestos/gy/apnu_afc_manifesto_2015.pdf.

Associated Press. 2019. “Trump to Meet with Caribbean Leaders at Mar-a-Lago.” Sun Sentinel, March 20, 2019, sec. Politics. https://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/politics/fl-ne-ap-trump-caribbean-leaders-mar-a-lago-20190320-story.html.

Bahadur, Gaiutra. 2015. “CIA Meddling, Race Riots, and a Phantom Death Squad.” Foreign Policy, July 31, 2015, sec. Dispatch. https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/07/31/guyana-cia-meddling-race-riots-phantom-death-squad-ppp/?fbclid=IwAR2aioXRALnL1Pbld-4GqqT02DuHakjhGlDSp8TzMBN_ocYEfDP4pcqRH6U.

Caribbean Life. 2019. “Homestretch for Guyana Elections.” Caribbean Life News, December 30, 2019, sec. Guyana. https://www.caribbeanlifenews.com/homestretch-for-guyana-elections/.

Chabrol, Denis. 2019. “Jagdeo Rejects Granger’s Nominees for GECOM Chairman.” Demerara Waves, July 17, 2019, sec. Elections. http://demerarawaves.com/2019/07/17/jagdeo-rejects-grangers-suggested-nominees-for-gecom-chairman/.

Cohen, Luc, Julia Payne, and Ron Bousso. 2020. “Large Oil Traders Vie for Guyana Marketing Deal despite Price Plunge.” Reuters, April 20, 2020, sec. Commodities. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-guyana-oil/large-oil-traders-vie-for-guyana-marketing-deal-despite-price-plunge-idUSKBN222344.

“Dr. Rishi Thakur Defects from AFC Citing Disagreements over Discourse on Race and Politics.” 2011. Blogspot. Live In Guyana (blog). October 21, 2011. http://liveinguyana.blogspot.com/2011/10/dr-rishi-thakur-defects-from-afc-citing.html.

Guyana Chronicle. 2020. “Prime Minister Moses Nagamootoo,” February 29, 2020, sec. Editorial. https://guyanachronicle.com/2020/02/29/prime-minister-moses-nagamootoo/.

“Guyana Election Centre.” n.d. KnowledgeWalk Institute. http://www.caribbeanelections.com/gy/elections/default.asp.

INews Guyana. 2013. “AFC Defectors Wanted Coalition with APNU for next General Elections,” September 25, 2013, sec. Local News. https://www.inewsguyana.com/afc-defectors-wanted-coalition-with-apnu-for-next-general-elections/.

Jamaica Observer. 2019. “2019 Was a Mixed Year for the Caribbean,” December 28, 2019. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/2019-was-a-mixed-year-for-the-caribbean_183170.

Khan, Anara. 2019. “Guyana’s First Female GECOM Chair Sworn in.” Guyana Department of Public Information, July 29, 2019. https://dpi.gov.gy/guyanas-first-female-gecom-chair-sworn-in/#gsc.tab=0.

Marks, Neil. 2019. “Guyana Government to Challenge No-Confidence Vote in Court.” Reuters, January 3, 2019, sec. World News. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-guyana-politics/guyana-government-to-challenge-no-confidence-vote-in-court-idUSKCN1OX1WD.

Mowla, Wazim. 2020. “Guyana’s Incumbent APNU+AFC Coalition Puts Its Future at Risk.” Global Americans, July 2, 2020, sec. Democracy & Elections. https://theglobalamericans.org/2020/07/guyanas-incumbent-apnuafc-coalition-puts-its-future-at-risk/.

Pompeo, Michael R. 2020. “U.S. Department of State Imposes Visa Restrictions on Guyanese Individuals Undermining Democracy.” Government. U.S. Department of State. July 15, 2020. https://www.state.gov/u-s-department-of-state-imposes-visa-restrictions-on-guyanese-individuals-undermining-democracy/.

Staff Reporter. 2019. “Parliament to Be Dissolved on Monday.” Guyana Chronicle, December 27, 2019. https://guyanachronicle.com/2019/12/27/parliament-to-be-dissolved-on-monday/.

TIMES INT’L. 2013. “Key NY Backers Leave AFC for APNU.” Guyana Times International, September 20, 2013, sec. Top Stories. https://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/key-ny-backers-leave-afc-for-apnu/.

Vasciannie, Lisa Ann. 2017. International Election Observation in the Commonwealth Caribbean: Race, Aid and Democratization. Springer International Publishing.

Wills, Derwayne. 2015. “Backgrounder on Guyana’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections.” Antillean Media Group, May 10, 2015, sec. Politics. https://www.antillean.org/guyana-2015-elections-backgrounder/.

Grattan on Friday: Australia holds its breath as Victoria struggles with the virus

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Scott Morrison says of the war against COVID-19: “On some days the virus wins. On other days we beat it”. This week, the virus was counting its victories most days.

In these bleak times, it’s well to remind ourselves that in broad national terms, as many countries struggle with second waves, Australia is still doing relatively well.

Nevertheless, we are seeing the virus wield its scythe against the frail elderly in Victorian nursing homes, and its axe against the national economy.

In the early stage of the COVID crisis, the community and the politicians were shaken by vision of snaking queues of the newly-unemployed outside Centrelink.

Now the shock is coming from the voices of traumatised, sometimes angry, Melbourne families whose relatives, residents in aged care, have died or are fighting for their lives.


Read more: 723 new COVID-19 cases in Victoria could reflect more testing – but behaviour probably has something to do with it too


They’ve testified to how unprepared some facilities were. This lack of foresight magnified the vulnerability of both residents and staff in what were always to be high risk situations.

These witnesses’ stories have forced greater accountability from the federal and Victorian governments. Multiple distressing first-hand reports from credible citizens are particularly confronting.

For the federal government, which regulates aged care, there has been nowhere to hide.

For instance, Scott Morrison on Thursday admitted there was “far too much anecdotal evidence that we’ve been receiving of PPE [personal protective equipment] – despite the training, despite the PPE being there – not being used the way it should.”

With teams now being sent into facilities to check PPE use, Morrison warned failure to comply with PPE requirements would “lead to marking down” of accreditation. A warning that should have been loudly delivered much earlier.

Victoria’s Thursday record figure of 723 new COVID cases – taking its total active cases to well over 5,000, and coming with further restrictions in regional areas – plunged that state into a new dark place. One federal official described it as a “hinge day”. Morrison flagged discussion of tougher measures for the state.

There is serious worry about COVID’s impact on the health work force in Victoria. Attention has been on the high number of nursing home staff who’ve contracted the virus, but its spread among hospital staff is also concerning. Many workers at major hospitals, including St. Vincent’s, The Alfred, and The Royal Melbourne, have reportedly fallen victim.

While workforce difficulties in nursing homes was predictable, the weakness in big hospitals is more surprising.

The Victorian government’s quarantine missteps and tracing inadequacies let the virus loose, and continuing failures in contact tracing are creating problems for its containment.

Other states have more robust protections but they’re all jumpy.

NSW, dealing with a limited but potentially explosive number of cases, remains on tenterhooks, despite Morrison’s confidence that state has the situation under control and Premier Berejiklian’s desire not to flatten economic activity. “Gladys is constantly anxious,” the PM noted, in a massive understatement.

Queensland premier Annastacia Palaszczuk, facing an election, is slamming shut her border to people from greater Sydney, on the grounds of “more cases of community transmission spreading across a wider area” of the NSW capital.

Political leaders’ nerves are stretched taut, arguably even more so than early on. They’re exhausted, and less patient with each other. Federal-Victorian angst broke out this week over aged care, as did sniping between Canberra and Perth about Western Australia’s refusal to open its border.

Morrison, who only recently declared everyone a Melburnian, now insists there’s not a national COVID “second wave”, just a “Victorian wave”.

But he acknowledges Victoria’s disaster not only directly drags down the national economy (of which the state is nearly a quarter), but also delivers a much wider hit by affecting behaviour elsewhere.

The Victorian wave was even showing up “on things like table bookings at restaurants and in states that aren’t affected by COVID in the same way that Victoria [is],” he said.

A friend just returned from Queensland backs up this point, having heard stories of how Victorian bad news is hurting trade in Brisbane shops.

Victoria has derailed Morrison’s hope, indeed expectation, that economic recovery would be centre stage by now. In his mind, we’d be going about our business with the virus contained, a few periodic outbreaks efficiently handled.

Instead we see how COVID, once it breaks out (in this case thanks to bad administration), can dash away.


Read more: 723 cases is a bad number for Victoria. But we can’t freak out over a single day’s figure


Already it has rendered last week’s revised budget numbers out of date. Treasury secretary Steven Kennedy told the Senate’s COVID committee on Thursday the Victorian situation had deteriorated since the Treasury did its figures (which took account of the six-week lockdown).

“Further constraints, be they through movement or through the extension of the six-week measures that the Victorian government announced, will mean growth will be lower and employment will be lower and unemployment will be higher,” Kennedy said.

“Beyond that, of course, people can lose a bit of confidence and have concerns about what they are seeing unfolding, even in other parts of the country.” The community’s confidence in how the virus was being managed would “matter enormously for economic activity”, Kennedy added.

Morrison’s mantra is of dual health and economic crisis, but in the public’s mind the health one will command priority.

This goes back to the sustainability of the Morrison “aggressive suppression” strategy. The PM continues to reject an elimination strategy although he does now talk about a goal of zero community transmission – which on the New Zealand interpretation is elimination. Six of the eight jurisdictions are at or close to this position.

Acting chief medical officer Paul Kelly points out the obvious – the virus “moves when people move”. Even if the situation in Victoria is brought under control – a considerable “if” – Morrison’s scenario of the community operating confidently with the virus just popping up here and there sounds more doable than it is likely to prove.

One of the weapons this virus deploys is its ability to spook people out.

ref. Grattan on Friday: Australia holds its breath as Victoria struggles with the virus – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-australia-holds-its-breath-as-victoria-struggles-with-the-virus-143693

We have 16 new Closing the Gap targets. Will governments now do what’s needed to meet them?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Francis Markham, Research Fellow, College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University

The Morrison government has finally unveiled the long-awaited new National Agreement on Closing the Gap.

After more than two years of consultation, and a year of negotiations, Prime Minister Scott Morrison was full of praise for the new agreement, saying it was “realistic” and would have “very meaningful impact”. Coalition of Peaks lead negotiator Aunty Pat Turner similarly described it as a “huge step forward”.


Read more: New ‘Closing the Gap’ targets will cover attachment to land and culture


The new agreement is an important achievement by the Coalition of Peaks. This is yet another example of Indigenous people exercising their agency and should be applauded.

Notwithstanding this, close examination of the new targets reveal both important gains and unanswered questions about power sharing.

While some of the targets are associated with clear, quantifiable measures for annual reporting, this is lacking for others. Meanwhile, the level of transparency around governments, when it comes to the critical work of transforming their own agencies, is much more limited.

A revamped Closing the Gap

The new agreement represents extensive community consultations and negotiations between Indigenous organisations and all levels of government.

In a fundamental change from the original Closing the Gap framework in 2008, the new agreement has been driven by Indigenous organisations, represented by the Coalition of Peaks.

At its heart, it involves four “priority reforms” to change the way governments do business with Indigenous peoples. These include:

  1. establish further partnerships between governments and Indigenous peoples which respond to local priorities

  2. build the Indigenous community-controlled sector to deliver services to support closing the gap

  3. transform mainstream government agencies to better respond to Indigenous peoples’ needs, including a commitment to “eliminate racism”

  4. improve and share access to data and information to enable Indigenous communities to make informed decisions

The agreement also sets 16 targets, with an emphasis on socio-economic outcomes for Indigenous peoples.

More targets, but the devil’s in the detail

The original Closing the Gap just focused on health, education and employment. The scope of what was announced on Thursday is much broader, taking in child development, youth education and employment, housing, the incarceration of adults and children, child removal, family violence, suicide, land and sea rights and language use.

Further targets are also promised on access to information, community infrastructure, and inland water rights.

In this sense, the new targets are a significant improvement, as the range of policy areas is better aligned with Indigenous demands of governments.


Read more: Reconciliation Week: a time to reflect on strong Indigenous leadership and resilience in the face of a pandemic


But there is also a great deal of devil in the detail. This can been seen in the target on Indigenous rights and interests in land.

The promised increase in the proportion of Australia subject to Indigenous legal rights or interests sounds positive (15% by 2030), but it will be limited in practice. It is likely to be met by weak “non-exclusive” native title rights, which give traditional owners little control over their Country. This target is also likely to be met anyway, without any government action.

A focus on socio-economic change, not self-determination

Other key outcomes, such as increasing the number of Indigenous languages spoken, have no quantified target set. This may be for technical reasons (the strength of Indigenous languages is difficult to measure). However, the vagueness of such targets can’t help but reduce accountability.

Other important targets — such as the headline promise to “close the gap in life expectancy within a generation, by 2031” — remains unlikely to be met in full. This was included in the original Closing the Gap agreement, yet Indigenous mortality rates have seen little improvement over the last decade. Unfortunately, this is unlikely to change dramatically by 2031, given the current burden of chronic diseases among Indigenous peoples.

Pat Turner measuring an amount with her hand, with Scott Morrison in the background.
Some targets do not have clearly measurable outcomes. Lukas Coch/AAP

It must also be noted that with the exception of the targets around language use and land and sea rights, the new targets remain focused on reducing Indigenous socio-economic difference. They do little to enable Indigenous peoples to exercise self-determination in political and economic domains. Or give Indigenous people real control over activities happening on their Country.

The paradox at the heart of the new agreement is that it recognises targets can only be met through power-sharing. But fundamental power imbalances are not addressed. Political self-determination and economic autonomy are the very things governments have refused to commit to in the targets themselves.

Will this agreement work?

The new agreement is precariously placed. A great deal hangs on the implementation plans governments must now produce to meet these commitments. These plans – and the willingness and ability of organisations to implement them – may ultimately be more important than the targets themselves.

The unwillingness of governments so far to raise the rate of criminal responsibility, which is something firmly within their control, does not auger well for their commitment.


Read more: Lidia Thorpe wants to shift course on Indigenous recognition. Here’s why we must respect the Uluru Statement


There is also a lack of specific and identified funding. While there is a recognition that “significant and effective use of resources” are needed, there are few promises to provide them.

Further, the newly found enthusiasm for “partnership” with Indigenous people carries significant risks. What is unclear in the new agreement is who is responsible for what and at what point.

The lack of clear and agreed ownership risks misunderstanding. Exactly what are the mechanisms to hold people and governments to account?

Ultimately and importantly, however, this new agreement has created an adjustment of attitudes. It sets a standard against which government actions can be measured, and provides a genuine chance to end the tyranny of low expectations when it comes to Indigenous affairs.

ref. We have 16 new Closing the Gap targets. Will governments now do what’s needed to meet them? – https://theconversation.com/we-have-16-new-closing-the-gap-targets-will-governments-now-do-whats-needed-to-meet-them-143179

Politics with Michelle Grattan: Patricia Sparrow on the need for aged care reform

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Those in aged care have been some of the hardest hit by the coronavirus second wave in Victoria. Even before the crisis, there were calls for reform of the sector, which is currently being examined by a royal commission.

Issues with staffing and delivery of care have only become worse as many workers are required to isolate, with mass transmission occurring in the homes.


Read more: View from The Hill: Aged care crisis reflects poor preparation and a broken system


Patricia Sparrow is CEO of Aged & Community Services Australia, a peak body which represents not-for-profit members providing residential care for some 450,000 people throughout the country.

One of the many issues with the aged care sector, Sparrow says, is a failure to define the role and purpose of aged care.

“They used to be called nursing homes and that’s what people thought they were. But in recent times … there’s been a move to them being more home-like and less emphasis on [the] clinical. So I think one of the critical things we need to do is actually to determine what is it that aged care is providing.”

“We need to decide then as a community how we fund it so that it can deliver the quality of care that the community expects and that we as providers want to provide.”

The royal commission produced a scathing interim report, and Sparrow is hopeful its final findings will bring about the real reform the industry needs.

“We do need a system that’s wellness-based. We need a system that supports people at home, that provides the very best in terms of health-care needs. And that does require us to look at the interface with the health system.

“There’s no doubt that we need a fundamental reform and there’s no doubt that providers are doing the very best they can now, with the resourcing and the restraints around what it is that we can do.”

Listen on Apple Podcasts

Stitcher Listen on TuneIn

Listen on RadioPublic

Additional audio

A List of Ways to Die, Lee Rosevere, from Free Music Archive.

ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Patricia Sparrow on the need for aged care reform – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-patricia-sparrow-on-the-need-for-aged-care-reform-143694

French nuclear tests: ‘I bury people nearly every day, what was our sin?’

By Matthew Scott

The day began with a video, showing a disparate collection of arresting images – the drowned Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira, camera in hand and a huge smile on his face.

Mugshots of two captured French DGSE secret agents – a fake honeymooning pair jailed for manslaughter, but later spirited off to Hao atoll and freedom.

Sun-drenched tropical beaches and a ship with a gaping hull, sinking into the frigid Auckland Harbour on a winter’s night.

READ MORE: 35 years on, Tahiti’s Oscar Temaru guest in Rainbow Warrior rewind

Newspaper headlines expressing disbelief that something like this could happen in peaceful New Zealand.

It is fitting that the discussion began with such an array of images. The bombing of the Rainbow Warrior on 10 July 1985 is one episode in a large and complex geopolitical story – a story that isn’t over yet.

A panel of academics, journalists and activists, each with a connection to the bombing, met via webinar this morning to discuss and mark the 35th anniversary this month.

Suing French government
Organised by H-France, the panel featured figured such as Oscar Temaru, five times president of French Polynesia who is in the process of suing the French government, and Dr David Robie, a New Zealand journalist who was on board the Rainbow Warrior on its final 11 week Pacific voyage to the Marshall Islands and then to New Zealand.

Inside the AUT Media Centre during the Rainbow Warrior webinar today. Image: Matthew Scott

Other speakers were Ena Manuireva, an Auckland University of Technology academic and PhD candidate who is from Mangareva, one of the French Polynesian islands most affected by the French nuclear tests where the Rainbow Warrior intended to protest before its sinking; Stephanie Mills, a former Greenpeace Pacific nuclear test ban campaigner and NZ board chair; and Rebecca Priestley, a history associate professor from Victoria University in Wellington who has specialised in New Zealand’s relationship to nuclear issues.

The webinar featured on Tagata Pasifika journalist John Pulu’s Instagram today. Image: John Pulu

The webinar was moderated by Dr Roxanne Panchasi, an associate history professor from Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada, who specialises in French studies.

The event was preceded by a mihi in Te Reo Māori by Dr Hirini Kaa of the University of Auckland, and a karakia in Tahitian by Ena Manuireva.

In keeping with the discussion’s examination of the effects of colonialism, moderator Dr Panchasi acknowledged the colonised nature of British Columbia, where she was speaking from.

“I am a settler and an uninvited guest on this territory,” she said.

Roxane Panchasi
Host Dr Roxane Panchasi … an examination of the effects of colonialism. Image: PMC screenshot

The relevance of the Rainbow Warrior and its connected issues to the current age was a common touchstone among the speakers. Although the sinking of the ship occurred 35 years ago, it still represents issues that have significant impacts on the peoples and nations of the Pacific.

Not least of these are the effects of nuclear testing in French Polynesia.

Nuclear health troubles
Oscar Temaru spoke on how French testing of atomic weapons in his country doesn’t feel so long ago.

“That was 35 years ago?” he said, speaking from his office in Faa’a. “Time flies!”

France conducted 193 tests in French Polynesia between 1966 and 1996, resulting in the contamination of the food and water sources of many people across the islands. Birth defects were common and families were forced to move islands in the hope of providing a healthier future for their children.

To this day, rates of thyroid cancer are disproportionately high, and the disfiguring scars of thyroid removal surgery can be seen on many women.

“I bury people nearly every day, dying from different types of cancer,” Temaru said. “I just wonder sometimes what sin we did to the French.”

Temaru said that nuclear issues and those of French Polynesian sovereignty are interlinked. “The two issues are tied – nuclear testing and our freedom.”

In 2018, he took the French government to the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity, seeking justice for “all the people who died from the consequences of nuclear colonialism”.

Legal troubles
Since then, he has been embroiled in a number of legal troubles leveled at him by the French government, such as a six-month suspended jail sentence and a US$50,000 fine for alleged corruption.

Last month, he embarked on a two-week hunger strike after a French prosecutor ordered the seizure of US$108,000 from him.

Despite these difficulties, Temaru remained upbeat about the future during the webinar. “We need the new generation to take up the flag and go forward,” he said. “Māohi lives matter!”

When the Rainbow Warrior, a 40m trawler owned by Greenpeace, was bombed by French DGSE agents in Auckland Harbour, causing the death of photographer Fernando Pereira, it had set its sights on French Polynesia.

The crew were planning to sail to Moruroa Atoll to protest continued tests.

Stephanie Mills … “It’s one of those moments where every Kiwi remembers where they were.” Image: PMC screenshot

“The campaign against nuclear testing was in Greenpeace’s DNA,” said former Greenpeace campaigner Stephanie Mills. At the time of the attack, Mills was a reporter for The New Zealand Herald.

But she stressed that the sinking of the Rainbow Warrior was not a discrete, encapsulated event. “People are still dying. They need assistance. There’s still a job to do.”

Birth defects, cancers
Auckland-based researcher Ena Manuireva was born on Mangareva, one of the islands most affected by French testing on Moruroa Atoll. He spoke about how his family was affected by the tests, with a sister born with birth defects and other relatives developing cancer. His mother saw the mushroom cloud from the first blast, in 1967.

“My mum was poisoned,” said Manuireva. “She had her lips bleeding from the fallout.”

Manuireva said that the story was not over for the people of Mangareva, and that they needed to be aware of the ongoing effects of the nuclear blasts.

“People are still dying,” he said. “You see a lot of babies in the cemetery. Mothers and grandmothers feel the effects of chemo and having to take their pills.”

Manuireva said that the people of his island were unwilling to recognise the effects of the tests.

“They feel like they were duped,” he said. Authorities on the island such as the Catholic Church and the French administration assured the locals that the tests would be clean and that there was nothing to worry about, and Manuireva believes that the shame of believing the lies dissuades Mangarevans from talking about these issues.

“We need to make them aware of what’s happened because it’s their history.”

Humanitarian story
New Zealand journalist and academic Dr David Robie, a journalism professor and director of the Pacific Media Centre at AUT, said that media coverage of the attack in New Zealand often neglected to mention the broader issues at play, focusing instead on the espionage intrigue of the DGSE agents.

David Robie & Ena Manuireva
Dr David Robie with Ena Manuireva … “I wanted to tell the story from a humanitarian view.” Image: PMC screenshot

“I wanted to tell the story from a humanitarian view,” he told the panel.

Dr Robie was onboard the Rainbow Warrior for 11 weeks prior to the bombing, accompanying the crew as they helped residents of the US nuclear test-affected Rongelap Atoll in the Marshall Islands find refuge on Mejato and travelling to New Zealand via Kiribati and Vanuatu.

Helping move the Rongelap refugees was “one of the most momentous and moving experiences I’ve had in my life as a journalist”, he said. He wrote about the experience in his environmental book Eyes of Fire, published in several countries.

Dr Rebecca Priestley
Dr Rebecca Priestley … “The bombing was really the last straw.” Image: PMC screenshot

Victoria University of Wellington history professor Dr Rebecca Priestley spoke of the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior as confirming New Zealand’s nuclear-free stance.

“The bombing was really the last straw,” she said. In 1984, the Lange-lead Labour government had won on a platform of establishing a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific.

After tensions with the United States for barring entry of potentially nuclear warships to New Zealand harbours, New Zealand was already in a tense position. The attack caused public outrage and people doubled down on the decision to back nuclear-free.

Evidence-based approach
Priestley spoke about how New Zealand led the world by using an evidence-based decision making approach, and that 2020 and the world-changing crises of covid-19 may ask a similar commitment.

“It was a crazy time in New Zealand and the Pacific’s history,” she said, “and it’s a crazy time now.”

French testing on Moruroa Atoll ended in 1996. Stephanie Mills was at the island with Greenpeace during some of the last tests in 1995. She said that she felt no fear because she knew she had public support behind her, evidenced by a recent petition against the tests that had gathered five million signatures.

“We were tear gassed and boarded. A few of us were taken and disappeared for several days. I wasn’t afraid, because I knew about the five million signatures.”

The change to the regime of nuclear tests in the Pacific was a victory for the people of the region, and Mills said that Greenpeace did not claim credit.

“It was a million acts of courage – an example of change from the bottom up.” She said that remembering the Rainbow Warrior was not just about nuclear issues – “It’s about people having the agency to make change.”

However, new issues assail the Pacific as people living on low-lying islands are some of the first to be affected by the ever-increasing effects of global climate change. This, along with the fact that thousands of people in the Pacific are still affected by the effects of the fallout, means that the Rainbow Warrior remains an important symbol.

Independence a fundamental issue
“The fundamental issue is the self-determination of indigenous peoples across the Pacific,” said Dr Robie. The Rainbow Warrior and its Greenpeace crew, along with their solidarity with independence movements across the Pacific, are inextricable from the issue of indigenous sovereignty.

He invoked the memory of Vanuatu’s founding prime minister Father Walter Lini who said the Pacific could not be truly free until the Māohi people of Tahiti, Kanaks of New Caledonia and West Papuans were also free.

Dr Robie reported that he had noticed a “gap in history” in his students in a “living history” journalism project in 2015, wherein they were not aware of the geopolitical backdrop of the Rainbow Warrior attack. He and Manuireva expressed the desire that this retrospective is the beginning of a series to discuss and raise awareness of related Pacific issues.

While the webinar was concerned with how the event will be remembered into the future, there was also an air of memorial to it. Several of the speakers paid tribute to fallen figures connected to the Rainbow Warrior story.

Chief among these was Fernando Pereira, the sole casualty of the 1985 bombing. “I’d like to acknowledge Fernando Pereira,” said Mills. “He wasn’t just a crew member and photographer. He was a friend to many people.”

Steve Sawyer, the Greenpeace campaigner for the Rongelap mission, was also remembered. Sawyer died almost exactly a year ago, on July 31, 2019, of lung cancer.

Matthew Scott is a student journalist on the Postgraduate Diploma in Communication Studies programme at Auckland University of Technology. He also reports at Te Waha Nui.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

New Zealand wants to build a 100% renewable electricity grid, but massive infrastructure is not the best option

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Stephenson, Associate Professor and Director, Centre for Sustainability, University of Otago

A proposed multibillion-dollar project to build a pumped hydro storage plant could make New Zealand’s electricity grid 100% renewable, but expensive new infrastructure may not be the best way to achieve this.

New Zealand’s electricity generation is already around 80% renewable, with just over half of that provided by hydro power. The government is now putting NZ$30 million towards investigating pumped hydro storage, which uses cheap electricity to pump river or lake water into an artificial reservoir so that it can be released to generate electricity when needed, especially during dry years when hydro lakes are low.

The response to the announcement was mostly enthusiastic – not least because of the potential for local jobs. But whether it is the best solution needs careful evaluation.

There any many realisable changes to electricity demand, and New Zealand should consider the alternative of other, potentially cheaper options that deliver more efficient use of electricity.


Read more: Five gifs that explain how pumped hydro actually works


Promise of a purely renewable grid

Electricity is mooted to play a major role in achieving New Zealand’s target of net zero carbon emissions by 2050. To support the government’s plan to accelerate the electrification of the transport and industrial heating sectors, generation will need to grow by around 70% by 2050, all from renewable sources.

Worldwide, pumped hydro energy storage is seen as a promising option to support cheap and secure 100% renewable electricity grids.

New Zealand’s analysis will mainly focus on one particular lake, Lake Onslow. If it stacks up, it would be the biggest infrastructure project since the “think big” era of the 1980s. But at an estimated NZ$4 billion, the cost would also be massive and the project would likely face opposition on ecological grounds.

Such a scheme would be a step towards the government’s target of 100% renewable electricity generation by 2035 and fit with the overall goal of New Zealand achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050. It would also solve the problem conventional hydropower plants face during dry years, when water storage runs low and fossil-fuelled power stations have to kick in to fill the gap.

But the possible closure of the Tiwai Point aluminium smelter would free up around 13% of renewable electricity supply for flexible use. This alone raises the question whether a pumped storage development on this scale is necessary.


Read more: NSW has approved Snowy 2.0. Here are six reasons why that’s a bad move


Changing supply and demand

Getting to 100% renewables and achieving a 70% increase in supply in the next 30 years will mainly come from new wind and solar generation (both now the cheapest options for electricity generation) as well as some new geothermal. Major new hydro dams are unlikely because of their significant environmental impacts.

As a result, electricity supplies will become increasingly variable, dependent on the vagaries of sun, wind and river flows. This creates a growing challenge for matching supply with demand, especially if hydro lakes are low.

Last year, the Interim Climate Change Commission concluded New Zealand could get to 93% renewable generation by 2035 under current market conditions. But it warned the final few per cent would require significant overbuilding of renewable generation that would rarely be used.

It suggested the most cost-effective solution would be to retain some fossil-fuelled generation as a backup for the few occasions when demand overshoots supply. At the same time it recommended a detailed investigation into pumped storage as a potential solution for dry years.

A hydropower lake in New Zealand
New Zealand already has more than 100 conventional hydropower stations supplying renewable electricity. Dmitry Pichugin/Shutterstock

Electricity demand — the collective consumption of all businesses, organisations and households — is also changing.

Households and businesses are switching to electric vehicles. Farm irrigation is becoming widespread and creates new demand peaks in rural areas. Heat pumps are increasingly used for both heating and cooling. These all create new patterns of demand.

And households aren’t just consuming power. More and more people are installing solar generation and feeding surplus back into the grid or storage batteries. Local community energy initiatives are starting to emerge.

New markets are developing where businesses can be paid to temporarily reduce their demand at times when supply is not keeping up. It is only a matter of time before such demand response mechanisms become commonplace for households, too. In the near future, housing collectives could become virtual power plants, and electric vehicles could feed into the grid when supply is stressed.

Cheaper options with added health benefits

So with more reliance on sun, wind and water, electricity supply will become more variable. At the same time, patterns of demand will become more complex, but will have more potential to be adjusted quickly to match supply, on time scales of minutes, hours or days.

The big problem lies with winter peaks when demand is at its highest, and dry years when supply is at its lowest – especially when these coincide. At these times the potential mismatch between demand and supply can last for weeks.

The current solutions being mooted are to increase the security of supply, either with fossil-powered generation or pumped hydro storage. But there are options on the demand side New Zealand should consider.

New Zealand houses are typically cold because they are poorly insulated and waste a lot of heat. Despite relatively new insulation standards for new houses and subsidies for retrofitting older houses, our standards fall well below most developed countries.


Read more: Labour’s low-carbon ‘warm homes for all’ could revolutionise social housing – experts


We can take inspiration from Europe where new buildings and retrofits are required to meet near-zero energy building standards. By investing in upgrading the national housing stock to something closer to European standards, we could achieve a significant drop in peak demand as well as additional benefits of lower household heating costs and better health.

Efficient lighting is another under-explored solution, with recent research suggesting a gradual uptake of energy-efficient lighting could reduce the winter evening peak demand (6pm to 8pm) by at least 9% by 2029, with the bonus of lower power bills for households.

Such solutions to the supply-demand mismatch could be much cheaper than a single think-big project, and they come with added benefits for health. Alongside the NZ$30 million being put into investigating pumped hydro storage, I suggest it is time to develop a business case for demand-side solutions.

ref. New Zealand wants to build a 100% renewable electricity grid, but massive infrastructure is not the best option – https://theconversation.com/new-zealand-wants-to-build-a-100-renewable-electricity-grid-but-massive-infrastructure-is-not-the-best-option-143592

America has corn and Asia has rice. It’s time Australia had a native staple food

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angela Pattison, Research scientist at Plant Breeding Institute, University of Sydney, University of Sydney

Most countries have a staple food: native, fast-growing and easy-to-store plants high in carbohydrates.

In Africa, it’s sorghum. In Asia, rice. In the Americas, corn and potato. Around the Mediterranean Sea, the Middle East and Europe, it’s wheat and barley.

Australia is an exception – we do not have a staple food. But native grasslands provide ample opportunity to produce grains. In fact, Aboriginal people once used native grasses to make bread, and there is evidence they were the world’s first bakers.

We argue it’s time to resurrect Australia’s ancient breadmaking tradition. Let’s take a closer look at the reasons why.

Loaf of brown bread.
Bread with 10% button grass. Author provided

Australia’s ancient grain’s ancient grain

In an area known as the Panara, located in a ring around central Australia, Aboriginal people used sophisticated fire-based techniques to manage grasslands and harvest grain. They collected the grain in bulk several times a year, then stored it in the off-season.

The grains harvested were from native grasses – species well suited to growing in local conditions. They were ground, mixed with water then baked in hot coals, to produce a bread resembling damper.

So why doesn’t this collection and preparation of native grains still happen today? There’s no clear answer, however preparing seed for food was very time- and labour-intensive. Also, as Aboriginal groups were massacred or forcibly removed from Country, such practices, and associated knowledges, largely disappeared.

An indigenous person grinding native grain.
Indigenous grain grinding was common before European settlement. Wikimedia

The benefits of staple food

A native, staple Australian crop would allow us to grow food suited to our environment.

The benefits of producing food from native grasslands are well known. Grasslands need limited, if any, fertiliser, no pesticides, and can tap into groundwater so they don’t need irrigation or land cultivation.

While native grasslands yield less seed than conventional cropping systems (more on this later), fewer resources are needed to produce it. What’s more, grasslands simultaneously provide essential environmental “services” including supporting plant and animal diversity, covering bare ground, and enabling water infiltration, recycling of nutrients and carbon sequestration.


Read more: Water in northern Australia: a history of Aboriginal exclusion


Australia’s total agricultural production is currently worth about A$60.8 billion a year, and we export about 65% of what we produce. A staple Australian food might not contribute directly to the value of our agricultural exports, at least in the short term, but it may reduce costs associated with pest control through increasing the habitat for beneficial predators, and provide a low-risk venture providing some returns to growers who want to increase the amount of native vegetation on their properties.

We are not advocating the wholesale adoption of native grasses as a staple food crop in Australia. But it would be prudent to investigate how native grasses grow and produce seed, to better understand how current farming practices might be improved.

Collection of labelled jars containing grasses.
Native grasses. Author provided

Connection to Country

Returning to native grasslands would provide a way to understand Indigenous perspectives on looking after Country.

Indigenous land managers used burning techniques to grow and maintain local grass crops. Grasslands are culturally and spiritually significant to Indigenous Australians. Their protection and regeneration could create new business opportunities for Aboriginal people and promote reconciliation.

A number of grasses were used by Aboriginal people, all of which might be a good staple food for Australia. The best approach would be to grow a range of species matched with local customs, soil types, rainfall and season.

Bread re-imagined

Growing, processing, and making bread from native grass will involve new technologies and challenge current methods.

For example, native Mitchell grass, found across northern Australia, produces between a half and one tonne of grain per hectare – lesws than a quarter the yield of wheat.

This productivity can be increased by identifying and cultivating the plants producing more seed than their neighbours. These individuals have the best chance of producing the next generation of high-yield plants.


Read more: The world’s best fire management system is in northern Australia, and it’s led by Indigenous land managers


Processing of native grains presents another challenge. The current grain-processing system receives bulk deliveries of wheat with known milling requirements at a set time of year. The timing, size and milling requirements of native grain deliveries would be far less predictable.

To be efficient, modern machine-processing of grain requires that the seed is clean, uniform in size and is not mixed with other types of seeds.

Bread on supermarket shelves
Modern bread making processes differ from that used to make bread from native grain. Paul Miller/AAP

While the commercial process of making flour is relatively inflexible, in contrast, an experienced baker can work with many types of flour and adjust the dough as they go. This is how Aboriginal people baked loaves from native seed for thousands of years. Creating unique products from native grain will require flexible baking methods, including making them by hand.

In recent years, “ancient grains” such as quinoa, chia and spelt have grown in popularity among food consumers. These crops grow on their own and have been genetically improved for quality, so are relatively consistent when sold as seed, flour or in a baked product.

But Australia’s native grain products may contain multiple species that are grown and harvested together. So at the point of sale, consumers would have to accept that every loaf or biscuit or cake may have a different taste, and contain several types of grain.

Who earns the dough?

When developing native grain as an Australian staple food, we must also be careful not to exploit the knowledge of native grain production at the expense of the traditional caretakers of the knowledge and species. This would be repeating the mistakes of the past.

Native grain production offers potential economic gains. These should go first to the traditional custodians, countering current trends where only 1% of Australia’s native food industry is generated by Indigenous people.


Read more: Cultivating a nation: why the mythos of the Australian farmer is problematic


ref. America has corn and Asia has rice. It’s time Australia had a native staple food – https://theconversation.com/america-has-corn-and-asia-has-rice-its-time-australia-had-a-native-staple-food-108983

Kokomo by Victoria Hannan, a millennial fiction that spans generations

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Maguire, Lecturer in English and Creative Writing, James Cook University

Review: Kokomo, published by Hachette

You know, Kokomo’s not even a real place … Well, it is, but it’s an industrial city in Indiana, it’s a long way from the tropical paradise they’d have you believe.

Victoria Hannan’s Kokomo – which won last year’s Victorian Premier’s Literary Award for an unpublished manuscript – is a novel about loss, exile, homecoming, family and, above all, love.

When Mina leaves her life in London and rushes home to Melbourne because her agoraphobic mother has finally left the house, she begins to realise that her idea of the past is based, like the Beach Boys’ imagining of Kokomo, on a profound misconception.

At first Mina finds herself suffocating in the house she grew up in, where her mother has spent more than a decade hiding since the sudden death of Mina’s father. Mina returns to a site of deep trauma and eventually reveals the mysteries beneath it: why did her mother become a recluse? And why did Mina abandon her mother and move to London?

Rumpled bed sheets
Kokomo follows Mina’s search for love, sometimes in the wrong places. Mink Mingle/Unsplash, CC BY

Read more: Review: Kate Grenville’s A Room Made of Leaves fills the silence of the archives


Love … or something like it

Love, in Kokomo, is complex, fearsome, and elusive.

Paradoxically, the book begins with Mina declaring she has found love:

Love is being turned inside out together, all that pink splayed and splayed, everything on show for each other.

This epiphany comes as she gazes at her long-desired colleague Jack’s penis, falling into a rhapsody:

… so tall and pink, a soldier standing to attention, a ballerina in first position. It was tipping its hat to her, inviting her to dance. Mina saw herself as a sailor lost at sea and Jack’s penis as a lighthouse alerting her to the presence of land, to the presence of safety.

But Jack’s penis is not the beacon she hopes. Mina is such a stranger to love she has misidentified it – instead repeating patterns of passive longing inherited from her mother.

When two-thirds of the way through the book we switch from Mina’s perspective to that of her reclusive mother, Elaine, we discover her complicated attitude to love has been learned in turn from her mother – a woman quick to anger, who Elaine suspects hid an affair for many years.

Mina also engages in doomed romantic pursuits. But the most reciprocal and generous relationship she experiences is with influencer and pretty best friend Kira. It’s Kira who tells Mina her mother has been seen outside her house. As they revive their real-life friendship (as opposed to a social media one) Kira helps Mina confront the source of her pain: her mother’s abandonment.

Woman on phone sits alone in cafe
Mina turns to social media in her spare moments, drawn to the idealised lives she sees there. Unsplash/Daniel Salcius, CC BY

Millennial writers and stories

There’s been controversial discussion about the gap where a great “millennial” novel should be. The generation, those born between 1981 and 1996 who came of age during the digital revolution, are often portrayed as lazy, unprofessional, narcissistic snowflakes obsessed with selfies and social media.

But this generation of fiction writers is telling complex and nuanced stories.

Take Britain’s Olivia Sudjic, herself a victim (or beneficiary – depending on your point of view) of the “millennial author” label. Sudjic defines a group of novels not by the age of the authors alone. She looks to their common interests in rootless or directionless characters, mental illness, dark humour, alienation, and the effects of late capitalism. She notes an ironic or suspicious attitude to self-identity.

Ireland has Sally Rooney, the US has Ottessa Moshfegh and Ocean Vuong. Victoria Hannan is among Australia’s new crop of young(ish) authors writing stories about contemporary young(ish) Australia.

Kokomo brims with references to popular culture and concerns. Mina tries and fails to self-medicate her anxiety and depression with alcohol. Her marketing job yields disappointment as it reveals its sexist foundations. She struggles with feelings of failure, and is alienated by life as a grown up. Millennial characters resonate with readers by examining the discomfort and disillusionment many of us feel when faced with the realities of life in late capitalism.


Read more: The Yield wins the Miles Franklin: a powerful story of violence and forms of resistance


(Anti-)social media

Hannan’s includes social media and mobile technology as part of the fabric of Mina’s life.

Mina nurtures a secret crush on her colleague, Jack, who appears to (maybe, sometimes) reciprocate her feelings. But when she leaves London for Australia after almost hooking up with Jack (the lighthouse penis episode) she has no way of knowing where their relationship stands. Instead of calling him to find out, she obsessively stalks him on Instagram, allowing his likes and new friendships to fuel her anxiety and create a highly speculative narrative about his emotional state and feelings for her.

Kokomo book cover, title with photo of woman's hands
Hachette

Any time Mina has a free moment she turns to her phone, scrolls Instagram and allows herself to be drawn into the idealised versions of life she sees there.

Mina acknowledges not only the deficit of social media as an interface for human connection, but the deterioration it has facilitated in her own friendships.

Kokomo is a book in which many young(ish) readers will see their own lives and interior landscapes mirrored, but it’s so much more than that. It’s about those things that bust generational boundaries: love, family, friendship, home.

ref. Kokomo by Victoria Hannan, a millennial fiction that spans generations – https://theconversation.com/kokomo-by-victoria-hannan-a-millennial-fiction-that-spans-generations-142043

AUSMAT teams start work in aged care homes today. But what does this ‘SAS of the medical world’ actually do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jamie Ranse, Senior Research Fellow; Emergency Care, Griffith University

The emergency response to Victoria’s COVID-19 crisis has been ramped up today with AUSMAT teams now working alongside defence force and hospital nurses in aged care homes.

This comes as the total number of active COVID-19 cases linked to aged care in Victoria is now at 913.

Federal health minister Greg Hunt recently said AUSMAT, or Australian medical assistance teams, are:

[…] the best of the best. They are the SAS of the medical world.

But what is an AUSMAT? What can they do? And what do we need to think about when deploying them?


Read more: View from The Hill: Aged care crisis reflects poor preparation and a broken system


What is a medical assistance team?

A medical assistance team is a group of doctors, nurses and/or paramedics who provide clinical care and health support during a health crisis, as part of a recognised organisation.

Logistics, environmental health and other personnel often support these clinical teams.

Medical assistance teams contribute to a coordinated health response in an attempt to restore and/or maintain the health capacity of a community affected by disaster or public health emergency.

In Australia, a medical assistance team may be a civilian government team (such as AUSMAT), non-government organisations (such as Disaster Relief Australia or St John Ambulance Australia), the Australian Defence Force, or a combination of these.

While an AUSMAT is usually deployed internationally, teams were deployed in Australia during last summer’s bushfires, to help with evacuations from China to Christmas Island at the start of the pandemic, and in April to support COVID-19 efforts in northwest Tasmania.

Who’s in an AUSMAT?

Health-care professionals in an AUSMAT usually work at hospitals, health services or ambulance services in states and territories across Australia.

When required, they are released from their local duties to be deployed as part of an AUSMAT response.

They are often highly experienced and leaders in their disciplines. Members undertake additional education and training to work in disaster environments and to manage the health response.

They are also highly regarded. AUSMAT was one of the first medical assistance teams worldwide to be endorsed by the World Health Organisation.

How have they been deployed internationally?

AUSMATs were set up after the 2002 Bali bombings, then used after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami.

Since then, AUSMATs have been used during crises, mainly in South Asia, Southeast Asia and Oceania, including the 2010 Pakistan floods, 2011 Christchurch earthquake and Typhoon Haiyan which hit the Philippines in 2014.

AUSMAT also assisted during last year’s Samoan measles outbreak.


Read more: Measles in Samoa: how a small island nation found itself in the grips of an outbreak disaster


What are the issues when deploying them during COVID-19?

The role of an AUSMAT team will change over the duration of their deployment. Based on previous experience, AUSMAT members may provide direct patient care, coordination of care, or leadership roles.

There is the risk that temporarily sending health workers to work in Victoria as part of an AUSMAT will leave their existing hospitals and health services short-staffed.

At this stage, this is not thought to be a great concern as areas outside Victoria are not yet so significantly impacted by COVID-19, making it easier that their home states will manage without them.

However, if the situation worsens in other states, it may become harder to convince these states to release staff to support interstate efforts.

We also need to look after the physical and psychological well-being of AUSMAT health-care professionals.

We prepare them to assist with emergency health efforts but we don’t always prepare them to return to their normal roles afterwards. Some find it difficult to adjust.


Read more: 4 steps to avert a full-blown coronavirus disaster in Victoria’s aged care homes


What are the benefits to other states?

As well as directly helping the health response where they are sent, there are other benefits to an AUSMAT deployment.

When health workers from other states, such as South Australia and Queensland, work alongside AUSMAT and defence force teams, they can take that experience back to their home states to better prepare for a local COIVD-19 outbreak.


Read more: Coronavirus pandemic shows it’s time for an Australian Centre for Disease Control – in Darwin


ref. AUSMAT teams start work in aged care homes today. But what does this ‘SAS of the medical world’ actually do? – https://theconversation.com/ausmat-teams-start-work-in-aged-care-homes-today-but-what-does-this-sas-of-the-medical-world-actually-do-143605

723 new COVID-19 cases in Victoria could reflect more testing – but behaviour probably has something to do with it too

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philip Russo, Associate Professor, Director Cabrini Monash University Department of Nursing Research, Monash University

Victoria has today achieved another grim record, with 723 new cases of COVID-19 and 13 deaths.

This is more than double the 295 cases recorded yesterday, and flies in the face of suggestions earlier this week that Victoria may have reached the peak of its second wave.

With this spike comes the announcement that from 11.59pm on Sunday, masks will be mandatory across all of Victoria — not just in metropolitan Melbourne and Mitchell Shire — as well as new restrictions on gatherings at home in Geelong, the Surf Coast and surrounds.

But what could explain this big jump in new cases?


Read more: Two weeks into Melbourne’s lockdown, why aren’t COVID-19 case numbers going down?


More testing

First, it’s important to note almost 43,000 tests were conducted in Victoria on Sunday. This is roughly double the number of tests on most other days.

Given it can take a few days for test results to come through, today’s high figure could at least partly reflect the extra testing done at the weekend.



Worryingly, several infection clusters have come to light during the past week, both in aged care and in the community, such as workplaces.

A portion of the positive results could be related to extensive contact tracing which has occurred to track these clusters, and targeted testing resulting in further cases being identified.


Read more: Got a COVID-19 test in Victoria and still haven’t got your results? Here’s what may be happening — and what to do


Family, friends, home and work

Speaking this morning, Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews again indicated COVID-19 transmission is occurring in intimate settings, such as people’s homes.

Restrictions on visitors in the home were among the first measures to be reimposed in Melbourne last month. From 11.59pm tonight, no visitors will be allowed in homes in Geelong, the Surf Coast and surrounding areas where COVID-19 transmission has increased.

But hospitality businesses will keep operating, which Andrews says reflects data showing the spread is happening in home environments.

A high number of tests over the weekend could have something to do with the spike in cases we’ve seen today. Daniel Pockett/AAP

Importantly, Andrews reiterated today that people are not isolating when they’ve been asked to; instead leaving the house for work and other activities.

These include people waiting for their test results, and in one instance a person who had tested positive for COVID-19.

People continuing to move about in the community when they have symptoms or when they’ve been diagnosed with COVID-19 means new cases are likely to keep coming. We desperately need this message to cut through.


Read more: How to clean your house to prevent the spread of coronavirus and other infections


Masks are not a licence to leave home

We’ve now had a week of mandatory masks in Melbourne and Mitchell Shire. We hope these high numbers are not because masks are creating a false sense of security, in which people feel that because they’re wearing a mask they can go out and do what they want.

But we can’t ignore the fact this possibly has something to do with it. If you’re unwell and think you can move freely because you’re wearing a mask, you can’t. You must stay at home. And crucially, if you’ve been told you have COVID-19, you must remain at home — wearing mask doesn’t change this.


Read more: Which face mask should I wear?


Even if you’re well, it’s important to remember masks are an additional measure. They’re not a substitute for physical distancing or hand hygiene, which remain vitally important.

Similarly, there’s a chance many people in the community aren’t wearing masks properly, and continue to handle them inappropriately, risking cross-contamination.

Every day is important

The past week has brought large variations in the daily numbers of new cases. Today’s number is significantly high, and if we see similar increases over the next few days, it’s clear the current level 3 restrictions — and maybe even tighter restrictions — will need to be in place for some time.

In the meantime, it’s vital people stay at home if they’re unwell. For everyone else in Melbourne and Mitchell Shire, if you must leave home for one of the four reasons, please observe physical distancing, practise hand hygiene, and wear a mask.

ref. 723 new COVID-19 cases in Victoria could reflect more testing – but behaviour probably has something to do with it too – https://theconversation.com/723-new-covid-19-cases-in-victoria-could-reflect-more-testing-but-behaviour-probably-has-something-to-do-with-it-too-143677

Leigh Sales showed us the abuse women cop online. When are we going to stop tolerating misogyny?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Richardson-Self, Lecturer in Philosophy & Gender Studies, University of Tasmania

Another day, another woman being called a “whore” — and worse — on Twitter.

In the wake of her recent interview with Prime Minister Scott Morrison, ABC 730 host Leigh Sales posted some of the sexualised abuse she gets on Twitter just for doing her job.

This isn’t the first time Sales has faced an onslaught of misogynistic abuse. She says the “@ column” in her Twitter feed (where any Twitter account holders can send her messages) is “virtually unusable because of the constant stream of abuse”.

As a researcher of online gendered hate speech, I know all too well that Sales is not the only woman — high-profile or otherwise — experiencing abuse online.

One in five women experience online abuse

A 2017 study found almost one in five Australian women have experienced offensive and degrading messages online, targeting their gender.

Online misogyny is hurled at acquaintances on Facebook and proliferates in news comments sections. It’s sent to women’s direct messages and their email inboxes.

It’s all over Instagram, where accounts have been created to send misogynistic messages. It also happens in private men’s only groups (and, yes, it still harms women even if they aren’t around to see it).

There’s nothing novel about the content, either. It’s so predictable that University of New South Wales feminist scholar Emma Jane built a digital “rapeglish” generator to prove it.

Existing prevention measures are not working

This has got to stop. But the current systems we have for reporting and penalising online misogyny are woefully inadequate.

Legislators may be trying, but they are failing to keep pace with evolving forms of online abuse.

Existing laws used to penalise online misogyny — such as the prohibition on using a carriage service to menace, harass, or cause offence — imply the “wrong” in question is the means of abuse rather than the abuse itself.


Read more: Reports of ‘revenge porn’ skyrocketed during lockdown, we must stop blaming victims for it


While social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter give users the option to report harmful content, these systems are skewed by what researchers call the “White Male Effect”. This effect happens because:

White males perceive the risks of health and technology hazards as low compared to white females and people of colour … White males’ low risk perceptions are associated with individualist and hierarchist worldviews as opposed to an egalitarian worldview.

Director of the Women’s Media Centre Speech Project Soraya Chemaly explains further how white male reporting systems operate.

[They are] built to accommodate harassment in the way a young man is most likely to experience it: as a one-off episode of name-calling.

However, for women and other marginalised groups, abuse is often systemic, extensive, and patterned.

Ultimately, this burdens women with the laborious task of persistently reporting abuse and blocking users, hoping some moderator will agree the content violates the platform’s community standards.

Online abuse is not ‘harmless’

Women have been driven offline as a consequence of their abuse. For many others, misogyny creates a “chilling effect” — women stay quiet to keep the target off their own backs.

A 2017 Amnesty International poll of women in the United Kingdom, United States, Spain, Denmark, Italy, Sweden, Poland and New Zealand found 23% had experienced online abuse (in a finding similar to Australia’s figures). More than three quarters of this group then made changes to the way they used social media.

Some people may think this is relatively harmless. But online misogyny denies women equal access to public spaces and goods and inhibits their right to free speech.

Online misogyny creates a hostile environment for women. And it’s not like women can just quit the internet. As Australian researchers Anastasia Powell and Nicola Henry point out,

in this digital age, our social interactions are not just mediated by technology but are increasingly dependent on it.

Everyone should be able to enter online spaces with the assurance that they will not become the targets of digital violence simply because of their gender.

Cyberspace, just like physical spaces, are supposed to be enjoyed by men and women equally. The creation of a hostile environment is just another form of sex discrimination. The fact that this discrimination is achieved through words and images makes no difference in terms of the harms it enacts.

Online abuse is not ‘normal’

As a culture, we cannot come to accept this abuse as normal, inevitable, or the price women must pay to enjoy what digital technologies have to offer. We have to address this problem.

The question is, how?

It’s all well and good to implore your mates to call out online misogyny when they see it. It’s all well and good for platforms to provide a system for flagging individual instances of harmful content. But piecemeal approaches will not see the fundamental cultural and behavioural shifts we desperately need.

Young woman looking concerned, while looking at her phone.
Surveys show about 20% of Australian women have received gendered abuse online. www.shutterstock.com

As a start, we need more diversity in the tech industry and in government so policies and legislation do not fall afoul of the White Male Effect.

We also need better gender education, which means educating young people about the harms of misogyny. Social media platforms of course also need to do more when it comes to dealing with online misogyny (and other forms of hate).

But most importantly, we need to challenge our cultural tolerance for the sexist degradation of women.

The solutions start offline

Ultimately, the solution to the problem of online misogyny starts in the material world. The hate speech women cop online is no different to what they cop offline.


Read more: ‘Expect sexism’: a gender politics expert reads Julia Gillard’s Women and Leadership


There’s nothing you can say to us in digital spaces that we haven’t already encountered — either directly or indirectly — in physical spaces.

To address the problem of online misogyny, we should not start by asking, “how can women experience cyberspace safely?”

Instead, we need to start by interrogating why men keep creating hostile environments for women, whether digital or physical.

ref. Leigh Sales showed us the abuse women cop online. When are we going to stop tolerating misogyny? – https://theconversation.com/leigh-sales-showed-us-the-abuse-women-cop-online-when-are-we-going-to-stop-tolerating-misogyny-143543

723 cases is a bad number for Victoria. But we can’t freak out over a single day’s figure

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian M. Mackay, Adjunct assistant professor, The University of Queensland

Victorian premier Daniel Andrews said on Thursday the state had recorded 723 new COVID-19 cases, a huge jump from the 295 new daily cases announced the day before.

There’s no denying 723 is a shocking number. It’s the biggest single number we have seen in this pandemic from a single Australian jurisdiction — in fact, we haven’t seen a single day in the pandemic with this many cases, even if you were to add up all the states in Australia.

But it’s too early to freak out. You’re right to be concerned but we can’t draw too many conclusions from just one or two data points.

Instead, we need to look at averages over multiple days.


Read more: New South Wales on a knife edge as cumulative coronavirus case numbers spiral into the ‘red zone’


Carefully watch and wait

I’d be looking at five-day rolling averages because we know that is the median incubation time for this coronavirus. We should start to see impacts from the most recent round of interventions within five days.

It’s too early to call for much tougher restrictions based on Thursday’s bad number alone. It’s good the Victorian government is now making it mandatory for people anywhere in the state to wear a mask or face-covering when outside the home, and we need to wait and see what the impacts of those measures might be.

And from midnight tonight, people in the local government areas of Greater Geelong, Surf Coast, Moorabool, Golden Plains, Colac Otway, and Queenscliff will not be able to host visitors at home.

We need to keep some powder dry and allow time for measures to work before enforcing much stricter measures across the state or worrying further.

Stay home if you’re sick or awaiting test results

The government’s messaging recently has been much more strongly focused on not going to work while sick or waiting at home for test results, which is important given the role workplaces and social gatherings play in spreading COVID-19.

People need to have it sink into their consciousness that they must not work and mix while sick or awaiting a test result. As Andrews said on Thursday:

There were also a number of other people who, when there was a discussion, the person that the ADF and the health department, as a joint team, were looking for, the person who has a confirmed diagnosis having coronavirus, they’ve got a positive test, they weren’t home. But a family member was, and the family member helpfully pointed out that that person, a positive coronavirus case, was in fact at work.

Beyond that, there were some instances where people were not perhaps clear on what they needed to do. The important thing is that they got that information because they were door-knocked.

Andrews reiterated on Thursday there is a A$300 payment for people who can’t work while awaiting test results (you can apply here), or a $1500 payment for people who test positive (eligible applicants will be contacted by the Victorian Department of Health and Human Services).


Read more: ‘Far too many’ Victorians are going to work while sick. Far too many have no choice


There’s a lot we don’t know

When asked about the 723 cases, Andrews said

there are a number of positive cases in aged care, and therefore they are being reflected in these numbers. That’s one point […] The other issue around targeted testing, where there’s been significant outbreaks, the more outbreaks you have, the more testing you do, and you will find cases.

The fact is there’s a lot we don’t know about Thursday’s number. There could be delays in testing, we don’t know if that figure includes a bunch of backdated results or some other element driving it. We know cases reported today were infected up to two weeks ago but we can’t see illness onset dates among these numbers. We may see a different curve emerge in coming days and weeks — better or worse. We just don’t know.

We shouldn’t get too carried away without more of the context — but that said, I do understand why people see a bad number and think, “Oh my god.” I have done that myself sometimes.

We all feel pain for Victoria and we know restriction fatigue is real. Victoria isn’t an isolated place and it’s clear borders can leak. Any cases anywhere in the country represent a risk to all of us in Australia.

The real trend behind today’s numbers will emerge in coming days and weeks.

ref. 723 cases is a bad number for Victoria. But we can’t freak out over a single day’s figure – https://theconversation.com/723-cases-is-a-bad-number-for-victoria-but-we-cant-freak-out-over-a-single-days-figure-143686

What to do with anti-maskers? Punishment has its place, but can also entrench resistance

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Meg Elkins, Senior Lecturer with School of Economics, Finance and Marketing, RMIT University

What’s driving “Bunnings Karen” and others to film themselves arguing with shop assistants about face masks and human rights? And how should we respond?

Victorian premier Daniel Andrews has called their behaviour “appalling” and advised us to ignore them, because “the more you engage in an argument with them, the more oxygen you are giving them”.

Others are taking a more confrontational approach.

On Australia’s morning television Today show, presenter Karl Stefanovic cut off an interview with an anti-masker after telling her she had “weird, wacko beliefs” and “I can’t listen to you anymore”. And that’s relatively tame, compared with what’s being said about the “covidiots” on social media.

Our desire to condemn and punish non-cooperative behaviour is strong. One of the key insights from behavioural econonomics over the past few decades is that people are willing to punish others at a cost to themselves, and this helps increase cooperation – to an extent.


Read more: Can Australian businesses force customers to wear a mask? Here’s what the law says


But condemnation and punishment can also reinforce resistance among the uncooperative. We must also try to understand the complex emotional motivations of those refusing to wear masks.

Anti-masker motivations

It’s hard to say how many people are opposed to mandatory mask wearing. But the evidence suggests social media channels such as YouTube and Facebook have increased the popularity of conspiratorial theories that governments want people to wear masks as some form of mind control.

The COVID conspiracy movement is a broad church, but there appear to be two fundamental traits among its adherents.

First, a belief in their own intuitive ability to know the truth.

Second, a deep and cultivated distrust of government and other institutions. They do not believe the mainstream media, and there is no shortage of alternative media narratives to sustain them.

A popular conspiracy theorist meme. Ironically the quote from George Orwell is a fabrication.

Trust or distrust in authority, and whether one is more obedient or rebellious, has been shown to be an innate tendency, shaped by experience and culture. It is very difficult to shift. As social psychologist Jonathan Haidt notes in his 2012 book The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion, our minds were designed for “groupish righteousness”:

“We are deeply intuitive creatures whose gut feelings drive our strategic reasoning. This makes it difficult – but not impossible – to connect with those who live in other matrices”

Distrust in authority is easily reinforced by any perceived mixed messages from official souces. In the case of masks, health officials initially advised against wearing them. We know the main purpose of this message was to safeguard limited supplies for health workers, but the change in tune has helped entrench anti-masker beliefs the government isn’t truthful.

Cooperation and punishment

So what to do?

The important issue is not whether we can change anti-masker beliefs but whether we can change their behaviour.

Traditional economic theory, which assumes people are rational and follow their self interest, would emphasise carrots and sticks.

Behavioural economics, which understands that decisions are emotional, would also recognise that people are quite ready to take a hit just to express their disgust about being treated unfairly.

This has been repeatedly demonstrated by a staple experiment of behavioural research – the “ultimatum game”. It involves two players and a pot of money. One person (the proposer) gets to nominate how to split that money. The other (the responder) can accept or reject the offer. If it’s a rejection, neither gets any money.

A “rational” responder would accept any offer over nothing. But studies have consistently shown a large percentage opt for nothing when they consider the money split unfair.

This sense of fairness is a deep evolutionary trait shared with other primates. Experiments with capuchin monkeys, for example, have shown that two monkeys offered the same food (cucumber) will eat it. But if one monkey is given a sweeter treat (a grape) the other will reject the cucumber.

Other types of games show this innate sense of fairness leads to a desire to penalise “selfish” people in some way. Most of us are “conditional cooperators”, and punishment of non-cooperative behaviour is important to maintain than cooperation.


Read more: Coronavirus contact-tracing apps: most of us won’t cooperate unless everyone does


But punitive measures may paradoxically reduce compliant behaviour.

Economists Uri Gneezy and Aldo Rustichini, for example, conducted an experiment in Israel to discourage parents picking up their children from day care late by introducing fines. The result: lateness actually increased. Fines became a price, used by parents as a way to buy time.


Read more: To change coronavirus behaviours, think like a marketer


Need to express dissent

If a rule jars with one’s beliefs, following it can cause huge emotional turmoil. Particularly if disobedience is the only way to express disagreement.

Could anti-maskers express their feelings in another way?

Economists Erte Xiao and Daniel Houser demonstrated this possibility in a variation of the standard ultimatum game.

Normally the game only allows responders to express their feelings through accepting or rejecting a proposer’s offer. Xiao and Houser allowed responders to express their feelings about an unfair offer by sending a simple message. The result: they became much more likely to accept an unfair offer.

Some enterprising types seem to have cottoned on to this idea by selling face masks enabling wearers to signal their conspiracy convictions.

Qanon-themed masks available on Amazon.

So if we want to anti-maskers to cooperate, we will need to tolerate them expressing their dissent in other ways.

Ostracism and ridicule will just increase their resistance and resentment, and reinforce the “us versus them” mentality.

ref. What to do with anti-maskers? Punishment has its place, but can also entrench resistance – https://theconversation.com/what-to-do-with-anti-maskers-punishment-has-its-place-but-can-also-entrench-resistance-143456

VIDEO: Evening Report – Tensions Rise Between China and USA, IS This Cold War 2.0?

EveningReport LIVE: In this week’s A View from Afar programme with political scientist and security intelligence expert, Paul G. Buchanan, we examine what’s going on in the latest rise in tensions between China and the USA. The Economist headlined this week’s antics as the US-China Cold War. Can nations like Australia and New Zealand escape the inevitable fallout between these two powers?

A View from Afar is a joint effort between EveningReport’s parent company Multimedia Investments Ltd and Paul Buchanan’s 36th-Parallel Assessments business.

The programme, A View from Afar, livestreams at 8pm US EDST (midday, NZST).

A View from Afar explores the big issues that are sweeping the world, viewed, analysed, and dissected from an independent New Zealand perspective.

The programme’s format examines the cause, the affect, and possible solutions to issues. It also includes audience participation, where the programme’s social media audiences can make comment and issue questions. The best of these can be selected and webcast in the programme LIVE. Once the programme has concluded, it will automatically switch to video on demand so that those who have missed the programme, can watch it at a time of their convenience.

So watch out for it on Facebook, Twitter, and Youtube as we will promote A View from Afar via our social media channels and via web partners. It will also webcast live and on demand on EveningReport.nz36th-Parallel.com, and other selected outlets.

You can interact with the LIVE programme by joining these social media channels. Here are the links:

In the meantime, do bookmark EveningReport.nz and we look forward to you taking part in some robust live debate.

About Us: EveningReport.nz is based in Auckland city, New Zealand, is an associate member of the New Zealand Media Council, and is part of the MIL-OSI network, owned by its parent company Multimedia Investments Ltd (MIL) (MILNZ.co.nz).

EveningReport specialises in publishing independent analysis and features from a New Zealand juxtaposition, including global issues and geopolitics as it impacts on the countries and economies of Australasia and the Asia Pacific region.

Keith Rankin Analysis – Rob Muldoon and Judith Collins

Former New Zealand prime minister, the late Robert Muldoon. Image, Wikimedia.org.

Analysis by Keith Rankin.

Former New Zealand prime minister, the late Robert Muldoon. Image, Wikimedia.org.

Rob Muldoon was a pugnacious and abrasive prime minister of New Zealand who was treated unkindly by commentators – and even historians – in the aftermath of his period in office (1975 to 1984). Hopefully, future historians will treat him in a much more objective way.

It is important to note here that Sir Robert Muldoon was in fact one of our strongest, most important, and most pragmatic political leaders. Ever. And Judith Collins reminds me of him, in personal and personality ways, in strength and mana, and in political philosophy.

Notwithstanding the relatively unimportant matter of biological sex – he was male, and she is female – both were/are of similar build, and both had/have distinctive facial mannerisms. Muldoon was brought up by two fiercely socialist women, and Collins, as a young woman in Matamata, became a Labour Party supporter. They had/have genuine empathy for working class people.

(Talking about mannerisms and political styles, the present President of the USA always reminds me of the 1920s’ and 1930s’ Italian leader. Both of those leaders drew much initial support from the much neglected working classes and small businesses.)

Rob Muldoon

Muldoon led – and kept New Zealand safe – through the most difficult decade in New Zealand’s history. (In the 1970s, four countries that we shared histories with – Australia, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay – had governments overthrown by coup d’états. At least the first two mentioned coups were stoked by the CIA.) The period from 1973 to 1985 was one of huge financial imbalances, double-digit inflation that became stagflation in many countries, the cutting of the economic umbilical cord with Great Britain, and very high crude oil prices.

Muldoon was a social liberal by the standards of his 1960s’ political peers – for example, he was strongly opposed to the death penalty, a big issue of that time. And he was more committed than any other political leader to the principles of the universal welfare state – more committed even than Michael Joseph Savage.

Rob Muldoon was most motivated by economic issues – and sat firmly in the political centre on matters of ideology and economic policy. He sparred equally with the activist political left (especially in the 1970s) and the activist political right (especially in the 1980s). Despite making plenty of enemies on both sides of politics, Muldoon followed a resolutely moderate economic course, for as long as he could keep his growing list of political enemies at bay. When his enemies on the left flipped, and joined his enemies to his right – setting the new socially liberal and economically conservative zeitgeist (neoliberalism) – Muldoon’s brand of centrist politics and Keynesian economics was doomed.

Nevertheless, New Zealand was a very different place in 1985 than it was in 1965, and for the better. There had been substantial economic and creative liberation in that period. The universal welfare state had been strengthened. And we had the 1982 Official Information Act, allowing for a much greater freedom of information.

Of great importance is the fact that Rob Muldoon was one of our greater leaders because he was not debt phobic. (Other leaders who were not debt phobic included Vogel, Ward and Savage.) Muldoon understood debt better than any other New Zealand politician, ever. And he knew that the indebtedness of New Zealand Inc to foreign interests was a much more consequential matter than the government debt that New Zealanders owed to themselves. In other words, he was more concerned – in globally depressed and unbalanced times – with the balance of payments’ current account deficits than he was with the government budget deficits. Hence his successful policy drive – dubbed ‘think big’ – to make New Zealand much more self-sufficient in energy. It was his initiative that led to the electrification of the North Island Main Trunk railway line.

I was never a Muldoon supporter until after he lost office in 1984, when I could see how the new political coalition of the right and the former left was mis-framing him, his centrist policies, and his legacy of achievement. Indeed, the only time I ever voted Labour – in 1978 I voted for Trevor de Cleene – I did so as an explicitly anti-Muldoon vote. (I also thought that Bill Rowling – Labour’s leader – was a much better politician in 1978 than he had been in 1975. The first act of New Zealand’s 1980s’ neoliberal coup was the 1982 deposition of Rowling – later Sir Wallace Rowling – as leader of Labour.)

Muldoon, as a National prime minister, could do things for the economy that he never could have done if he had been a Labour prime minister. A Labour leader with the mana of a Muldoon or Norman Kirk could have suffered the same fate as Gough Whitlam in Australia did in 1975.

Judith Collins

New National Party leader, Judith Collins, with prominent Auckland Council (Manurewa-Papakura ward) councillor, Daniel Newman. “I’m with her,” Newman said on hearing of her successful appointment as Leader of the Opposition.

Judith Collins is at a similar stage of her political career to that of Rob Muldoon in 1972 to 1974. At that stage Muldoon was very disliked by the political left; and was the provisional darling of the financial right. Yet he went to the country in 1975 with an audacious (but historically attuned) centre-left policy; to restore universal superannuation by completing the vision that Savage enunciated in 1938.

Judith Collins will have an opportunity – from 2020 – to go to the New Zealand people in 2023 with a similarly necessary welfare reform. And she may be the only New Zealand politician with the ‘balls’ to integrate income tax with universal welfare, as Muldoon was wanting to do.

Like Muldoon, Collins knows how to ‘dog whistle’. She certainly needs a ‘Robs Mob’ from which to win votes. And she must dog whistle to her own patrons by making the usual noises about public debt. Yet, candidly, she has also stated that she ‘is not afraid of debt’. I was very encouraged to hear that. Further she does not want to ‘beggar the country’, which is what David Cameron did to the United Kingdom through his government’s ‘fiscal consolidation’ programme.

Muldoon always had enemies. So has Collins. She also has the political talent to lead, and to forge progression coalitions. Coalitions that are socially and economically centrist – indeed radically centrist (as Muldoon was). While she is socially liberal, I can see that – like Muldoon – she will most upset the neoliberals who espouse social liberalism and economic conservatism.

I think it’s unlikely that Judith Collins will be prime minister this October. But it’s not impossible. (In 2016 – using my knowledge of the American electoral system and the dire economic circumstances of rust-belt states like Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania – I won a wager over who would then become president of the United States. It was a wager that I would have been more than happy to lose. I also saw that the British rustbelt would vote for Brexit.) Rather, Collins may do a Mike Moore. This year, I expect she will keep her party’s vote at over 30 percent, and I expect she will oversee as big a swing of the electoral pendulum in 2023 as occurred in 1993. (For those not in the know, the swing in the popular vote from one side of politics to the other in 1993 was as big as it was in 1975.)

Public Finance and Welfare reforms should be the big issues from 2020 to 2023; that is, so long as the mainstream media gives oxygen to them. (Welfare reform needs to be on the lines of Universal Income Flat Tax. Public Finance reform should be broadly along the lines espoused by ‘modern monetary theory’, which I will write about on a future date.)

New Zealand desperately needs a courageous economic non-conservative political leader; a leader who can stare down those journalists who oppose everything intellectual, propose nothing, and love to wallow in scandal. New Zealand needs a leader who is not risk-averse, and who will promote reasoned solutions to the problems that have been shelved in the ‘too-hard basket’. The first issue to deal with is that of public debt phobia.

Will the Najib Razak verdict be a watershed moment for Malaysia? Not in a system built on racial superiority

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Chin, Professor of Asian Studies, University of Tasmania

Malaysians are rejoicing the news this week that former Prime Minister Najib Razak has been found guilty on seven charges related to corruption and abuse of power, and sentenced to 12 years in prison.

Many people want to see him (and his wife) jailed for the 1MDB financial scam, in which billions of dollars went missing from a government investment fund. Whether Najib will eventually end up in jail, though, is unclear. He will next file an appeal and the process could take more than a year to play out.

But there is a bigger question not being addressed in Malaysia. Does this verdict represents a watershed moment in Malaysian politics? Will Malaysian politics, or more precisely Malay politics, fundamentally change as a result of this monumental victory against corruption?

I would argue no.

A system built on Malay supremacy and discrimination

Malay politics is founded on a simple proposition — Ketuanan Melayu, or Malay supremacy. In recent decades, it has metamorphosed into Ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islamic supremacy).

At its core is the belief Malaysia is Tanah Melayu (Land of the Malays) and ethnic Malays are the true indigenous people. As such, even though at least one-third of Malaysia’s population are non-Malays, Malays must be first in every facet of Malaysian life — from politics to government to religion to culture.

This philosophy has been institutionalised since 1971 under the government’s New Economic Policy (NEP). The NEP dictates that bumiputera (the official term for indigenous Malays) are given preference in all socio-economic spheres, including entry to the civil service, quotas in university intake, mandatory shareholdings in listed companies and exclusive business licences.

You can even get a 7-15% discount for buying a new house under the “bumi discount”, in addition to the government’s bumi quota for new properties.

In the religious sphere, Islam is widely considered the official religion of Malaysia, even though it accounts for just 61% of the population. In practice, this means people of other faiths are faced with discrimination and stringent restrictions.


Read more: Malaysia takes a turn to the right, and many of its people are worried


For example, it is a legal offence for anyone to proselytise Muslims, but not the other way around. In fact, there is no legal mechanism for a Muslim to leave Islam. If one is born an ethnic Malay, the constitution defines that person as Muslim. As a result, many Muslims, especially the younger ones, believe Islam is superior to all other religions.

In February, the Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) government fell, just two years after wresting control of the country from the Barisan Nasional, which had ruled Malaysia since independence.

The new Perikatan Nasional (PN) government that came into power in March was unashamedly “Malay First”, with Ketuanan Melayu Islam at its core.

Malaysia’s new prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin. NAZRI RAPAAI / HANDOUT/ EPA

So, what’s this got to do with the Najib verdict?

The short answer is the Najib verdict will not be allowed by the PN government to be a catalyst for real reforms or a reset of the Malaysian political system.

As long as the governing system is built on the notion of racial and religious superiority and discrimination, Najib’s verdict will be seen by the Malay elite as a story of personal greed rather than a failure of the system that allowed Najib to carry out the 1MDB scam.

The Malay elite wants to keep the current system because it allows them to wield power in the name of Ketuanan Melayu Islam and reap the economic benefits.

More importantly, it allows the Malay elite to stay in power by divide-and-rule over Malaysia’s plural population. The divide-and-rule policy (or divide and conquer) was set up by the British colonial rulers to maintain their control. The policy ensured each ethnic and political group did not cooperate with other groups to challenge the British authorities.

Is it any wonder the Malay elites are still using the same methods today?

Najib Razak still has many supporters in Malaysia who believe in his innocence. FAZRY ISMAIL/EPA

Another important point to remember is the current system ignores the basic rules of economics. By setting up a system based on racial preferences, market forces are often ignored in economic policies in the name of “Malay share”.

Thus, anyone questioning shady deals involving the government are told to shut up as the normal rules do not apply to what is often referred to as the “Malay agenda”.

Najib was able to hide the 1MDB scandal for so many years precisely because nobody dared to question him. He claimed 1MDB was a Malaysian sovereign wealth fund and everyone in government understood it to mean a way of supporting the “Malay agenda”.

Khazanah Nasional, the real sovereign wealth fund, is tasked with ensuring the Malay stake in the economy, so it is not unreasonable for people to assume 1MDB was doing the same.

Najib’s guilty verdict will not bring even an iota of change to the country’s political and economic system. What is needed in Malaysia is the abandonment of the racist Ketuanan Melayu Islam ideology.


Read more: Najib Razak: how Malaysia’s disgraced former leader is using supermarkets, mopeds and selfies to rebrand himself


ref. Will the Najib Razak verdict be a watershed moment for Malaysia? Not in a system built on racial superiority – https://theconversation.com/will-the-najib-razak-verdict-be-a-watershed-moment-for-malaysia-not-in-a-system-built-on-racial-superiority-143617

It’s tempting to believe good news. But are there really fewer premature babies in lockdown? We’re likely clutching at straws

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Kearney, Senior Lecturer, Nursing and Midwifery, University of the Sunshine Coast

Amid the horrific stories of coronavirus deaths and disease around the world, researchers have reported a ray of light.

Almost simultaneously, two independent groups in Europe noticed their neonatal intensive care units seemed quieter during the pandemic.

Was this a coincidence? Or were there actually fewer babies born prematurely who needed intensive care? And if fewer premature babies were being born, why?

So, the researchers studied what was going on to try to get a fuller picture of how COVID-19 affects pregnant women and their newborns.

Here’s what they found

In Denmark, there was a significant drop (around 90%) in the rate of babies born extremely premature (under 28 weeks gestation) during the nationwide lockdown, compared with a stable rate in the previous five years.

However, the researchers did not see a drop in the rate of other preterm babies born (at greater than 28 weeks but under 37 weeks).


Read more: Coronavirus while pregnant or giving birth: here’s what you need to know


Irish researchers thought lockdown was an opportunity to measure whether non-medical, community-based, social factors were associated with a reduction in preterm birth. When they ran a similar study to the Danish team, they found similar results.

Over the past two decades, women were on average 3.77 times more likely to have a very low-birthweight baby (under 1,500g) than during the recent lockdown, in the study region of the Irish study. This was about a 73% reduction in very preterm births.

What could explain this?

There is a certain irony about these findings.

Pregnant women are sharing stories of increased stress, fear and anxiety during the pandemic. And there’s strong evidence stress, fear and anxiety during pregnancy is associated with preterm birth.

So we’d potentially see an overall increase in preterm birth, which we’ve yet to measure or see.


Read more: Pregnant in a pandemic? If you’re stressed, there’s help


Yet, pregnant women’s response to lockdown measures may indeed reduce other stressors. They may be spending less time commuting to work and facing stressful workplace dynamics. This may allow them to get more rest and increased access to family support.

Physically demanding work or demanding shiftwork, known to increase risk of preterm birth, may also have been eliminated or reduced.

Another theory relates to the removal of pregnant women from busy workplaces and community activities, reducing their exposure to pathogens generally.

Inflammation and other immune-related responses are thought to contribute to the risk of preterm birth. And we know rates of some infectious diseases, including influenza, have reduced during the pandemic, as we physically isolate, wash hands and wear masks.

Lockdown has also caused a reduction in air pollution said to act together with other biological factors to induce inflammation and influence the duration of pregnancy.


Read more: During COVID-19, women are opting for ‘freebirthing’ if homebirths aren’t available. And that’s a worry


Hang on a minute

Authors from both studies attributed this significant decrease in extreme preterm birth to the sum total of social and environmental changes during lockdown. They did not pinpoint one specific factor.

In fact, their studies were not designed to demonstrate which specific factor caused what, so we need to interpret their findings with caution.

And their studies are “pre-prints”, meaning they have not been formally peer- reviewed.


Read more: Researchers use ‘pre-prints’ to share coronavirus results quickly. But that can backfire


While these studies offer some interesting discussion points, we have some reservations about how they should inform future work.

Ideally, other researchers would want to replicate a given exposure or intervention to see if they come up with similar results. But how do we ethically replicate the drastic social-environmental change pregnant women have had to face once the pandemic is over?

Can we really expect future pregnant women to stay home, not work so hard on their feet, and limit social interaction so we can see what happens? It may have the exact opposite effect on their well-being.

Sad woman sitting on floor staring out window
Ethically, how could we ever repeat this ‘experiment’ to verify the researchers’ results? from www.shutterstock.com

Some neonatal intensive care units may have seen an increase in preterm births during the pandemic. But this may not have been studied formally, published or reported as news.

We have also peer-reviewed published studies showing an increased risk of preterm birth if women are diagnosed with a coronavirus related illness. That’s SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome), MERS (Middle-East respiratory syndrome) or COVID-19.

Once the full impact of this pandemic is revealed, we may well see an overall increase in preterm births related to coronaviruses.

Perhaps we are clasping at straws, trying to visualise some possible benefit to the most significant disruption the world has undergone in recent years. But we are cautious to say we have found it here.


Read more: Coronavirus with a baby: what you need to know to prepare and respond


ref. It’s tempting to believe good news. But are there really fewer premature babies in lockdown? We’re likely clutching at straws – https://theconversation.com/its-tempting-to-believe-good-news-but-are-there-really-fewer-premature-babies-in-lockdown-were-likely-clutching-at-straws-143353

Perseverance: the Mars rover searching for ancient life, and the Aussie scientists who helped build it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Flannery, Planetary Scientist, Queensland University of Technology

Every two years or so, when Mars passes close to Earth in its orbit around the Sun, conditions are right to launch a spacecraft to the red planet. Launches during this period can complete the seven-month voyage using a minimum of energy.

We are in the middle of one such period right now, and three separate missions are taking advantage of it. The United Arab Emirates’ Hope mission and China’s Tianwen-1 have already launched. NASA’s Perseverance mission is set to take flight tonight (on July 30, at 9:50pm AEST).

Between them, the missions will study the atmosphere and surface of Mars in unprecedented detail, collect samples that may one day come back to Earth, and tell scientists more about whether our neighbouring planet ever held life.

Instruments carried aboard NASA’s Perseverance Rover. NASA JPL/Caltech

Read more: Our long fascination with the journey to Mars


What do the Mars missions aim to achieve?

The UAE’s Hope orbiter will study the atmosphere of Mars using infrared and ultraviolet light.

In a truly international effort, Hope’s instruments were developed by scientists at the Mohammed Bin Rashid Space Centre in Dubai, working with the University of Colorado, Boulder, and Arizona State University in the United States. Hope was carried from Dubai to Japan by a Russian-operated Antonov aircraft, and launched from Tanegashima Island on July 19.

Hope has no doubt already achieved its primary goal of inspiring the youth of the Arab world. Like most deep space missions, Hope’s goals are a combination of cutting-edge science, technology demonstration, and stimulating the local knowledge economy.

Although accompanied by less fanfare, China’s Tianwen-1 mission is also an extraordinarily ambitious effort driven by clear scientific goals. Building on the success of China’s lunar exploration program, Tianwen is the country’s first attempt at a Mars rover. If Tianwen succeeds, the China National Space Administration (CNSA) will become the second space agency after NASA to operate a rover on Mars.

Tianwen-1 undergoing testing in China.

Both the rover and accompanying orbiter will bring instruments that address key questions of the global scientific community.

Tianwen will carry a ground-penetrating radar that will let geologists peer beneath the dusty surface to examine the rock beneath the landing site. It will also carry the first mobile instrument that can sense variations in the magnetic field, which may tell scientists a lot about how fit for life Mars was in the past.

Tianwen-1 launched on July 23 from Hainan Island. Unfortunately, mission scientists were forbidden from talking to media beforehand, and live videos of the launch were banned (though some snuck out online).

The launch of China’s Tianwen-1 Mars mission on the 23rd of July, 2020.

China has now demonstrated a super heavy launch system to deep space, and if it succeeds with a soft landing on Mars and deep space operations, it will be close on NASA’s heels in Mars sample return. The idea of a Chinese Mars mission getting the first answers to big questions in planetary science, which would have seemed unlikely only a few years ago, may well become reality in the coming months. Both the Chinese and American programs have plans to return Martian samples to Earth in the 2030s.

Perseverance and the search for ancient life

For now, NASA is still the player with the most experience and the best resources. The Perseverance rover, scheduled for launch from Florida on July 30 at 9:50pm AEST, will be the most complex object ever sent to Mars. The new rover will search for evidence of ancient microbial life in Jezero Crater.


Read more: Ancient life in Greenland and the search for life on Mars


Perseverance is the first in a series of missions that NASA hopes will culminate in bringing samples of the Martian surface back to Earth. A novel system will collect samples selected by a globally distributed team of experts and cache them for future collection. These rocks will likely be studied for decades, like the samples of Moon rock brought home by the Apollo missions.

Italy, Norway and Denmark are among the smaller nations contributing hardware to Perseverance. The scientists and engineers who participate gain experience with deep space systems, share in discoveries and increase the overall scientific gains of the project.

How Australians are involved

Artists impression of the Planetary Instrument of X-ray Lithochemistry aboard the Perserverance Rover, led by Australian scientists, analysing rocks on Mars.
Microbial fossil stromatolite in Western Australia (left) sampled by prototype rover drill hardware in a collaboration with NASA JPL. The stable carbon isotope composition of microfossils captured in the drill core was measured using secondary ion mass spectrometry (right).

Several Australians are also involved in the Perseverance mission.

Brisbane-born geologist Abigail Allwood, based at NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) in California, leads the team who developed an instrument on the rover’s arm capable of detecting signs of past life. Australian planetary scientist Adrian Brown is also working on the mission, bringing his experience using remote sensing to study Australian rocks that resemble those on Mars.

I worked on this mission at NASA JPL for several years and, although I have returned to Australia, I continue to serve as a long-term planner leading the mission’s science team and as an instrument co-investigator. The Queensland University of Technology is contributing software that will analyse data returned from the rover, with opportunities for Australian students and academics to contribute to the science investigation.

The geology of Jezero Crater mapped by the Perseverance mission science team including Australians bringing expertise studying similar rocks in Western Australia. NASA JPL/Caltech

The future

Australia is well placed to make important contributions to the future of Mars exploration. But to do so we must collaborate across national borders and find our place in the international scientific framework.

The planning of the nascent Australian Space Agency has largely focused on creating jobs and nurturing industry, but it needs a list of scientific priorities to guide investment in space missions. Otherwise, we risk building a car that is missing the driver’s seat.

At successful space agencies overseas, engineers and private industry work with scientists who conceive and operate spacecraft in pursuit of truth. Employment and innovation come from scientific projects, not the other way around. By following this model, Australia too may join the exploration of the universe, spurring technological innovation and inspiring the next generation of humans in the process.


Read more: Why isn’t Australia in deep space?


ref. Perseverance: the Mars rover searching for ancient life, and the Aussie scientists who helped build it – https://theconversation.com/perseverance-the-mars-rover-searching-for-ancient-life-and-the-aussie-scientists-who-helped-build-it-141590

‘Far too many’ Victorians are going to work while sick. Far too many have no choice

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julian Teicher, Professor of Human Resources and Employment and Deputy Dean (Research), School of Business and Law, CQUniversity Australia

There is nothing new about people turning up to work when they’re sick. During the 1918 Spanish Flu pandemic, many Melburnians had no option but to carry on working in defiance of public health advice, during an era before paid sick leave and with virtually no social safety net.

Today many employees are entitled to sick leave. And yet Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews this week complained that “far too many people” are going to work with COVID-19 symptoms, describing this as the “biggest driver” of the state’s persistently high rates of transmission.


Read more: Two weeks into Melbourne’s lockdown, why aren’t COVID-19 case numbers going down?


It’s easy to understand Andrews’ frustration. But while times have indeed changed for many employees since 1918, those in the casual and part-time workforce face the same stark choice – stay home or get paid – as their counterparts more than a century ago.

Casuals account for 25% of the Australian workforce, mainly in lower-paid jobs. This creates huge vulnerability, both in terms of these workers’ personal circumstances and in the public’s efforts to suppress COVID-19.

This pandemic has starkly revealed the consequences of casualisation in industries such as food distribution, meat processing, health care and private security. In April, a cluster of cases associated with the Cedar Meats abbatoir in Melbourne’s west was traced to casual workers employed by a Brisbane-based labour hire contractor.

Labour hire came under further scrutiny over the Victorian government’s decision to manage its hotel quarantine with the help of three private security firms, one of which subcontracted to other labour hire firms. One guard claims to have been hired via WhatsApp and said he received no training and was paid as little as A$18 per hour. Add to the mix alleged shortages of PPE and hand sanitiser, and the recipe for uncontrolled transmission begins to take shape.

Multiple jobs, no sick pay

The problem is compounded by the fact that many casual and part-time workers need more than one job to make ends meet. This means when they turn up to work despite being sick or waiting on test results, they are turning up sick to more than one workplace.

It gets worse still. Many people with more than one job work in the health sector, and particularly in aged care, where hourly wages are low. According to industry peak body Leading Age Services, 20-30% of the aged-care workforce have jobs in more than one facility.

Federal Aged Care Minister Richard Colbeck has pledged to help aged-care providers cover the costs of employees’ entitlements so they can work at just one facility. But the problem is an entrenched one.

Emergency workers wheel an elderly resident on a stretcher out of an aged-care home
Melbourne’s aged-care homes have become a focal point in the COVID-19 crisis. Daniel Pockett/AAP Image

What help is available?

The Andrews government has offered various forms of assistance to encourage workers to stay home if unwell or being tested for COVID-19. But there are some exclusions.

Workers can claim a one-off payment of A$1,500 if unable to work during isolation, and a A$300 payment to cover isolation while awaiting COVID-19 test results, but only if they don’t already receive any other benefits or income and have already exhausted any paid leave entitlements. As the aged-care workforce is predominantly low-paid, an estimated 16% are already on some form of benefit and will likely miss out.

In April, the Fair Work Commission updated the terms of many industry awards to specifically include annual leave or unpaid leave for COVID-19-related absences. Yet this ruling did not cover casual workers or the 40% of workers on enterprise agreements, and unpaid leave would be an unpalatable option for those who have already used up their paid entitlement.

This week the Commission ordered paid COVID-19 leave in three health and aged-care awards to cover both ongoing and casual workers, although some employers have complained the measure will be difficult and costly to implement.


Read more: View from The Hill: Aged care crisis reflects poor preparation and a broken system


Workforce casualisation is part of a wider move towards increasing “labour flexibility”. This is touted as a way for workers to enjoy more control over their lives, but in practice it allows employers to offer lower-paid, less secure jobs while freeing themselves of obligation to their employees and in some cases even receiving government subsidies into the bargain.

A classic example is private aged-care homes, which are staffed via layers of labour hire agencies, have received a federal government cash injection to help them deal with COVID-19, and are not bound by the same staffing conditions enforced in Victoria’s public aged-care facilities.

These facilities are in a full-blown public health crisis, accounting for a worrying proportion of Victoria’s COVID-19 cases. Yet their owners have argued that the government and even the elderly residents themselves should fund their workers’ pandemic leave.

It is a profound irony, given how “flexible” work practices have worsened the spread of COVID-19, that Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg are now calling for even more labour market flexibility as part of the process of economic recovery from the pandemic.

ref. ‘Far too many’ Victorians are going to work while sick. Far too many have no choice – https://theconversation.com/far-too-many-victorians-are-going-to-work-while-sick-far-too-many-have-no-choice-143600

Under climate change, winter will be the best time for bush burn-offs – and that could be bad news for public health

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giovanni Di Virgilio, Research associate, UNSW

At the height of last summer’s fires, some commentators claimed “greenies” were preventing hazard reduction burns – also known as prescribed burns – in cooler months. They argued that such burns would have reduced the bushfire intensity.

Fire experts repeatedly dismissed these claims. As then NSW Rural Fire Service Commissioner Shane Fitzsimmons noted in January this year, the number of available days to carry out prescribed burns had reduced because climate change was altering the weather and causing longer fire seasons.


Read more: How does bushfire smoke affect our health? 6 things you need to know


This public conversation led our research team to ask: if climate change continues at its current rate, how will this change the days suitable for prescribed burning?

Our results, published today, were unexpected. Climate change may actually increase the number of burn days in some places, but the windows of opportunity will shift towards winter months. The bad news is that burning during these months potentially increases the public health impacts of smoke.

A hot debate

Hazard reduction involves removing vegetation that could otherwise fuel a fire, including burning under controlled conditions. But its effectiveness to subdue or prevent fires is often debated in the scientific community.

Commissioner Fitzsimmons weighs in on a national debate about hazard-reduction burns.

Those with experience on fire grounds, including Fitzsimmons, say it’s an important factor in fire management, but “not a pancea”.

Despite the debate, it’s clear hazard reduction burning will continue to be an important part of bushfire risk management in coming decades.


Read more: The burn legacy: why the science on hazard reduction is contested


Modelling future weather

Before conducting prescribed burns, firefighting agencies consider factors such as vegetation type, proximity to property, desired rate of spread and possible smoke dispersal over populated areas. But we wanted to distil our investigation down to daily weather factors.

We reduced those factors to five key components. These were maximum temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, fuel moisture and the McArthur forest fire danger index (the index used to forecast fire danger in southeast Australia).

We looked at these elements on prescribed burning days between 2004-2015. We then used climate models to simulate how the conditions would change with global warming over southeast Australia, relative to a baseline historical 20-year period for 1990-2009.

To make a valid 20-year comparison, we compared the historical period to a modelled period from 2060-2079, assuming emissions continue to rise at their current pace.

A controlled burn in bushland, with small flames and lots of smoke.
Under global warming, suitable conditions for prescribed burns will be shifted to late winter and early spring in many places. Shutterstock

Surprisingly, we found, with one regional exception, the number of days suitable for prescribed burning did not change. And in many places, the number increased.

As the fire season lengthened under a warming climate, the number of days suitable for burning just shifted from autumn to winter.

Shifting seasons

Our research indicated that by 2060 there’ll be fewer prescribed burning days during March, April and May. These are the months when most burning happens now.

But there will be significantly more opportunities for burning days from June to October. This is because the conditions that make for a good day for prescribed burning – such as mild and still days – start to shift to winter. Today, weather in these months is unsuitable for conducting burns.

Interestingly, these results aren’t uniform across southeast Australia. For example, much of the Australian east coast and South Australia would see seasonal shifts in burning windows, with around 50% fewer burning days in March to May.

Much of Victoria and in particular the southern regions saw an increase in burning windows during April to May and, in some parts of the state, through September and October as well.

Only the east Queensland coast would see a total reduction in prescribed burn days from April to October.

The smoke trap

This may be good news for firefighters and those agencies who depend on prescribed burning as a key tool in bushfire prevention. But, as so often is the case with climate change, it’s not that simple.

A byproduct of prescribed burning is smoke, and it’s a very significant health issue.

A couple on a bench look at the Sydney Harbour Bridge, shrouded in smoke.
Hazard reduction burns can release smoke into nearby communities, even major cities. REUTERS/David Gray

Last year, research showed global warming will strengthen an atmospheric layer that traps pollution close to the land surface, known as the “inversion layer”. This will happen in the years 2060-79, relative to 1990-2009 – especially during winter.


Read more: The smoke from autumn burn-offs could make coronavirus symptoms worse. It’s not worth the risk


Unfortunately, the conditions that create inversion layers – including cool, still air – correspond with conditions suitable for prescribed burning.

For asthmatics and those sensitive to air pollution, smokier burn days could make winter months more difficult and add further stress to the health system.

It also creates an additional challenge for firefighting agencies, which must already consider whether smoke will linger close to the surface and potentially drift into populated regions during prescribed burns.

This is just one factor our firefighting agencies will need to face in the future as bushfire risk management becomes more complex and challenging under climate change.


Read more: How does bushfire smoke affect our health? 6 things you need to know


ref. Under climate change, winter will be the best time for bush burn-offs – and that could be bad news for public health – https://theconversation.com/under-climate-change-winter-will-be-the-best-time-for-bush-burn-offs-and-that-could-be-bad-news-for-public-health-143546

Australia’s graduate work visa scheme attracts international students to our universities. Is it enough?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ly Tran, Professor and ARC Future Fellow, Deakin University

The Australian government recently announced it will resume granting visas to international students in a move to push forward with international education. This means when borders reopen, many students will already have visas to come to Australia.

Current and new students, studying online with an Australian university, while overseas due to COVID-19, will also be able to count that study towards their graduate working visa in Australia.

The temporary graduate visa (subclass 485) allows international students to stay in Australia after they graduate for two to four years to gain work experience.

This aligns post study work rights policies in Australia on par with those of Canada (in place in March) and the United Kingdom (in place in June).

Australia’s reputation may have been tarnished by the federal government’s exclusion of international students and graduates from its JobKeeper subsidy scheme. The visa changes now attempt to signal to prospective students Australia is an open and welcoming destination.


Read more: Coronavirus: how likely are international university students to choose Australia over the UK, US and Canada?


But the global headwinds facing the international education sector underline that any policy shifts in Australia need to go beyond simply matching what is already on offer in leading study destinations.

Deferring students

Australia must not only attract new students but also convince deferring students to come back.

New data show a substantial increase in the number of students deferring their studies to a later date, but a minor increase in enrolment cancellations.

There were 60,870 deferments for the year to May 2020, 45,597 more than in the same period in 2019 (15,273). Deferments were in the form of either a delayed commencement or a temporary suspension of an existing enrolment.


The number of international students who deferred their enrolment, month by month, across all sectors (including university, VET and schools). Australian Government, Department of Education, Skills and Employment, Research Snapshot July 2020 (Screenshot)

By May 31 2020, 20% (121,472) of all primary student visa holders (606,485) were outside Australia.

Post-study work is a major incentive …

We conducted a survey in 2018-19 involving 1,156 international graduates. Most of them (76%) said Australia’s temporary graduate visa played a role in their decision to study in Australia.

But the sustainability of Australia’s international education will need to address issues relating to both post-study work visa arrangements and employment outcomes for international students after graduating.

Many employers lack understanding of the visa, prefer applicants with permanent residency or hold misconceptions of complex paperwork or sponsorship involved. The chance to gain work experience in their field during their study and after they graduate is limited for many international students.


Read more: Australia’s temporary graduate visa attracts international students, but many find it hard to get work in their field


The UK, in its immigration point system, set a lower salary threshold requirement for international students coming off a post-study visa and aiming for a skilled visa. This was to address the high salary threshold many employers were unable to afford, which was one of the impediments for international graduates in securing employment in the UK.

Addressing existing barriers will enhance Australia’s reputation as a destination for quality education and a positive post study work experience.

The government and universities must also offer extended support to alumni stranded onshore, who may have been working here on their graduate visa but lost their job.

…especially for students from India

Indian students are most affected by the access to a post-study work visa. In our above-mentioned survey, 82% of Indian students considered the visa an important factor in their decision to choose Australia, compared to the average rate of 74% for non-Indian international students.

In September 2019, the United Kingdom announced a reintroduction of their two year post-study work visa in response to the decline in international enrolments.

In the third quarter of 2019, the UK and Australia were equally searched as study destinations from India — at 16.2% and 16.8% respectively. But the UK’s September announcement had an immediate effect. According to IDP Connect data search results increased by 47% to the UK, and decreased by 15% to Australia.

According to internal university data, some universities in the UK reached their 2020 international enrolment caps as early as November 2019. Meanwhile, Indian offshore visa lodgements for Australia dropped by 13.5% this fiscal year.



In July, the Australian government announced it will offer current and future Hong Kong international students an additional five-year post-study work visa with a pathway to permanent residency. Only two weeks after that, there was a massive increase in interest from Hong Kong students wanting to study in Australia.

What else matters to international students?

In addition to tensions between China and Australia, the health and economic impact of COVID-19 will affect the financial capability of future international students to study overseas — as well as whether borders continue to be closed to countries.


Read more: 90,000 foreign graduates are stuck in Australia without financial support: it’s a humanitarian and economic crisis in the making


Other factors determining how international education recovers will include how host countries support international students (on and offshore) during and in the aftermath of COVID-19.

A holistic, well-coordinated and flexible approach is crucial in determining both immediate international student recovery and long-lasting destination attraction.

ref. Australia’s graduate work visa scheme attracts international students to our universities. Is it enough? – https://theconversation.com/australias-graduate-work-visa-scheme-attracts-international-students-to-our-universities-is-it-enough-143534

Mapping COVID-19 spread in Melbourne shows link to job types and ability to stay home

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melanie Davern, Senior Research Fellow, Director Australian Urban Observatory, Co-Director Healthy Liveable Cities Group, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University

COVID-19 provides a stark reminder of inequity and the spread of disease. These aren’t new ideas and can be traced back to John Snow’s cholera maps and Charles Booth and his colour-coded maps of occupation types and poverty in the 19th century. Today, as case numbers soar in Melbourne, large clusters of COVID-19 cases have been identified across the northern and western suburbs, raising questions about occupation types and socio-economic differences across the city.

One of the most important messages from government during the pandemic has been to work from home if you can. Though what happens if your work isn’t suited to this?


Read more: Two weeks into Melbourne’s lockdown, why aren’t COVID-19 case numbers going down?


Snow and Booth were forefathers of modern geographical information systems (GIS) analysis. It’s a powerful tool for mapping and visualising differences or inequities across cities and the spread of disease. We mapped the connection between occupation types, indicating the ability to work from home, and the locations of COVID-19 cases across Melbourne in the recent second wave.

Why is equity a health issue?

Hotspot suburbs were first identified and ring-fenced in early July. A hard lockdown was applied to the 3,000 residents of nine high-density public housing estates in inner Melbourne.

Ring fencing is a powerful method of containing a disease. It’s most appropriate where a specific location has a distinctive pattern of risk. It should also be applied without bias.

As the public housing towers lockdown reminded us, there is an inequity in health.


Read more: Our lives matter – Melbourne public housing residents talk about why COVID-19 hits them hard


Many people associate equality with treating everyone the same regardless of their needs. This is very different to equity, which is about treating people according to their needs. Unlike equality, equity is providing people with extra help when it is needed.

The picture below makes the concept of equity easier to understand.

Illustration of equity by showing how standing on crates enables children of different heights to look over the people in front of them and see the action on a sports field.
Craig Froehle/Medium, CC BY

In the context of this pandemic, a recent discussion of housing affordability raised the issue of equality versus equity.


Read more: Overcrowding and affordability stress: Melbourne’s COVID-19 hotspots are also housing crisis hotspots


We see a stark difference between the initial transmission of COVID-19 and the second wave. The earliest cases were concentrated in Melbourne’s wealthier areas and associated with international travel. In the second wave we have seen a different pattern of spread across disadvantaged areas of Melbourne.

This pattern is possibly linked to inequity associated with living and work conditions. People with higher education tend to work in occupations that often enable them to work from home, making it easier to self-isolate.

Outer areas of Melbourne have had more cases of COVID-19 cases in the second wave and this might be associated with job types and education levels. Residents living in inner areas of Melbourne are more likely to hold tertiary qualifications needed for occupations more suited to working from home.

What does mapping reveal?

We analysed Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data on employment types from the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations. We identified 93 major occupation types suitable for working from home.

We linked and mapped these occupation data along with COVID-19 incidence according to local government areas. The map below shows data from July 16.

Map of incidence of COVID-19 cases across Melbourne and proportion of people in occupations able to work from home by local government area.
Data: DHHS, July 16, Author provided
Legend for map: size of red dots shows number of COVID-19 cases, darker areas indicate more people in occupations able to work from home.

The map reveals lower proportions (shown by lighter-coloured areas) of people employed in occupations suitable for working from home in many outer northern and western areas of Melbourne. In particular, the proportion is low in Hume, one of the local government areas where COVID-19 cases have been concentrated.

In the inner and outer eastern areas of Melbourne, residents are more likely to be able to work from home. Nillumbik in the outer north-east has the highest proportion of people able to work remotely. It has very few cases of COVID-19.

Greater Dandenong is an exception to this pattern. As a manufacturing hub for Melbourne, it has a low proportion of people in occupations suitable from working from home, but has few cases.

COVID-19 is spread through community transmission or close contact with others who are infected, as happened in meatworks factory clusters in northern and western Melbourne. Greater Dandenong may have been protected by the small number of cases across south-eastern Melbourne where more residents have occupations suitable for working from home.

The Victorian Department of Health and Human Services updates COVID-19 incidence data hourly. We first sourced data on July 16, a week after the Melbourne-wide lockdown began, to understand the patterns of occupation types and COVID-19 clusters as they evolved. To continue monitoring, we have developed a data dashboard, which is shown below.

Data dashboard showing incidence of COVID-19 cases by local government areas
Ori Gudes, Author provided

We hope this data dashboard will be released in coming days with updated data.

Using inclusive data to protect everyone

The related patterns of occupations and COVID-19 incidence remind us of the importance of the well-known relationships between health and place.


Read more: Your local train station can predict health and death


This pandemic takes advantage of inequity and our most vulnerable communities. It shows us why we must include the full spectrum of society (not only those we know best) when we make decisions, communicate and ask people to work from home.

Many workers are engaged in casual and insecure employment and work is a critical determinant of health. Our mapping provides evidence that can help authorities decide where and how to focus preventive measures when planning public health interventions.

These methods of GIS analysis and easily understood maps should be freely available. The community will then be able to interrogate the data so they can realise in close to real time the rationale for public health directives.

These same principles have been used to understand health and liveability in cities though the Australian Urban Observatory to inform city planning.


We thank Weijia Liu of UNSW for assisting with data collection in this study.

ref. Mapping COVID-19 spread in Melbourne shows link to job types and ability to stay home – https://theconversation.com/mapping-covid-19-spread-in-melbourne-shows-link-to-job-types-and-ability-to-stay-home-143610

The government has just sold $15 billion of 31-year bonds. But what actually is a bond?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

There are the Boxing Day sales, and there was this week’s rush of extremely cashed-up investors desperate to get a slice of this week’s rare 31-year government bond auction.

What’s a bond? What’s a bond auction? We’ll get to those shortly.

First, just know that the government received A$36.8 billion of bids, $20 billion of them within hours of opening the two-day auction on Monday.

It had been wanting to move $15 billion, and could have moved that much again.

$15 billion makes it the third biggest bond sale in Australian history. The two bigger were recent – a $19 billion ten-year bond sale in May and a $17 billion five-year bond sale in July.

Each sale nets the government money it won’t have to pay back for five, ten or 31 years at rates of interest that until recently would have been unthinkably low.


Read more: More than a rate cut: behind the Reserve Bank’s three point plan


The 31-year bond went for 1.94%. That means the foreign and Australian investors who bought them (including Australian super funds) were prepared to accept less than the usual rate of inflation right through until 2051 in return for regular government-guaranteed interest cheques.

Investors who bought ten year bonds were prepared to accept only 0.92% per year, investors who bought five year bonds, only 0.40%.

What’s a bond?

Even bond traders find it hard to get a handle on what bonds are. In his novel Bombardiers, author Po Bronson writes a scene where a bond trader refuses to work any more and demands to see an actual bond, “any kind of bond”.

He tells his boss he can’t sell bonds “if he’s never seen one”.

Like many things that used to exist physically, they’re now mainly numbers on screens, but it helps to get a picture.

This one is a US 27-year bond from 1945.

The Joe I. Herbstman Memorial Collection

The biggest part of the paper is a promise to repay the US$1000 it cost, in 27 years time.

The smaller rectangles are called coupons, and each year the owner can tear one off and take it in to get 2.5%.

If the owner wants to sell the bond to someone else (and bonds are traded all the time) it’ll be sold with one coupon missing after one year, two coupons missing after two years, and so on.

When rates fall, prices rise

The price of a bond will vary with what’s happening to interest rates. If they are falling, an existing bond, offering returns at old rates, will become more expensive and can be sold at a profit. If they go up, an existing bond will become worth less and have to be sold at a loss.

It leads to confusion. When bond rates fall, bond prices rise, and visa versa.


Read more: ‘Yield curve control’: the Reserve Bank’s plan for when cash rate cuts no longer work


For half a decade now bond rates have been falling. They’ve fallen further during the COVID crisis, making bonds a doubly good investment. They offer superannuation funds and others certainty at a time when everything seems uncertain, and if rates continue to fall they increase in value.

It is an indictment of our times that so many investors want them. The government’s office of financial management is going to need to sell an extra $167 billion over the coming year. The rush to buy suggests it could sell more.

ref. The government has just sold $15 billion of 31-year bonds. But what actually is a bond? – https://theconversation.com/the-government-has-just-sold-15-billion-of-31-year-bonds-but-what-actually-is-a-bond-143598

Why young people are earning less

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeff Borland, Professor of Economics, University of Melbourne

That COVID is hurting young workers more than older ones is widely recognised.

What’s less well known is that even before COVID-19, in the decade leading up to it, incomes for young people (aged 15 to 34) were falling in real terms while incomes for others continued to climb.

A graph that was created by the Productivity Commission for this morning’s report, Why did young people’s incomes decline? tells the story.

The report follows Monday’s report on declining job mobility for young people.

In real terms; adjusted by the consumer price index. Commission estimates based on HILDA data

Disposable incomes are incomes after tax. The graph shows that in the years immediately after the Melbourne Institute’s HILDA Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey began asking the question, the real incomes of young Australians climbed in line with those of older Australians.

In the decade since 2008 they’ve gone backwards. Jennifer Rayner’s book Generation Less noted that the living standards of young and old were beginning to pull apart in ways that would strain common bonds.

Last year’s Grattan Institute report said today’s young were in danger of being the first generation in memory to have lower living standards than their parents.

Where the Productivity Commission study substantially advances our understanding is by presenting a detailed analysis of why incomes of the young have declined.


Read more: It really is different for young people: it’s harder to climb the jobs ladder


It finds that young people’s real incomes have fallen since the global financial crisis mainly because they have fared worse in the job market.

Income can come from three sources – labour income, transfer income (government payments), and other income (which includes payments from non-resident parents and investment and business income).

The report finds that about three-quarters of the fall in real incomes of the young has been due to a decrease in their labour incomes (with the rest being due to a fall in other incomes).

Lower wage jobs, lower hours

The decline in labour income for the young is a result of both slower growth in hourly wages and of them working fewer hours. Hours of work have decreased as the young have shifted away from full-time towards part-time work.

With this shift has been a move to working for smaller firms, where wages are typically lower.

The next big question is what has caused the decline in labour incomes for the young.

Why did young people’s incomes decline?

Here, the Productivity Commission comes to the conclusion that it’s all about demand and supply.

Earlier work by Reserve Bank economists Natasha Cassidy and Zhoya Dhillion and my own work with Michael Coelli arrived at the same conclusion.

Since the early 1990s the proportion of the population wanting to work (the so-called participation rate) has been climbing.

Before 2008 and the global financial crisis that increase was outpaced by growth in the number of available jobs. Following the crisis the pattern reversed.

That has been bad news for the young. With the number of people wanting to work increasing faster than the number of available jobs, something had to give. It happened to be young people starting out in the labour market.

They found themselves crowded out from work and from the type of jobs they wanted (including full-time jobs) and having to accept lower-paid ones, with what turned out to be a a lower likelihood of later moving to a better job.

And less success at business

If all you knew was that young people’s income from paid work had declined, you might not be too worried. With all the high-tech start-ups involving young people, they must surely be able to make up those losses by striking out on their own and earning profits and business income.

The quashing of that idea is to my way of thinking one of the important findings of the Productivity Commission report.

It shows shows a large decrease rather than an increase in business income for the young, at a time when the business income of older Australians continued to climb.

Commission estimates based on HILDA data

The decrease happened both because after the global financial crisis young people were less likely to earn business income and because when they did it was more likely to come from low-paying industries.

Its a concerning finding for a nation pinning hopes on entrepreneurship, and an instance of where the report repays careful reading.

Lessons for COVID

It might seem as if analysing events in the decade after the global financial crisis is akin to studying ancient history, with the new COVID-19 labour market telling us more about what’s happening.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

Because it is about what happens to young people in a weakened labour market, the Commission’s report is replete with lessons for today.

It provides new perspectives on how the young are adversely affected, it tells us about how income support can help, and offers insights into how to make entrepreneurship better.

And it establishes unambiguously the case for worrying about the young in the time of COVID-19, all the more so because of what has happened in the leadup to it.

ref. Why young people are earning less – https://theconversation.com/why-young-people-are-earning-less-143549

The ‘channelling’ of George Floyd and spiritualism’s racist history

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Worrad, PhD candidate in History, University of Newcastle

Last month, Eoin Higgins, senior editor for progressive news website CommonDreams, tweeted a screenshot of a Facebook post by “verbal, conscious channel” Carol Collins. The post, originally made on June 7, claims Collins had the previous day psychically channelled the spirit of George Floyd, who was killed by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin on May 25.

The message she brought through was one of “love and forgiveness”. Floyd was apparently upset that his name had become “associated with hate”, and offered some political advice: “[…] civil liberties are not what we need to be fighting for, be the one who says I love you to all.”

Higgins’s tweet caused a considerable backlash on Twitter. (“Please tell me this is not real,” was one response.) Collins’s social media and website appear to have been removed as a result.

Collins is not the only spirit medium who has claimed contact with Floyd’s spirit, and used his voice to shamelessly endorse reactionary politics. YouTube user Channeling Erik uploaded a similar video on June 23, in which medium Denise Ramon channels George Floyd on camera during an interview.

The interview takes a number of bizarre twists, with “Floyd” revealing that his death was the result of karmic debt accrued in previous lives, and therefore inevitable. Ramon says: “[…] I just feel like, he would have got hit by a truck or got some kind of illness or something, he wasn’t gonna live a long life anyway, so […]”

When asked about the public reaction to his death, including calls to defund the police, Ramon claims Floyd said: “Not all police are bad.”


Read more: Smartphone witnessing becomes synonymous with Black patriotism after George Floyd’s death


Numerous other mediums have claimed contact with Floyd and uploaded their (often contradictory) messages to YouTube.

Terrence Floyd visits the site near where his brother George was taken into Minneapolis police custody and later died. Eric Miller/Reuters

Political ventriloquising

The political ventriloquising of deceased members of minority racial groups by white spirit mediums is a practice that stretches back to the second half of the 19th century in the United States.

This period was the heyday of modern spiritualism, which began in 1848 in Hydesville, New York, when two young girls, Kate and Margaret Fox, claimed they could communicate with the spirits of the dead by means of audible raps and knocks.

The Fox sisters. From left to right: Margaret, Kate and Leah. Wikimedia Commons

Spiritualism attracted at least hundreds of thousands of followers, including many prominent scientists, writers and politicians. Its period of greatest popularity coincided with the height of US colonial expansion across the north American continent, as well as with the American Civil War.

Shortly before the war broke out, one medium, Francis H. Smith, channelled the following message from “Rike”, a slave who had died from poisoning in Accomack County, Virginia:

I am right smart happier here dan dar. De blessed Lord looks on de cullared folks as well as de dear masters.

Rike’s spirit refers to the “dear masters” (that is, the white slave-owners), revealing his acceptance of the racial hierarchy from beyond the grave.

A similar message published in spiritualist periodical Banner of Light in 1857 quotes “Sam”, a recently deceased slave. Sam describes wanting freedom, but also fondly remembers his plantation life, and still politely addresses his “massa” (master). He confesses: “Yes, I’d like to go on the old plantation, massa”. Sam is very much an expression of the “happy slave” trope.

According to medical doctor and spiritualist Eugene Crowell, deceased Native Americans were often bitter at the injustice they had suffered at the hands of white colonists. But as a spirit “progressed” in the afterlife, he or she would invariably turn towards forgiveness and love.

In 1874, Crowell described contacting the spirit of a chief named Big Bear, who became enraged when he remembered the atrocities committed against his people. Crowell calmed Big Bear by reminding him “many white persons had received even worse from other white persons, and from Indians” (indeed, that “ALL lives matter”), and that holding onto feelings of hatred and rage was “wicked” and would only stunt his spiritual progress.

‘Whitewashing’

This kind of posthumous “communication” meant that Native Americans, many of whom were killed in battle or executed for resisting colonisation, became “whitewashed” and recast as benevolent figures of forgiveness in service to the colonial project, even as frontier massacres were still being carried out.

How George Floyd would have reacted to the violent scenes following his death we do not know, because he is no longer here to tell us. While spiritualism has provided comfort and solace to many who are grieving the loss of their loved ones, it has also been used, and continues to be used, to ventriloquise victims of racial violence, advance reactionary political messages, and undermine calls for institutional change.

So long as living black voices continue to be ignored and marginalised, we ought to strongly condemn the behaviour of spirit mediums who assure us that “civil liberties are not what we need to be fighting for”.

ref. The ‘channelling’ of George Floyd and spiritualism’s racist history – https://theconversation.com/the-channelling-of-george-floyd-and-spiritualisms-racist-history-143270

- ADVERT -

MIL PODCASTS
Bookmark
| Follow | Subscribe Listen on Apple Podcasts

Foreign policy + Intel + Security

Subscribe | Follow | Bookmark
and join Buchanan & Manning LIVE Thursdays @ midday

MIL Public Webcast Service


- Advertisement -
- Advertisement -
- Advertisement -
- Advertisement -
- Advertisement -