Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Jefferson, Senior Lecturer in Education, Edith Cowan University

It’s become a ritual in our family – after a long day at his rowing regatta, my 17-year-old son and I get fast food on the way home. I am sure there are far more nutritious ways to replace the calories he’s burned. But I make no apologies for the pit stop.

The food is a treat for trying hard all day – rather than whatever place he might have come. I am also sure my son would still compete if there were no hot chips to follow, as he loves the sport.

But parents are often offering their children rewards for to encourage or discourage all sorts of behaviours. They do this from a very young age.

Think of the star chart on the fridge for the 18-month-old to use a potty. Or the ice cream for dessert if homework is done, or a goal is scored at football. For older kids, there might be financial rewards for As in exams.

Is this the best thing to do?

It seems natural to offer a reward

Parents offer rewards because they think it will help a child reach a desired goal.

Kids often need encouragement to do the right thing, even when they absolutely do not feel like doing it. One of our main jobs as parents is to help children learn how to behave, find coping mechanisms when times are tough and reach their potential.

The rewards approach is also used in school classrooms. Kids are offered inducements such as stickers, stamps, early marks and free time if they finish early or do what they are told.

The problem with this (even though kids tend to love it) is it may change the behaviour in the moment, but it’s unlikely to change anything long term.

It means children are working for a reward, rather than engaging with learning or taking their own initiative.

A narrow view of success

By using reward in this way, we paint “success” as a specific outcome, rather than the effort a child or student puts in.

It’s also arguable managing failure is just as important as achieving success. Offering stickers is not going to build psychological resilience or teach kids how to hold space for big feelings or self compassion.

We also know socioemotional and academic development varies wildly for children and teenagers. So definitions of “success” should be flexible enough to accommodate this.

How to frame success for your child

If we want to set young people up as lifelong learners – who will be self-motivated and able to manage their emotions – education and psychology research tells us there are healthier ways to approach success.

Talk about effort not success

This means you are focusing on the process, not the end result. This is more within a child’s control. For instance, if the child is competing in sport, keep the conversation on the number of times they have trained, rather than whether they got a particular time or place.

If they are doing an important exam, focus on how much they have progressed during the year to get to this point, rather than a certain grade.

Focus on what intrinsically drives a kid

By supporting our children in their passions, we also take a strengths-based approach. This means honing in on existing passions, rather than hassling them about problems or things they are less enthused about.

It remains a mystery to me why you would want to climb out of bed at 4.45am to row on icy water. But my son loves to keep fit and be with this friends. It is also a good outlet for any teenage tendencies towards risk-taking. So this means supporting his need to connect, belong and push himself physically (even if it does mean some very early car trips to training).

But another child might be fascinated by playing chess, cheerleading or cooking. These can all involve communication, negotiation, skill development, patience and detailed processes. So success – if and when it comes – is just a bonus.

Keep your love and care unconditional

You may be proud of your kids for achieving something big (such as a certificate at school assembly, or a good grade in a music exam). But your love and care for them should not change.

By the same token, if they get sent out of assembly for talking or never practise the violin, your love and care also does not change.

Don’t say harsh and hurtful things

We all get frustrated with our kids. We all wish they would just do what they need to so we can all get through our day.

But unfortunately, you are the grown up. So, phrases like, “and THIS is why you won’t make the team” or “why you can’t you be more organised like sibling A or B?” are also profoundly unhelpful. They can undermine your child’s self-esteem and confidence. Even if you think it, do not say it.

So, by all means, give your child a treat. And celebrate special occasions. But try to avoid consistently offering rewards as incentives to do or achieve certain things.

Sarah Jefferson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Should you reward kids for success? Or is there a better way to talk about achievement? – https://theconversation.com/should-you-reward-kids-for-success-or-is-there-a-better-way-to-talk-about-achievement-237972

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melissa Eaton, Accredited Practising Dietitian; PhD Candidate, University of Wollongong

We live in a society that glorifies dieting, with around 42% of adults globally having tried to lose weight. Messages about dieting and weight loss are amplified on social media, with a never-ending cycle of weight loss fads and diet trends.

Amid often conflicting messages and misinformation, if you’re looking for diet advice online, it’s easy to become confused and overwhelmed.

So before diving into the latest weight loss trend or extreme diet, consider these four questions to help you make a more informed decision.

1. Is the diet realistic?

Have you considered the financial cost of maintaining the diet or lifestyle, and the time and resources that would be required? For example, do you need to purchase specific products, supplements, or follow a rigid meal plan?

If the diet is coming from someone who is trying to sell you something – such as a particular weight-loss product you need in order to follow the diet – this could be a particular red flag.

Many extreme diet recommendations come from a place of privilege and overlook food access, affordability, cooking skills, where you live, or even your culture and ethics.

If the diet has these sorts of issues it can lead to frustration, stress, stigmatisation and feelings of failure for the person trying to adhere to the diet. But the problem may be with the diet itself – not with you.

2. Is there evidence to support this diet?

Self-proclaimed “experts” online will often make claims focused on specific groups, known as target populations. This might be 30- to 50-year-old men with diabetes, for example.

In some cases, evidence for claims made may come from animal studies, which might not be applicable to humans at all.

So be aware that if research findings are for a group that doesn’t match your profile, then the results might not be relevant to you.

It takes time and a lot of high-quality studies to tell us a “diet” is safe and effective, not just one study. Ask yourself, is it supported by multiple studies in humans? Be critical and question the claims before you accept them.

For accurate information look for government websites, or ask your GP or dietitian.

3. How will this diet affect my life?

Food is much more than calories and nutrients. It plays many roles in our lives, and likewise diets can influence our lives in ways we often overlook.

Socially and culturally, food can be a point of connection and celebration. It can be a source of enjoyment, a source of comfort, or even a way to explore new parts of the world.

So when you’re considering a new diet, think about how it might affect meaningful moments for you. For example, if you’re going travelling, will your diet influence the food choices you make? Will you feel that you can’t sample the local cuisine? Or would you be deterred from going out for dinner with friends because of their choice of restaurant?

4. Will this diet make me feel guilty or affect my mental health?

What is your favourite meal? Does this diet “allow” you to eat it? Imagine visiting your mum who has prepared your favourite childhood meal. How will the diet affect your feelings about these special foods? Will it cause you to feel stressed or guilty about enjoying a birthday cake or a meal cooked by a loved one?

Studies have shown that dieting can negatively impact our mental health, and skipping meals can increase symptoms of depression and anxiety.

Many diets fail to consider the psychological aspects of eating, even though our mental health is just as important as physical health. Eating should not make you feel stressed, anxious, or guilty.

So before starting another diet, consider how it might affect your mental health.

Moving away from a dieting mindset

We’re frequently told that weight loss is the path to better health. Whereas, we can prioritise our health without focusing on our weight. Constant messages about the need to lose weight can also be harmful to mental health, and not necessarily helpful for physical health.

Our research has found eating in a way that prioritises health over weight loss is linked to a range of positive outcomes for our health and wellbeing. These include a more positive relationship with food, and less guilt and stress.

Our research also indicates mindful and intuitive eating practices – which focus on internal cues, body trust, and being present and mindful when eating – are related to lower levels of depression and stress, and greater body image and self-compassion.

But like anything, it takes practice and time to build a positive relationship with food. Be kind to yourself, seek out weight-inclusive health-care professionals, and the changes will come. Finally, remember you’re allowed to find joy in food.

Yasmine Probst receives funding from Multiple Sclerosis Australia and has previously received funding from various industry groups primarily from food-based organisations. She is presently affiliated with the National Health and Medical Research Council, Multiple Sclerosis Plus and Multiple Sclerosis Limited.

Melissa Eaton and Verena Vaiciurgis do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Thinking of trying a new diet? 4 questions to ask yourself before you do – https://theconversation.com/thinking-of-trying-a-new-diet-4-questions-to-ask-yourself-before-you-do-237766

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Taylor, Professor, Department of Medicine, University of Otago

Parents of children and teenagers have long been warned about the dangers of screen time and digital devices before bed – the worry being that screens could harm the sleep patterns of young people.

But do screens really hurt the length and quality of sleep?

Our new research (link to come) found that using screens in bed was worse for sleep than using screens for hours before going to bed.

Sleep guidelines recommend no screen use in the hour or two before bed. But we found screen time in the two hours before bed had little impact on young people’s sleep. Instead, it was screen time once in bed that caused problems.

Using cameras to track device usage and sleep, we found using a device in bed could cause more harm than screen time right up to bedtime.

These findings challenge long-held assumptions about screen time at night and could help parents improve the quality of their children’s sleep.

Connecting sleep and screens

A number of global organisations recommend adolescents stop using devices in the hour or two before bed, and instead undertake activities like reading a book or quiet time with the family.

But these recommendations are based on research with a number of limitations. The studies were designed in such a way that researchers could link sleep and screens. But they don’t tell us if changes in how young people used screens had an affect on the length or quality of sleep.

Most of the existing research also used questionnaires to assess both screen time and sleep. Questionnaires are unlikely to capture true screen time accurately, particularly if you are interested in knowing more than just how long an adolescent has spent on their device.

To address some of these weaknesses in the previous research, we asked 85 adolescents aged between 11 and 14 to wear a body camera on their chest for the three hours before bed, for four nights.

These cameras faced outwards and accurately captured when, what and how adolescents used their screens. Because we were interested in overnight screen time as well, a second infrared camera was placed on a tripod in the teenagers bedroom and captured their screen time while in bed. The research participants also wore an actigraph – a watch-sized device that objectively measured screen time.

Teen nighttime activity

It quickly became obvious the adolescents spent a lot of their screen time while in bed.

Our analysis looked at two time periods – from the two hours before they got into bed, and from once they were in bed (clearly under the covers) until they put their devices down and were clearly trying to go to sleep.

Our data showed 99% of the adolescents used screens in the two hours before bed, more than half once they were in bed, and a third even after first trying to go to sleep for the night. Just one teenager did not use screens before bed on any of the four nights.

The screen time before they got into bed had little impact on their sleep that night. However, screen time once in bed did impair their sleep. It stopped them from going to sleep for about half an hour, and reduced the amount of sleep they got that night.

This was particularly true for more interactive screen activities like gaming and multitasking – when they use more than one device at the same time (like watching a movie on Netflix on a laptop while playing Xbox on a gaming device).

In fact, every additional ten minutes of this type of screen time reduced the amount of sleep they got that night by almost the same amount – nine minutes.

Revisiting guidelines

Our research was an observational study looking at the established screen habits of young people.

The next step to better understanding this will be to conduct experiments that can actually prove different types and timings of screen time affect sleep.

That said, what we have already found challenges existing guidelines. Screens at night may not be the bogey man they have been made out to be. But allowing young people to have screens in bed can be detrimental to their quality of sleep.

So the simple message might be to keep those devices out of the bedroom.

Rachael Taylor receives funding from Lottery Health New Zealand.

– ref. It’s almost impossible to keep teens off their phones in bed – but new research shows it really does affect their sleep – https://theconversation.com/its-almost-impossible-to-keep-teens-off-their-phones-in-bed-but-new-research-shows-it-really-does-affect-their-sleep-237955

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Loughran, Director Radiation Research and Advice (ARPANSA), and Adjunct Associate Professor (UOW), University of Wollongong

A systematic review into the potential health effects from radio wave exposure has shown mobile phones are not linked to brain cancer. The review was commissioned by the World Health Organization and is published today in the journal Environment International.

Mobile phones are often held against the head during use. And they emit radio waves, a type of non-ionising radiation. These two factors are largely why the idea mobile phones might cause brain cancer emerged in the first place.

The possibility that mobile phones might cause cancer has been a long-standing concern. Mobile phones – and wireless tech more broadly – are a major part of our daily lives. So it’s been vital for science to address the safety of radio wave exposure from these devices.

Over the years, the scientific consensus has remained strong – there’s no association between mobile phone radio waves and brain cancer, or health more generally.

Radiation as a possible carcinogen

Despite the consensus, occasional research studies have been published that suggested the possibility of harm.

In 2011, the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) classified radio wave exposure as a possible carcinogen to humans. The meaning of this classification was largely misunderstood and led to some increase in concern.

IARC is part of the World Health Organization. Its classification of radio waves as a possible carcinogen was largely based on limited evidence from human observational studies. Also known as epidemiological studies, they observe the rate of disease and how it may be caused in human populations.

Observational studies are the best tool researchers have to investigate long-term health effects in humans, but the results can often be biased.

The IARC classification relied on previous observational studies where people with brain cancer reported they used a mobile phone more than they actually did. One example of this is known as the INTERPHONE study.

This new systematic review of human observational studies is based on a much larger data set compared to what the IARC examined in 2011.

It includes more recent and more comprehensive studies. This means we can now be more confident that exposure to radio waves from mobile phones or wireless technologies is not associated with an increased risk of brain cancer.

No association

The new review forms part of a series of systematic reviews commissioned by the World Health Organization to look more closely at possible health effects associated with exposure to radio waves.

This systematic review provides the strongest evidence to date that radio waves from wireless technologies are not a hazard to human health.

It is the most comprehensive review on this topic – it considered more than 5,000 studies, of which 63, published between 1994 and 2022, were included in the final analysis. The main reason studies were excluded was that they were not actually relevant; this is very normal with search results from systematic reviews.

No association between mobile phone use and brain cancer, or any other head or neck cancer, was found.

There was also no association with cancer if a person used a mobile phone for ten or more years (prolonged use). How often they used it – either based on the number of calls or the time spent on the phone – also didn’t make a difference.

Importantly, these findings align with previous research. It shows that, although the use of wireless technologies has massively increased in the past few decades, there has been no rise in the incidence of brain cancers.

A good thing

Overall, the results are very reassuring. They mean that our national and international safety limits are protective. Mobile phones emit low-level radio waves below these safety limits, and there is no evidence exposure to these has an impact on human health.

Despite this, it is important that research continues. Technology is developing at a rapid pace. With this development comes the use of radio waves in different ways using different frequencies. It is therefore essential that science continues to ensure radio wave exposure from these technologies remains safe.

The challenge we now face is making sure this new research counteracts the persistent misconceptions and misinformation out there regarding mobile phones and brain cancer.

There remains no evidence of any established health effects from exposures related to mobile phones, and that is a good thing.

Sarah Loughran receives funding from The National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC). She is the Director of Radiation Research and Advice at the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency (ARPANSA), a member of the Scientific Expert Group at the International Commission on Non-Ionizing Radiation Protection (ICNIRP), and a member of the World Health Organisation Task Group on Radiofrequency Fields and Health Risks.

Ken Karipidis is the Assistant Director of Health Impact Assessment at the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency and he is also the Vice Chair of the International Commission of Non-Ionizing Radiation Protection.

– ref. Mobile phones are not linked to brain cancer, according to a major review of 28 years of research – https://theconversation.com/mobile-phones-are-not-linked-to-brain-cancer-according-to-a-major-review-of-28-years-of-research-237882

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Mike Burgess is highly respected by both Labor and Liberal politicians. When they talk about him, they nearly always throw in praise, sometimes fulsome.

That’s to the good for the ASIO chief, because if he were less well regarded he’d have been in even more trouble for the tangle he got himself into trying to explain when a fleeing Gazan might or might not be judged a security risk.

After weeks of controversy, Burgess has now attempted to clean up the mess he left after his ABC Insiders interview last month.

Predictably, however, that’s just set off another round of the row between the opposition and Labor over the visas-for-Gazans issue.

Burgess says people chose to “distort” his initial comments. Perhaps, but the lesson is clear. If the head of a security organisation gives a major interview, they need to make sure what they say is crystal clear, to minimise the risk of any such “distortion”.

Usually, people in these roles live in the shadows, but Burgess obviously likes to be out in the open, arguing the importance of transparency and the need “to explain the threats to the people you protect”. That inevitably carries the risk of becoming part of the political argy-bargy.

Burgess told Insiders on August 11 that if a person expressed “just rhetorical support [for Hamas], and they don’t have an ideology or support for a violent extremism ideology, then that’s not a problem. If they have a support for that ideology that will be a problem” in relation to a security assessment.

This distinction raised some eyebrows. One, albeit not the only, reason was because Burgess didn’t emphasise adequately the distinction between an ASIO security assessment and visa assessments, which come under Home Affairs. The latter involve a “character” test, apart from (if appropriate) a security one.

Burgess is now back on ABC television, this time with a 7.30 interview that is yet to air. In his latest remarks, he has toughened and made more specific what he says ASIO will judge negatively for security purposes.

“If you think terrorism is OK, if you think the destruction of the State of Israel is OK, if you think Hamas and what they did on the 7th of October is OK, I can tell you that is not OK, and from an ASIO security assessment point of view, you will not pass muster.

“We focus on: Are you a threat to security, a direct or indirect threat to security? And if we find you such, we will do an adverse security assessment, which would result in you not getting a visa, most likely.”

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton welcomed Burgess’s clarification, but seized the opportunity to again accuse Anthony Albanese of misleading parliament by “suggesting that ASIO had checked each of these [Gazan] individuals – which they haven’t”.

“I think he’s put Mr Burgess in a difficult position. I think, frankly, the prime minister should be apologising to the ASIO boss for what they’ve put in place, which has made ASIO’s job much harder.”

Coalition home affairs spokesman James Paterson said he had assumed all along Burgess’s latest comments were the views he held.

“I didn’t think that he thought it was a good idea to bring Hamas supporters into our country,” Paterson said.

“My criticism and the opposition’s criticism has always been focussed on the government. And frankly, that criticism is even more acute today because what Mike Burgess has now said is that bringing Hamas supporters into our country is not a good idea, because they are a threat to our national security.”

Albanese hit back at the opposition, accusing it of undermining Burgess’s work. “It’s extraordinary, frankly, that the Coalition went into question time day after day after day and through their questioning, were questioning Mike Burgess’ determination to keep Australians safe.”

The PM reiterated that Burgess had his total confidence.

Oh and, “Mike Burgess is a big boy – he can speak for himself and he has,” Albanese said.

He didn’t say whether he wished the ASIO head had spoken a little less, or a little better, on Insiders.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. View from The Hill: ASIO chief seeks to dig out of the hole he’d made for himself – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-asio-chief-seeks-to-dig-out-of-the-hole-hed-made-for-himself-238081

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Welch, Senior Lecturer in Urban Planning, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

The government’s new National Land Transport Programme (NLTP) could easily have been renamed the “highway funding project”, given its intense focus on road building.

Released yesterday, the plan outlines funding priorities for the next three years. If it comes to fruition, much of the spending will be driven into major highway schemes, and steered away from sustainable transport alternatives for the main cities.

The programme allocates NZ$7 billion for state highway improvements between now and 2027, most of which goes to the newest iteration of the so-called Roads of National Significance (RoNS). On top of this massive highway bill, the programme gives another $1 billion in contingency funding to accelerated planning of the RoNS.

But the total $8 billion price tag doesn’t actually buy new highways. The roads are several years, if not decades, away from becoming a reality. Instead, these funds will be dedicated to extensive planning, design and preparatory work, rather than actual construction.

For many of those road projects, the current NLTP period focuses on route protection, environmental assessments, property acquisition and preliminary designs.

The State Highway 1 Warkworth-to-Wellsford project, for instance, will only begin construction late in this NLTP period. Others, like the East-West Link and State Highway 29 Tauriko West projects, are still in the development and route protection stages.

Even more telling, projects such as the State Highway 16 North-West alternative highway won’t see any construction during this NLTP period. Nor will the State Highway 6 Hope Bypass in Nelson, which won’t break ground until 2029.

Funding the status quo

The approach effectively commits billions in taxpayer dollars to preparatory work without delivering any tangible infrastructure improvements. New Zealanders will likely find themselves stuck in worsening traffic, waiting for highways that may never materialise.

These projects could easily be sidelined by future budget constraints or changing political priorities. A growing recognition of induced demand – where new roads generate more traffic rather than alleviate congestion – and the looming challenges of climate change risk these carbon-intensive projects being obsolete before they even begin.

Meanwhile, projects that could address far more severe congestion in the main cities are being cut back or indefinitely postponed.

Transport Minister Simeon Brown’s election promise to prioritise mending potholes – essentially a rebranding of standard road maintenance – will also significantly affect transport funding.

In all, a staggering $10.06 billion will be spent maintaining and operating the overbuilt road network, including:

• $2.07 billion allocated for state highway pothole prevention

• $2.3 billion for state highway operations

• $3.44 billion for local road pothole prevention

• $2.25 billion for local road operations.

This enormous sum, mainly dedicated to preserving the status quo, raises questions about the financial sustainability and efficiency of our current transport infrastructure model.

Back seat for public transport

The road-building focus of the new NLTP will draw funding away from projects that offer the best bet of reducing urban congestion, lowering the number of road deaths and meaningfully curbing transport emissions.

The programme pulls the plug on new cycling and walking projects, furthering the culture war Brown ignited when he took the reins as transport minister. Announcing his plan, he claimed New Zealanders were “sick and tired of the amount of money going into cycleways”.

A mere $460 million is allocated for walking and cycling over the entire three-year period, a fraction of the billions earmarked for highways.

This also represents a significant decrease from previous NLTP periods, with the document merely stating there is “no available funding for new projects” in this area.

With the focus on completing already committed projects and maintaining existing infrastructure, it’s a clear signal active transport modes have been pushed aside in favour of the government’s asphalt aspirations.

Public transport funding also falls prey to the new highway building programme. While the NLTP allocates $3.73 billion for public transport services and $2.64 billion for infrastructure, the lion’s share of this is earmarked for maintaining existing services, with very little left for expansion.

Roads to nowhere?

There is no grand vision for public transport. A mere $136 million is allocated for service improvements across the entire country. Auckland, already choking on traffic, gets a mere $100 million. Christchurch gets $8 million.

Even more alarming is the expectation of increased fare revenue and third-party funding for public transport. The transport plan involves squeezing more money out of commuters already struggling with the cost-of-living, while simultaneously starving the system of the investment it needs.

Auckland’s Northwest Rapid Transit corridor has been left dangling, its fate tied to “additional funding availability”. The message seems clear: highways are a necessity, but efficient urban transit is a luxury.

This NLTP isn’t just a missed opportunity, it’s a deliberate U-turn away from the sustainable, efficient urban transport systems the cities need. Rather than investing in New Zealanders having a genuine choice in how they move in the future, it shackles them to a car-dependent past – one pothole-free highway at a time.

Timothy Welch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Spinning its wheels: the new national transport plan steers NZ back to a car-dependent past – https://theconversation.com/spinning-its-wheels-the-new-national-transport-plan-steers-nz-back-to-a-car-dependent-past-238066

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Russell Fewster, Lecturer in Performing Arts, University of South Australia

For Jack Hibberd, writing plays came from an “geographical accident”. As a young medical intern in the 1960s, he “fell in with the bohemian” Carlton Melbourne milieu that saw something in his poetry that suggested “monologues of a theatrical quality”.

These “bohemian” friends would later to go on to coalesce around La Mama and the Pram Factory with the Australian Performing Group, key incubators of Australian playwriting and a reminder that artists flourish in a supportive community.

In a self-effacing manner, Hibberd recounted his playwriting began from “theatrical ignorance”. He saw this approach as having “virtue”: he had “no preconceptions and leapt straight in”.

Hibberd, who has died at 84, will be remembered for his near 40 plays that would attract both national and international audiences – most notably, the first Chinese production of an Australian play with A Stretch of the Imagination (1987).

Finding the Australian voice

Hibberd’s first play Three old Friends (1967) was also the first production at La Mama. In a theatrical landscape dominated by scripts imported from England, Hibberd described the work as an “uninhibited use of Australian language”.

It is easy to forget the struggle for a post-war Australian culture to emerge from a British-centric domination. Playwriting would be key to the establishment and acceptance of a stage language of our own.

As Hibberd’s writing developed, British playwright Harold Pinter would be critical in inspiring Hibberd to focus on specific idiosyncratic dialogue. This would go hand in hand with Australian audiences lapping up hearing their own dialogue.

This was the New Wave of Australian theatre in the late 60s and early 70s. Hibberd and other local writers were exploring how we saw ourselves as Australian as against British.

The irony being, our writers were drawing on experimental European forms to re-create our own sense of Australianness.

Examining Australian cultural identity

Australian theatre historian Julian Meyrick notes Hibberd was the inheritor of Patrick White’s Expressionism, though more accurately able to acutely manage the dynamic between realism and anti-realism.

Hibberd’s A Stretch of the Imagination (1972), where the sole character Monk has no “being or self”, straddles this dichotomy situated in both an archetypal realist bush location and a deliberate bareness that reflects the setting of the absurdist tradition of Samuel Beckett.

Hibberd’s visualisation is similar to his use of dialogue: precise and economical. Hibberd begun writing this play with a visual concept: “I got into my noggin to see this oldish chap, very difficult chap, disgruntled contrary character with a rich life.”

This was a multi-faceted loner and exile who swung between a “typical Australian Larrikin to someone who claimed to have met Proust in Paris!”

Identity was fluid in this re-examination of an archetypal Australian cultural identity through intelligence and humour.

Bringing in the audience

His other landmark work, Dimboola (1969), concerns ritual and expresses Hibberd’s acute ear for the idiomatic quality of Australian regional dialect. The genesis began in London, where Hibberd was inspired from the audience participation in the experimental theatre he saw there.

As Hibberd recounts: “most of it didn’t work [and] it needed a structure, a form, a social ritual”. It became a wedding reception, the play being staged in halls made up to feel like a true reception, with the audience taking the place of the wedding guests.

In an interview, Hibberd crunched his fists together to explain:

It was a clash of clans. Two families trying to outdo each other: clothes, speech, social games or violence.

This was a sociological approach that again was sophisticated in its use of colloquial language. Hibberd chose the name Dimboola, a town in regional western Victoria, due to the “three flat stresses going across the mallee” revealing his dry and uncanny understanding of the subtext of language.

After its first production by the Pram Factory, many versions followed. The play had reportedly taken over $1 million at the box office by 1974. By 1978, it was estimated 350,00 people had seen it performed. It was made into a feature film in 1979, and launched an industry of dinner theatre productions in regional Australia.

For all its success, Hibberd considered a regional amateur production in Ararat the best because it was “bizarrely funny”.

His contemporary, Adrian Guthrie told me that, at the time, Hibberd’s work was “a phenomena with an acute sense of poetic language [via a] rich sophisticated Australian English”.

Writing until the end

His swansong, Killing Time, had its premiere just last year, appropriately at La Mama. Reviews said it brought forward the “inevitability of time” and death, but with still an “existential kick”.

Hibberd’s poetic voice, combined with experimental form, revolutionised Australian theatre and continued to inspire.

Dramaturg and director Tom Healey described Hibberd as

standing as an artist ranks with the likes of Boyd, Nolan, Hester and Tucker […] just as the Modernists dragged Australian painting firmly into the avant-garde, so the New Wave playwrights did the same for Australian theatre.

Hibberd will leave a powerful legacy through his contribution to Australian playwriting and culture.

Russell Fewster received funding from Adelaide Fringe/ArtSA and the Adelaide City Council for his recent production Two of Them that he wrote, directed and produced.

– ref. Remembering Jack Hibberd: the revolutionary playwright who heard Australia, and reflected us back to ourselves – https://theconversation.com/remembering-jack-hibberd-the-revolutionary-playwright-who-heard-australia-and-reflected-us-back-to-ourselves-237967

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Twomey, Professor Emerita in Constitutional Law, University of Sydney

Australia’s new Governor-General, Sam Mostyn, recently said that she does not fit the usual idea of a governor-general – especially the type of person we expect to see as the commander-in-chief of the Australian Defence Force (ADF). But those expectations are beginning to change, and Mostyn, from a military family, is challenging them, while respecting the importance of the role of the military in Australia and the sacrifices involved in military life.

What is the governor-general’s role as commander-in-chief?

Section 68 of the Commonwealth Constitution vests the command-in-chief of the naval and military forces of the Commonwealth in the governor-general, as the monarch’s representative. This is of symbolic importance, as it ensures the defence force is formally headed by a civilian (even though the governor-general has sometimes been an ex-military officer), rather than a military leader or a politician.

In fulfilling this role, however, the governor-general is obliged by convention (and sometimes by statute) to act on the advice of ministers. This can happen either through the Federal Executive Council, which is the formal way by which ministers advise the governor-general, or by direct advice from the defence minister or the prime minister.

The governor-general’s powers as commander-in-chief are not regarded as “reserve powers” that can be exercised contrary to, or without, the advice of his or her responsible ministers. The governor-general cannot call out the defence forces at will and use them to assume command over the country.

Why is the governor-general also commander-in-chief?

When Sir Ninian Stephen, a former High Court judge, was governor-general, he gave a speech in which he analysed the interpretation of section 68 of the Constitution. Sir Ninian had seen where military power could lead, having attended Hitler’s 1938 Nuremberg rally as a tourist while a teenager, and having fought for Australia during the second world war. He was therefore very cautious in his analysis of the control of military power in Australia.

In that speech, Sir Ninian outlined the colourful history of the relationship between vice-regal office and the role of commander-in-chief throughout colonial times. He explained how the role had transformed from being a powerful and practical one, to becoming titular in nature.

He pointed to the 1898 Constitutional Convention debates over the drafting of section 68 of the Constitution. Alfred Deakin wanted particular words included that said the governor-general could only exercise the powers of commander-in-chief on the advice of ministers in the Federal Executive Council. Edmund Barton, who went on to become Australia’s first prime minister, considered that these words were unnecessary because it was clear the governor-general’s powers were only titular.

Everyone agreed the governor-general would have no substantive military power – it was just a matter of how this was best described. Barton won the dispute, so there is no mention of the Federal Executive Council in section 68. But it is still the case that the governor-general must act on ministerial advice when exercising the powers of the commander-in-chief.

What type of powers are exercised?

Some powers, such as the power to declare war and the power to deploy troops, remain prerogative powers. This means they can be exercised by the executive government without any source in a statute. Most powers regarding defence, however, are now set out in detail in the Defence Act 1903.

Even though the governor-general is “commander-in-chief” of the ADF, section 9 of the Defence Act says the chief of the defence force “has command of the Defence Force”. In other words, the chief has the direct day-to-day power to command its activities.

In contrast, section 8 says the defence minister has “general control and administration of the Defence Force”, and that the chief of the defence force must comply with any directions of the minister.

There are nonetheless statutory limits to that compliance. For example, section 39 says that when the governor-general makes a call-out order, the chief of the defence force must utilise the force in “such a manner as is reasonable and necessary” for the purpose specified in the order. In doing so, the chief of the defence force must comply with ministerial directions, but must not stop or restrict any protest, dissent, assembly or industrial action, unless there is a reasonable likelihood of death or serious injury or serious damage to property.

The role of the governor-general is more formal than that of the chief of the defence force. It includes appointing the chief of the defence force and terminating that appointment, on the recommendation of the prime minister. In a time of war, the governor-general’s powers become more serious, including the power to issue a proclamation to conscript people to serve in the ADF.

Most importantly, it is the governor-general who formally issues a “call out order” for the deployment of the ADF to protect Commonwealth interests, such as infrastructure, or Commonwealth functions, such as the holding of elections, from violence. A call out order can also be issued, in accordance with section 119 of the Constitution, to protect a state or territory from internal violence, such as terrorism or riots, at the request of the state or territory government.

The governor-general makes a call out order under Part IIIAAA of the Defence Act, if the prime minister, the attorney-general and the defence minister are all satisfied certain conditions have been met that would justify the call out.

In making or revoking the call out order, the governor-general must act on the advice of the Federal Executive Council, or in a case of urgency, the advice of one of the prime minister, the attorney-general or the defence minister.

A symbolic role

But in the absence of war, violence and disaster, the governor-general’s defence role is mostly symbolic. He or she visits military units and presents them with colours, banners and other honours. The governor-general commemorates Australia’s war dead and military action in different ceremonies throughout the year. It is an important role that requires dignity, compassion and appreciation, and one to which the new governor-general seems well suited.

Anne Twomey has received funding from the Australian Research Council. She sometimes does consultancy work for Governments, Parliaments and inter-governmental bodies.

– ref. Explainer: the governor-general is also commander-in-chief of the defence forces. What does this mean in practice? – https://theconversation.com/explainer-the-governor-general-is-also-commander-in-chief-of-the-defence-forces-what-does-this-mean-in-practice-237959

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Haiqing Yu, Professor, School of Media and Communication, RMIT University

Blockbuster Chinese video game Black Myth: Wukong sold more than 10 million copies within days of its release last month, and its success has been hailed as a soft-power win for the Asian superpower.

However, as a Chinese idiom states, “the intention of the drunkard lies not on the wine, but on other purposes”.

China’s push into the gaming industry also serves a “harder” kind of power: the drive to bolster domestic chip manufacturing in the wake of US semiconductor export restrictions aimed at hobbling Chinese AI research.

Blockbuster gaming with Chinese characteristics

Set in the world of Ming dynasty novel Journey to the West, Black Myth: Wukong lets players control Wukong, the Monkey King, on a journey of battles and mysteries inspired by ancient Chinese mythology.

The expansive, high-budget game is the first Chinese production on this scale to achieve such global success. Developed and published by Game Science, a studio backed by tech giant Tencent, Black Myth: Wukong shows how popular culture can follow the propaganda injunction to “tell China’s story well”.

As I have commented elsewhere, despite criticisms in Western media the game is a successful cultural export and vehicle of Chinese cultural soft power.

It is a source of national pride for Chinese gamers tired of playing games with foreign settings, as illustrated by a popular post circulating on Chinese social media platforms:

你曾在大马士革骑过马
在美国西部小镇开枪决斗
也在埃及当过刺客
现在
你终于可以回到家乡
做自己的英雄

Or in English (my translation):

You once rode a horse in Damascus,
Duelled with guns in a small town in the American West,
Also served as an assassin in Egypt.
Now
You can finally return home
And be your own hero

The Chinese game industry levels up

Chinese government support for gaming is not new. For instance, in 2019, the Beijing municipal government issued guidelines aimed at establishing the city as the “international capital of online games” and leveraging games as a medium to convey compelling Chinese narratives.

The “go global” strategy for gaming has been further strengthened by broader policies implemented in 2021, 2022 and 2023, which aim to cultivate the development and international expansion of high-quality games that resonate with Chinese culture and values.

While the industry has had earlier successes with mobile gaming, Black Myth: Wukong is designed for the more expensive and prestigious console and PC gaming markets (which also require more advanced software and hardware). The success of the game has seen more money flowing into China’s game industry to develop major projects.

China is the world’s largest single market for games, but domestic restrictions such as censorship, limits on children’s gaming time, and controls on in-game spending and gambling have curbed revenue for Chinese game developers. In response, they are looking to global markets.

Blockbuster game development can be a winner-takes-all business, and the high development costs mean resources typically concentrate among top companies. So it may be a long journey for China to emerge as a true leader in the global gaming market.

A critical barrier lies in hardware, particularly the supply of advanced chips – and the technological capabilities required to develop and produce them. This is the vital linchpin for digital China’s global supremacy.

Heavy-duty gaming hardware

Chinese policymakers, tech companies, members of the gaming industry and gamers are acutely aware of the hardware bottlenecks resulting from the US–China tech war. Over the past two years, the US has imposed restrictions on the export of advanced chips to China.

While the restrictions are aimed at chips that can be used for AI, the same hardware is also needed for high-end games like Black Myth: Wukong.

The game is promoted by American chip company NVIDIA, which leads the market in the graphics processing units (GPUs) needed for cutting-edge graphics and machine learning. NVIDIA boasts it helped elevate Black Myth: Wukong’s graphics and technology to the highest levels.

To experience the game’s visuals in their full glory, a player will need an NVIDIA GPU such as the RTX 4090, which costs upwards of A$3,000. Players must also prepare their PCs with various AI-powered “upscaling” technologies, such as NVIDIA’s DLSS or alternatives made by competitor chipmakers AMD and Intel.

Currently, the best GPUs and upscaling technologies are all manufactured by American companies, leaving Chinese game developers and players without domestic options.

China has made significant investments in its domestic chipmaking capabilities. However, it is not yet competitive when it comes to the advanced chips needed for cutting-edge gaming, which are also useful for AI and military applications.

China has also targeted chipmakers in the Netherlands and South Korea, in line with its comprehensive national security strategy.

Serious games

The realms of semiconductor microchips, computer gaming and national security are deeply intertwined. Nurturing the gaming industry will stimulate demand for advanced chips – which will create a market for increased manufacturing capabilities. Industry-driven, bottom-up initiatives will proceed alongside state-led, top-down investments.

It is no wonder Chinese state media and affiliated social media influencers have all been promoting the game. It is more than boosting the gaming industry or telling Chinese stories well (and thus encouraging Western players to learn more about Chinese culture and Chinese players to take pride in their own culture).

The game is part of China’s strategic move to win the chip war by following’s Mao’s teaching of “encircling the cities from the countryside”. The short-term focus on the “countryside” of video games is for the long-term goal of taking over the “cities” of advanced chip manufacturing.

Haiqing Yu receives funding from the Australia Research Council.

– ref. ‘Be your own hero’: why video games are a battleground in the US–China tech war – https://theconversation.com/be-your-own-hero-why-video-games-are-a-battleground-in-the-us-china-tech-war-237966

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan van den Hoek, Senior Lecturer, Clinical Exercise Physiology, University of the Sunshine Coast

The Paris Olympics have been and gone but memories of the athletes’ achievements will live on, from Mondo Duplantis breaking his own pole vault world record for the ninth time, to Sifan Hassan winning gold in women’s marathon after winning bronze in the 5,000 and 10,000m on the track earlier in the games.

For many viewers, performances like this inspire us to achieve more and strive for better.

Now, we have another opportunity for inspiration through the Paralympic Games.

Getting started

The genesis of the Paralympic Games came after the second world war, when Ludwig Guttman founded a spinal injuries centre at the Stoke Mandeville Hospital in Great Britain.

The rehabilitative power of sport led to the development of the Stoke Mandeville Games in 1948 when 16 injured servicemen and women competed in archery.

Following the growth of these games, the Paralympic Games were first held in Rome in 1960 with 400 athletes from 23 countries.

In 1976, the Paralympic Winter Games were introduced, and while the summer and winter games were held every four years, they were not aligned with the host cities for the Olympic Games.

Since 1988 (Seoul, Korea), the Paralympics and Olympics have taken part in the same cities following agreement from the International Olympic Committee and the International Paralympic Committee.

Incredible athletes

Some of the feats achieved by para athletes are truly remarkable.

George Eyser was a US gymnast and Olympian at the 1904 Olympic Games in St Louis, Missouri.

Eyser won six medals (three gold) within the space of one day. The fact Eyser achieved this success with a prosthetic leg sets him apart.

Eyser though is not the only athlete with a disability to achieve incredible feats and he is not the only athlete with a disability to compete at the Olympic Games.

Australian table tennis player Melissa Tapper is the first Australian athlete to qualify for the Olympic and Paralympic teams.

Tapper has competed at three Olympic Games (2016-2024) and four Paralympic Games (2012-2024), winning a silver medal in the class 9-10 women’s event at Rio in 2016.

In para-cycling, athletes with physical disabilities compete across three different disciplines (bicycling, tricycling and hand cycling) and are classified into one of five classes (C1-C5).

Athletes across these classes reach impressive speeds on the track that near those of athletes without a disability.

In the C1 class (for athletes with the greatest degree of impairment) athletes average speeds approximately 75% of non-disabled cyclists while the C5 class reached 90% during the 1km time trial on the track.

On the athletics track, it’s hard to go past the performances of Madison de Rozario, who will compete at her fifth Paralympic Games in Paris.

With six medals (two gold, three silver, one bronze) leading into Paris, de Rozario has already added a bronze medal in the 5000m T54 class to her tally.

While many people can tell you that US swimmer Michael Phelps won 23 gold medals, three silver, and two bronze, he is still a whopping 27 medals behind the greatest Paralympian of all time. US swimmer Trischa Zorn competed at seven Paralympic Games (1980 – 2004) and won 55 medals.

Not only did Zorn win a phenomenal number of medals, 41 of them were gold (12 in Seoul 1988). Remarkably, more than 60% of the top ten most decorated gold medallists at the Summer Paralympic Games are para swimmers.

The Paralympics are a chance for us to celebrate the diversity and success of athletes with disabilities.

In many cases, the performances of these athletes meet or exceed those of their Olympic counterparts.

This is especially true on the athletics track, where wheelchair world records are faster than Olympic records for every distance greater than 400m.

For power sports, look no further than the para-powerlifting, where athletes with disabilities would hold almost all bench press world records.

Unique events

Performance comparisons are usually possible because most Paralympic sports are also contested at the Olympic Games.

However, some sports, such as goalball and boccia are exclusive to the Paralympic Games.

Boccia, in particular, is notable for its inclusivity, as it caters to athletes with severe impairments who are often underrepresented in para sport.

Boccia athletes are classified into four sport classes — BC1 to BC4 — and compete in singles, pairs, and team events. Their goal is to throw, kick or roll a set number of balls of varying hardness and texture as close as possible to a target white ball, known as the “jack,” using their arms, legs, or a ramp device (for BC3 athletes).

Australia has yet to claim a gold medal in Boccia, but there is hope on the horizon, with Dan Michel and Jamieson Leeson poised to make history for the country in this sport.

So, as we watch these fantastic athletes in Paris, let’s remember, the Paralympic Games are not a sideshow or a follow-up to the Olympics – they are a world class, high-performance experience to be celebrated in their own right.

Dan van den Hoek has undertaken unpaid consultancy and research in collaboration with World Para Powerlifting (WPPO) and provided research guidance to Paralympics Australia.

Angelo Macaro works for Sporting Wheelies and collaborates in an unpaid capacity with the School of Human Movement and Nutrition Sciences at The University of Queensland.

– ref. After being wowed by Olympic athletes in Paris, it’s time to take notice of exceptional Paralympic exploits – https://theconversation.com/after-being-wowed-by-olympic-athletes-in-paris-its-time-to-take-notice-of-exceptional-paralympic-exploits-237968

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Voisey, Research Fellow in the School of Earth, Atmosphere, & Environment, Monash University

Humanity’s fascination with gold stretches back thousands of years. Gold mining is described in ancient Greek and Roman sources, and gold rushes – especially in the 19th century – played a powerful role in shaping the modern world.

The dense, yellow metal is often found in veins of the rocky mineral quartz. This is because the two condense together from hot fluids underground as a result of changes in temperature, pressure and chemistry.

Geologists understand this process quite well, but large gold nuggets have been a bit of a mystery. Gold is only dissolved in natural fluids at around one part per million, so how does it concentrate into lumps that weigh tens or even hundreds of kilograms?

As we report today in Nature Geoscience, the answer likely has to do with the unusual electrical properties of quartz – and what happens when an earthquake puts it under pressure.

Quartz under pressure

Quartz is what is called a piezoelectric material. There aren’t many minerals like this on Earth, and quartz is by far the most abundant.

Piezoelectric materials generate an instantaneous electric charge when put under stress – when there is a physical force compressing or stretching them. The bigger the force, the bigger the charge.

Quartz is one of the most strongly piezoelectric materials found in nature. Its piezoelectricity is what provides the spark in a BBQ lighter, as well as making most wristwatches tick.

During earthquakes, the movement of Earth’s tectonic plates can put quartz in the ground under huge stress. This can produce significant buildups of electric charge. Some have suggested this may be the cause of “earthquake lights” – flashes or glows in the sky seen during an earthquake.

Could this piezoelectricity also have something to do with how gold nuggets form?

Dissolved gold

The largest gold nuggets are often found in places where fluids flow through faults in rock during earthquakes. This creates veins of quartz that can contain gold.

It takes hundreds or thousands of earthquakes to create a deposit, so the quartz crystals in veins may experience thousands of episodes of stress.

When gold is dissolved in a natural fluid, it is often bonded to other molecules. If something makes these molecules unstable, the gold atoms may pop out of these molecules and form a deposit on a nearby surface.

One thing that can destabilise a molecule is hitting it with an electron. We know quartz can develop a buildup of electrons when stressed – as happens during an earthquake – but can it transfer these electrons to gold dissolved in a fluid?

We needed a way to find out.

A mini earthquake in the lab

Doing experiments with real earthquakes is quite tricky, so we tried to simulate one in the laboratory. We designed an experiment to replicate the “rattling” a quartz crystal would feel during an earthquake.

Our experiments involved submerging quartz crystals in gold-bearing fluids and then applying back-and-forth stress to the crystal with a motor. Each time the motor head hit the quartz, it generated a voltage.

Afterwards, we put the quartz sample under an electron scanning microscope to see if any gold had been deposited on the quartz surface. The results were shocking! (Sorry.)

Not only did we see gold deposited onto the quartz surface, we also saw it clumping together into nanoparticles. What’s more, once the process began, gold was more likely to be deposited onto existing grains of gold than on quartz.

This actually makes a lot of sense, as quartz is an electrical insulator and gold conducts electricity. The existing gold grains adopt the electric potential from the nearby quartz and become the focus of reactions that deposit gold.

Industrial gold-plating works in much the same way, only here we are gold-plating other gold.

Back to nuggets

Now we know how quartz and gold behave this way in the lab, we can think about geology again.

Some of the most impressive gold nuggets ever found have been in quartz veins where gold-bearing fluids flow through faults in earthquake-prone rock.

During seismic activity, the stress on quartz can generate piezoelectric voltages capable of drawing gold from these fluids. Once deposited, gold becomes the focus of further piezoelectric plating as fluid infiltration continues – so the gold deposits grow bigger over time.

Over millions and millions of years, this process will be repeated again and again. Is this the reason we see such large gold nuggets in this kind of quartz vein? We think it must be at least part of the picture.

Christopher Voisey receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Minerals Research Institute of Western Australia.

– ref. How do you make a giant gold nugget? Take a vein of quartz, add a few thousand earthquakes – https://theconversation.com/how-do-you-make-a-giant-gold-nugget-take-a-vein-of-quartz-add-a-few-thousand-earthquakes-236694

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Cunneen, Professor of Criminology, University of Technology Sydney

This article contains information on deaths in custody and the violence experienced by First Nations people in encounters with the Australian carceral system. It also contains references to and the names of people who are now deceased.

The treatment of Australia’s children and young people is back on the national agenda.

The inquest into the death of 16-year-old Yamatji boy Cleveland Dodd in Casuarina Prison has unveiled systemic failings in the Western Australian government’s management of youth justice. The former head of the Department of Justice deemed it “institutional abuse”.

Late last week, another 17-year-old boy was reported to have died in WA’s Banksia Hill Detention Centre.

In Queensland, the Inspector of Detention Services recently reported children and young people at Cleveland Youth Detention Centre were spending extended periods (more than 20 hours) in solitary confinement, either in their rooms or in designated separation rooms with no toilet, no running water and no furniture. Six young people were in “separation” for more than 71 consecutive days.

If there is a sense of déjà vu, it’s because we have been here many times before. These problems have been endemic to imprisoning children and young people throughout Australia for at least the past decade and a half.

And yet, we’ve seen political attempts to curb youth crime by lowering the age of criminal responsibility and putting more young people behind bars. Time and evidence have shown us while these messages appeal to the public’s genuine desire for safety, they don’t make us any safer at all.

The politics of youth crime

The new Country Liberal Party government in the Northern Territory wants to lower the age of criminal responsibility to ten, to change bail laws and introduce boot camps.

It comes off the back of widespread community concern about law and order during the election campaign.

In the lead-up to the Queensland election, both Labor and the Coalition are racing to outdo each other to adopt more punitive law and order policies towards young people.

The Coalition launched its “adult crime, adult time” policy which would see children and young people tried as adults for serious crimes.

The state Labor government recently passed a bill which, among other changes, waters down the sentencing principle of detention as a last resort.

The Queensland Human Rights Commission said the changes will likely increase criminalisation, increase the numbers of children held in youth prisons and police watch houses, and have a disproportionate impact on First Nations children.

Expectations vs reality

Politically inspired law and order policies operate in a parallel universe to the real effects of criminalisation and imprisonment.

For example, we know a low age of criminal responsibility is contrary to human rights standards, out of kilter with most countries, contrary to what we know of children’s developmental stages, and entrenches children in the criminal legal system.

Read more:
Can a 10-year-old be responsible for a crime? Here’s what brain science tells us

At the same time, it doesn’t build safer communities.

Nearly three-quarters of children aged 10–13 who were sentenced to community-based supervision returned to the youth justice system within 12 months.

Although First Nations children are overrepresented throughout the youth justice system – being 23 times more likely than non-Indigenous children to be under some type of supervisory order – First Nations children are especially overrepresented among younger cohorts.

Contact with youth justice at an earlier age means children become entrenched in the criminal legal system and increases the likelihood of future imprisonment.

It also has a disproportionate impact on young children from the child protection system. In 2014–15, three in five children aged ten under youth justice supervision were also in the child protection system. There’s also a failure to protect young children with mental ill-health and cognitive disability from criminalisation and incarceration.

Raising the minimum age of criminal responsibility has been under consideration for several years nationally. In 2023, the Standing Council of Attorneys-General’s Working Group provided guidance for lifting the minimum age.

It is an important part of the Closing the Gap strategy to reduce First Nations child incarceration rates. In wanting to lower the age, the NT Chief Minister Lia Finocchiaro is undermining the National Agreement.

In a jurisdiction where 30% of the population are First Nations, lowering the age would further entrench systemic racism within the justice system.

Children behind bars

Somewhat separate to the minimum age of criminal responsibility is the use of imprisonment for children and young people (which is euphemistically referred to as “detention”).

Some countries, such as Switzerland, have a legislative restriction on the use of child imprisonment. The youth court can only impose “educational measures” on children aged 10–14. Prison sentences are restricted to those aged 15 and above.

In Australia, except for those jurisdictions that have raised the minimum age of criminal responsibility (NT now and ACT from 2025), children aged ten and older can be and sometimes are imprisoned.

Victoria had committed to raising the age to 14 by 2027, but has revised it down to 12 in a bill before state parliament.

Tasmania has committed to raising the minimum age for the use of imprisonment to 16, from July 2029.

The negative effects of imprisonment on children have been well documented, including separation, isolation, trauma, violence and disruption to schooling and employment.

But for those more concerned about community safety, one simple statistic shows the failure of child imprisonment. Some 88% of First Nations children and 79% of non-Indigenous children will be back in the youth justice system within 12 months of being released from youth detention centres.

Just last month, the Australian Human Rights Commission released a report on transforming child justice. The children’s commissioner stated:

our communities will not be safer if we just keep punishing and locking up children who have complex needs caused by poverty, homelessness, disability, health and mental health issues, domestic, family and sexual violence, systemic racism and intergenerational trauma.

We need to question whether the use of imprisonment is suitable for any child or young person.

At a cost of more than $1 million every year to lock up a child, it does not come cheaply. Meanwhile First Nations community-led responses, plus community-based services in general, lack adequate, consistent and long-term funding.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Locking up young people might make you feel safer but it doesn’t work, now or in the long term – https://theconversation.com/locking-up-young-people-might-make-you-feel-safer-but-it-doesnt-work-now-or-in-the-long-term-237742

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Allen Cheng, Professor of Infectious Diseases, Monash University

A current strain of highly pathogenic avian influenza, commonly known as bird flu, has become a global problem. The virus has affected many millions of birds, some other animal species, and a small number of people.

Last week, the Australian government issued a warning to residents travelling to Europe, North America, South America and Asia about the risk of bird flu.

The alert, published on the Smartraveller website, included advice to ensure your flu vaccine is up to date. If you are about to go travelling, this generally means if you’ve had a flu jab this year, although if it has been 3–6 months since your vaccine you should discuss this with your doctor.

But the seasonal flu vaccine we get each year doesn’t actually prevent bird flu in humans. So why is it being recommended in this context?

Some bird flu background

Smartraveller notes several strains of bird flu are currently circulating.

The most concerning strain, called the 2.3.4.4b clade, emerged a few years ago from a type of influenza A (H5, or A/H5) that has been circulating for several decades.

Clade 2.3.4.4b primarily affects birds, including wild birds and poultry. It has had devastating effects on bird populations, as well as farmers and others involved in the poultry industry.

In recent years, clade 2.3.4.4b has adapted to infect some mammals. Unfortunately it seems to cause severe disease in certain animals. Some marine mammals have been hit particularly hard, with mass mortality events reported in elephant seals and sea lions. In the United States, bird flu has also spread among dairy cows.

Compared to the huge number of animal cases, there have been a relatively small number of humans infected with bird flu. Since 2003, 878 cases of A/H5N1 influenza have been reported in humans, with a small proportion of these reported since 2020 when clade 2.3.4.4b first emerged. The reported cases have been people who have had close contact with infected animals. It does not appear to spread from person to person.

As such, the risk to travellers is low. There are some situations where the risk may be greater, such as for people visiting live markets, or those who are travelling specifically to work with wildlife or animals in food production.

Infections in humans with H5 influenza can vary significantly in severity, from mild conjunctivitis up to fatal pneumonia. H5 influenza strains appear to be sensitive to antivirals (oseltamivir, also known as Tamiflu) and they are generally recommended as treatment for human infection, but it’s not clear whether they reduce the risk of death in those with severe disease.

To date, one case of A/H5 influenza (not 2.3.4.4b) has been reported in Australia, in a child who had recently returned from overseas.

While clade 2.3.4.4b has been detected in all continents except Australia, other avian influenza strains (A/H7) have been reported here earlier this year.

Seasonal flu vaccines are not effective against bird flu

Seasonal influenza refers to the flu strains that circulate each year. Since the COVID pandemic, three different strains have circulated in various proportions – influenza A H1N1 (descended from the 2009 swine flu strain), influenza A H3N2 (which has circulated since 1968) and an influenza B strain. Interestingly, a second influenza B strain (the Yamagata lineage) appears to have vanished during the COVID pandemic.

Seasonal influenza vaccines contain up-to-date variants of these types (A/H1N1, A/H3N2 and B) that are recommended by the World Health Organization each year. They are moderately effective, reducing the risk of hospitalisation by about 40–60%.

Influenza vaccines are quite specific in the protection that they provide. For seasonal vaccines, even the very small changes that occur in the virus from year to year are enough to allow them to “escape” vaccine-induced immunity. Therefore seasonal flu vaccines do not provide any protection against A/H5 influenza.

Preventing a hybrid bird-human strain

The rationale for recommending travellers have a flu shot in the context of the current bird flu outbreak is that seasonal flu vaccines may help reduce the risk of simultaneous infection with both A/H5 and a seasonal influenza strain.

When this occurs, there is potential for a “recombination” of the genetic code from both viral strains. This could have the transmissibility of a seasonal human virus with the severity of an avian influenza virus. The 2009 swine flu strain arose from the recombination of several strains over years to become more transmissible in humans.

Obviously a more effective vaccine would include a H5 strain, to generate immune responses specific to the H5 flu strain. Vaccine manufacturers have developed H5 vaccines over the years, but to date only Finland has deployed a H5 vaccine in a small group of people who work closely with potentially infected animals.

Currently the level of risk posed by H5 to humans is not thought to be sufficient to require a specific vaccine program, as the potential benefits are small compared to the costs and the potential risks associated with any new vaccine program.

The value of a flu shot for travellers

Seasonal flu vaccines protect against influenza infection, and may also reduce the risk of simultaneous infection with human and bird flu strains. Bird flu aside, for most travellers who haven’t received a flu shot this year, reducing the risk of illness disrupting travel plans should be enough of a reason to get one.

For those who have already received a flu shot this season, similar to COVID jabs, protection after vaccination appears to wane over time. So if you’re travelling to the northern hemisphere during the winter months, and it’s been more than 3–6 months since you received a flu vaccine, your doctor may recommend you have another.

Bird flu is only a small risk to most travellers, but people may want to take sensible precautions, such as avoiding close contact with birds at markets.

Allen Cheng receives funding from the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Government. He is a member of the Australian Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation and the Communicable Diseases Network of Australia.

– ref. Flu shots play an important role in protecting against bird flu. But not for the reason you might think – https://theconversation.com/flu-shots-play-an-important-role-in-protecting-against-bird-flu-but-not-for-the-reason-you-might-think-237859

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gina Masterton, Indigenous Australian Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Justice, Queensland University of Technology

Last year, more than 1,200 people died in road crashes across Australia. But not all Australians face the same level of risk on our roads.

Government data across five states and territories show significant inequity in road safety.

Data from New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia and the Northern Territory show First Nations people are about 2.8 times more likely to die on the road than non-First Nations Australians.

One thing we can do to reduce this transport inequity is make it easier for First Nations people to get their driver’s licence. This will not only improve road safety. This will bring individuals and communities many other benefits.

There’s a huge difference

Between 2012 and 2021, 791 First Nations people died in road crashes. This is 12.7 out of every 100,000 First Nations people.

In comparison, the rate for non-First Nations people was 4.6 people per 100,000 population.

Among First Nations people, those aged 26-39 face the highest risk of a road death, with a rate of 20.9 per 100,000 population. While the risk for those aged 40 and older has steadily declined since 2016, the risk has risen for the 26-39 age group in recent years.

Fatal road crashes involving First Nations people mainly occur in inner and outer regional areas, and remote and very remote areas of Australia. For instance, of the 76 road deaths of First Nations people in 2021, only 13% took place in major cities.

There is also a notable gender difference in the circumstances of road deaths involving First Nations people. More than 40% of female road deaths occur as car passengers and 23% as pedestrians. But males are more often drivers, motorcyclists or cyclists.

Driver’s licences are a real issue

Unlicensed drivers are at greater risk of dying on the road or being involved in serious crashes. And one crucial factor contributing to the higher road fatality rates in First Nations people is the significant barriers faced in obtaining a driver’s licence.

Licensing rates among First Nations people are lower compared to the general population. For example, only 51-77% of First Nations people surveyed across various sites in NSW and SA held a driver’s licence, compared to 83% in the general population.

This disparity is deeply intertwined with the impact of colonisation and the way laws around driver licensing are imposed and implemented.

My research (Masterton) in rural Australia demonstrates what this means in practice.

What if you can’t afford a car or lessons?

In research yet to be published, I am exploring transport challenges First Nations women face in rural Queensland. Through yarning, interviews and brief surveys, several common barriers are evident.

Some women have a licence or learner permit. Others have expired licences and are struggling to renew them. Most, however, have no licence. A significant number (licensed or unlicensed) have no access to a roadworthy vehicle or cannot afford one.

Many women without a licence still drive out of necessity: to take their children to school, go to work or care for family. Most, however, rely on walking or getting rides to manage their daily lives. Only a small fraction of the women, who had both a valid licence and a car, expressed feelings of freedom, independence and higher self-confidence.

During visits to remote communities, it became clear First Nations people who took part in my research are not resistant to getting their licence.

Research also shows First Nations people do not have poorer attitudes to road safety than non-First Nations people. However, the licensing process needs to be culturally appropriate and accessible to encourage participation.

Obstacles such as literacy barriers, the complexity of navigating a system designed for native English speakers, mistrust of authorities and the high costs associated with getting a licence, all contribute to the low rates of licensing.

There are challenges related to providing adequate identification documents (such as birth certificates), and finding driving instructors who can effectively work with First Nations people.

The high cost of driving lessons, difficulty in accessing a licensed driver to supervise practice hours, and the financial burden of unpaid fines for driving unlicensed further complicate the path to getting a licence.

Addressing these issues could make a significant difference in improving transport equity and road safety for First Nations communities.

It’s not just about transport

For many First Nations people, particularly those in remote areas, the ability to travel safely and legally is crucial for accessing health care, fulfilling cultural responsibilities and participating in the workforce.

So the issue of reduced driver licensing in First Nations communities is also a profound social justice issue that impacts the broader health, wellbeing and autonomy of these communities.

This means the barriers to getting a licence – whether financial, logistical, or bureaucratic – exacerbate existing inequalities. It creates a ripple effect, limiting mobility and reinforcing social and economic disadvantage.

How do we address this?

Addressing the licensing gap requires coordinated efforts across multiple sectors, including health, education, transport and justice.

Community-driven programs, financial support and policy changes can all make licensing more accessible.

There have been community-based pilot programs aimed at supporting First Nations people getting their licence in NSW and the NT.

The programs provide culturally tailored, community-based licensing support through intensive case management, mentoring, and addressing specific barriers to access and navigate the licensing system, and to obtain and reinstate licences. These pilot programs have shown great promise and effectiveness, indicating that they should be scaled up and rolled out more widely, with community support.

Licensing is also a justice issue. Some one in 20 Aboriginal people in jail is serving a sentence for unlicensed driving and other driver’s licence offences.

So First Nations sentencing courts and other programs designed to divert people from jail could also help First Nations individuals get their licence and limit further contact with the justice system.

In this article we use the term First Nations people, which we adopt from the Uluru Statement of the Heart.

Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Teresa Senserrick currently receives funding from the Western Australian Road Safety Commission and the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, and previously from the Australian Research Council.

Gina Masterton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. First Nations people are 3 times more likely to die on the road. Here’s how to fix Australia’s transport injustice – https://theconversation.com/first-nations-people-are-3-times-more-likely-to-die-on-the-road-heres-how-to-fix-australias-transport-injustice-236395

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerry Walton, Curator Invertebrates, Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa

It has long been suspected that a small pāua (known as abalone, ormers or ear-shells overseas) found around a remote island chain north of Aotearoa New Zealand differs from all other pāua.

Our earlier genetic research, using pioneering methods to extract ancient DNA from shells, provided the extra evidence needed.

We could now formally name and describe the new species of pāua from the Three Kings Islands/Manawatāwhi.

The scientific name of the Manawatāwhi pāua, Haliotis pirimoana, was proposed by Ngāti Kuri, who hold historic and territorial rights over the islands (mana i te whenua). Its name means “the pāua that clings to the sea”.

A national treasure

Pāua live on shallow reefs around the world, where they graze on algae. Globally, there are about 70 pāua species, ranging from “button” to “beret” in size.

Globally, few wild-caught abalone fisheries remain due to overfishing and a “withering disease” that has, fortunately, not been detected in Aotearoa New Zealand.

In New Zealand, we now recognise four living pāua species. Three of these – the black-foot pāua (Haliotis iris, which grows to about 200mm in size), the yellow-foot pāua (H. australis, 120mm) and the virgin pāua (H. virginea, 70mm) – are distributed broadly along the coast of mainland New Zealand.

Pāua are a taonga (national treasure). Their opalescent shells are iconic: they form the eyes of carvings, were used in traditional fishing lures, and feature in contemporary art and jewellery.

Surprisingly, these wonderful colours are not caused by different pigments. Instead, they result from a layer of shell made of a special form of calcium carbonate that splits light into its component parts, like oil on water.

Recreational harvest of pāua as kaimoana (seafood) is a national pastime (as is debate over the best ways to tenderise and cook them). Black-foot pāua are also the focus of growing aquaculture and pearl industries.

Why this matters

It’s not every day we discover a new species, although it happens more often than you might think.

Species discovery is seldom punctuated by a clear “Eureka!” moment. More often, it’s a muted thought that something looks a little different. So it was with the discovery of the Manawatāwhi pāua.

The Manawatāwhi pāua grows to just shy of 40mm. It is unlikely to have any commercial value or require conservation efforts. However, this species is another in the list of taonga (treasures) unique to Manawatāwhi specifically, and to Aotearoa more broadly.

The Manawatāwhi island chain lies roughly 60km northwest of Cape Reinga/Te Rerenga Wairua, the northern tip of the North Island. The islands are rugged, remote and beautiful.

Surrounded by deep water, and directly in the path of the Tasman Front which brings warm water from Australia but results in the localised upwelling of cold water, Manawatāwhi teems with life. Many of the islands’ coastal and terrestrial species occur nowhere else on Earth.

Manawatāwhi is not “pristine”, but the region remains a benchmark showing what much of Aotearoa used to be like. Ngāti Kuri are keenly aware of the importance of the taonga in their rohe (tribal area), and they are active in restoration, research and conservation efforts.

Biodiversity research, expertise and reference collections are critical for understanding the structure of regional ecosystems and predicting how they might respond to human activities and the changing climate. Such research provides the evidence necessary for effective fisheries, biosecurity and conservation management. It can ultimately contribute significantly to the economy.

We are in a global biodiversity crisis. Species are going extinct faster than we can discover and name them. The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa and the National Institute of Water and Atmospheric Research (NIWA) recently partnered with Ocean Census to discover hundreds of new species from deep water off southern Aotearoa.

There are, however, thousands of species we have already discovered, which are still awaiting formal names. There are very few biodiversity scientists left in Aotearoa to do this work.

This research reflects our obligation towards future generations so they, too, can enjoy the wonderful richness of our biodiversity.

Nic Rawlence receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.

Hamish G Spencer and Kerry Walton do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘The pāua that clings to the sea’: a new species of abalone found only in waters off a remote NZ island chain – https://theconversation.com/the-paua-that-clings-to-the-sea-a-new-species-of-abalone-found-only-in-waters-off-a-remote-nz-island-chain-236568

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Briggs, Research Director, Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology Sydney

As Australia’s electricity supply shifts to clean energy, a big challenge is looming. How do we “keep the lights on” as big coal plants close, and a far-flung network of wind and solar generators replaces them?

This balancing act was outlined in the latest annual stocktake by the Australian Energy Market Operator. It said large-scale renewables projects must be delivered on time and in full if electricity in Australia’s eastern mainland states, plus South Australia and Tasmania, was to remain stable in the next decade.

The energy transition doesn’t just mean building wind and solar generators. It also means getting electricity to where consumers need it, via the transmission network.

But Australia desperately needs the skilled workers and materials to build that infrastructure and keep the energy transition on track.

The transmission crunch

After electricity is generated by a coal plant or wind farm, it must be transported to an electrical substation. There, the electricity is converted to a lower voltage, then sent to homes and businesses.

Moving electricity from the generator to the substation requires high-voltage cables, towers to support them, and devices known as “transformers” to convert the energy. Collectively, this is known as the transmission network.

The clean energy transition is testing Australia’s transmission capabilities. Solar and wind farms are often built in regional areas, where it’s sunny and windy. In many cases, transmission infrastructure to those areas doesn’t exist, or needs upgrading.

The Albanese government’s A$20 billion Rewiring the Nation policy is an attempt to grapple with this problem. It aims to help finance the 10,000 kilometres of transmission lines the Australian Energy Market Operator has identified as needed.

But transmission lines are large, complex projects that take years to plan and build. Projects often suffer delays, both in Australia and around the world.

The International Energy Agency estimates 80 million kilometres of power lines must be built or refurbished globally by 2040 – and projects are not keeping pace.

Several factors can delay the rollout of the transmission network. Opposition from communities or landholders to hosting infrastructure is a well-publicised problem.

But two other hurdles are often overlooked: the equipment and workers needed for the massive expansion.

How to build an electricity grid

Building transmission lines involves:

• civil works to install foundations and erect the towers

• electrical works to string the lines between the towers with cranes or helicopters and connect to the grid

• installing sub-stations and transformers.

Most materials are imported. Specialised components such as lines, transformers and cables are manufactured near bigger markets in Europe and the United States. Transmission towers are imported from overseas and assembled in Australia.

And workers are needed to put all the materials together. They include construction managers, electrical engineers, electricians, truck drivers, construction riggers and earthmoving operators.

The Australian Energy Market Operator now factors in a 12-month delay for transmission projects, based on recent precedent. It also notes many are scheduled for completion between 2025 and 2030.

This will create a spike in demand for equipment and workers.

The race for materials and workers

Around the world, transmission projects have been hit by delays in recent years. Specialised components must be ordered well in advance, increasing lead times for projects.

And Australia is a small buyer located a long way from manufacturers. Larger, established buyers are often prioritised, leaving Australia struggling to compete.

The workforce required for transmission projects is not especially large – peaking at around 4,000 workers in the late 2020s.

However, there is a shortage of specialised labour. Australia has been importing skilled transmission workers. But as transmission projects scale up globally, this labour pool may dry up.

As one project manager noted in a federal government report in 2021, the transmission industry is bracing for worker shortages if multiple projects proceed at the same time:

We don’t have enough substation specialists, commissioning specialists or linesworkers across Australia. […] It’s going to be tricky.

Some workers can be sourced from other industries. But they must be trained or upskilled, and tradespeople may not want to move to regional areas or become fly in-fly out (FIFO) workers. As a transmission builder noted in the report:

if someone has a choice between a FIFO or to live in Sydney or Brisbane and work on overhead rail then what do you choose – jumping on a plane and living in a camp to do a 12-hour day?

And what about electricians? Australia faces a shortage of sparkies as renewable energy projects scale up and homes move away from gas towards electrification. Jobs Skills Australia estimates the transition to a clean energy economy will require between 26,000 and 42,000 electricians out to 2030.

Smoothing the bumps

Securing the materials we need to build out the grid will be difficult.

Companies have begun “bundling up” orders for several transmission projects at once, to increase their buying power with overseas manufacturers. Proposals for local manufacturing of components exist, but these take time and could only reduce, not eliminate, our dependence on imports.

National coordination is needed to smooth the peaks in demand – for both materials and workers – created by many simultaneous transmission projects.

On the labour front, a huge training effort is needed, especially for engineers and key trades. Some initiatives are underway, but not at the scale required.

Unless governments and industry tackle these problems more seriously, Australia’s clean energy transition could face major delays.

The Institute for Sustainable Futures has received funding from various sources for research on employment in renewable energy and transmission, including Infrastructure Australia and the RACE for 2030 Cooperative Research Centre.

– ref. Australia needs tradies and materials to build the power grid of the future. So where are they? – https://theconversation.com/australia-needs-tradies-and-materials-to-build-the-power-grid-of-the-future-so-where-are-they-237858

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy McKenry, Professor of Music, Australian Catholic University

There are many reasons a child should learn a musical instrument. Not only does it give them the opportunity to make music, a significant body of research points to benefits for cognitive and academic achievement.

This is why a current New South Wales parliamentary inquiry has emphasised the importance of all children having the opportunity to learn music in primary school.

When it comes to starting lessons, research says “the sooner the better”. But pinpointing a precise age to start and particular learning approach depends on a range of factors.

How old is too old?

It is never too late to learn music. Recent research highlights the positive impacts of music lessons for people in residential aged care.

For children though, starting music lessons before nine offers a specific benefit parents should keep in mind. At around nine years of age musical aptitude or “talent” becomes a fixed trait. Before this age it is malleable and engaging in structured musical activity expands the possibilities of what a child can ultimately achieve through music.

Should my child call the shots?

There is debate among parents and teachers about whether parents should wait for their child to express interest in music lessons before starting.

Some children request lessons, particularly where they observe siblings and friends participating in music. Though asking is a good indication a child is ready, it is not necessary. Time is again a factor here.

A 1996 UK survey revealed enthusiasm for learning an instrument peaked at ages five to six. For children not already learning an instrument, the level of enthusiasm halved by age seven.

Which instrument?

Instruments including the piano, keyboard, violin, flute and recorder are ideal for an early start. The Suzuki Method (which believes musical ability can be developed) allows children to begin learning some of these at three. It’s common for teachers of any method to teach children these instruments from five and up.

String instruments are tailored to a child’s development with different sizes available. A child under five may begin learning with an instrument 1/32 the size of an adult instrument.

The ukulele has also become an increasingly popular “primer” instrument for children as young as four.

Brass and reed instruments (such as the trumpet or clarinet) require greater strength and losing baby teeth can make forming the right mouth shape or embouchure difficult. While children can start learning these instruments from the age of seven, it is not unusual for children to start brass and reed instruments in high school.

It’s common for a child to start on one instrument and change to another. This happens as a natural progression where a child begins on an inexpensive instrument such as recorder or ukulele and progresses onto the saxophone or guitar. Or a child might enjoy music, but dislike or become frustrated by their current instrument.

Which teacher?

In Australia, anyone can call themselves a music teacher, provided they have a working with children check and an ABN.

So parents need to exercise due diligence when selecting a teacher. Good teaching – particularly for younger children – requires more than simply the ability to play. Teachers should have a qualification, experience and ideally some kind of professional affiliation.

There are multiple evidence-based methods for teaching music. This includes Kodaly (which is based on singing and children’s stages of development) and Orff Schulwerk (which includes an emphasis on musical invention and improvisation).

Whatever their method, a good teacher will be able to articulate an age-appropriate learning method and explain how their approach changes as a child matures.

A good teacher will also be able to outline realistic strategies to help a child develop a sustainable practice routine. The amount of practice required depends on the instrument and the age of the child, but there should be clear expectations around practice.

There should also be clear expectations around the degree of parental involvement and intended learning milestones.

What if lessons aren’t an option?

Music lessons can be expensive and they can take up time in busy schedules. And we know many schools are under-resourced and cannot offer music education in classrooms.

Research suggests online lessons, streaming video tutorials and music learning apps, may be useful ways to expose children to music if they can’t learn in person.

Timothy McKenry is a syllabus consultant and examiner for the Australian Music Examinations Board.

– ref. When is a good time for a child to start music lessons? – https://theconversation.com/when-is-a-good-time-for-a-child-to-start-music-lessons-237225

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Syed Shams, Associate Professor, University of Southern Queensland

As the world grapples with the intensifying challenges of climate change, businesses are under increasing pressure to take action.

To avert catastrophe, this will have to go beyond merely complying with new regulations and minimum standards. Business must lead the charge in good faith.

Yet still too often, taking bold action on climate is painted as a kind of tradeoff – that because it costs money to act, doing right by the environment comes at the cost of doing good business.

Our recent research calls this myth into question. We found improving carbon performance can go beyond addressing environmental concerns and provide tangible financial benefits.

Our study, spanning almost two decades of data from firms across the Asia-Pacific region, found that superior carbon management is linked to significantly lower financial risk.

That offers evidence taking action is no longer just an environmental imperative – it’s also an essential financial strategy.

Read more:
It’s too hard to make business decisions in the face of climate uncertainty – here’s how ‘storylines’ could help

Lower risk in every category

The Asia-Pacific region is home to some of the world’s largest carbon emitters, including China, Japan and South Korea.

Businesses operating there face mounting pressure from regulators, investors and consumers to improve their environmental footprint.

Our research examined more than 9,000 firm-year observations (such as annual reports) from 13 countries in the Asia-Pacific between 2002 and 2021. It sought to explore the relationship between carbon performance and three common types of business risk: idiosyncratic, systematic and total risk.

Idiosyncratic risks are those faced by a particular business, while systematic risks are those that affect the whole market, such as economic downturns. As you might expect, total risk combines these.

Read more:
The Crowdstrike outage showed that risk management is essential. Why are so many businesses reluctant to do it?

We found better corporate carbon performance was associated with lower levels of risk in all three categories.

Companies that took active steps to manage and reduce their carbon emissions enjoyed less volatility in their stock prices, diminished firm-specific risks, and weren’t as sensitive to market-wide economic shocks.

The reduction in total risk varied, ranging from 1.22% in Taiwan to as much as 4% in Australia.

These lower levels of risk reflect more than just that these firms are better at following the rules. There has been a seismic shift in how business’ behaviour is seen by the market and what we’ve come to expect.

It’s a kind of halo effect. Firms with better carbon credentials are seen as better positioned for market success more broadly – whether in dealing with regulatory changes, business disruptions or risks to their reputation. That can all make them more attractive to investors.

Stronger governance, stronger effect

Our study also found that in countries with higher quality corporate governance standards – which encompasses factors such as environmental regulations, effective law enforcement and anti-corruption measures – there was a stronger relationship between carbon performance and lower levels of risk.

What’s driving this effect? It’s most likely that in countries with strong governance frameworks, companies with solid environmental credentials are being rewarded with lower borrowing costs and greater market valuation.

That offers an important takeaway for policymakers.

It suggests that implementing measures like emissions trading schemes, standardised climate change performance metrics, and national commitments to international climate agreements can all enhance the financial benefits of carbon performance.

Creating such a business environment creates strong financial incentives for firms to take action and allows them to align their own carbon reduction efforts with national and global goals.

Unique challenges offer unique opportunities

Despite the clear benefits of improving carbon performance, there are some unique challenges for companies in the Asia-Pacific.

Emerging economies within this region, such as Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines, often have lower baseline levels of carbon performance compared to their more developed counterparts.

This is largely due to differences in how strict regulations are, what key government institutions are capable of, and lower levels of economic development. But these challenges are also opportunities.

For firms in these emerging markets, there’s an opportunity to proactively adopt global best practice, and position themselves as leaders in the transition to a low-carbon economy.

What can we learn?

Our research offers some important takeaways for investors, companies and the rest of us.

For investors, our research emphasises just how important companies’ environmental performance can be. Firms with poor carbon performance may face higher risks in general. That can mean higher returns are required to compensate investors for these risks.

On the other hand, firms taking meaningful steps to manage their carbon emissions are more likely to enjoy stable cash flows and lower volatility, which can boost investor confidence.

For companies, the message is clear. Investing in carbon management is not just an ethical or regulatory obligation — it is a sound financial decision.

By enhancing their performance on carbon, firms can lower their total risk levels, attract sustainability-focused investors, improve their access to capital markets, and lower their borrowing costs.

Strong action on climate doesn’t have to be a tradeoff. As the world rises to the challenge of living with climate change, the link between environmental accountability and financial performance will only grow stronger.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bold climate action benefits more than just the environment – it’s also great for business – https://theconversation.com/bold-climate-action-benefits-more-than-just-the-environment-its-also-great-for-business-237771

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aaron Schokman, Research Fellow, Central Clinical School, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of Sydney

What do you know about narcolepsy?

As a rare sleep disorder, you might not have heard much about it, or if you have, your perception may have been formed by the limited portrayals in media.

Several depictions of narcolepsy have been made over the years, from Deuce Bigalow (1999), to Rowan Atkinson in Rat Race (2001) and, more recently, on Prime’s series The Boys (2019–24).

But how well do these portrayals represent living with this rare sleep disorder?

More than just falling asleep

Narcolepsy is a neurological sleep disorder where the brain is unable to regulate the normal sleep-wake cycle. The condition affects roughly 1 in 5,000 people.

People living with narcolepsy feel extremely sleepy throughout the day and will often fall asleep in environments conducive for sleep (think sitting for prolonged periods). They also are unable to get restful sleep at night, often waking up multiple times a night and have abnormal sleep cycles.

In season four of The Boys we got to see what a superhero living with narcolepsy could look like, through Black Noir (Nathan Mitchell).

The Boys follows a group of “corrupt” superheroes who are both popular and politically influential, and a group of vigilantes that want to expose them for who they actually are. The show is a satirical critique of right-wing politics and America’s sway towards fascism, and trades heavily in shock value.

In season four, we learn one of these superheroes has narcolepsy. One of the characters notice Noir asleep during a superhero team meeting. When someone kicks Noir’s chair, he wakes and explains “Oh shit, sorry guys, I’m narcoleptic”.

While it is great that Black Noir puts narcolepsy in the spotlight, the portrayal somewhat trivialises what living with narcolepsy is like: sitting in a meeting room at 3 pm on a hot summer’s day is enough to make anyone feel sleepy, but narcolepsy is much more than that.

For anyone living with narcolepsy, sleepiness is always present and oppressive. To experience a similar level of sleepiness, the average person would need to stay awake for 48–72 hours.

In a preposterous turn, we also see Black Noir fall asleep in the middle of a fight scene. Suffice to say, the adrenaline and emotion from a fight would likely stave off falling asleep – but it might trigger one of narcolepsy’s defining symptoms, cataplexy.

True representations, and missed opportunities

Cataplexy is one of the symptoms of narcolepsy. Not everyone with narcolepsy experiences cataplexy, but those that do can briefly lose control of their muscles, and sometimes become completely paralysed for a few minutes after experiencing strong, usually positive emotion (yes, even during sex).

The 2019 movie Ode to Joy features Charlie (Martin Freeman), a man living with cataplexy. Charlie’s central turmoil in the film follows his journey navigating his desire to balance his condition (triggered by joy) and falling in love.

We get to see several examples of a cataplexy attack, though in some instances erring towards a cartoonesque portayal wherein Charlie becomes rigid as a plank and falls backwards. However, some scenes show instances that better approximate reality. We see Charlie looses control of his leg muscles and slowly collapse to the ground during intensely emotional moments.

Viewers with cataplexy might find the film validating or analogous to their own journey navigating relationships. But the film hyper-focuses on Charlie’s experience of cataplexy to the extent it ignores portraying the impact other symptoms has on his life. We don’t ever see Charlie feel sleepy or fall asleep, and narcolepsy is only ever mentioned once or twice even thought cataplexy only occurs in people with narcolepsy.

It is a great example of how pop culture and media portrayals of disorders can fail us. Rom-coms are a genre laden with formulaic tropes. Competing plot lines and limited screen time are perhaps not the best medium to fully convey a condition as complex and nuanced as narcolepsy. The audience could be left with the misinformed impression some people living with narcolepsy experience little to no sleep-related symptoms.

Inaccurate representation can be particularly harmful for individuals who have not yet been diagnosed, and perhaps contribute to the average delay in diagnosis of up to 15 years.

Stigma and functional impairment

In a 2015 episode of The Simpsons, Homer is diagnosed with narcolepsy.

The episode starts off with Homer asleep at work in the middle of an emergency, landing him in hospital. Marge is worried about how much Homer is sleeping throughout the day, sharing vacation photos of Homer constantly asleep with his doctor.

Surprisingly the episode accurately links Homer’s sleepiness to low levels of the brain neurotransmitter that controls the sleep wake cycle, accurate for many people with narcolepsy.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, Homer’s experience of narcolepsy is rather one-dimensional, with the episode focusing on the recurring gag of Homer using his diagnosis as an excuse to get out of performing undesirable tasks:

Dr. Hibbert: Narcolepsy’s merely sleeping sickness, and many narcoleptics do lead normal lives by avoiding stressful triggers like, uh, oh, let’s say…

Homer: Helping with the laundry?

Dr. Hibbert: Exactly.

While reductive, Homer’s portrayal of someone with narcolepsy plays into the common stigma that many people with narcolepsy face: laziness.

Narcolepsy necessitates frequent naps to stave off sleepiness and avoid falling asleep at inopportune moments or potentially unsafe situations. Yet western society often devalues sleep and often conflates the need to nap or sleep with laziness.

The misconception can often lead to feelings of internalised shame, affect help-seeking behaviours and lead to depression and anxiety.

Media and pop-culture are a key vehicle for spreading messages, building awareness, and shaping public opinion through representation. For the average person, popular media is the only representation they’ll be exposed to for narcolepsy and its symptoms.

For those living with the condition or are pre-diagnosis, mischaracterisations can result in stigma and contribute to the extended average delay in diagnosis.

Aaron Schokman is a member of the Sleep Health Foundation’s Consumer Reference Council. He has also received funding from the American Academy of Sleep Medicine Foundation for narcolepsy related research.

– ref. Narcolepsy is reduced to a punch line in pop culture. What does that mean for people who live with it? – https://theconversation.com/narcolepsy-is-reduced-to-a-punch-line-in-pop-culture-what-does-that-mean-for-people-who-live-with-it-235600

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tariq Choucair, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology

Authorities in Brazil, the country with the world’s fifth largest number of internet users, have banned the social media platform X (formerly known as Twitter).

The ban came into effect over the weekend. It followed a long-running battle between Elon Musk, the owner of X, and Brazil’s Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes who had previously ordered the social media platform to block far-right users.

The ban has outraged Musk. In the wake of it, he has claimed de Moraes is a “fake judge” and that the “the oppressive regime in Brazil is so afraid of the people learning the truth that they will bankrupt anyone who tries”.

Personal attacks aside, the ban shows Brazilian authorities are no longer willing to tolerate tech giants flouting the nation’s laws. Will other countries follow suit?

Why did Brazil ban X?

Brazil did not ban X out of the blue.

From 2020 to 2023, the Supreme Court in Brazil initiated three key criminal inquiries related to social media platforms.

The first inquiry investigated fraudulent news. The second investigated organised groups that manipulate discourse and engagement on digital platforms (known as “milícias digitais”). The third investigated individuals and groups involved in an attack on Brazil’s Congress in 2023, following the defeat of former president Jair Bolsonaro in the 2022 general election.

Then, in April this year, de Moraes ordered Musk to shut down several far right accounts which had spread misinformation and disinformation about Bolsonaro’s 2022 defeat.

This was not the first time X had received an order such as this.

For example, in January 2023, following the Congress attack, the Brazilian Supreme Court also ordered X and other social media platforms to block some accounts. Musk showed concern, but his platform ended up agreeing to the order.

However, this time Musk refused and subsequently removed X’s legal representative in Brazil. This was a significant development, as Brazilian law requires foreign companies to have legal representation in the country.

De Moraes gave Musk a deadline to appoint a new representative. The tech billionaire did not meet it, which was what triggered the ban of X.

Simultaneously, de Moraes also blocked the financial accounts of Musk’s internet satellite service, Starlink.

The ban on X will continue until Musk complies with all related court orders, including nominating a legal representative in Brazil and paying fines amounting to A$4.85 million.

What will happen now in Brazil?

Before the ban, there were nearly 22 million X users in Brazil.

Anyone who tries to use software to access the platform now faces fines of up to A$13,000 per day.

Since the ban, many former X users have migrated to other social media platforms. For example, more than 500,000 people joined the microblogging platform Bluesky, which said Brazil was now setting “all-time-highs” for activity.

The ban is part of a broader fight against social media platforms operating in Brazil. De Moraes has been a leader in this fight. For example, in an interview earlier this year, he said

The Brazilian people know that freedom of speech is not freedom of aggression. They know that the freedom of speech is not the freedom to spread hate, racism, misogyny and homophobia.

But far-right groups and Bolsonaro supporters disagree. They have been very vocal in their opposition to the ban – and the supreme court more generally. It is likely the ban will inflame existing social tensions.

In line with Brazilian law, other supreme court judges are now assessing the ban. They may decide to uphold the ban, but overturn the financial penalties for people in the country trying to access X. It’s also possible the other judges will overturn the ban itself.

Will other countries follow suit?

In social media posts since the ban, Musk has claimed other countries, including the United States, will follow Brazil and ban his social media platform.

There is no evidence to support this claim, and the ban in Brazil doesn’t apply anywhere else in the world.

However, it does add to a growing mood internationally that giant social media companies can be restricted and are not above national laws or any other power.

For example, last week French police arrested Pavel Durov, the founder of Telegram, for facilitating crimes committed on the direct messaging platform.

Other countries with an interest in tightening regulation of social media platforms, such as Australia, will surely be closely watching how both of these cases unfold.

Tariq Choucair receives funding from the Australian Research Council through Laureate Fellowship FL210100051 Dynamics of Partisanship and Polarisation in Online Public Debate.

– ref. Brazil just banned X. Could other countries follow suit? – https://theconversation.com/brazil-just-banned-x-could-other-countries-follow-suit-237960

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Treasurer Jim Chalmers mightn’t have expected his weekend comment – made ahead of expected low growth figures later this week – that interest rate rises were “smashing” the Australian economy to set off the reaction it has. After all, it’s been something of a Chalmers mantra.

In June he said rate rises were “hammering the economy”. On another occasion that month he said higher rates were “hammering consumption”. At the start of July, he said discretionary spending had been “absolutely hammered by higher interest rates”.

“The Treasurer’s comments were nothing new,” Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said, fending off questions at a Monday Perth news conference.

But new or not, the comment is touching an extremely sensitive, exposed nerve, again highlighting the divergent positions of the Reserve Bank and the government.

The bank is determined that inflation, which was an annual 3.8% in the June quarter (3.5% for the month of July), must be brought down to the target range of 2–3% as soon as practicable while also preserving employment. For the government, reducing inflation is a high priority but it is increasingly worried about an economy that’s crawling along the ground.

Chalmers tries to step carefully to avoid directly criticising the bank, but the differences are obvious, and his message is being sent through a loudhailer.

On Monday he doubled down on his “smashing” assessment, while “cherishing” the independence of the Reserve Bank. “We’ve got different responsibilities. Where our interests align and where our objectives align is on getting on top of this inflation challenge in our economy which doesn’t smash people who are already doing it tough enough,” he said.

“I think it’s self-evident the interest rate rises already in the system are putting people under pressure and slowing our economy. And I think the Australian people, frankly, expect me to tell it like it is.”

The sluggishness of the economy is set to be starkly obvious when the latest GDP figures are released on Wednesday.

Forecasters are predicting growth for the June quarter of 0.1 or 0.2 of a percentage point. That’s bad enough – if the figure were negative, the government would fall into a serious panic.

Recent indications from the US Federal Reserve that American rates are set to fall imminently in normal circumstances would raise hopes Australian rates would soon follow.

But Reserve Bank deputy governor Andrew Hauser dashed that prospect when he spoke to The Conversation’s podcast last week.

Just returned from a meeting of central bankers in the United States, Hauser flagged that at this stage the Reserve Bank was not shifting from governor Michele Bullock’s indication that, based on present knowledge, the bank would not be dropping rates any time soon. Indeed, at its last meeting the Reserve even discussed raising rates.

“Sadly, at the moment Australian inflation is a bit stickier than it has been in the US,” Hauser said. “We’re not yet as confident, as [Fed head Jay Powell] is in the US, that inflation in Australia is back on a sustainable path, back to target. And therefore we have to hold rates where they are for the time being.”

While cost of living, a witches’ brew of inflation and interest rates, and other issues see Labor now 50:50 with the Coalition on a two-party basis in this week’s Newspoll, the figures show the public has little faith inflation would be better if there were a Dutton government.

People were asked whether inflation would be higher, lower or the same if Peter Dutton and the Coalition were in power rather than the Albanese government. Only 24% said it would be lower; 41% said it would be the same and 18% thought it would be higher.

For most voters, there seems to be nowhere to turn to get out of the present economic impasse.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. View from The Hill: Australians don’t need to be told high interest rates are ‘smashing’ the economy, but is there an alternative? – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-australians-dont-need-to-be-told-high-interest-rates-are-smashing-the-economy-but-is-there-an-alternative-237969

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Moro, Associate Professor of Science & Medicine, Bond University

Still or sparkling? It’s a question you’ll commonly hear in a café or restaurant and you probably have a preference. But is there any difference for your health?

If you love the fizz, here’s why you don’t have to pass on the sparkling water.

What makes my water sparkle?

This article specifically focuses on comparing still filtered water to carbonated filtered water (called “sparkling water” or “unflavoured seltzer”). Soda water, mineral water, tonic water and flavoured water are similar, but not the same product.

The bubbles in sparkling water are created by adding carbon dioxide to filtered water. It reacts to produce carbonic acid, which makes sparkling water more acidic (a pH of about 3.5) than still (closer to neutral, with a pH around 6.5-8.5).

Which drink is healthiest?

Water is the best way to hydrate our bodies. Research shows when it comes to hydration, still and sparkling water are equally effective.

Some people believe water is healthier when it comes from a sealed bottle. But in Australia, tap water is monitored very carefully. Unlike bottled water, it also has the added benefit of fluoride, which can help protect young children against tooth decay and cavities.

Sparkling or still water is always better than artificially sweetened flavoured drinks or juices.

Isn’t soda water bad for my teeth and bones?

There’s no evidence sparkling water damages your bones. While drinking a lot of soft drinks is linked to increased fractures, this is largely due to their association with higher rates of obesity.

Sparkling water is more acidic than still water, and acidity can soften the teeth’s enamel. Usually this is not something to be too worried about, unless it is mixed with sugar or citrus, which has much higher levels of acidity and can harm teeth.

However, if you grind your teeth often, the softening could enhance the damage it causes. If you’re undertaking a home whitening process, sparkling water might discolour your teeth.

In most other cases, it would take a lot of sparkling water to pass by the teeth, for a long period of time, to cause any noticeable damage.

How does drinking water affect digestion?

There is a misconception drinking water (of any kind) with a meal is bad for digestion.

While theoretically water could dilute stomach acid (which breaks down food), the practice of drinking it doesn’t appear to have any negative effect. Your digestive system simply adapts to the consistency of the meal.

Some people do find that carbonated beverages cause some stomach upset. This is due to the build-up of gases, which can cause bloating, cramping and discomfort. For people with an overactive bladder, the acidity might also aggravate the urinary system.

Interestingly, the fizzy “buzz” you feel in your mouth from sparkling water fades the more you drink it.

Is cold water harder to digest?

You’ve chosen still or sparkling water. What about its temperature?

There are surprisingly few studies about the effect of drinking cold water compared to room temperature. There is some evidence colder water (at two degrees Celsius) might inhibit gastric contractions and slow down digestion. Ice water may constrict blood vessels and cause cramping.

However other research suggests drinking cold water might temporarily boost metabolism, as the body needs to expend energy to warm it up to body temperature. This effect is minimal and unlikely to lead to significant weight loss.

Which water wins?

The bottom line is water is essential, hydrates us and has countless other health benefits. Water, with carbonated bubbles or without, will always be the healthiest drink to choose.

And if you’re concerned about any impact to teeth enamel, one trick is to follow sparkling water with a glass of still. This helps rinse the teeth and return your mouth’s acidity back to normal.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is still water better for you than sparkling water? – https://theconversation.com/is-still-water-better-for-you-than-sparkling-water-237125

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gregory Moore, Senior Research Associate, School of Ecosystem and Forest Sciences, The University of Melbourne

Winter has ended dramatically across Australia’s southern states, as fierce winds and storms usher in spring.

Over the weekend, intense winds from a powerful cold front brought down trees, damaged powerlines, brought flooding rains and caused power outages for thousands of people. Gusts nearing 200 kilometres per hour were recorded in Tasmania. In southern New South Wales, a woman died after a tree fell on her holiday park cabin.

As southerners inspect the damage today, many of us will be looking anxiously at the trees we live next to – and wondering if they, too, could fall.

The good news is there are things you can do to make sure the trees near you are still safe.

These tips aren’t just for windstorm safety. As the climate changes, tree dieback is becoming more common. This year, we’ve seen large-scale dieback in south-west Western Australia and Tasmania. It’s increasingly important to keep tabs on large trees near you.

#1: Look down

When a whole tree falls over and pulls out its roots, it’s known as whole tree failure or “windthrow”. If this happens, it can be a major threat to you or your house.

There are often warning signs a tree might topple over even before a storm hits. On a windy day, look at the tree you’re worried about. Is there any sign of movement at the base of the tree and its visible roots? If so, call an arborist to come as quickly as possible to assess the risk.

#2. Look up

If large, dead branches are attached to the trunk, that’s dangerous. These branches – “hangers” – can be blown loose and be carried surprisingly far from the tree in strong winds. They’re also more likely to break during storms and strong winds than healthy branches.

To reduce your risk, it’s important to have these dead branches removed. The bigger the dead branch, the higher the risk. But small dead branches in a canopy are normal. These pose much less threat and can usually be left there.

#3. Inspect the junctions

Not all limb attachments are healthy or strong. If the place where the limb is attached looks damaged, it could mean the junction is weak and could fail. To check, look for signs of damage – loose bark, resin or sap on the bark or branch, or bark which has become much darker than usual.

Some junctions are riskier than others. Trunks and branches with steep V-shape junctions, or with fallen bark built up between them, are more likely to break during storms.

#4. Look for changes in leaf colour and coverage

If your tree rapidly loses foliage colour or suffers dieback of branches and canopy, this can also be a warning sign. These changes show us the tree is stressed and its health is getting worse. Sick trees are more vulnerable to storm damage.

Look for yellow and brown leaves, dead shoot tips and large branch dieback from their tips and dead patches on large limbs.

#5. Check the roots

Let’s say an excavator accidentally cuts one of your tree’s major structural roots with a diameter 100 mm or bigger. If this happens, it could risk the entire tree. Roots can also be damaged if the soil around them become compacted or waterlogged. These situations can weaken a tree from below.

To spot these issues, look for evidence of trenches where workers have cut through roots. Even when covered over, trenches will usually seem lower than the surrounding soil. Look for where soil has been compacted by vehicles or regular foot traffic. For waterlogging, look to see if water pools around trunks and under trees.

Root damage can be harder to spot, but damage underground can also trigger branch breakage or whole tree failure.

#6. Double check your lopped trees

If your tree has been badly pruned or lopped, it can become a threat. Poor work can trigger the growth of poorly attached shoots around the cuts or branch stubs. These shoots are more likely to fall during strong winds.

When the shoots are small, they don’t matter. But they can grow very quickly. Once more than 150 mm in diameter or ten metres long, they pose real risks.

Look for branching shoots which look different. Their branch attachment may look strange, or there may be multiple shoots from the same place on the trunk or stem. These shoots often grow almost vertically and grow at a much faster rate than normal branches.

#7. Check your canopy

If a large old trees dies or falls over, it can leave a large gap that changes local wind speed and intensity.

When trees are removed along roads, tracks and from around properties, canopy cover falls and wind speeds generally increase. This can be a real problem for your other trees, as they’re now enduring stronger winds than they were used to. It’s sensible to monitor your remaining trees in these circumstances.

Stormy future

Intense winds are projected to arrive more often in many parts of Australia as the climate keeps changing. This, in turn, will affect the trees we live close to.

It’s becoming more common to see householders pushing to remove large trees to reduce risk. But this comes with new challenges. With big trees gone, the wind speed near you will increase.

Big trees also offer unmatched cooling in summer. And while tree horror stories make the news, the vast majority of trees remain safely anchored in the ground during intense storms.

It’s entirely understandable to get anxious about big trees near your home. But rather than reaching for the chainsaw, it’s worth booking in regular tree inspections by a qualified arborist every three to five years to give reassurance or take action to reduce the risk.

Gregory Moore does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Worried about your trees after the windstorms? Here are 7 signs you might be at risk – https://theconversation.com/worried-about-your-trees-after-the-windstorms-here-are-7-signs-you-might-be-at-risk-237963

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Simon, Adjunct Fellow in Economics, Macquarie University, Macquarie University

How can we tell if the Reserve Bank of Australia – which sets the interest rates that shape our national and household budgets – is doing a good job?

That’s partly what the Albanese government set out to test in setting up a review of the bank in 2022.

When that review reported back last year, many people were surprised it devoted so much of its attention to governance and culture, rather than things such as its inflation target, which helps the bank set interest rates.

The review recommended a more open decision-making process and an interest rate board made up of experts, something the parliament is yet to agree on.

However, for people such as myself who have worked at the bank (I was there for more than 30 years), that focus was exactly the right one.

To boost Australians’ trust in an institution that’s central to all our lives it is important to pass the legislation and implement the recommendations of the review.

In the meantime, there is more we can do: we can expect the bank be more transparent with all of us about what its plan is. This is not just the outcome it is aiming for, but how its decisions will get us there.

Bad luck vs bad forecasts

So how can we test the Reserve Bank’s performance? One way would be to see whether inflation is in its target band.

But there are all sorts of reasons why inflation might be out of the band that have nothing to do with whether the bank is doing its job. It might be out of the target band because of bad luck or because of things outside of the bank’s control.

Another method might be to look at the reasons inflation is not in the target band.

But this isn’t as useful as it sounds. If, for instance, inflation was outside of the target band because government spending was higher than the bank anticipated in the lead-up to an election, it could be argued it was the bank’s job to be better at anticipating and to set monetary policy accordingly.

It would certainly help for the bank to set out clearly the assumptions behind its forecasts and the reasons it made those assumptions at the time it makes its forecasts. But even then it would be hard to tell bad luck from bad forecasts.

Read more:
Politics with Michelle Grattan: Reserve Bank’s Andrew Hauser says don’t read too much for Australia from US rates message

As it happens, the bank regularly publishes an account of the reasons why its forecasts have missed their marks. But the accounts generally tell us more about how the forecasts were wrong than why.

The account might, for instance, tell us services inflation was higher than forecast because productivity was lower than forecast and population growth was higher than forecast. But it won’t tell us much about whether the forecasts were reasonable in the first place.

Early last month, the bank’s deputy governor Andrew Hauser went further and seemed to argue the economy is subject to so much radical uncertainty that forecasting is itself a fool’s errand.

In such an environment, looking at what happened in the past won’t provide much of a guide to what will happen in the future.

Now I happen to think the argument that the economy is as hard to predict as what Elon Musk will do next – as Hauser argued in a speech this month – is wrong.

I think you can learn about the future by studying the past. Hauser himself devoted much of his speech to learning from the past.

Spell out responses in advance

But Hauser and the bank make an important point: forecasting the economy is difficult, and it is unfair to hold forecasters to outcomes.

There is an alternative: hold the bank to inputs.

Bruce Preston at The University of NSW has proposed requiring the bank to state ahead of time, with sufficient specificity to be verifiable, what it will do in certain circumstances.

We could then discuss whether its plan is reasonable ahead of time, and verify whether it did what it said it would do when those circumstances came about.

This would not require a slavish adherence to a rigid path for interest rates. But it would require a clearly articulated strategy, with responses to various eventualities set out ahead of time.

As an example, the bank might say ahead of time that

if inflation is no longer expected to be below 3% by mid-2025, we will raise rates.

Or it might say

if unemployment rises above a certain point, we will lower rates.

Unfortunately, the bank has recently been reluctant to give such “forward guidance”, other than saying its decisions will be “data dependent”.

Partly this has been because of a concern that any such guidance would be taken as a promise about what it will do to interest rates.

But there’s a difference between articulating a clear strategy and saying what will happen to rates. The bank might be wanting to give itself wriggle room.

In any event, if the bank did articulate clear strategies, it wouldn’t completely solve the problem. There would still be lots of ambiguity about what the circumstances were and how to apply the clearly set out strategies.

So what should be done?

Processes are what matters

Standard procedure in the world of auditing is to focus on the processes used to arrive at decisions, and it happens to be the focus of the Reserve Bank review.

In essence, the review found the processes the bank followed were insufficient to guarantee it was doing a good job.

It recommended

• setting up an expert monetary policy board and appointing members through a transparent selection process

• making the culture of the bank less insular, more welcoming of challenges and more engaged with research

• establishing a specialist governance board with an external chair to drive higher standards of performance across the organisation

That’s why it is vitally important for the legislation putting those findings into effect to make it into law.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers intended the two boards to start work in July. The treasury called for expressions of interest in March.

Chalmers says agreement with his opposite number Angus Taylor is close.

While it is true that we will never be able to tell whether the bank is doing a good job by looking only at outcomes, we can make its processes more trustworthy and verifiable. The legislation before the parliament is an essential step.

I worked at the RBA for over thirty years prior to my current position at Macquarie University.

– ref. After working for the RBA for 30 years, here’s how I’d make it more accountable – https://theconversation.com/after-working-for-the-rba-for-30-years-heres-how-id-make-it-more-accountable-237958

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alistair Harvey, UQ Amplify Research Fellow, The University of Queensland

The full significance of Harry Mosby’s silver-medal win in the men’s discus at the 1976 Paralympic Games in Canada was unrecognised for 45 years: Paralympics Australia thought he was a Western Australian.

In truth, Mosby was a Torres Strait Islander from Masig (Yorke Island), one of around 600 Islander men who worked to support his family on the Australian mainland during “railway time” from the late 1950s to the early 1970s.

Until 1965, the Queensland Torres Strait Islander Act controlled resident Islanders’ lives, including their wages and movements.

Mosby, who left the Strait in 1963 and lost both legs in a railway accident in the Pilbara in 1968, was among the first to leave.

Paralympics Australia now recognises Mosby not only as a Torres Strait Islander but also as the first, and only, Paralympian from the Strait.

This recognition came in 2021 following our (Phillips and Osmond) research on the history of the Australian Paralympic movement, in collaboration with Paralympics Australia.

The longstanding misunderstanding about Mosby’s origins existed because he was based in Perth, rehabilitating from his accident, when he was selected to represent Australia in 1976.

A comment made in an oral history interview by his teammate Frank Ponta referring to Mosby as a Torres Strait Islander, led us to investigate his origins and connected us to his family on Masig.

Our experience with the Paralympics’ history project and encounter with Mosby led us to ask questions about other pioneering Indigenous Paralympians and Olympians.

Aboriginal trailblazers

The first Aboriginal Paralympian was wheelchair basketballer Kevin Coombs, who competed in the inaugural Paralympics in Rome in 1960, the first of his five Paralympics.

A Wotjobaluk man from Balranald, NSW, Coombs began competing before the 1967 referendum, when Indigenous people went uncounted in the census. He was devastated to need an honorary British, rather than Australian, passport to compete in Rome.

Those games were the ninth iteration of the Stoke Mandeville Games, the predecessor to the Paralympics, held since 1948, yet no identified Indigenous athletes participated in those earlier events.

Historic questions

Mosby’s and Coombs’ Paralympic experiences raise questions about Indigenous participation in the Olympic Games.

Ask yourself: who were the first Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Olympians? Which games and sports did they compete in? How did government legislation shape their opportunities? How did they avail themselves of these opportunities? Were these athletes recognised as Indigenous at the time?

The first Aboriginal athletes to participate in the Olympics, in Tokyo 1964, were boxers Adrian Blair and Frank Roberts, and basketballer Michael Ah Matt.

All three learned their sports under the restrictions imposed by state-based legislation governing the lives of Aboriginal people: Blair was from Cherbourg, an Aboriginal settlement in Queensland; Ah Matt grew up in Darwin, while Roberts was from Cubawee Aboriginal Reserve in NSW.

Even though these men experienced broad systemic racism like other Aboriginal people at the time, they were selected in the team for Tokyo.

Nevertheless, the Australian Olympic Federation did not acknowledge their Aboriginal identity.

This was consistent with government policies of assimilation requiring Aboriginal people to deny their cultures, languages and identities in order to “blend in” to White Australia.

Assimilation helps to explain that while we celebrate Cathy Freeman and Patty Mills, we know little about their Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander predecessors.

A platform to shine

The modern Olympics began in 1896 but it took until 1964 before any athletes who were identified as Aboriginal were selected. There were outstanding athletes, however.

Yorta Yorta man Lynch Cooper was the world’s professional sprint champion in 1929, for example, and Yiman boxer Jerry Jerome claimed the Australian middleweight crown in 1912.

But they were professionals at a time when the Olympics enforced an amateur/professional divide.

While regimes of control over Aboriginal people restricted access to amateur sports, many athletes were attracted to professional sports to escape poverty.

Aboriginal professional athletes on the world stage in this period like Lionel Rose were ineligible for Olympic competition.

Others, like Evonne Goolagong, were professional but played in sports that weren’t on the Olympic program.

Torres Strait Islanders had an even longer wait than Aboriginal athletes to enter the Olympic arena – Danny Morseu, who played basketball in Moscow 1980, was the first.

Like their Aboriginal cousins seeking to escape poverty through professional sports, many Islanders sought to escape government control over work and wages.

While Mosby was one of the earliest Islander men to leave, Morseu’s generation had greater freedoms and he was able to move to Melbourne to pursue his basketball career.

Australian women first competed in the summer Olympics in 1912.

It was not until 1992, however, that an Indigenous woman competed – breaststroker Samantha Riley.

Hockeyroo Nova Peris became the first Indigenous Australian woman to win a gold medal, in 1996, and in 2000 Freeman became the first Aboriginal athlete to claim an individual Olympic gold.

The delayed debut of Indigenous women reflects the double fold of discrimination – gender and racism – they faced in sport.

Indigenous Australians experienced nearly two centuries of containment and control by the time Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders represented Australia at the Paralympic and Olympic Games.

Paris will see more First Nations athletes in competition, adding to the 60 recognised Indigenous Olympians and 16 Paralympians who competed between 1960 and 2021.

As we watch them perform, let’s not forget their trailblazing forebears and ensure future Indigenous Olympians and Paralympians don’t face similar challenges.

Alistair Harvey receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Gary Osmond receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Murray Phillips receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. What a ‘forgotten’ Torres Strait Island Paralympian teaches us about representation, achievement and history – https://theconversation.com/what-a-forgotten-torres-strait-island-paralympian-teaches-us-about-representation-achievement-and-history-232587

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dominic O’Sullivan, Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Health and Environmental Sciences, Auckland University of Technology, and Professor of Political Science, Charles Sturt University

The numbers attending the tangihanga for Kīngi Tūheitia Pōtatau Te Wherowhero VII attest not only to the enduring significance of the Kīngitanga movement, but also to its political relevance at this point in Aotearoa New Zealand’s history.

Tūheitia, the seventh Māori monarch, died on Friday at the age of 69. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said he was “somebody who tried to pull everyone together – Māori and non-Māori”.

Luxon’s government, of course, has been accused of doing the very opposite through policies designed to limit Māori influence in public life. With the ACT Party’s hugely contentious Treaty Principles Bill about to be introduced, it is the risk of pushing people apart that worries many.

The Kīngitanga’s own founding principle of kotahitanga – unity – is therefore as relevant as ever.

Kotahitanga

Other than parliament, the Kīngitanga (King Movement) is New Zealand’s longest continuing political institution. Formed in 1858, it predates political parties. It was founded with the unifying “korowai” (cloak) of stopping the colonial sale of land, ending inter-tribal warfare, and preserving Māori culture.

Although not all iwi (tribes) joined the movement, its original purpose of stopping colonial expansion remains universal, and makes it nationally significant. The hui-a-iwi (national meeting) Tūheitia called in January to resist the new government’s policies to diminish the role of te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) attracted 10,000 people.

Shortly afterwards, the prime minister gave a firm commitment that his National party would not support into law its coalition partner’s Treaty Principles Bill. More recently, the Waitangi Tribunal found the bill was “unfair [and] discriminatory”.

So, too, was the 1863 invasion of the Waikato, which saw the confiscation of 1.2 million acres of Māori land. For the government of the day, resistance amounted to rebellion against the sovereign authority of the Crown.

Invasion and resistance

In 1884, the second king, Tāwhiao, travelled to London to seek restitution and “renew the words” of the Treaty. Queen Victoria wouldn’t meet him. The British Colonial Office said land confiscation was a matter for the New Zealand government.

In doing so, Britain rejected the idea of te Tiriti being a personal relationship between Victoria and the chiefs who signed the agreement, after English missionaries convinced them this was its intent.

While it’s a sharply contested policy, it’s perhaps not surprising Te Pāti Māori proposes severing New Zealand’s connection with the British monarch so that te Tiriti may be honoured according to the party’s interpretation of the agreement.

But it is because the Kīngitanga stands apart from party politics that it remains influential, with kotahitanga its essential and enduring ambition.

Reparation and redress

Partial restitution for the Waikato invasion was achieved in 1995 with the Waikato Raupatu Claims Settlements Act, which was symbolically given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II.

The act’s material substance flowed from admitting the Crown’s “unconscionable” conduct. It accepted the confiscated lands made a significant contribution to the wealth and development of New Zealand, while Waikato iwi were deprived of the benefit of their lands.

The NZ$170 million settlement was a fraction of the land’s estimated value in 1995 of $12 billion. So it wasn’t a fair and equal act of reconciliation. Unity was achieved, perhaps, through Waikato generosity.

Nevertheless, further payments meant the settlement was increased to ensure relativity with later settlements with other iwi. In 2022, total payments had reached $390 million. Post-settlement investments had seen the Waikato asset base grow to $2.2 billion by 2023.

Such Māori success is important, and provides a foundation for Tūheitia’s call for unity.

Leadership beyond parliament

Celebrating the 18th anniversary of his coronation last month, Tūheitia addressed the contemporary meaning of kotahitanga:

Our kotahitanga shouldn’t be focused on fighting against the government. Instead, we need to focus on getting in the waka and working together. Mana motuhake has room for everyone.

Significantly, he added:

I don’t want politicians to lead the conversation about nationhood.

Leadership beyond conventional party politics may take some of the tension from contemporary Treaty policy debates.

Only last week, the prime minister objected to a ten-year-old Waitangi Tribunal finding that Māori did not cede sovereignty to the British Crown under te Tiriti, telling parliament, the “Crown is sovereign”.

This was meant as an assertion of colonial authority – as if government and Māori can’t have political authority at the same time. As if mana motuhake – autonomy and self-determination – doesn’t allow “room for everyone”.

If kotahitanga is the objective, there must surely be space for everybody to say, as Tāwhiao did, “Maku ano e hanga toku nei whare” – I will build my own house.

Speaking about the Treaty Principles Bill at the hui-a-iwi in January, Tūheitia said, “There’s no principles, the Treaty is written. That’s it.”

The coming weeks and months will test that view – and demonstrate the place of the Kīngitanga as a political and cultural institution outside parliament and political parties. The new monarch’s job will be an important one at an important time in the New Zealand story.

Dominic O’Sullivan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Room for everyone’: how Kīngi Tūheitia’s message of unity offered an alternative to divisive Treaty politics – https://theconversation.com/room-for-everyone-how-kingi-tuheitias-message-of-unity-offered-an-alternative-to-divisive-treaty-politics-237852

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national Newspoll, conducted August 26–30 from a sample of 1,263, had a 50–50 two-party tie between Labor and the Coalition, unchanged from the previous Newspoll three weeks ago. This is the first time this term there have been two successive ties in Newspoll.

Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down one), 32% Labor (steady), 12% Greens (steady), 7% One Nation (up one) and 11% for all Others (steady).

Anthony Albanese’s net approval slumped five points to -13, with 54% dissatisfied (up three) and 41% satisfied (down two). This is Albanese’s worst net approval in Newspoll since November 2023, after the failure of the Voice referendum.

The graph below shows Albanese’s net approval in Newspoll this term. The plus signs are Newspoll results and a smoothed line has been fitted.

Peter Dutton’s net approval was down three points to -13, and this is the first time Albanese and Dutton have been equal on net approval in Newspoll since November 2023. Albanese led Dutton by 45–37 as better PM (46–39 previously).

When asked about inflation if Dutton and the Coalition were in government, 24% said inflation would be lower than it is now, 18% higher, 41% about the same and 17% were undecided.

While the government has had other problems in the past few weeks, I believe inflation is still its main problem with voters. Last week’s Morgan consumer confidence reading of 82.6 was the highest six-week average since February, but consumer confidence has been below 85 for a record 82 successive weeks.

YouGov poll tied at 50–50

A national YouGov poll, conducted August 23–28 from a sample of 1,543, had a 50–50 tie, a one-point gain for the Coalition since the mid-July YouGov poll. Primary votes were 37% Coalition (down one), 32% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (up one) and 10% for all Others (down one).

It’s strange that the two-party vote improved for the Coalition despite the drop in the Coalition’s primary vote and gain for Labor. Rounding probably explains this.

Albanese’s net approval was down one point to -11, with 52% dissatisfied and 41% satisfied. Dutton’s net approval was also down one to -5. Albanese led Dutton by 43–38 as preferred PM (45–37 in July).

In a forced choice question, 67% of Australian voters would vote for Democrat Kamala Harris for US president, while 33% would vote for Republican Donald Trump. The only group voting for Trump was One Nation voters (80–20 for Trump).

Essential poll: Labor gains to lead by 48–46

A national Essential poll, conducted August 21–25 from a sample of 1,129, gave Labor a 48–46 lead including undecided, after a 47–47 tie in the early August Essential poll. Primary votes were 33% Coalition (down one), 29% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (down one), 7% One Nation (steady), 1% UAP (steady), 11% for all Others (up two) and 6% undecided (steady).

Despite Labor’s improvement on voting intentions, Albanese’s net approval dropped seven points since late July to -10, with 50% disapproving and 40% approving. This is Albanese’s worst rating in Essential this term. Dutton’s net approval was steady at +1.

By 44–30, voters supported Dutton’s call to pause arrivals of Palestinian refugees. There was a 42–42 tie on whether immigration to Australia is generally positive or negative (46–34 positive in November 2023).

While voters were narrowly positive on immigration’s impact on the economy (42–41), they were negative on its impact on jobs (51–35), the environment (43–24) and strongly negative on house prices (69–15).

On the government’s response to the Israel-Gaza war, 32% said it was too supportive of Israel, 16% too harsh on Israel and 52% were satisfied. These figures are unchanged from June. On Israel’s military action in Gaza, 39% (up one since June) said Israel should permanently withdraw, 21% (steady) agree to a temporary ceasefire and 17% (up two) said Israel’s military action was justified.

Redbridge and Morgan polls

A national Redbridge poll, conducted from a sample of 2,000, gave Labor a 50.5–49.5 lead, a two-point gain for Labor since the mid-July Redbridge poll. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down three) and 33% Labor (up one). No other primary votes or fieldwork dates have been released yet.

A national Morgan poll, conducted August 19–25 from a sample of 1,701, gave the Coalition a 50.5–49.5 lead, a one-point gain for the Coalition since the August 12–18 Morgan poll.

Primary votes were 39.5% Coalition (up one), 29.5% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (down 0.5), 4% One Nation (steady), 9% independents (up 0.5) and 5% others (steady).

The headline figure is based on respondent preferences. By 2022 election preferences flows, there was a 50–50 tie, a one-point gain for the Coalition.

EMRS Tasmanian poll: little change since May

An EMRS Tasmanian state poll, conducted August 14–21 from a sample of 1,000, gave the Liberals 36% of the vote (up one since May), Labor 27% (down one), the Greens 14% (down one), the Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN) 8% (up one), independents 14% (steady) and others 3% (steady).

Liberal incumbent Jeremy Rockliff held a 45–30 lead over Labor’s Dean Winter as preferred premier (40–32 in May).

At the March state election, three JLN MPs were elected, but analyst Kevin Bonham reported on August 25 that two of these MPs had been expelled by the party.

So the current standings of the Tasmanian lower house are 14 Liberals out of 35, ten Labor, five Greens, five independents and one JLN. The Liberals need four of the six crossbenchers to pass legislation opposed by Labor and the Greens. The EMRS poll was done before the JLN blew up.

NT likely election result

For the August 24 Northern Territory election, the ABC is giving the Country Liberal Party (CLP) 17 of the 25 seats, Labor four, independents three and one seat (Nightcliff) is undecided, but Labor is expected to beat the Greens after distribution of preferences.

The Greens were initially seen as likely to beat the CLP in Fannie Bay on Labor preferences, but the flow of Labor preferences to the Greens was weaker than expected, and the CLP will gain Fannie Bay from Labor.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Newspoll remains tied at 50–50, but Albanese’s net approval slumps – https://theconversation.com/newspoll-remains-tied-at-50-50-but-albaneses-net-approval-slumps-237549

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shahram Akbarzadeh, Convenor of the Middle East Studies Forum (MESF), and Acting Director the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University

On August 27, Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, told the newly elected president, Masoud Pezeshkian, and his cabinet that talking to the enemy may be useful.

In a thinly veiled reference to Iran’s engagement with the international community – and specifically the United States – Khamenei said Iran should not pin its hopes on such engagement, but that is no reason not to hold talks with the enemy.

This is the kind of green light that Pezeshkian needs to engage again with the International Atomic Energy Agency and Western countries on Iran’s nuclear program, and to engage with international interlocutors over its heightened tensions with Israel.

This statement seems to signal a desire to walk back from the brink of an all-out war with Israel over the assassination of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh on Iranian soil in July and revert back to the mutual deterrence that had defined their relationship for years.

This, however, may not be an option given how much the region has changed over the past year.

Crossing a threshold in April

In April of this year, Israel targeted Iran’s embassy complex in Damascus, killing members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps.

This led to a carefully choreographed Iranian response. Iran could not ignore the Israeli attack, which the authorities condemned as an assault on Iranian sovereign territory, but did not wish to go into war with Israel. As a result, Iran reportedly gave advance warning of its impending response, which allowed Israel and its allies to shoot down most of the 300-odd missiles and drone fired from Iran.

This response was nonetheless seen as a victory in Iran, as it demonstrated its technological capacity to reach Israel. It also marked a departure from Iran’s default position of talking tough, but not getting involved in direct confrontation.

Iran clearly crossed a threshold in April, but seems very uneasy about the consequences.

Then, on July 31, Haniyeh was assassinated while on a visit to Iran. Although Israel has neither confirmed or denied responsibility, it is widely believed to have been behind it.

This has put the Iranian leadership in a bind. There have been calls from hardliners for retaliation to restore Iran’s image as a country that can defend itself and avenge the killing of a close ally. Khamenei has also insisted Israel will be punished for its action, but the time would be of Iran’s choosing.

It is clear the Iranian leadership cannot afford to look weak and risk damaging their standing among their allies and proxies in the region, which include Hamas, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthi rebels in Yemen and other Shi’a militant groups in Iraq and Syria. But there are also other considerations that weigh heavily on their mind.

A crisis of legitimacy

A direct response to Israel could open a Pandora’s box. It would pave the way for further direct attacks by Israel, perhaps even targeted assassinations of Iranian leaders.

This is a real possibility. Israel has demonstrated its willingness to respond to any threat with force under the rubric of self-defence. It has also demonstrated its ability to carry out precision attacks in Iran, such as its retaliatory strike on a radar system in the city of Isfahan after Iran’s missile and drone attack in April.

Furthermore, such escalation presents the real risk of drawing the United States into the conflict.

The Iranian leadership has made an art of brinksmanship. Anti-Americanism is ingrained in the political discourse of the political elite and frames Iranian foreign policy. But Iran has so far avoided war with the United States, because that could risk everything.

The reason: Iran’s leaders are already nervous about their political future, and conflict with Israel and the US could seriously exacerbate the situation.

There is a major disconnect between large segments of society and the ruling regime at the moment. Two years ago, Iran was rocked by spontaneous anti-regime mass protests under the banner of “Woman, Life, Freedom”. They started in response to the death of Mahsa Amini in custody for not wearing her hijab properly, but soon morphed into an anti-establishment revolt that called for the “fall of dictatorship” and an end to the Islamic regime. The revolt was put down by force, arbitrary detentions and executions.

The death of President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash in May this year offered an opportunity for the ruling regime to seek a reconciliation with its reformist critics. Pezeshkian, a reformist parliamentarian, was vetted and approved to run in the election to replace Raisi with the intention of increasing voter turnout. Iran’s supreme leader has repeatedly pointed to the voter turnout rate as an indicator of the regime’s legitimacy.

Yet, the participation rate in the first round of the election was just 39.9% – the lowest in a presidential election in Iran’s history – and only reached 49.8% in the final round. This points to the depth of public disillusionment with the political system. Many reformists boycotted the election and dismissed the exercise as a sham and smokescreen for the ruling regime.

Iran’s crisis of legitimacy is at its highest point, making it ripe for another explosion. War with Israel or the United States can ignite this tinder box.

A potential solution for Iran?

So the Iranian leadership faces a dilemma. It cannot walk back from its anti-Israel and anti-US rhetoric. Tehran has built its foreign policy and formed an extensive network, the so-called Axis of Resistance, based on it. It cannot betray this pillar of its identity.

But acting on it would risk the survival of the regime. So the leadership has been looking for an increasingly difficult-to-find balance.

Hezbollah’s recent exchange of fire with Israel may have been the answer. By supporting Hezbollah, Iran can claim to have inflicted pain on Israel without striking itself.

This is aimed at restoring the status quo that existed before April. This strategy outsources the fighting to Hezbollah and Iran’s other proxies to protect the ruling regime from a direct confrontation and ward off an existential threat to the leaders’ rule.

But this may be wishful thinking. This strategy could give Israel the justification it needs to strike Iranian targets again. And this, in turn, could serve as the spark for the public’s pent-up frustration aimed at the brutality of the ruling regime.

Shahram Akbarzadeh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is Iran’s anti-Israel and American rhetoric all bark and no bite? – https://theconversation.com/is-irans-anti-israel-and-american-rhetoric-all-bark-and-no-bite-237662