Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Priya Dev, Lecturer & Academic Data Science, Digital Assets & Distributed Ledgers, Australian National University

Last year, I started getting a lot of unsolicited phone calls, mainly from people trying to sell me things. This came as a surprise because, as a data scientist, I am very careful about what personal information I let out into the world. So I set out to discover what had happened.

My investigation took several months. It eventually led me to the labyrinthine world of data brokers.

In today’s digital age, where personal data is a new kind of gold, these companies wield significant power, creating networks where our personal information is shared between brokers and telemarketers as easily as TikTok videos. Their businesses profit from the data they collect, and many of the calls they enable come from scammers.

This comes at an enormous cost: in 2023, Australians lost $2.7 billion to scams. This highlights the urgent need for stronger privacy protections to limit how our personal data is collected and shared.

In an attempt to address this need, the Australian government this month introduced long-overdue privacy reforms. But these reforms are still inadequate for the many privacy issues affecting people today, including targeting by data brokers and telemarketers.

Investigating the hidden web

One of the mechanisms designed to protect us from unwanted calls is the Do Not Call Register.

Managed by the Australian Communications and Media Authority, the registry holds more than 12 million phone numbers, including mine. The registry is supposed to block unsolicited calls. But last year, despite being on the list, I began to receive dozens of unwanted calls – on average, about three per day.

Curious, I started tracing the origins of these calls. What I uncovered was a network of hidden connections between data brokers, telemarketers and large organisations – including a major political party. It became clear that simply being on the Do Not Call Register wasn’t enough to protect my privacy.

I started by asking the callers what data they held, and how they had obtained mine. I requested details about the companies they represented, including their websites and Australian Business Numbers (ABNs) – the unique identifiers for Australian businesses.

Most callers hung up the moment I started asking questions, until one day I spoke with a man named Paul, who worked in the real estate sector – an industry worth more than $10 trillion as of 2024. The high-value real-estate market makes our personal data especially valuable to businesses operating within the industry.

Digging deeper

The unique thing about Paul was that he knew my real name, whereas other telemarketers only had access to the pseudonyms I’d used to protect my identity online. Paul explained he had licensed my data from the real estate giant CoreLogic Australia.

This discovery pushed me to dig deeper. After a lot of back and forth, I finally obtained my data from CoreLogic. The amount of information was small, but surprisingly accurate – especially considering the steps I’d taken to hide my identity. It made me wonder where they got it from, as only organisations such as utility companies, banks or the government would hold that type of information.

CoreLogic told me in an email that:

CoreLogic gets data from a variety of sources … most of the information we collect comes from public records, which we license from government departments and agencies. We may also collect personal information from third parties such as through real estate agents, tenancy and strata mangers, financial institutions and marketing database providers.

This was a troubling discovery, because the institutions on which we depend for essentials such as public services, housing and finance – and from which we can’t hide our identities – may be selling our personal information to data brokers, who then pass it along to telemarketers.

What’s even more alarming is that the data is shared unmasked, meaning personal details such as our names, genders and phone numbers are fully visible. Once this information is out in the open, it becomes almost impossible to control how it’s recorded or shared.

It’s also nearly impossible to stop it being passed to overseas telemarketers, who aren’t bound by Australian privacy laws.

Solving the mystery

My investigation didn’t end there.

Eventually, CoreLogic revealed it had purchased my data from Australian data broker firm Smrtr in August 2023. This coincided with the surge in unsolicited calls.

Through Smrtr I learned they had purchased my data in 2016 from another data broker, EightDragons Digital. Smrtr also admitted to selling my data to various companies – all without my consent.

Determined to investigate the origin of my online data trail, I contacted EightDragons Digital, which calls itself “a leading global consumer data agency”. It collects personal data for big brands including Energy Australia, Vodafone, NRMA, Nissan, Johnnie Walker, American Express, The Good Guys, and even the Australian Labor Party.

The company claimed it collected my data in a 2014 marketing campaign, and likely passed it to at least 50 other companies. However, it had no records to verify the marketing campaign or prove that I had given consent.

A small step only

CoreLogic defended its practices as legal, saying it’s too difficult to verify consent or anonymise personal data.

However, with modern technology, it’s actually possible to track where data comes from, check consent, and share insights without exposing personal details such as names and phone numbers.

The government’s recent privacy reforms are a small step in the right direction. But until data brokers are required to obtain explicit consent before trading personal information, they fall far short of being a giant leap forward.

Priya Dev does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How did they get my data? I uncovered the hidden web of networks behind telemarketers – https://theconversation.com/how-did-they-get-my-data-i-uncovered-the-hidden-web-of-networks-behind-telemarketers-238991

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Clift, Lecturer in Law, The University of Melbourne

It seems like the dust barely settles from the latest high-profile defamation stoush before the next set of litigants straps on the gloves and steps into the ring.

Many of these cases raise eyebrows — and questions. Was that story about him? Does anyone remember that tweet? Wasn’t it just harmless banter? Didn’t she respond to that allegation? What if it’s all true? Isn’t that free speech? How much did you say this will cost?!

Defamation law continues to loom large over public conversations, despite recent law reforms aimed at remedying Australia’s unwanted reputation as the “defamation capital of the world”.

At the heart of defamation law lies a tension between protecting reputation and maintaining freedom of speech. The more robustly defamation law protects reputation, the more it constrains speech.

Free speech is valued in Australian law, politics and society, notwithstanding our lack of an explicit constitutional speech right. So why does our defamation law facilitate seven-figure lawsuits over communicative slights that, at times, seem disproportionately minor?

What shapes these laws?

Defamation law is old — very old — with roots in English law half a millennium ago. For several hundred years it existed in parallel with publishing monopolies, political and moral censorship, and fears that loose talk could stoke public disorder.

In other words, our defamation law substantially predates modern conceptions of civil and political rights. Some of its features, like strict rather than fault-based liability (the plaintiff need not prove anything about the defendant’s intentions or degree of care), retain the flavour of less liberal times.

Still, defamation has developed over the years and adapted with transplantation to other legal systems.

The defamation laws of different places are influenced by factors such as community values, prevailing views on the value of speech, the nature and democratic credentials of the political system, and the role of law and the constitution in regulating citizens and the state.

For example, the United States is culturally and historically predisposed to liberty and suspicion of government. The freedom to discuss and debate public affairs is seen as essential to its democratic system. The First Amendment to the US Constitution is the world’s most famous free speech law.

Accordingly, US courts have limited defamation on matters of public concern to deliberate or reckless lies, while opinions on any newsworthy topic are immune from suit. This is because US democracy requires the “marketplace of ideas” to be minimally constrained and largely self-regulating.

On the other hand, less democratic states have kept their defamation laws strict, to suppress political dissent and silence critical media.

A case in point is Singapore, which, under founding father Lee Kwan Yew and his perpetually-in-power People’s Action Party, has weaponised defamation law against political opposition and the press.

Read more:
With more lawsuits potentially looming, should politicians be allowed to sue for defamation?

That is not to say that less defamation law is automatically better than more. The interest in maintaining a (deserved) good reputation is legitimate. And speech anarchism can allow low-value and harmful speech to flourish.

The High Court of Australia has shied away from US-style speech liberalism for fear it could facilitate speech that is harmful to the integrity of political discourse: a prescient position given recent US history. The English courts have done similarly, influenced by distrust of the tabloid press.

But when reputation and speech fall out of balance, defamation law risks infringing both democratic values and fundamental rights.

Legal balancing acts

Around the turn of the millennium, English defamation law reached a crossroads. Its relative stasis had turned the United Kingdom into a “libel tourism” hotspot, and the UK was falling behind on the speech protections mandated by the European Convention on Human Rights.

So the UK courts moved to better protect publishers by creating a new defence for responsible publication in the public interest. That was followed in 2013 by a new Defamation Act to further simplify, clarify and rebalance defamation law.

Australia, lacking the same constitutional or convention impetus, has been slow to follow suit. The states agreed to harmonise their disparate defamation laws only in 2005, and it was 2021 before they found the appetite to improve them.

By then, Australia had taken over the UK’s mantle as the preferred destination for defamation plaintiffs.

Australia’s 2021 reforms included a new defence for publication of public-interest material, which generated some excitement but hasn’t substantially liberated the media from defamation threats. It amounts to tinkering around the edges of law, which remains conservative at its core.

Today, from a practical standpoint, the biggest problem with defamation may be its cost.

Legal advice and correspondence are expensive, settlements more so, and the cost of litigation can be eye-watering. It’s one problem if you can’t afford to assert your legal rights; it’s quite another to be slapped with an unexpected complaint. Defamation disputes can easily bankrupt individuals and exhaust media budgets.

Read more:
Why defamation suits in Australia are so ubiquitous — and difficult to defend for media organisations

Legal consequences can act as an incentive for better journalism, but they also chill public-interest reporting. Even a journalist assured of their facts will find proving them in court to be a different matter. And a win does not guarantee full recovery of costs, let alone time and stress.

The debate over defamation law reform is ongoing. The central question remains how best to balance the interest in reputation with the benefits of free speech. The answers depend on what we really value, and what our commitment to liberal democracy really requires.

Brendan Clift does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. With all these defamation lawsuits, what ever happened to free speech? – https://theconversation.com/with-all-these-defamation-lawsuits-what-ever-happened-to-free-speech-238312

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hunter Fujak, Senior Lecturer in Sport Management, Deakin University

Football’s awards season kicks off this week, with the AFL’s Brownlow Medal awarded on Monday evening and the NRL’s Dally M awarded on October 2.

Both medals aim to crown their league’s best regular season player.

Historical voting patterns, however, question whether they achieve this objective, or rather award the most influential key position player from the season’s most successful teams.

How to assess a fairest and best player?

A curiosity of the Australian sport landscape is that all four major football codes use a different panel of judges in award voting.

The AFL’s Brownlow Medal is voted on by umpires, while the NRL’s Dally M is determined by a pool of media pundits and ex-players.

Rugby Australia’s John Eales Medal is voted on by players, and the A-League’s Johnny Warren Medal is judged by a four-body panel that consists of a technical football expert, football media representative, former player and match officials.

Each one of these structures produces unique biases and criticisms.

The Brownlow: the midfielder’s medal

The Brownlow was devised as an award for the fairest and best player of the AFL competition, reflecting the often understated importance of fair play that umpires are uniquely positioned to judge.

The Brownlow’s voting system has long been a topic of interest for fans, pundits and academics alike.

While Lachie Neale’s surprise victory in 2023 generated renewed controversy, the Brownlow has long been criticised as a midfielders award.

Melbourne’s Herald, in 1938, stated:

Under the present method, men playing on the full-forward or full-back lines have little chance of winning the award usually being won by men most constantly in the play who are able to stand out in comparatively weak sides.

This observation around weak sides reflected that from 1931 to 1938, the Brownlow went on an eight-season run of being won by a player not from a finals team.

Indeed, among the first 49 Brownlow winners from 1924 to 1969, only 31% came from finalists.

Since 1970, 72% of winners have come from a finals team (noting the finals system has changed over time).

One consistent long-term trend has been the dominance of midfielders.

Among the 27 Brownlows awarded this millennium, only Adam Goodes (a two-time winner) would not be considered primarily a midfielder.

This positional dominance is not unique to AFL.

Soccer’s most pre-eminent global award, the Ballon d’Or, has been awarded 66 times, of which a defender has been the recipient only four times and a goalkeeper once.

The Dally M suffers from a similar concentration.

The Dally M: the media medal

The Dally M has been awarded since 1979, becoming rugby league’s premier individual honour in 1998 with the formation of the NRL.

In 45 years of voting, the winner has come from a non-finalist team on only six occasions (13%).

The award is also won near exclusively by the “spine” positions of fullback, five-eighth, halfback and hooker, which account for 91% of medallists.

The Dally M uses a pool of media pundits and ex-players for voting on each match, creating the potential for obvious conflicts of interests.

During seasons 2019 and 2020 for instance, 12 of the Brisbane Broncos’ 44 matches were judged by ex-Broncos players. On four of these instances, former player Darren Lockyer was the judge, despite being an active non-executive director of the Brisbane Broncos organisation.

Voting in nearly 22% of matches in these two seasons was performed by judges who played or coached for one of the participating teams.

NRL Chairman Peter V’Landys initiated a review of the Dally M following a surprise winner in 2020 (Jack Wighton), claiming the voting system disadvantaged players from winning teams.

Whilst this supposition disregarded that 88% of all 2020 Dally M points were awarded to players from the winning team, voting was modified for the 2023 season.

This revised system introduced an additional judge to produce two independent voters per match, and in a widely criticised move, veiled these judges with anonymity.

This new system has revealed just how little experts agree when trying to assess subjective performance.

In the opening five rounds of 2023, the two judges picked the same player of the match in less than half (48%) of fixtures.

In a third of matches (31%), one judge’s best on ground did not poll any points with the other judge.

In one instance, the two judges chose six completely different players in their respective 3-2-1 votes (round five, 2023, Bulldogs v Cowboys).

Player and coach awards: The true best and fairest?

Although the Brownlow and Dally M dominate the public limelight, team accolades are typically held in high standing within sport clubs, as internal recognition is often more highly valued than external status within high performance cultures.

Such player and coach awards, typically forming part of season-end club events, can be argued as more accurate assessments of player performance.

This is because the voters – teammates and/or coaches – best understand the roles and expectations of each player within the team’s overarching game plan.

For this reason, in the AFL, there is often wide discrepancies between a team’s distribution of Brownlow votes and a club’s internal award votes.

In 2023, for instance, six of 18 AFL clubs crowned a best and fairest who was different from their highest Brownlow vote-getter.

The most notable of this was Brisbane, where key defender Harris Andrews won the club’s best and fairest, despite finishing 44th in Brownlow voting.

Defender Harry Sheezel similarly won North Melbourne’s best and fairest despite finishing fifth from his team in the Brownlow count.

Is there a perfect solution?

Recent shock winners in both codes saw media organisations perform “forensic analysis” of voting patterns.

In the AFL, former Collingwood president and media personality Eddie McGuire proposed a “panel of elders” while the NRL’s V’Landys proposed rating every player for every match, to determine their respective awards.

Such scrutiny has undoubtedly been fuelled by the datafication of sport and its athletes, which has seen player performance statistics enter the sporting mainstream.

Is it notable then that the AFL reaffirmed their existing policy in early 2024 to preclude umpires from accessing player statistics in casting their votes.

Indeed statistics may not offer the perfect solution some believe.

Any statistical assessment of player performance remains underpinned by human judgement as to the importance of each metric, whilst missing the qualitative nuance that surrounds key match plays and moments.

Ultimately then, there may not be a perfect method to determine a league’s best and fairest player and, arguably, it is this human judgement dimension which makes these awards so engaging as a public spectacle.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Do footy’s best and fairest awards achieve what they claim? – https://theconversation.com/do-footys-best-and-fairest-awards-achieve-what-they-claim-237978

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeffrey McNeill, Honorary Research Associate, School of People, Environment and Planning, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s recent challenge to local government “to rein in the fantasies and to get back to delivering the basics brilliantly” was unsurprising, given his government’s focus on fiscal restraint.

It was in keeping with his announcement that councils’ legislative purpose of delivering their communities’ economic, social, environmental and cultural wellbeing are to be removed from the Local Government Act.

Local government responded with the usual indignation and suggested solutions. There were complaints about inadequate funding mechanisms, questions about whether libraries are basic services. The whole spat likely flew under the radar of the wider public.

Yet the problems facing local government are very real and will not just go away by kicking costly decisions down the road. Rather, they are symptomatic of fundamental choices facing the sector.

Foundational issues

The problems go back to the late 1980s when our current local government system was designed.

Led by then local government minister Michael Bassett, the reforms were the first in over 100 years. More than 850 city, borough and county councils, catchment boards, united councils and local boards were amalgamated to form 86 in 1989 and now 78 regional, city and district councils we have today.

But Bassett still considered local government reform incomplete because of the failure to address water provision.

But I would argue the real unfinished business was the failure to resolve the purpose of local government in the first place. Only when that is agreed can we address local government’s functions, form and funding.

Until then, the shape and function of local government will remain a political football.

According to section 10(1)(a) of the Local Government Act 2002, the purpose of local government is “to enable democratic local decision-making and action by, and on behalf of, communities”.

But the second subsection describing its purpose, (s.10(1)(b)) has changed with the various governments. In 2002, under Helen Clark’s Labour-led government, the purpose of local government was:

to promote the social, economic, environmental, and cultural well-being of communities in the present and for the future.

John Key’s National-led government in 2012 replaced that purpose with a remit

to meet the current and future needs of communities for good-quality local infrastructure, local public services, and performance of regulatory functions in a way that is most cost-effective for households and businesses.

The previous Labour government reintroduced the wellbeing purpose. Luxon is set to remove it.

Function, form and funding

Should local government be a true local government with comprehensive and wide powers, or simply a property-services organisation, providing little more than street-lighting, roading, water and sewerage?

The two very different conceptions of local government determine its functions, form and funding.

These differing views reflect the disparate Anglophone and European concepts of local government. National aligns with the Anglophone model, with its limited local government functions under a strong central government. Labour leans towards the European model, with devolved wide-ranging functions.

The distinction between the two models was made very clear to me while working as part of an international team researching local government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic.

My Italian colleague, for example, reported how his country’s local governments were vitally involved in their cities’ day to day management during the crisis.

Mayors and councils were making daily decisions and announcements about their hospitals’ resourcing, whether to close the schools and training institutes, increase social welfare provision and housing, and so on.

On the flipside, New Zealand local government was largely sidelined to address humanitarian services such as ensuring people had access to food and accommodation.

Instead, councils searched for local “shovel-ready” infrastructure projects to access central government funds in order to reduce unemployment and stimulate local economies. The public focused on national daily press announcements from the prime minister and director-general of health.

No appetite strong local government

For all that, the distinction between Labour and National conceptions of local government may not be as great as recent history suggests.

Both want a strong centre and weak local government. Our councils have largely reinforced this reality. Some have sought to extend their scope of activities, others have clearly defined themselves as property services agencies.

Most have largely refrained from the excesses the prime minister appears to be concerned about, partly to avoid being caught out by changes in central government, but also because most council expenditure is already committed to infrastructure.

But does it have to be this way?

The Labour-led government’s 2021 Future for Local Government review envisaged local government using partnerships with hapū and iwi to promote the four key wellbeings as key to any reform. This is at odds with the present government’s priorities and views on governing with Māori – a big reason why the reports now collect dust.

The review was also very constrained in considering local government functions. Rather, it seemingly took existing functions as its starting point to focus instead on local governance.

Writing about our local government nearly 70 years ago, public servant and academic R.J. Polaschek imagined what would have been if New Zealand had been colonised by Denmark instead of Great Britain. In this hypothetical scenario he saw strong independent local government based on communities with wide-ranging functions.

It still could be, but tinkering at the edges is not going to solve its problems. Our local government project remains unfinished business. It will take political courage and vision to complete the task. One that remains a fantasy, and we are all the losers.

Jeffrey McNeill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Basic service provider or mini democracy? Why NZ needs to decide what it wants from local government – https://theconversation.com/basic-service-provider-or-mini-democracy-why-nz-needs-to-decide-what-it-wants-from-local-government-238862

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Breadon, Program Director, Health and Aged Care, Grattan Institute

When the forerunner of Medicare was established in the 1970s, dental care was left out. Australians are still suffering the consequences half a century later.

Patients pay much more of the cost of dental care than they do for other kinds of care.

More Australians delay or skip dental care because of cost than their peers in most wealthy countries.

And as our dental health gets worse, fees keep on rising.

For decades, a litany of reports and inquiries have called for universal dental coverage to solve these problems.

Now, with the Greens proposing it and Labor backbenchers supporting it, could it finally be time to put the mouth into Medicare?

What’s stopping us?

The Australian Dental Association says the idea is too ambitious and too costly, pointing out it would need many more dental workers. They say the government should start small, focusing on the most vulnerable populations, initially seniors.

Starting small is sensible, but finishing small would be a mistake.

Dental costs aren’t just a problem for the most vulnerable, or the elderly. More than two million Australians avoid dental care because of the cost.

More than four in ten adults usually wait more than a year before seeing a dental professional.

Bringing dental into Medicare will require many thousands of new dental workers. But it will be possible if the scheme is phased in over ten years.

The real reason dental hasn’t been added to Medicare is it would cost billions of dollars. The federal government doesn’t have that kind of money lying around.

Australia has a structural budget problem. Government spending is growing faster than revenue, because we are a relatively low-tax country with high service expectations.

The growing cost of health care is a major contributor, with hospitals and medical benefits among the top six fastest-growing major payments.

The structural gap is only likely to grow without major policy changes.

So, can we afford health care for all? We can. But we should do it with smart choices on dental care, and tough choices to raise revenue and reduce spending elsewhere.

Smart choices about a new dental scheme

The first step is to avoid repeating the mistakes of Medicare.

Medicare payments to private businesses haven’t attracted them to a lot of the communities that need them the most. Many rural and disadvantaged areas are bulk-billing deserts with too few GPs.

The poorest areas have more than twice the psychological distress of the wealthiest areas, but they get about half the Medicare-funded mental health services.

As a result, government money isn’t going where it will make the biggest difference.

There are about 80,000 hospital visits each year for dental problems that could have been avoided with dental care. If there is too little care in disadvantaged and rural communities, where oral health is worst, that number will remain high.

That’s why a significant share of new investment should be quarantined for public dental services, with those services targeted to areas where people are missing out on care.

Another problem with Medicare is its payments often have little relationship to the cost of care, or the impact that care has on the patient’s health.

To tamp down costs, Medicare funding for dental care should exclude cosmetic treatments and orthodontics. It should be based on efficient workforce models where dental assistants and therapists use all their skills – you might not always need to see a dentist.

The funding model should take account of a patient’s needs, reward giving them ongoing care, and have a cap on spending per patient.

Oral health should be measured and recorded, to make sure patients and taxpayers are getting results.

Tough choices to balance the budget

Those steps would slash the cost of The Greens’ plan, which is hard to estimate but might reach more than $20 billion a year once it’s phased in. Instead, the cost would fall to roughly $7 billion a year.

That would be a good investment. But if you’re worried about where the money will come from, there are good ways to pay for it.

Many reforms could reduce government health budgets without harming patients.

There is waste in government funding of pathology tests and less cost-effective medicines.

In some hospitals, there are excessive costs and potentially harmful low-value care.

Over the longer-term, investments in prevention can reduce demand for health care. A tax on sugary drinks, for example, would improve health while raising hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

Measures like this would help the government pay for more dental care. But demand for health care will keep growing as the population ages, and as expensive new treatments arrive.

This means a broader strategy is needed to meet the three goals of balancing the budget, keeping up with growing health-care demand, and bringing dental into Medicare.

There are no easy solutions, but there are many options to reduce spending and boost revenue without hurting economic growth.

Choosing Australia’s infrastructure and defence megaprojects more wisely could save several billion dollars each year.

Undoing Western Australia’s special GST funding deal – described by economist Saul Eslake as “the worst Australian public policy decision of the 21st Century thus far” – would save another $5 billion a year.

Reducing income tax breaks and tax minimisation opportunities – including by reining in superannuation tax concessions, reducing the capital gains tax discount, limiting negative gearing, and setting a minimum tax on trust distributions – could raise more than $20 billion a year.

Major tax reform like this offers economic benefits while creating space for better services such as universal dental coverage.

No one likes spending cuts and tax hikes, but they will be needed sooner or later regardless. Dental coverage might be just the sweetener taxpayers need to accept it.

Grattan Institute, has been supported in its work by government, corporates, and philanthropic gifts.

A full list of supporting organisations is published at www.grattan.edu.au.

– ref. Why isn’t dental included in Medicare? It’s time to change this – here’s how – https://theconversation.com/why-isnt-dental-included-in-medicare-its-time-to-change-this-heres-how-239086

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Case, Lecturer in Musicology, Sydney Conservatorium of Music, University of Sydney

As the largest section of the orchestra, sitting front and centre of the stage performing memorable melodies, it’s easy for violinists to steal the limelight. Ask any violinist why there are so many in an orchestra, and we’ll often reply, tongue-in-cheek: “obviously it’s because we’re the best”.

The real answer is a bit more complex, and combines reasons both logistical and historical.

How we got the modern orchestra

During the Baroque period between around 1600 and 1750, the composition of the orchestra was not standardised, and often used instruments based on availability. Monteverdi’s opera L’Orfeo, which premiered in 1607, is one of the earliest examples of a composer specifying the desired instrumentation.

The size of the orchestra also varied. Johann Sebastian Bach wrote for and worked with ensembles of up to 18 players in Germany. At Palazzo Pamphili in Rome, Corelli directed ensembles of 50–80 musicians – and, on one notable occasion to celebrate the coronation of Pope Innocent XII, an ensemble of 150 string players.

The modern-day violin was also developed around this time, and eventually replaced the instruments of the viol family. The violin has remained a staple member of the orchestra ever since.

Music of this period was created on a smaller scale than much of the repertoire we hear today, and often placed a strong focus on string instruments. As the orchestra became more standardised, members of the woodwind family appeared, including the oboe, bassoon, recorder and transverse flute.

During the classical period from around 1730 to 1820, orchestral performances moved from the royal courts into the public domain, and their size continued to grow. Instruments were organised into sections, and bowed strings formed the majority.

Composers began to use a wider range of instruments and techniques. Beethoven wrote parts for the early double bassoon, piccolo flute, trombone (which was largely confined to church music beforehand), and individual double bass parts (where previously they had often doubled the cello part).

During the romantic period of the 19th century, composer Hector Berlioz, author of a Treatise on Instrumentation and Modern Orchestration (1841), further developed the symphony orchestra by adding instruments such as the tuba, cor anglais and bass clarinet.

By the end of the 19th century, many orchestras reached the size and proportions we recognise today, with works that require more than 100 musicians, such as Wagner’s Ring Cycle.

What’s size got to do with it?

As increasing numbers of performers and instruments became standard in orchestral repertoire, ensembles became louder, and more string players were needed to balance the sound. The violin is a comparatively quiet instrument, and a solo player cannot be heard over the power of the brass.

Having violinists at the front of the stage also helps the sound reach the audience’s ears without competing to be heard over the louder instruments.

The typical layout of the orchestra has not always been standard. First violinists (who often carry the melody) and second violinists (who typically play a supportive role) used to sit opposite each other on stage.

US conductor Leopold Stokowski rearranged the position of the first and second violinists during the 1920s so they sat next to each other on the left of the stage. This change meant the voices of each string section were arranged from high to low across the stage.

This change was widely adopted and has become a standard setup for the modern orchestra.

Stokowski is known for experimenting with the layout of the orchestra. He once placed the entire woodwind section at the front of the orchestra ahead of the strings, receiving widespread criticism from the audience and musicians. The board of the Philadelphia Orchestra allegedly said the winds “weren’t busy enough to put on a good show”.

Sound, texture and timbre

String players do not need to worry about lung capacity or breaking for air. As such, violinists can perform long melodic passages with fast finger work, and our bows allow for seemingly endless sustain. Melodies written for strings are innumerable, and often memorable.

Having several violinists play together creates a specific sound and texture that is distinct from a solo string player and the other sections of the orchestra. Not only is the sound of every violin slightly different, the rate of each string’s vibration and the movement of each player’s bow varies. The result is a rich and full texture that creates a lush effect.

Today, symphony orchestras are expected to perform an incredibly diverse range of repertoire from classical to romantic, film scores to newly commissioned works. Determining the number of violinists who will appear in any given piece is a question of balance that will change depending on the repertoire.

A Mozart symphony might require fewer than ten wind or brass players, who would be drowned out by a full string section. However, a Mahler symphony requires more than 30 non-string players – meaning far more string players are needed to balance out this sound.

Room for experimentation

Notable exceptions to the orchestra’s standard setup include Charles Ives’ 1908 The Unanswered Question for string orchestra, solo trumpet and wind quartet spread around the room; Stockhausen’s 1958 Gruppen, pour trois orchestres, in which three separate orchestras perform in a horseshoe shape around the audience; and Pierre Boulz’s 1981 Répons featuring 24 performers on a stage surrounded by the audience, who are in turn surrounded by six soloists.

Despite experimentation, the placement and number of instruments in an orchestra has remained relatively standard since the 19th century.

Many aspects of the traditional orchestra’s setup make sense. However, many of the orchestra’s habits come down to tradition and perhaps unconscious alignment with “just the way things are done”.

Laura Case does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why are the violins the biggest section in the orchestra? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-the-violins-the-biggest-section-in-the-orchestra-236596

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Paltridge, Adjunct Senior Research Fellow, ecology, The University of Western Australia

In arid inland Australia lives one of Australia’s rarest birds: the night parrot. Missing for more than a century, a live population was rediscovered in 2013. But the species remains elusive.

Until recently, Australia’s known night parrot population numbered in the tens of birds, scattered across desert in Queensland and Western Australia.

But our research team – consisting of Indigenous rangers and scientists – has made a breakthrough discovery. We’ve detected the largest known night parrot population in the world: perhaps as many as 50, living in WA’s Great Sandy Desert, on land managed by the Ngururrpa people. Our results are published today.

Urgent action is needed to protect these vulnerable populations and ensure the night parrot doesn’t go missing a second time, perhaps for good.

A highly mysterious species

The night parrot was once found throughout Australia’s arid inland, but its numbers plummeted in the late 19th century.

The bird was not definitely recorded for more than 100 years, until a dead bird was found near Boulia in western Queensland in 1990. Another dead bird was found in Diamantina National Park, also in western Queensland, in 2006.

In 2013 a small population was found by naturalist John Young in south-western Queensland. That area is now a wildlife reserve.

Night parrots are notoriously difficult to detect. They build tunnels in dense spinifex and hide there by day, emerging at night to forage. They are known only from populations in remote south-west Queensland and central and northern Western Australia. The species is critically endangered.

In Western Australia, Indigenous cultural knowledge about the species includes stories about how difficult the bird is to find. There are also whispered stories of mothers telling children the night parrot’s call was the sound of an evil spirit, and warning them not to stray from camp.

What we did

The Ngururrpa Indigenous Protected Area is in the Great Sandy Desert. It comprises vast areas of sandplains and dunefields, and smaller areas of floodplain and spinifex which are key night parrot habitats.

Ngururrpa Rangers worked with scientists to learn how to use sound recorders to search for night parrots. We then searched for the birds on Country between 2018 and 2023.

We combined the rangers’ detailed knowledge of habitats, water and seed resources with geology maps, satellite imagery and fire history data. From this we selected 31 potential roosting areas, then deployed sound recorders called “songmeters” at those sites.

We wanted to detect the night parrots’ distinctive calls which consist of whistles, croaks and bell-like sounds.

The acoustic data we gathered was then analysed to extract any bird calls in the night parrot’s frequency range. Potential detections were verified using a reference library of known night parrot calls.

Our results

We detected night parrot calls at 17 of 31 sites. Of these, ten were roost sites, where night parrot calls were detected in the hour after sunset and the hour before sunrise.

Individual night parrots are thought to have unique calls. We analysed how many different calls we could hear, and how loud they were (which can tell us when birds are calling from different locations). From this we built a picture of the identity and number of individuals regularly occupying a site.

We extrapolated this across the 58 patches of potential night parrot habitat on the Ngururrpa Indigenous Protected Area. We concluded up to 20 roosting areas may be occupied by night parrots.

Based on the numbers at roosting sites where we recorded calls, we estimate 40–50 night parrots could be present in the Ngururrpa Indigenous Protected Area.

Fire and predators pose grave threats

Once we found the night parrot populations, we wanted to know what threats they faced.

We used camera-traps to identify predators and also collected their scats (poos) to analyse their diets.

Dingoes were the predator detected most frequently in night parrot roosting habitat. Our cameras captured them ten times more often than feral cats. And we found dingoes regularly eat feral cats at night parrot sites.

Based on information from other areas, we suspect cats are a key predator of night parrots. Dingoes could be important in suppressing cat numbers and helping the parrots survive. So, attempts to limit predators in night parrot habitat should not harm dingoes.

We also analysed 40 years of satellite imagery to assess the threat of fire to night parrots’ roosting habitat. Based on the vegetation types and flammability of surrounding landscapes, we found bushfires sparked by lightning are a much bigger threat to night parrots in the Great Sandy Desert than in Queensland.

Strategic aerial and ground burning, to reduce fuel loads, already occurs in the Ngururrpa Indigenous Protected Area. As our knowledge of night parrots improves, these programs can become more targeted to protect key night parrot areas.

Keeping night parrots alive

A long-term monitoring program for night parrots on Ngururrpa Country should be established to help better understand and protect this vitally important population.

And the remote, wild nature of the landscape should be retained. This means minimising disturbance from people and vehicles, and continuing to exclude livestock and weeds.

Clifford Sunfly has articulated how the rangers want to help protect night parrots into the future:

We would like to spend more time on Country to find where [night parrots] are and understand what they are doing.

We want those scientists to come and help us catch some night parrots and tag them. We also need more snake-cams (inspection cameras) too and more songmeters. And a kit for collecting scats for DNA.

One day we would love to have our own research facility for doing our night parrot surveys. It would be our dream to have our own research base on Ngururrpa.

Rachel Paltridge receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program’s Resilient Landscapes Hub, and the Indigenous Desert Alliance.

Clifford Sunfly is a Ngururrpa Ranger. The ranger program receives funding from the WA government’s Aboriginal Ranger Program and the State NRM Program.

Nicholas Leseberg receives funding from the Australian and Queensland Governments. He works for Bush Heritage Australia, and as a consultant on night parrots for many projects.

– ref. ‘Breakthrough discovery’: Indigenous Rangers in outback WA find up to 50 night parrots – one of Australia’s most elusive birds – https://theconversation.com/breakthrough-discovery-indigenous-rangers-in-outback-wa-find-up-to-50-night-parrots-one-of-australias-most-elusive-birds-239449

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Korver-Glenn, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

Gentrification has become a familiar story in cities across the United States. The story line typically goes this way: Middle- and upper-income people start moving into a lower-income or poor neighborhood. Housing prices rise in response, and longtime residents and businesses are driven out.

As the U.S. population becomes increasingly urban, gentrification can seem inevitable. However, scholars have found that it’s actually pretty rare.

For example, a study by the nonprofit National Community Reinvestment Coalition that examined neighborhood change from 2000 through 2013 found that most low- and moderate-income neighborhoods across the United States did not gentrify during that period. Just seven cities – New York, Los Angeles, Washington, Philadelphia, Baltimore, San Diego and Chicago – accounted for almost half of all neighborhood gentrification nationwide.

Why is gentrification less common than many people fear? In our book, “A Good Reputation: How Residents Fight for an American Barrio,” we argue that conflicts over neighborhood reputation are an important factor.

We examined disputes among residents of Northside, a predominantly Latino neighborhood, or barrio, in Houston, over how their neighborhood was perceived. We found that those who thought outsiders stigmatized the barrio, or who stigmatized it themselves, avoided engaging with the neighborhood, its institutions and its residents. This group supported measures that would facilitate gentrification, such as monitoring local bars to file nuisance complaints.

By contrast, those who perceived the barrio as a welcome, desirable space worked to cultivate the neighborhood’s institutions and connect its people, pushing back against attempts to gentrify the area.

Gentrification isn’t linear or automatic

Common understandings of gentrification and urban development often frame these urban processes as natural, linear and even inevitable for low-income neighborhoods. The argument goes that once you see a new Starbucks, or a light rail station in the case of Northside, gentrification is sure to follow.

Based on our research, however, we argue that when politicians, developers and even residents themselves attempt to develop or redevelop marginalized urban neighborhoods, they spur neighborhood conflicts that, in turn, can greatly influence the redevelopment process.

Northside is one such neighborhood. Located just north of downtown Houston, it has been majority Latino for more than 60 years. It has also been a high-poverty area, with 23% to 38% of its residents living beneath the federal poverty line over this time period.

About one-third of its residents are foreign-born, many of them originating from Mexico or Central America. But most Latino Northsiders are second-, third- or later-generation Mexican Americans or Latino Americans.

The neighborhood consists mainly of single-family homes on small, densely packed urban lots. Some streets have sidewalks and covered drainage systems, while others have open ditches and lack sidewalks. Although the METRO red line train travels along the barrio’s western border and a few busy thoroughfares crisscross the neighborhood, much of the area has a small-town, quiet, residential feel.

Conflicting approaches

As we describe in our book, we found two widespread and conflicting views of Northside among its residents. Interestingly, these views did not easily map onto individual characteristics, such as racial identity or class. People would sometimes change their viewpoints depending on the conflict in question.

One group wanted to cleanse the barrio of what its members saw as negative features, transform the area and prepare the way for gentrification to occur. The other group was intent on celebrating the barrio as it already was and on preserving its character and supporting its residents.

Residents who wanted to remake Northside often believed that it had too many features that they felt were associated with Black or low-income people, such as public housing, cantinas or bars, and services for people without homes. For example, one woman we spoke with cited neighborhood cantinas and housing shelters as evidence that Northside was dangerous.

These Northsiders wanted to purge and clean the neighborhood to improve what they perceived as its marred image. They sought to remove facilities, such as a Salvation Army shelter, which they believed attracted undesirable people; called for increased police presence in the neighborhood; and avoided local places such as parks and grocery stores, often driving to other neighborhoods instead.

They also attempted to curate what they viewed as respectable behavior, through steps such as installing video cameras and calling on residents to report neighbors whom they believed were dumping trash or failing to neuter and spay their pets.

In contrast, other residents believed that their neighborhood was a welcoming and desirable place. They were proud of its parks, churches, public schools and Mexican restaurants, and they spoke of pivotal moments in Northside’s past to argue for its desirability in the present. One such event was an uprising at Moody Park in 1978 that spurred reforms in the Houston police department and capital improvements to the park.

These residents hosted parties, exercised at local parks and volunteered with public schools and Catholic parishes. Many regularly participated in neighborhood development and nonprofit meetings, and they objected when other speakers cast Northside as a stigmatized place and its residents as the cause of barrio ills.

They also defended Northside against what they saw as threats to its quality of life. As one example, residents sued the owners of White Oak Music Hall, a 5-acre, three-stage concert venue that opened in 2016 on the western edge of the neighborhood. Plaintiffs argued that loud music was interrupting their children’s sleep and decreasing their property values. They won important concessions in a 2018 settlement, including caps on the number of outdoor concerts, installation of sound-monitoring equipment and limits on the number and duration of concerts on school nights.

A different kind of gentrification story

Ultimately, we found that Northside did not gentrify because the conflict between these disparate views of the neighborhood blocked or slowed large-scale redevelopment. Some residents’ attempts to protect and preserve the barrio interrupted developers’ plans – for example, by using Houston’s Code of Ordinances to block the subdivision of existing lots. Other actions, such as the lawsuit against White Oak Music Hall, checked developers’ influence in the area.

Although residents’ efforts to prevent redevelopment did not constitute a full-blown, organized social movement, people who valued Northside as it was successfully challenged the idea that it was a dangerous and unattractive place that needed to be remade, and they worked to preserve the place they called home.

Other researchers have examined similar struggles in cities including Boston, Los Angeles and Chicago. We think that paying attention to these conflicts in cities of all sizes can provide a deeper understanding of why gentrification succeeds – or, more commonly, why it fails.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Gentrification isn’t inevitable − it can hinge on how residents view their neighborhood – https://theconversation.com/gentrification-isnt-inevitable-it-can-hinge-on-how-residents-view-their-neighborhood-232565

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wenting He, PhD candidate of International Relations, Australian National University

According to the latest Bloomberg Billionaires Index, Pony Ma, co-founder of Tencent Holdings, is once again China’s richest person, now with a net worth of more than A$65 billion, placing him 27th globally.

Close behind him in the rankings are bottled water tycoon Zhong Shanshan, and Zhang Yiming, the main co-founder of tech giant ByteDance, which owns TikTok.

Only a few years ago, China’s ruling Communist Party launched a crackdown on billionaires and other business leaders. Some were publicly jailed. Others simply disappeared from public view.

Ma’s resurgence might seem like a positive signal of a more permissive market environment. But as we watch China’s private sector grow, we should remember it follows China’s unique playbook.

The ascent of Tencent

Ma’s wealth primarily comes from his stake in Tencent, which he co-founded in 1998 with its headquarters in Shenzhen. As China’s economy grew, Tencent became a world-leading internet and technology company.

Tencent is well-known for QQ and WeChat, which quickly became two of the most popular instant messaging apps in China and connect more than a billion people.

Tencent is also the largest video game vendor in China, with popular games such as “Honour of Kings” and “League of Legends”.

Last month, Tencent released “Black Myth: Wukong”, China’s first-ever “AAA” video game. AAA is a globally recognised gaming industry buzzword that refers to major, high-budget, standalone productions.

The much-hyped game surpassed 10 million sales across platforms within three days of its release, becoming one of China’s most successful games of all time.

The game itself draws on a 16th century Chinese novel called “Journey to the West” and features various Chinese landscapes. Its popularity aligns with Beijing’s ongoing efforts to boost China’s international cultural appeal.

China’s state-owned media outlet Xinhua highly praised the game for “telling Chinese stories with world-class quality” and offering a new way for global players to understand Chinese culture.

Ma’s fortunes reflect his company’s

This official appraisal means a lot. In previous years, Tencent has had a challenging time coping with Beijing’s strict gaming regulations.

In August 2021, China’s video game regulator announced policies to limit online gamers under the age of 18 to only one hour of play on Fridays, weekends and holidays. This was a major blow to China’s gaming industry, including Tencent.

In December 2023, Beijing introduced more legislation aimed at further capping the amount of money and time that could be spent on video games. The announcement resulted in a 12.4% drop in Tencent’s share price. But the company still promised to strictly implement any new regulatory requirements.

Read more:
Chinese game Black Myth: Wukong tops Steam charts. What does it signify for the rest of the gaming world?

A cautionary tale

In China, complying with state regulations is important. Another Chinese tech billionaire, Jack Ma, faced the consequences of publicly challenging them.

In 2020, Jack Ma was poised to launch what was set to be the world’s largest initial public offering (IPO), raising about A$50 billion for his financial technology giant, Ant Group.

However, after he gave a speech in Shanghai harshly criticising Chinese financial regulators for outdated rules and excessive intervention, regulators halted the Ant Group IPO.

Citing concerns that Ant Group’s e-finance products encouraged unrestrained borrowing and investment, China ultimately suspended the IPO in late 2020.

Over the following years, Ant and its affiliate company Alibaba were slapped with billions in fines for alleged breaches of financial regulations.

Getting on the front foot

This phase marked a much stricter regulatory posture from China. The tech tycoons had to adapt to a new reality.

In 2021, Pony Ma publicly stressed the importance of tightly regulating internet businesses, including his own. He also proactively volunteered to meet with antitrust authorities.

Tencent downsized by divesting stakes in various sectors, and the government demanded a restructuring of its financial business.

The party remains the ultimate authority

China’s economy is a “socialist market economy”. That is, China’s government thinks of the market as a useful tool to achieve socialist objectives.

That doesn’t mean the private sector doesn’t play a huge role, but the government has long been cautious about the emerging market power of oligarchs as a potential threat to the party’s authorities.

Over past decades of reform and opening up, Beijing has been committed to unleashing market forces, encouraging private sector development and modernising its financial institutions. The precondition is that the state should maintain the ultimate authority to regulate and mobilise market resources.

However, its economy has been stubbornly sluggish post-COVID. The clampdown on the private sector has undermined the confidence of many investors and entrepreneurs, which is crucial for restoring China’s economic vitality.

Last year, Beijing introduced a 31-point action plan in response, aiming to make the private economy “bigger, better and stronger”. Hours after its release, Pony Ma publicly praised the government’s move as “encouraging and inspiring”.

Could spring now be coming for China’s private sector? Perhaps, but only on China’s terms.

Remember, market development is always a means for the state to achieve its own ends. This will never be a story of the market growing while the state steps back.

Read more:
Understanding risks for Australia of China’s slowing economy is Chalmers’ top priority at upcoming Beijing talks

Wenting He does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is life getting better for China’s tech billionaires? – https://theconversation.com/is-life-getting-better-for-chinas-tech-billionaires-239382

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Wilson, Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Matilda Centre for Research in Mental Health and Substance Use, University of Sydney

With the Paris Olympics and Paralympics wrapped up, and leading Australian sports codes coming to an end of their 2024 seasons, many athletes will be celebrating well-earned wins and commiserating losses.

While this is a joyous occasion for most, some are likely to find themselves in a scandal involving illicit drugs.

Many readers will recall the damning headlines during the Paris Olympics when Australian hockey player Tom Craig was arrested (and released without charge) for allegedly buying cocaine.

As the former Olympic silver medallist was swarmed by media, Craig apologised, before being sent home without Olympic privileges and later suspended from playing for the national team for 12 months.

Less than a week later, National Rugby League (NRL) star Latrell Mitchell similarly found himself in hot water when a photo of him with white powder was leaked online.

Mitchell claimed he had made “poor decisions” and has now been fined $40,000 and suspended for one game for bringing the game into disrepute.

Drugs in sport

When it comes to athletes and drugs, we typically think of steroids.

These performance-enhancing drugs are prohibited for use among athletes according to Sports Integrity Australia and the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA).

For a drug to be on the prohibited list it must meet two of the three following conditions: 1) it has the potential to enhance performance 2) it has the potential to risk athlete’s health and 3) it violates the spirit of the sport.

It isn’t surprising drugs that give athletes a competitive edge are banned.

Interestingly, illicit drugs like cocaine and MDMA (ecstasy) are also on the WADA prohibited list, despite no convincing evidence to suggest they can improve athletic performance.

Read more:
Why cocaine is considered performance-enhancing for athletes, and why it matters when the athlete took it

Risk-takers and sensation-seekers

Australia is a sport-loving nation. Many of us celebrate our athletes’ risk-taking and aggression.

So why are we surprised when these same behaviours, risk-taking and aggression, can sometimes lead to drug use?

After decades of research, it is now increasingly clear that risk-taking, aggression and sensation seeking – personality characteristics that help build a great athlete – are also linked with increased drug and alcohol use.

This association is even stronger among men under the age of 25.

There are a wide range of reasons for why people, including athletes, use drugs.

Not only are drugs often used to cope with the emotional pressure that can be extreme in professional sport but also as a way of managing the pain associated with physical injuries.

Often referred to as the “self-medication hypothesis”, some people use drugs and alcohol to manage their mental health. But it has actually been shown to often intensify mental health symptoms.

This also appears to be the case for managing physical health.

For instance, chronic pain is the leading reason for why people seek medicinal cannabis in Australia.

Despite this, there is limited evidence that cannabis and other illicit drugs are effective long-term in reducing pain.

Overall, whether it is due to their personality, emotional pressure or physical health, our sports stars are vulnerable to using drugs.

Social influences

The World Anti-Doping Code specifically defines “the spirit of sport” as the ethical pursuit of human excellence through the dedicated perfection of each athlete’s natural talents.

This is a high bar. It is no surprise then that we as a community are seemingly outraged when an athlete is “caught” not meeting these high expectations.

Perhaps we need to better disentangle perfection in sport from perfection in character.

Many believe these athletes are role models who should be setting a good example for young people.

It is true that social influence plays an important role in drug use among young people, but this doesn’t mean those who we look up to are at fault.

Instead, we need to have better conversations with young people about drug use.

Most importantly, this conversation needs to be evidence-based without personal criticism or judgement.

What can be done?

Stigmatising drug use can cause psychological distress, making the situation even worse.

To ensure a trustworthy relationship, we need to share facts with young people.

In 2021-2022, almost half of all Australians over the age of 14 reported illicit drug use, most of whom would have not experienced any health problems because of their use.

While the safest way to avoid harms from drugs is not to use, the “say no to drugs” message does not work. In some cases, this strategy can even be harmful, particularly for those who use drugs and are denied support or treatment.

Everyone deserves resources that can help them manage their drug use and well-being without judgement.

It is crucial we equip young people with skills and strategies to not only avoid drugs but to make evidence-informed choices and minimise the risk of any harms if they do choose to use.

Why shouldn’t similar compassion and support be shown towards our athletes?

Practical, evidence-based resources and further support can be found at Positive Choices or the National Alcohol and Other Drug hotline: 1800 250 015.

Jack Wilson has received Government funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)

Emily Stockings receives grant funding from The National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) and The Medical Research Future Fund (MRFF).

Steph Kershaw receives funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care

– ref. Are sports stars who are caught using illegal drugs unfairly vilified? – https://theconversation.com/are-sports-stars-who-are-caught-using-illegal-drugs-unfairly-vilified-238323

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Hutchinson, PhD Candidate, International Relations, Australian National University

Last month, the Taliban passed a new “vice and virtue” law, making it illegal for women to speak in public. Under the law, women can also be punished if they are heard singing or reading aloud from within their homes.

It was approved by the Taliban’s supreme leader, Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, and will be enforced by the Ministry for Promoting Virtue and Preventing Vice.

Ahead of an international conference on the future of Afghanistan in Doha, Qatar, earlier this year, the United Nations’ mission head for Afghanistan, Roza Otunbayeva, said it would “take time” for the Taliban to accept women. The Taliban specifically mandated no women attend the conference, which the UN agreed to.

But as gender experts have been saying for years, Taliban leaders have not – and will not – change. Three years after they regained control of Afghanistan, the Taliban’s efforts to publicly erase women from Afghan society have reached a new low.

Gender apartheid

The Taliban’s burgeoning body of laws and practices restricting the rights of women and girls is a clear case of gender apartheid. Gender apartheid is defined as a regime of systematic gender-based oppression and domination.

Because there is no conventional legal framework in place in Afghanistan, the country is ruled by an increasingly tightly woven patchwork of decrees, policies and systematised practices, some written, others verbal.

Since returning to power in 2021, the Taliban has enacted more than 100 edicts, orders and directives restricting the rights of women and girls. These apply in a range of jurisdictions – nationally, provincially and in specific districts.

The most significant of these edicts prevent women and girls from attending school beyond grade six, working in many organisations, and travelling a certain distance to seek health care.

Restricting girls’ education

The ban on education for Afghan girls has had a dire effect on their wellbeing. Modelling from UN Women shows this has correlated with a 25% increase in child marriage and 45% increase in early childbirth. The loss of hope for young women has been profound.

Civil society groups in Afghanistan and around the world have clapped back at the Taliban’s ban on girl’s education with the hashtag “Let Afghan Girls Learn”.

Myriad small organisations are also running underground schools to continue girls’ education. Sometimes these schools operate under the guise of embroidery classes, or something else the Taliban finds acceptable.

But the ongoing lack of funding to women-led organisations has been a serious barrier to these kinds of programs, despite the fact they are primarily Afghan-led.

A range of internationally certified online programs have also been established, providing important educational and employment opportunities for smaller numbers of Afghan women and girls.

But these online options remain limited, and not just by funding. Data shows only 6% of Afghan women have internet access, and the Taliban is making it increasingly difficult for Afghans to access SIM cards for mobile phones.

Hurting women and children’s health

Women’s health has also suffered due to the brain drain of highly-skilled workers fleeing the country and the sharp reduction in international technical and financial assistance to Afghanistan’s public health system.

Human Rights Watch reports “women and girls have been disproportionately affected by the healthcare crisis” in the country, particularly because of the Taliban’s abuses of women’s rights.

For example, restrictions on women’s movement has meant that maternal and infant mortality rates have skyrocketed in recent years as women are prevented from reaching health facilities.

Data published in the British Medical Journal shows that eight in ten women in urban areas have reported symptoms of depression and/or anxiety living under the Taliban.

Fighting against the silence

Over the past year, the Taliban have also increasingly targeted women’s human rights defenders. Activists have been “disappeared”, arbitrarily detained, and egregiously abused in prison.

The Guardian recently published evidence of a woman being raped in prison.

In my own work, I’ve documented a pattern of Talibs using sexual torture against imprisoned women’s human rights defenders in a bid to shame them out of their activism and isolate them from familial and community support.

Yet, Afghan women continue to push back against the draconian authorities ruling the country.

In response to the latest “vice and virtue” law, for example, women all over the country have taken to social media posting videos of themselves singing and reciting poetry to show they cannot be silenced.

Some recite the Quran. Many wear traditional Afghan dress, while others wear the Taliban’s required burka. But they sing to prove they exist. To show they are Afghan, and that they are not impure, regardless of what the Talibs say.

Activists are also continuing to push for the international recognition of gender apartheid as a crime against humanity, and the International Criminal Court continues its investigations into alleged crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Taliban.

But Afghan women cannot be left alone in their struggle. The international community must follow through on its commitments to protect Afghan women’s rights defenders. It must also maintain long-term support, including through funding pathways, for women-led organisations helping women in Afghanistan.

Susan Hutchinson is the executive director of Azadi-e Zan, a non-government organisation working to help Afghan women. This is a volunteer role. She also sits on the board of the Zam Zam Foundation and is a member of the Australian Civil Society Coalition for Women, Peace and Security.

– ref. Afghan women have been robbed of health care, education and now their voices. But they won’t remain silent – https://theconversation.com/afghan-women-have-been-robbed-of-health-care-education-and-now-their-voices-but-they-wont-remain-silent-238435

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Green, Research Fellow, Centre for Social and Cultural Research, Griffith University

When tickets for Green Day’s 2025 Australian tour went on sale, fans joined a queue – a ritual that has been practised for decades on footpaths, on phones, and now online.

But as Green Day fans reached the purchase point, the price varied. For some, a seated ticket rose as high as A$500.

A week earlier, tickets to the Oasis reunion tour in the United Kingdom – arguably the hottest ticket in the world – rose by hundreds of pounds while on sale.

Ticketmaster calls this “In Demand” pricing. It’s an instance of what is more broadly known as dynamic pricing.

What is dynamic pricing?

Dynamic pricing is well established in tourism and air travel. In these markets, supply is fixed – the number of hotel rooms and plane seats – but demand has peaks and troughs. Prices are adjusted to maximise profit and to shape consumer behaviour.

However, there are significant differences when it comes to music concert tickets.

Consumers see accommodation and transport prices up front, before committing to a “queue”. When it comes to the current practice for live music dynamic pricing, costs aren’t seen until they reach the front of the queue. There, consumers are presented with two numbers: a price and a timer counting down.

And unlike accommodation and transport services, each concert by a major touring artist (let alone Oasis) is a much more limited commodity.

How much is a ticket?

In 1964, Australians paid up to $3.70 ($63 in today’s terms) to see the world’s hottest act, The Beatles.

The relative price of concert tickets has changed with the economic and cultural role of live music.

For decades, concerts were primarily a way to promote record sales, with physical albums being the main source of revenue. Since the digital de-valuing of recorded music, live performance has become increasingly essential for the industry.

So ticket prices have risen, and with them the drive for everyone involved to get their cut.

Even better than a cut is control.

The live music market

Will dynamic pricing be accepted or rejected by the market? This question assumes a competitive marketplace. In today’s live music sector, competition is on the wane.

Australia’s live music market is dominated by three key players, two of which are owned by foreign multinationals, with Live Nation Entertainment (which owns Ticketmaster, Moshtix, and majority-shares in many Australian festivals and venues) dominating much of the market for international touring acts.

Despite the crisis in local and grassroots live music, Live Nation Entertainment has reported record revenues for the last two years.

Live Nation’s subsidiary Ticketmaster says dynamic pricing enables “artists and other people involved in staging live events to price tickets closer to their true market value”.

The promoter of Green Day’s tour is Live Nation, which manages artists, owns Ticketmaster and also controls some of the venues, and has similar interests in the Oasis tour – extending even to security. In the case of Green Day, Live Nation controls most of the supply chain.

In such a concentrated market, the test for a new pricing model is less about what consumers will choose, than what they can tolerate. Is this “true market value”, or an abuse of market power?

Could the government intervene?

Ticketmaster’s dynamic pricing is under investigation by fair trading authorities in Europe and the UK. The United States government is suing Live Nation-Ticketmaster for misuse of monopoly power.

Australian authorities are yet to announce any equivalent actions.

Justifications for market intervention are to sustain an industry – because of its economic or social value – and to extend equitable access to important goods and services. Utilities, insurance, health, and education fall into this category.

But what about culture?

Shared group experiences are becoming increasingly rare in our atomised, algorithm-driven world. Concerts contribute to social cohesion and build communities that otherwise would have less opportunities to meet.

If such experiences become prohibitively expensive, many will be excluded from one of the sweetest fruits of the social contract. Rather than “market value”, this would essentially amount to a failure of policy.

Stadium concerts have been on the rise in Australia for years even as other events have struggled, with the live music sector becoming more top-heavy as it consolidates around major events; a relatively recent phenomenon.

The use of dynamic pricing for Green Day tickets imports a new twist into the Australian music market, and fans are understandably upset.

The decision reflects a band that has moved a long way from their DIY origins playing all-ages communes and squats in the East Bay area, and a music industry that looks nothing like the early 1990s, when a band like Green Day could work their way up the “toilet circuit” to become a major label smash hit.

Will dynamic pricing stick – or will it force attention to the structural issues in our live music sector? With today’s news that Dua Lipa tickets will also be subject to the practice, it seems that we may be stuck with it. For now.

Ben Green receives research funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australasian Performing Right Association.

Sam Whiting receives funding from RMIT University, Creative Australia, and the Australasian Performing Right Association.

– ref. What is ‘dynamic pricing’ for concert tickets? It can cost you hundreds of dollars while you queue – https://theconversation.com/what-is-dynamic-pricing-for-concert-tickets-it-can-cost-you-hundreds-of-dollars-while-you-queue-239320

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David T. Hill, Emeritus Professor of Southeast Asian Studies, Indo-Pacific Research Centre, Murdoch University

You don’t have to be in India long to appreciate just how dramatic its electric vehicle revolution is. Whether it’s electric two-wheelers or trucks, buses or bicycles, they are hard to miss.

The Indian government’s financial incentives include waiving registration fees on electric vehicles. Allocated distinctive green numberplates under the national registration system, these vehicles stand out from the rest.

India’s cumulative sales of electric vehicles (of all types, including cars, buses, two-wheelers and three-wheelers) exceeded 4.1 million by March 2024. About 1.7 million were sold in the year to March alone. That was an 80% increase in a year.

Australians import about 80% of our electric vehicles from China. But we largely ignore India and the potential it offers us. It would be prudent to engage with India more and avoid over-reliance on China.

A fast-growing and increasingly diverse market

Indian industrial giant Tata has a roughly two-thirds share of the market for electric passenger vehicles. It produces four models, each with multiple versions, targeting different market segments. These range from the Tiago (selling for about A$16,125) to the Nexon (A$27,400).

Emerging from Delhi’s international airport, a visitor is greeted by dozens of vehicles from the four-year-old electric taxi start‑up BluSmart, a local ride-hail rival to Uber. This year, it announced plans to expand its current fleet of 6,000 vehicles to 10,000.

BluSmart is already South Asia’s largest all-electric ride-hailing service. In its first international foray, BluSmart has just launched in the United Arab Emerates.

All-electric vans, belonging to delivery companies such as DHL, cut and weave through the dense city traffic.

Big blue electric buses in cities like Delhi and the IT hub of Bengaluru (formerly Bangalore) brandish their pollution-free status. Airport apron passenger buses in Bengaluru are also electric.

With Tesla absent from India, the luxury market remains small – under 3,000 units in 2023. A Volvo C40 Recharge starts at around A$112,000 – way beyond the budget of most of India’s people. Yet the swing away to electric vehicles is more pronounced in this segment than in the lower and mid-income brackets.

There’s something electric for everyone

Those on lower incomes have many other options. In the laid-back coastal tourist haven of Goa, I spied the green numberplate on the back of a family’s electric motor scooter when it silently passed me as I strolled through the historic quarter.

Local electric scooter manufacturer Fleeto sells an entry-level model, with a lead-acid battery, for about A$1,130. With a range of 50‑60km, a charging time of 6‑7 hours and a top speed of 45km/h, it won’t suit everyone.

But in a densely packed city like Kolkata, where many commuters could only dream of maintaining 45m/h in the daily traffic snarls, Fleeto sees a market. A lithium-battery model, with a range of 100‑120km, would add about 50% to the entry-level price.

Fleeto is just one of more than a dozen manufacturers of electric two-wheelers in India. Their sales grew by about 28% in the last financial year to around 780,000 units.

Hero, with about 46% share of India’s motorcycle market, offers a variety of scooters. The Vida V1 Pro sells for about A$2,660 and has a seven-inch full-colour touchscreen, over-the-air software updates, a top speed of 80km/h and a 165km range. A huge national network of Hero dealers give it considerable appeal.

Alternatively, for less than A$1 an hour, people can hire an electric scooter from firms like Dabadigo using a phone app. Their low speeds (up to 25km/h) and range of 60km are not a disincentive in densely crowded Kolkata.

In central Old Delhi, even the battered three-wheelers that in recent decades replaced human-drawn rickshaws now have to be powered by battery, not petrol, if they want to operate in certain zones. The number of electric three-wheelers grew by 55% in the last financial year.

India is an incredibly responsive and innovative market. A start-up funded by Hero recently launched a unique combination vehicle. The Surge S32 is a two-wheel scooter that converts into a three-wheeler cargo vehicle. It’s aimed at consumers who want both an economical personal scooter and a cargo vehicle that transports goods for a small business.

There are e-bicycles, too, from lighter bikes that are mainly pedal-powered to more scooter-style. The Motovolt Urbn sells for around A$900. It has pedals and a removable lithium-ion battery, with a range of up to 105km on a four-hour charge and a top speed of 25km/h.

What’s driving these changes – and where do we fit in?

India has huge pollution problems and urgently needs to shift to clean power.

Every day, Delhi locals check the deteriorating air quality index like Australians check the weather report. This January Delhi’s average index was 354. Anything above 200 is considered hazardous. By comparison, the index in Australian cities like Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane generally averages around 30.

In all market sectors, India is both a maker and a consumer of electric vehicles. It’s set to play a major role in the global electric vehicle market. Yet, like China, India has a huge domestic market. It has little need to export – unless a lucrative market presents itself, as Australia did for China.

Australia now needs to avoid over-reliance on China and attendant strategic risks. The onus is on Australia to engage with Indian producers, across all types of vehicles.

David T. Hill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. India is in the midst of an electric vehicle revolution – and Australia should tap in – https://theconversation.com/india-is-in-the-midst-of-an-electric-vehicle-revolution-and-australia-should-tap-in-234557

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Uri Gal, Professor in Business Information Systems, University of Sydney

Last month, OpenAI came out against a yet-to-be enacted Californian law that aims to set basic safety standards for developers of large artificial intelligence (AI) models. This was a change of posture for the company, whose chief executive Sam Altman has previously spoken in support of AI regulation.

The former nonprofit organisation, which shot to prominence in 2022 with the release of ChatGPT, is now valued at up to US$150 billion. It remains at the forefront of AI development, with the release last week of a new “reasoning” model designed to tackle more complex tasks.

The company has made several moves in recent months suggesting a growing appetite for data acquisition. This isn’t just the text or images used for training current generative AI tools, but may also include intimate data related to online behaviour, personal interactions and health.

There is no evidence OpenAI plans to bring these different streams of data together, but doing so would offer strong commercial benefits. Even the possibility of access to such wide-ranging information raises significant questions about privacy and the ethical implications of centralised data control.

Media deals

This year, OpenAI has signed multiple partnerships with media companies including Time magazine, the Financial Times, Axel Springer, Le Monde, Prisa Media, and most recently Condé Nast, owner of the likes of Vogue, The New Yorker, Vanity Fair and Wired.

The partnerships grant OpenAI access to large amounts of content. OpenAI’s products may also be used to analyse user behaviour and interaction metrics such as reading habits, preferences, and engagement patterns across platforms.

If OpenAI gained access to this data, the company could gain a comprehensive understanding of how users engage with various types of content, which could be used for in-depth user profiling and tracking.

Video, biometrics and health

OpenAI has also invested in a webcam startup called Opal. The aim is to enhance the cameras with advanced AI capabilities.

Video footage collected by AI-powered webcams could translate to more sensitive biometric data, such as facial expressions and inferred psychological states.

In July, OpenAI and Thrive Global launched Thrive AI Health. The company says it will use AI to “hyper-personalise and scale behaviour change” in health.

While Thrive AI Health says it will have “robust privacy and security guardrails”, it is unclear what these will look like.

Previous AI health projects have involved extensive sharing of personal data, such as a partnership between Microsoft and Providence Health in the United States and another between Google DeepMind and the Royal Free London NHS Foundation Trust in the United Kingdom. In the latter case, DeepMind faced legal action for its use of private health data.

Sam Altman’s eyeball-scanning side project

Altman also has investments in other data-hungry ventures, most notably a controversial cryptocurrency project called WorldCoin (which he cofounded). WorldCoin aims to create a global financial network and identification system using biometric identification, specifically iris scans.

The company claims it has already scanned the eyeballs of more than 6.5 million people across almost 40 countries. Meanwhile, more than a dozen jurisdictions have either suspended its operations or scrutinised its data processing.

Bavarian authorities are currently deliberating on whether Worldcoin complies with European data privacy regulations. A negative ruling could see the company barred from operating in Europe.

The main concerns being investigated include the collection and storage of sensitive biometric data.

Why does this matter?

Existing AI models such as OpenAI’s flagship GPT-4o have largely been trained on publicly available data from the internet. However, future models will need more data – and it’s getting harder to come by.

Last year, the company said it wanted AI models “to deeply understand all subject matters, industries, cultures, and languages”, which would require “as broad a training dataset as possible”.

In this context, OpenAI’s pursuit of media partnerships, investments in biometric and health data collection technologies, and the CEO’s links to controversial projects such as Worldcoin, begin to paint a concerning picture.

By gaining access to vast amounts of user data, OpenAI is positioning itself to build the next wave of AI models – but privacy may be a casualty.

The risks are multifaceted. Large collections of personal data are vulnerable to breaches and misuse, such as the Medisecure data breach in which almost half of Australians had their personal and medical data stolen.

The potential for large-scale data consolidation also raises concerns about profiling and surveillance. Again, there is no evidence that OpenAI currently plans to engage in such practices.

However, OpenAI’s privacy policies have been less than perfect in the past. Tech companies more broadly also have a long history of questionable data practices.

It is not difficult to imagine a scenario in which centralised control over many kinds of data would let OpenAI exert significant influence over people, in both personal and public domains.

Will safety take a back seat?

OpenAI’s recent history does little to assuage safety and privacy concerns. In November 2023, Altman was temporarily ousted as chief executive, reportedly due to internal conflicts over the company’s strategic direction.

Altman has been a strong advocate for the rapid commercialisation and deployment of AI technologies. He has reportedly often prioritised growth and market penetration over safety measures.

Altman’s removal from the role was brief, followed by a swift reinstatement and a significant shakeup of OpenAI’s board. This suggests the company’s leadership now endorses his aggressive approach to AI deployment, despite potential risks.

Against this backdrop, the implications of OpenAI’s recent opposition to the California bill extend beyond a single policy disagreement. The anti-regulation stance suggests a troubling trend.

OpenAI did not respond to The Conversation’s request for comment before deadline.

Uri Gal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. OpenAI’s data hunger raises privacy concerns – https://theconversation.com/openais-data-hunger-raises-privacy-concerns-237448

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dan Fastnedge, Lecturer in Advertising and Brand Creativity, Auckland University of Technology

Controversial advertising holds a mirror up to society. It can unite us in laughter or outrage, spark debates that shape our beliefs – and sometimes expose our political differences.

But where do lines of acceptability or offensiveness get drawn? Earlier this year the New Zealand Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) announced the most complained about ads ever.

Categories ranged from political advocacy to household products. And the most complained about spot belonged to Hell Pizza’s “Lust condom” mailers. The brand’s “Hell Crossed Buns” billboard came in third.

This is not surprising, given the brand is often in the headlines for its provocative campaigns. Controversy is clearly part of the marketing strategy.

But while multiple complaints might suggest widespread public criticism, our research wanted to test the changing relationship between religious belief and advertising standards: what offends New Zealanders, what pushes the boundaries, and when does an ad cross the line of “acceptable” controversy?

Religious offence vs artistic freedom

Of the 79 ASA rulings between 2005 and 2021 regarding Hell Pizza, only six were upheld in full, and two were partially upheld. This suggests that while Hell’s ads generate strong public reactions, the majority of its advertising follows established guidelines.

About 40% of the rulings responded to complaints containing religious objections, but no complaints were upheld on religious grounds.

The complainants often identified as Christian, or said they were commenting on behalf of a religious audience. They described Hell’s ads variously as “nothing short of emotional and spiritual abuse”, “grossly offensive”, “sickening”, “distasteful”, “discriminatory and insensitive” and “blasphemous”.

The ASA acknowledged Hell’s ads would naturally weave religious puns and references into their narrative, as humour is part of the company’s branding. But it ruled these “align within the boundaries of acceptable humour and satire in a tolerant society”.

The “Hell Crossed Buns” billboards racked up 178 complaints. The inclusion of a pentagram was described as “extremely offensive”, with the use of a Satanic symbol combined with the ad copy called “blasphemous” – particularly in the lead up to Easter.

The ASA responded that it was “a satirical play on commonly recognised religious imagery, which helped it stay within the bounds of artistic freedom”. The complaints were not upheld.

Hell Pizza’s 2014 Easter-themed billboard covered in rabbit skin (promoting its “rabbit pizza”) also received complaints for being disrespectful to religious groups and vegans.

While acknowledging the billboard might upset children, the ASA said it was “unlikely to cause serious and widespread offence to most people”, as rabbits are considered a pest and the skins were sourced from a local meat processor. The complaints were not upheld.

Crossing the line

The ASA has upheld complaints about eight Hell Pizza ads between 2005 and 2021, primarily those focused on profanity, graphic violence, racism or sexual themes, rather than religion.

The “most hated New Zealand campaign in history” was Hell’s “Lust” campaign from 2006, when the company delivered condoms to 170,000 homes to promote their Lust pizza.

The outrage mainly centered around the potential for children to be exposed to the unsolicited delivery of a condom. The ASA said that despite the message of safe sex having some merit, the campaign was “likely to offend a number of communities”. The complaints were upheld.

But while religion has been the main focus of the complaints against Hell’s ads, those that were upheld were not because of religious factors.

In fact, it was the “religious identity” of the pizza franchise that was often cited by the ASA as the reason why the controversial ads weren’t breaching advertising standards. That is, people should expect Hell Pizza campaigns to be dark, edgy and shocking.

Although the brand frequently walks the line between provocative humour and possible offence, the ASA rulings indicate a shift towards supporting artistic freedom – even when religious themes are involved, and especially for brands with a strong, established identity.

Shifting trends and boundaries

This shift reflects changes in New Zealand society: a decline in people self-identifying as Christian, an increasing number self-identifying as agnostic or not religious, and those who do identify as religious belonging to a more diverse range of faiths.

Hell Pizza has successfully tapped into this cultural trend by pushing boundaries that previously might have sparked even more outrage.

The brand has also mastered the art of grabbing attention and media coverage that would have been impossible with only traditional paid-advertising techniques.

By inciting public debate, generating complaints and making headlines, it has built a brand identity that thrives on the backlash, using it to fuel further visibility and discussion.

How the strategy works when applied to social issues in an increasingly polarised world remains to be seen. But Hell’s recent “Go to Hell Greta” billboards in Stockholm, as well as its blood-based “to-meat-o sauce” and “AfterLife Pay” offerings, suggest the company will continue to push boundaries.

How religious complaints compare to ones concerned with other social issues, and what this tells us about changing moral and ethical attitudes, will be the focus of our next research project.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ads from Hell: how a pizza brand’s marketing reveals NZ’s shifting religious attitudes – https://theconversation.com/ads-from-hell-how-a-pizza-brands-marketing-reveals-nzs-shifting-religious-attitudes-238984

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Sutherland, Research Fellow, National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, UNSW Sydney

Each year, the National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre at UNSW Sydney surveys hundreds of people who regularly use drugs in Australia to understand trends in substance use around the country.

Today, we’ve released the 2024 report, which canvassed 740 people from Australian capital cities who regularly use ecstasy or other illicit stimulants.

While the focus of this research is largely on illegal drugs and markets, we also monitor trends in the use of pharmaceutical stimulants, such as ADHD drugs, without a prescription.

This year, 54% of the people we spoke to had used pharmaceutical stimulants in the previous six months when it was not prescribed to them. This was the highest percentage we’ve seen since we started asking people about this type of drug use in 2007.

What are pharmaceutical stimulants?

Pharmaceutical stimulants include the drug methylphenidate (brand names Concerta and Ritalin), as well as dexamphetamine and lisdexamfetamine (Vyvanse).

These medicines are commonly prescribed to treat attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and narcolepsy, a chronic neurological disorder that causes excessive sleepiness and sudden bouts of sleep during the day.

These medications work in different ways depending on the type. But they treat ADHD by increasing the levels of important chemicals (neurotransmitters) in the brain, including dopamine and noradrenaline.

However, as with many pharmaceutical substances, people also use these stimulants when they’re not prescribed them. There are a range of reasons someone might choose to use these medicines without a prescription.

Studies of university students have shown these substances are often used to increase alertness, concentration and memory. Studies among broader populations have shown they may also be used to experiment, or to get high.

Worldwide, including in Australia, there have been notable increases in the prescribing of ADHD medications in recent years, likely due to increasing identification and diagnosis of ADHD. As prescriptions increase, there is increased potential for these substances to be diverted to illicit drug markets.

What we found

Non-prescribed use of pharmaceutical stimulants has tripled since monitoring began, from 17% of those surveyed in 2007 to 54% in 2024. It has been similarly high in recent years (52% in 2022 and 47% in 2023).

Frequency of use has remained relatively low. Respondents have typically reported using non-prescribed pharmaceutical stimulants monthly or less frequently.

In this survey, participants most commonly reported using dexamphetamine, followed by methylphenidate and lisdexamfetamine. Most (79%) reported it was “easy” or “very easy” to obtain these substances, similar to 2022 and 2023.

Of course, given our research looks at people who regularly use drugs, the use of pharmaceutical stimulants without a prescription doesn’t reflect use in the general population.

In the 2022–23 National Drug Strategy Household Survey, a general population survey of Australians aged 14 years and older, 2.1% of the population (equating to roughly 400,000 people) reported having used pharmaceutical stimulants for non‑medical purposes in the previous year. This was similar to the percentage of people reporting ecstasy use.

What are the risks?

Pharmaceutical stimulants are considered to have a relatively safe toxicity profile. However, as with all stimulants, these substances increase activity of the sympathetic nervous system, which controls various functions in the body during times of stress. This in turn increases heart rate, blood pressure and breathing rate.

These changes can cause acute cardiac events (such as arrhythmias, or irregular heartbeat) and, with repeated use of high doses, chronic changes in the heart’s functioning.

Recent Australian studies have documented an increase in poisonings involving these substances, although a notable proportion of these appear to be intentional poisoning. Of poisonings that only involved pharmaceutical stimulants, the drugs were mostly taken orally, with a median dose more than ten times a typical prescribed dose. The most common symptoms were hypertension (high blood pressure), tachycardia (increased heart rate) and agitation.

In our survey, those who had used pharmaceutical stimulants most commonly swallowed them in tablet form and generally took a dose slightly higher than what’s typically prescribed.

However, about one in four reported snorting as a route of administration. This can result in physical harms such as damage to the sinuses, and can heighten potential risks from the drug because it may take effect more quickly in the body.

Some pharmaceutical stimulants are “long-acting”, released into the body over a day. So there may also be a risk of premature re-dosing if people unknowingly use these formulations more than once a day. That is, if people don’t experience the desired effects within the expected time frame, they may take another dose, which can increase the risk of adverse effects.

Finally, non-prescribed pharmaceutical stimulants may have adverse effects when taken alongside other drugs. This can include a “masking effect” (for example, the stimulant may mask the signs of alcohol intoxication).

So what should we do?

Pharmaceutical stimulants are an important medicine to treat ADHD and narcolepsy, and when used as prescribed are relatively safe. However, there are additional risks when people use these substances without a prescription.

Harm reduction campaigns highlighting these risks, including differences across formulations, may be useful. Continual monitoring, alongside more in-depth investigation of associated harms, is also crucial.

You can access free and confidential advice about alcohol and other drugs by calling the National Alcohol and Other Drug Hotline on 1800 250 015.

Over the past five years, Rachel Sutherland has received research funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care, National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), ACT Health, Alcohol and Drug Foundation, ACON and the National Centre for Clinical Research on Emerging Drugs. She is currently supported by an NHMRC Emerging Leadership Fellowship. These organisations had no role in the study design, analysis and reporting.

In the past five years, Amy Peacock has received research funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care, National Health and Medical Research Council, New South Wales Ministry of Health, Queensland Health, ACT Health, Australian Drug Foundation, Western Australian Mental Health Commission, ACON, University of New South Wales, and the National Centre for Clinical Research on Emerging Drugs. She is currently supported by a NHMRC Emerging Leadership Fellowship.

She has previously received untied educational grants from Seqirus and Mundipharma for post-marketing surveillance of pharmaceutical opioids. Funding ceased over three years ago. These organisations had no role in study design, analysis and reporting, and funding support was for work unrelated to this project.

Caroline Salom receives funding from the National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia, which is supported by funding from the Australian Government under the Drug and Alcohol Program, from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care, and the Queensland Government Departments of Health, Justice & Attorney General and the Queensland Police Service. These government agencies had no role in the conduct of these studies.

Jodie Grigg is supported by funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care through its core grant to the National Drug Research Institute under the Drug and Alcohol Program. Her doctoral research was funded by a scholarship from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care.

In the past five years, Raimondo Bruno has received funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care, the National Health and Medicial Research Council, Queensland Health, ACT Health and the National Centre for Clinical Research in Emerging Drugs. He has previously received untied educational grants from Indivior and Mundipharma for post-marketing surveillance of pharmaceutical opioids. Funding ceased over five years ago. These organisations had no role in study design, analysis and reporting, and funding support was for work unrelated to this project.

– ref. More than half of people who use party drugs take ADHD medicines without a prescription, new research shows – https://theconversation.com/more-than-half-of-people-who-use-party-drugs-take-adhd-medicines-without-a-prescription-new-research-shows-239187

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karen Raubenheimer, Senior Lecturer, University of Wollongong

It’s been 20 years since a paper in the journal Science showed the environmental accumulation of tiny plastic fragments and fibres. It named the particles “microplastics”.

The paper opened an entire research field. Since then, more than 7,000 published studies have shown the prevalence of microplastics in the environment, in wildlife and in the human body.

So what have we learned? In a paper released today, an international group of experts, including myself, summarise the current state of knowledge.

In short, microplastics are widespread, accumulating in the remotest parts of our planet. There is evidence of their toxic effects at every level of biological organisation, from tiny insects at the bottom of the food chain to apex predators.

Microplastics are pervasive in food and drink and have been detected throughout the human body. Evidence of their harmful effects is emerging.

The scientific evidence is now more than sufficient: collective global action is urgently needed to tackle microplastics – and the problem has never been more pressing.

Microplastic pollution is the result of human actions and decisions. We created the problem – and now we must create the solution.

Tiny particles, huge problem

Microplastics are generally accepted as plastic particles 5mm or less in one dimension.

Some microplastics are intentionally added to products, such as microbeads in facial soaps.

Others are produced unintentionally when bigger plastic items break down – for example, fibres released when you wash a polyester fleece jacket.

Studies have identified some of the main sources of microplastics as:

• cosmetic cleansers
• synthetic textiles
• vehicle tyres
• plastic-coated fertilisers
• plastic film used as mulch in agriculture
• fishing rope and netting
• “crumb rubber infill” used in artificial turf
• plastics recycling.

Science hasn’t yet determined the rate at which larger plastics break down into microplastics. They are also still researching how quickly microplastics become “nanoplastics” – even smaller particles invisible to the eye.

Measuring the microplastic scourge

It’s difficult to assess the volume of microplastics in the air, soil and water. But researchers have attempted it.

For example, a 2020 study estimated between 0.8 and three million tonnes of microplastics enter Earth’s oceans in a year.

And a recent report suggests leakage into the environment on land could be three to ten times greater than that to oceans. If correct, it means between ten and 40 million tonnes in total.

The news gets worse. By 2040, microplastic releases to the environment could more than double. Even if humans stopped the flow of microplastics into the environment, the breakdown of bigger plastics would continue.

Microplastics have been detected in more than 1,300 animal species, including fish, mammals, birds and insects.

Some animals mistake the particles for food and ingest it, leading to harm such as blocked intestines. Animals are also harmed when the plastics inside them release the chemicals they contain – or those hitch-hiking on them.

Invaders in our bodies

Microplastics have been identified in the water we drink, the air we breathe and the food we eat – including seafood, table salt, honey, sugar, beer and tea.

Sometimes the contamination occurs in the environment. Other times it’s the result of food processing, packaging and handling.

More data is needed on microplastics in human foods such as land-animal products, cereals, grains, fruits, vegetables, beverages, spices, and oils and fats.

The concentrations of microplastics in foods vary widely – which means exposure levels in humans around the world also varies. However, some estimates, such as humans ingesting a credit card’s worth of plastic every week, are gross overstatements.

As equipment has advanced, scientists have identified smaller particles. They’ve found microplastics in our lungs, livers, kidneys, blood and reproductive organs. Microplastics have crossed protective barriers into our brains and hearts.

While we eliminate some microplastics through urine, faeces and our lungs, many persist in our bodies for a long time.

So what effect does this have on the health of humans and other organisms? Over the years, scientists have changed the way they measure this.

They initially used high doses of microplastics in laboratory tests. Now they use a more realistic dose that better represents what we and other creatures are actually exposed to.

And the nature of microplastics differ. For example, they contain different chemicals and interact differently with liquids or sunlight. And species of organisms, including humans, themselves vary between individuals.

This complicates scientists’ ability to conclusively link microplastics exposure with effects.

In regards to humans, progress is being made. In coming years, expect greater clarity about effects on our bodies such as:

• inflammation
• oxidative stress (an imbalance of free radicals and antioxidants that damages cells)
• immune responses
• genotoxicity – damage to the genetic information in a cell that causes mutations, which can lead to cancer.

What can we do?

Public concern about microplastics is growing. This is compounded by our likely long-term exposure, given microplastics are almost impossible to remove from the environment.

Some countries have implemented laws regulating microplastics. But this is insufficient to address the challenge. That’s where a new legally binding agreement, the UN’s Global Plastics Treaty, offers an important opportunity. The fifth round of negotiations begins in November.

The treaty aims to reduce global production of plastics. But the deal must also include measures to reduce microplastics specifically.

Ultimately, plastics must be redesigned to prevent microplastics being released. And individuals and communities must be brought on board, to drive support for government policies.

After 20 years of microplastics research, there is more work to be done. But we have more than enough evidence to act now.

Karen Raubenheimer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Scientists reviewed 7,000 studies on microplastics. Their alarming conclusion puts humanity on notice – https://theconversation.com/scientists-reviewed-7-000-studies-on-microplastics-their-alarming-conclusion-puts-humanity-on-notice-239105

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Tattersall, Associate Professor in Urban Geography and Host of ChangeMakers Podcast, University of Sydney

Over the last decade, several groups in Australia have successfully mobilised against fossil fuel interests. But which ones have gone the distance?

The urgent global threat of climate change might suggest groups running large-scale campaigns are the ones likely achieve lasting change. But my research suggests groups focused on local efforts are often more successful.

I’ve studied coalitions and campaigns, the climate movement and people-power globally. I’ve found groups with strong local roots can evolve and endure better than larger, more dispersed groups.

The trajectory of two major environmental groups in Australia demonstrate the point.

The first is focused around the Northern Rivers in New South Wales. There, the threat of gas extraction in the 2010s prompted the community to start organising through the national anti-gas group Lock the Gate. When floods struck the region in 2017 and 2022, many organisers shifted focus to form a new, successful alliance.

The second is the Stop Adani group. Organising began around 2010 after plans for the giant Adani coal mine in central Queensland were announced. The group successfully reduced the size of the proposed mine, but energy behind the movement dwindled.

Examining the way these groups organised and operated – and how long they lasted – offers lessons for others.

Northern Rivers

The Northern Rivers region has attracted environmentally-minded people from the 1960s peace movement onward. This activist history was almost certainly not considered by gas companies when they began planning large-scale fracking operations.

Locals began meeting under the banner “Lock the Gate”. In 2014, they launched the Bentley Blockade camp-in on land earmarked for gas extraction. The campaign worked and the Northern Rivers remains gasfield-free.

When unprecedented floods hit in 2017 and 2022, locals involved in Lock the Gate shifted focus. They formed the Northern Rivers Community Resilience Alliance to work on mutual aid and ongoing resilience.

Stop Adani

In 2010, the multinational Adani Group announced plans for the Carmichael coal mine in Queensland’s Galilee Basin. Climate groups around the country were outraged.

People began campaigning against the mine, initially locally focused on the coal port. By 2017 the campaign became national under the banner Stop Adani.

By 2017, Stop Adani had built a national strategy coordinating more than 100 community groups across many cities and regions. The movement used public pressure to slow progress. It reduced but did not stop the mine, which began exporting coal in late 2021.

Who was in these groups?

To tackle the gasfield threat, Northern Rivers residents doorknocked neighbours and local councils voted to declare their region gasfield free. Lock the Gate organisers deliberately set out to make their group as representative as possible.

Disagreements were inevitable. Farmers worried about the effect of gasfields on groundwater while environmentalists focused on the climate. But their relationships in the same place helped maintain unity. This broad base also meant opponents couldn’t write them off as “angry greenies”. As organiser Annie Kia has said, the movement “maximised self-organisation”.

By contrast, my analysis and interviews have shown Stop Adani involved local groups mostly comprised of white, middle class, well-educated urban women from the east coast. This made it easier to find agreement. But individual groups were smaller and less diverse than the Northern Rivers group.

Who designed the strategy?

Northern Rivers organisers tapped experienced campaigners to create the strategy. This helped overcome tensions within the broad coalition and arguably drove more creativity.

The Stop Adani strategy was done nationally. Community groups were invited to plan coordinated local actions. The led to effective public pressure on banks financing the mine, and other organisations.

But national-local separation comes at a cost, as my research has found. Local groups tasked with carrying out a national plan and had less ability to build their own plans.

Framing matters

Both groups focused on stopping fossil fuel extraction, but their framing differed.

Northern Rivers residents were motivated by a range of concerns, from avoiding damage to water tables to tackling climate change. To harness these motivations, the group framed their demand positively – fighting for a gasfield-free Northern Rivers region.

Stop Adani was built on a simple negative: stop the mine. This drove urgency and led to high levels of participation. But it also prompted a backlash, such as tense stand-offs between Central Queensland residents and a convoy organised by Bob Brown against the mine in 2019.

The stark framing created a challenge in negotiating with government. But success is not always black or white. State and federal governments slashed the size of the mine to just one-sixth the size of the original plans.

The negative framing also made it hard to retain participants. When years of protests failed to stop the mine, mass participation fell away.

But Stop Adani didn’t give up. In recent years, Traditional Owners have kept up the pressure on the mine’s financial and political backers.

What does success look like?

Stop Adani and Northern Rivers had very similar goals: stop the mine, stop the gasfields. By this metric, both groups were largely successful.

But Northern Rivers organisers also focused on building a broad movement beyond the usual environmentally-minded people. That’s why the group is still going strong, even after gas plans were defeated.

This is a remarkable community asset. When much of Lismore went underwater in 2022, state and federal help was slow. So community groups sprang into action, pooling resources and cooperating during the immediate emergency and the long clean-up.

Other communities now look to the Northern Rivers as a model of ground-up disaster recovery.

Their success should give us hope. As the climate warps, groups with strong community roots are well-placed to lead the response to the changing demands of the climate crisis.

Amanda Tattersall receives funding from Lord Mayor’s Charitable Trust and the Sunrise Project.

– ref. Endure – or peter out? Here’s what Northern Rivers organisers and Stop Adani can teach us about building climate groups – https://theconversation.com/endure-or-peter-out-heres-what-northern-rivers-organisers-and-stop-adani-can-teach-us-about-building-climate-groups-235774

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sally Patfield, Lecturer, Teachers and Teaching Research Centre, School of Education, University of Newcastle

During September, many Australian universities start making early offers to Year 12 students for a place next year. This is ahead of the main rounds of offers, due in January.

These early entry schemes have been around for many years. But offers soared during COVID, with more than 40,000 school-leavers estimated to have received an early offer in 2021 and again in 2022.

These numbers saw early entry schemes slammed for lacking the “transparency” of the Australian Tertiary Admission Rank (ATAR), being an aggressive recruitment strategy by universities, and encouraging students to “slacken off” in their final exams.

In February, federal Education Minister Jason Clare announced early offers could not be issued before September. He said a national approach to early entry should be developed in time for 2027 enrolments, based on a recommendations from the Universities Accord review.

Despite these criticisms, there has been no comprehensive research into early entry schemes. But my new study shows they can be a significant help to students from disadvantaged backgrounds hoping to go to university.

Read more:
Universities Accord: early university offers won’t be made until later in Year 12. Is this a good idea?

What are early entry schemes?

In Australia, most domestic students gain admission to an undergraduate degree via an ATAR. This is calculated to reflect a Year 12 student’s rank against other students in their state, taking into account their overall subject results.

Increasingly, young people are gaining access to university through early entry. These programs target Year 12 students who can receive an offer to study at university based on criteria other than (or in addition to) their ATAR.

Admission criteria differ across universities, but often include one or more Year 11 results, a recommendation from the student’s school, a personal statement demonstrating skills such as collaboration, resilience, or empathy, and extracurricular achievements.

Offers are released before students get their ATAR – and in many cases, before final exams, which generally begin in October. However, students still need to complete Year 12 and sometimes still need to meet a minimum ATAR.

Read more:
We can predict final school marks in year 11 – it’s time to replace stressful exams with more meaningful education

My research

In 2023, I interviewed 24 current university students who had gained admission via early entry. I also interviewed a small number of their parents/carers to shed light on the broader impacts of early entry on families.

I focused on students from regional and remote locations, students who were the first in their family to go to uni, Indigenous Australians, and people with a disability, as they are most disadvantaged in mainstream schooling and in their access to higher education.

Some researchers have suggested early entry schemes favour students with personal or socioeconomic advantages due to parent and principal advocacy in recommendation letters and better access to career guidance.

But I found these schemes can benefit students most in need.

Early entry can help address disadvantage

Many of the students I spoke to experienced complex home lives, physical and/or mental ill-health, and multiple forms of disadvantage. As a result, university had often felt out of reach.

This meant an early offer was a huge boost to a student’s confidence. As Paris* told me:

I don’t believe I would have gotten into university if it wasn’t for the early entry. I didn’t think university was an option for me, ever, because of the town that I grew up in, my family’s low economic status and especially going through homelessness in Year 11 and 12 and then COVID on top of that – everything just kept piling on. So, going through this early entry scheme 100% gave me the confidence to be able to pursue [my] career and be able to do life in general.

Securing an early place at university also gave families more time to plan for this significant life event. As Angela, a parent, said:

It helped ease the pressure and the stress of trying to work out […] accommodation up there. And then organise finances and things like that because I’m a single parent […] I had to get loans to help [my daughter], to help her do what she wants to do in life.

Early entry can reduce stress

Students who experienced stress, anxiety, physical and/or mental ill-health in Year 12 felt early entry helped them manage their wellbeing as they moved from school to university. As Deirdre, a student, told me:

I applied in Year 12 for early entry before I sat my [final exams]. I had a lot of personal factors that year. I struggle with nine chronic illnesses at the current moment. It was more like six in Year 12. Early entry really just gave me an opportunity to not have to fret over the HSC [Higher School Certificate] if I was sick. It gave me a really healthy and positive pathway into university.

Students don’t ‘slacken off’

Media reports have suggested early entry students stop trying in their final exams if they know they have already got a university place. But this wasn’t the case among those interviewed.

Students wanted to demonstrate their offer was warranted. As Gavran said:

I really wanted [my HSC] to reflect how well I could do to show that I deserved the early entry offer.

Broader notions of success

Ultimately, students valued the way early entry schemes could broaden how their capabilities were assessed.

They said it allowed their potential to shine through, accepting them based on who they are as a person rather than what they can achieve in an exam. As Alicia said:

Early entry ultimately accepts a student for more than just that number and for more than just the culmination of 13 years of schooling. It accepts a person, a young adult, for more than just one incredibly stressful point in life.

Where to next?

My research also found schools don’t always give senior students clear information about different pathways to university and focus on the ATAR route instead.

So students need to be given information about the full range of ways to get to university. Schools must be supported to stay on top of all the available options in an increasingly complex admissions landscape.

As we move towards a national approach to early entry, we need to consider the perspectives of students and their families who have not traditionally gone to university.

This is important if we want to support students from diverse backgrounds to go to uni – and move beyond the narrow portrayal of early entry schemes in the media.

*names have been changed.

Sally Patfield currently receives funding from the Paul Ramsay Foundation, the Australian government, and the Australian Centre for Student Equity and Success.

– ref. ‘I don’t believe I would have gotten into university’: how early entry schemes help Year 12 students experiencing disadvantage – https://theconversation.com/i-dont-believe-i-would-have-gotten-into-university-how-early-entry-schemes-help-year-12-students-experiencing-disadvantage-238679

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Bisley, Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences and Professor of International Relations at La Trobe University., La Trobe University

This weekend, the four leaders of the Quad will once again convene, this time in US President Joe Biden’s hometown of Wilmington, Delaware. The summit will double as a send-off for two of the leaders – it will be one of Kishida Fumio’s last acts as Japan’s prime minister, while Biden will end his term four months after the gathering.

The Quad is an ambitious undertaking. As the four explained in the lengthy first leaders’ communique, it exists to promote “the free, open, rules-based order, rooted in international law and undaunted by coercion, to bolster security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond”.

Described by policy wonks as a “minilateral” to distinguish it from the broader ranging multilateral regional institutions such as ASEAN and APEC, it brings together a small group of self-styled “like-minded” nations to advance a shared set of ambitions for the world’s most populous region.

First established in 2007, the Quad brought together the four partners to discuss shared security concerns prompted by China’s growing power. Its first version was driven primarily by Washington and Japan, with both Australia and New Delhi somewhat reluctant participants. The grouping was essentially abandoned by its members in 2008. They saw little benefit in such explicitly anti-China coordination at a time when the PRC’s foreign policy remained cautious.

The Quad was brought back to life in 2017. The four now share a bleak assessment of Asia’s geopolitical circumstances. Xi Jinping’s China has an ambitious and assertive foreign policy that has unsettled the region and has prompted the four to dust off the Quad structure.

The first formal gathering was at the sidelines of the 2017 East Asia Summit. It then held a series of senior officials’ meetings in 2018 and at the foreign minister-level in 2019 on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. Subsequent ministerial meetings were held in 2020 in Tokyo and online at the start of 2021.

Biden hosted the first leaders’ level meeting in 2021. There the group committed to an annual event to ensure sustained political momentum for a grouping that the four now see as critical to their interests in the region.

In its early days, the Quad focused on military cooperation to advance shared military concerns. But in relatively short order, it moved away from that security focus and now has developed a broad remit. The grouping has established work programs relating to climate change, public health, vaccination, high technology, infrastructure, educational exchange, maritime domain awareness, humanitarian and disaster relief and even space.

While never explicitly stated, the Quad is all about managing a collective response to China’s rise. The four are concerned by the military dimensions of Beijing’s growing prosperity, but also by the larger risks to the region’s operating system that this ambitious authoritarian power represents. While military matters prompted the Quad’s establishment, the latter concerns are now the focus of discussions.

Oddly, Economic matters are not part of the equation at present. This is a notable shortcoming, given the ways in which China uses geo-economics to advance its interests.

The Quad has been back on the international stage for over half a decade. It has moved swiftly through the gears to become a “leaders-led” grouping, with the attendant media attention, and a dramatically widened its policy remit. In spite of impressive sounding declarations and a long list of work priorities, the reality is the grouping has not achieved a great deal in terms of concrete collaboration.

As an exercise in diplomatic signalling it has been notable, and in international affairs symbols matter, but only up to a point. Achieving practical cooperation has been limited, as has its impact on the regional strategic balance.

Although the grouping is plainly a priority, the countries still are not especially well equipped to work as a foursome. This is a function of basic experience as well as bureaucratic capacity constraints. Over time, and with investment, we may expect things to improve, but it is notable that this has not been forthcoming to date.

If the Quad members want their collaboration to, in the words of a recent ministerial statement “deliver concrete benefits and serve as a force for good”, then the grouping needs to get on with the business of actual policy collaboration.

The other major challenge lies in ensuring the alignment of interests between the four countries in the future. They all share concerns about China’s growing influence, but beyond that there are some major challenges in keeping the group aligned. This is most obvious in relation to Russia, where India’s approach to Moscow is at odds with the other three. And the diverging approaches to their economies also make cooperating on that front extremely difficult.

When the leaders gather in Delaware, expect lots of bromides about the departing American and Japanese leaders as well as an even more extensive set of plans on which to work. There will be oblique references to the China challenge and high-minded rhetoric aplenty. But until the Quad actually starts to act, its ability to have an influence beyond optics will be limited.

Nick Bisley has receive funding from the Commonwealth government to support research into Asia’s security and regional institutions.

– ref. As the Quad meets again, is it all optics and no substance? – https://theconversation.com/as-the-quad-meets-again-is-it-all-optics-and-no-substance-205679

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Reserve Bank Governor Michele Bullock might need her flak jacket when she fronts the media next Tuesday after the bank’s two-day board meeting.

This week’s United States Federal Reserve interest rate cut of a hefty half a percentage point (defying most more modest predictions) will put a lot of public pressure on the RBA, which is expected to hold Australia’s official rate at 4.35%.

Bullock (who must surely abandon musings about a rate hike) can argue Australia’s situation is different – that inflation remains too high and unless that’s dealt with, we’ll all end up worse off.

Also, US rates are still above ours, and it has healthy productivity growth, unlike Australia. Moreover, economists say the sheer size of the US cut is sending mixed messages, boosting confidence because rates are being cut, but harming confidence because they are a sign that the outlook is weak.

Thursday’s strong Australian employment numbers again showed the paradox of a buoyant labour market in an economy that’s barely breathing.

Regardless of the debate about rates among the experts, the big US move will certainly make the RBA’s stance harder to explain to families having trouble paying their mortgages costs and living expenses.

Bullock recently acknowledged the position of those really badly off in an analysis inevitably carrying the cold edge of financial reality.

“For owner-occupiers with variable-rate loans […] we estimate that around 5% are in a particularly challenging situation,” she said.

“Although this group is fairly small overall, those in it have had to make quite painful adjustments to avoid falling behind on their mortgage repayments. This includes things like cutting back on their spending to the more essential items, trading down to lower quality goods and services, dipping into their savings or working extra hours. Some may ultimately make the difficult decision to sell their homes.

“A really important point to note here, is that lower income borrowers are over-represented in the group of people who are really struggling,” she said.

The person faced with selling their home doesn’t take comfort from being in a small minority.

Whether or not the Reserve Bank’s expected Tuesday stance not to reduce rates is correct policy, it could face even more criticism on Wednesday, when the monthly inflation figures come out.

Westpac, in its regular CPI preview, expects these to show inflation falling 0.2% in August, to be at 2.7% annually. That would put the annual rate within the 2-3% band, where the RBA wants it. Moderating inflation in August was the effect of the budget’s energy cost rebate.

The monthly CPI figures are less reliable than the quarterly ones. But if the August numbers are good, many voters are likely to be angered by the bank having sat on its hands.

That’s especially when they recall Treasurer Jim Chalmers’ observation about high interest rates “smashing” the economy. Reports of differences between the bank and the government will likely be back in the news.

Chalmers, meanwhile, is highlighting Friday’s start of the budget’s increase in rent assistance, as well as the latest indexation increases in various payments kicking in. He’s seeking to frame the economic debate as between Labor’s cost-of-living cushions and the opposition’s search for cuts in government spending.

Peter Dutton’s strategy of holding back until closer to the election most details of what a Coalition government would do has tactical advantages and drawbacks. Put out the measures and they are open to attack, or theft, by the government. Keep them under wraps and they’re even more vulnerable to scare campaigns.

The government has two scares already on the go: that the Liberals would rip away the bag of workers’ rights the Albanese government has introduced, and that they would take a knife to spending in essential areas.

Labor jumped on opposition finance spokeswoman Jane Hume saying on the ABC at the weekend: “The government has spent an additional $315 billion since coming to government that the Coalition would not have committed to and didn’t commit to back at the last election”.

The government is making a giant meal of this, regardless of Hume insisting “we will not be cutting essential services”.

Albanese told a Thursday news conference: “The Coalition are promising $315 billion of cuts. They see the indexing of aged pensions, they see the increased support for child care and aged care, they see the increased investment in social housing, they see the increased investment in a Future Made in Australia, including the National Reconstruction Fund – they see all that as being waste”.

Chalmers documented all the indexation increases that are in the $315 billion.

The Liberals will have to spell out their proposed cuts ahead of the election. But past experience tells us whatever a party says beforehand, the later reality is often different. This goes for both sides of politics.

The government is presently under more pressure than at any point in its term. The prime minister is not popular. Time is running out with many initiatives still undelivered. The government is hugely frustrated that the Senate, which earlier gave it an easy run, is blocking bills, on housing in particular, thanks to an unholy alliance of Coalition and Greens (the government hasn’t quite got to the point
of invoking Paul Keating’s description of the Senate as “unrepresentative swill”).

The conventional wisdom, on the basis of the polls, is Labor appears headed for minority government. A Freshwater poll this week had the Coalition leading Labor on a two-party basis 52-48%, which if translated to an election would give the Coalition a chance of forming minority government.

The polling is primarily reflecting an adverse judgement on the government. To the extent it can keep that as the lens, the Coalition maximises its chances of taking a lot of skin off Labor. Labor, for its part, needs to swing the battle from a referendum on it to a choice – between a government, however flawed, that people know, and an alternative that would be something of a leap in the dark.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Grattan on Friday: US rate cut puts pressure on RBA – and things could get heated – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-us-rate-cut-puts-pressure-on-rba-and-things-could-get-heated-239386

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Hughes, Lecturer in Marketing, Research School of Management, Australian National University

Tupperware is one of the few iconic brands with which nearly every Australian has come into contact at some stage.

Some, like me, will have grown up watching their mums host “Tupperware parties” for their friends on the weekend. Others used the unmistakably colourful containers to carry their lunches to work or produce microwave meals of marvel.

So what could have gone so badly wrong that the company has now filed for bankruptcy in the United States?

Tupperware is one of the world’s most famous proponents of a business model called “multi-level marketing”. But its model came under serious new pressures in the digital age.

The company’s own chief restructuring officer perhaps summed it up best, writing in a bankruptcy court filing:

Nearly everyone now knows what Tupperware is, but fewer people know where to find it.

So what exactly is multi-level marketing? And what lessons could the demise of Tupperware hold for the sector more broadly?

What is multi-level marketing?

As a traditional multi-level marketing business, you don’t put your wares up for sale on supermarket or department store shelves.

Instead, you recruit salespeople who sell your products to individuals, earning commission on how much they sell rather than a salary.

But that’s typically not they only way they can earn money. There are also financial incentives for recruiting new salespeople, which can move them up the ranks at the company. Hence the term multi-level marketing, or MLM.

This method of marketing had several advantages when it emerged.

The people at the lowest level could see the incentives received by those above them, helping keep both engagement and attitudes towards the brand high. Many MLM brands still host massive award events, celebrating their biggest and best earners.

For customers, it was a thrill to be invited to a party, to feel part of the inner circle of someone’s friends. You could hang out, socialise, and perhaps drop some money on helping a friend out.

For the brand, this meant a ready-made customer base and network for product distribution.

An MLM brand could also avoid some of the larger overheads, such as rent and wages, that can cripple a traditional retail model when times become tough. Sounds perfect, right?

Read more:
Thinking of joining a multi-level marketing scheme or MLM as your side hustle? Read this first

A business model under pressure

Recently, a range of macroeconomic and cultural factors have slowly eroded the sales and profitability of some of the biggest players in the MLM sector.

Tupperware’s troubles have been brewing for years. The company had not seen an increase in sales since the third quarter of 2021, and in 2023 it had to urgently restructure its debt to keep itself solvent.

Before the bankruptcy announcement, shares in the company (listed on the New York Stock Exchange) had already fallen by about 75% in 2024 alone.

Back in August, another large MLM, perfume and cosmetics giant Avon, also filed for bankruptcy. While a “deluge” of lawsuits was the acute cause, Avon’s model of direct selling had also been under pressure for years.

What happened?

Times, people and culture all change. Many of the early MLMs like Tupperware and Avon established themselves and thrived most in an era that’s now long gone.

Far fewer women were in full-time work, so were at home. The success stories provided hope and networking in what was in reality a tough and lonely time of bringing up children in suburban Australia in the mid- to late 20th century.

Rates of full-time employment for women have surged since then, meaning many of these brands have also had to adjust their strategy.

Avon acknowledged this in late 2023, when it announced a plan to open its first ever physical stores in the UK. The company had faced consistently declining sales over the past decade.

The then chief executive Angela Cretu said:

Women stayed at home in the past, but now they are going out to work and we have to follow them wherever they spend their time and make the service as convenient as possible.

Failure to reposition the brand

Culture has changed, too. Asking your friends around to make your life better, at their expense, now might not seem like a party for anyone but the person receiving the money.

Tupperware may have been the safe container for your lunch, but it was also your mum’s brand. It had a retro feel, but not necessarily a cool factor.

It may also have been a victim of its own success. The warranty program to replace lids free of charge – for a product whose lids are easily lost or broken – was one of the most consumer-friendly marketing programs I’ve ever heard of.

But as a marketing strategy amid floundering sales, it meant many people didn’t need to buy a new container, and therefore didn’t need to consider the brand’s newer offerings.

A flood of cheaper offerings from competitors, incredibly similar in design, have also been a drag on the brand.

In 2022, after decades of direct selling, Tupperware made a radical change and put its products on shelves in Target in the US. That may have been too little, too late.

New ‘side hustles’ in the digital age

Tupperware, like many MLMs, was not suited to the digital changes we’ve seen in the last decade. At the same time, a new generation of “side hustles” have emerged and thrived – but importantly, online.

In contrast with the MLM model, platforms such as Amazon or Etsy here allow someone to have their own virtual store, potentially giving them higher earnings at an earlier stage.

They may still have levels, but are more similar to franchises than part of a tier-based system. We are now more likely to hear words such as “affiliate”, “collaborator” and “partner” to describe people in online marketplaces.

Yet many of the traditional MLMs remain. The strong brand connection they have with some of us is the envy of the modern marketer. Some will make this leap to the generations coming through. Some won’t.

Why? Adaptation and knowing the market. Good marketing boils down to knowing your people well. Who they really are and what culture influences them.

At any rate, Tupperware will probably always hold a special place in the hearts of many. Or at least their cupboards.

Andrew Hughes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Tupperware has filed for bankruptcy – is multi-level marketing in trouble? – https://theconversation.com/tupperware-has-filed-for-bankruptcy-is-multi-level-marketing-in-trouble-239387

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma Sicouri, Senior Postdoctoral Research Fellow and Clinical Psychologist, Black Dog Institute, UNSW Sydney

In the movie Inside Out 2, 13-year-old Riley, who has recently started puberty, has a panic attack during a hockey game timeout.

Anxiety (the emotion responsible for the panic attack) becomes completely frenzied and there is a sense Riley is losing control. After a while, Anxiety calms down and Riley’s panic attack subsides.

The movie does a great job of conveying the experience of having a panic attack. But panic attacks (and anxiety) don’t just arise in teenagers – younger children can also have them.

Being aware of what to look out for and how to respond to anxiety or panic is important to help you and your child better manage these scary symptoms.

What does a panic attack look like in a child?

A panic attack is a sudden, intense feeling of fear or discomfort associated with four or more of the following:

• feeling very hot or cold
• racing heart
• shortness of breath
• tightness in the throat or chest
• sweating
• tingling sensations
• light-headedness.

Panic attacks in children can last from a few minutes to 30 minutes.

Some children describe a panic attack as feeling like they are trapped or in danger, that something terrible is happening to them, they are losing control of their body, having a heart attack, or even dying.

Often, a child is unaware their symptoms are related to anxiety. This experience can be very scary for children and others around them who don’t know what is happening.

How common are panic attacks and at what age might they start?

There is a common myth that panic attacks only occur in teenagers or adults, but research shows this is not the case.

Although less frequent than in teenagers, panic attacks also occur in children. Studies indicate around 3–5% of children experience panic attacks.

They can begin at any age, although they typically first occur in children and adolescents between the ages of five and 18.

What causes a panic attack?

For some children, panic attacks can happen unexpectedly and without cause. These are known as “uncued” panic attacks.

For other children, panic attacks may be cued. This means they occur in specific situations that are anxiety-provoking, such as separating from a caregiver or doing a speech in class.

Cued panic attacks tend to be more common in children than uncued panic attacks.

Sometimes a panic attack can occur when a child’s physical symptoms (from feeling anxious) become the centre of their attention. For example, if a child notices a physical symptom (such as shortness of breath) and becomes worried about it, this can make them feel anxious, leading to more anxiety or a panic attack.

If children realise their physical symptoms are signs of anxiety and not a serious physical health problem, they might learn to not give too much attention to these symptoms and stop a vicious cycle occurring.

What can parents do in the moment to support their child?

If your child is breathing very quickly or hyperventilating, try to remain calm and encourage them to breathe normally.

Tell your child these feelings are temporary and not dangerous. Focusing your child’s attention on their rapid breathing or other symptoms can sometimes make things worse.

Try to help your child focus on something else, using the 3-3-3 rule: “Tell me three things you can hear, three things you can see, and three things you can touch”. Ask them to say these out loud.

If your child complains about bodily symptoms – but is not experiencing a full-blown panic attack – try to understand and acknowledge the symptoms they are experiencing.

Once you are satisfied their symptoms are not a physical health problem, tell them it will be okay and then move on to something else. This will help to shift their attention to something else and stop the anxiety and symptoms from escalating.

What about afterwards?

When your child’s panic attack is over, you can teach them about panic attacks. Explain that panic attacks are common and aren’t dangerous, even though they can feel scary and uncomfortable, and are a temporary sensation.

An effective strategy for panic attacks is a technique from cognitive behavioural therapy called “exposure”, which encourages children to face their fears. For panic attacks, this could be facing certain situations or objects that trigger the panic attack, or exposure to the actual physical symptoms.

Exposure is typically done with the support of a therapist, but increasingly there are programs available which support parents to deliver exposure-based treatment with their child.

Does having a panic attack mean my child has an anxiety disorder?

If your child has a panic attack, it does not mean they have an anxiety disorder. Panic attacks can occur in all children with or without anxiety disorders or mental health conditions.

However, panic attacks often occur in children with anxiety disorders or other mental disorders, such as depression or post-traumatic stress disorder.

Panic disorder is a particular type of anxiety disorder in which panic attacks are a core feature. Panic disorder is not common in children, and occurs in less than 1% pre-adolescent children. It typically emerges in adolescence or adulthood.

If your child is having panic attacks often and unexpectedly, has persistent worry (for at least a month) about additional panic attacks, or avoids situations that may trigger panic attacks, it may indicate they have panic disorder.

If your child is having panic attacks in response to specific situations or fears, such as separating from a caregiver, and their fears are interfering in everyday life, it may indicate an anxiety disorder.

Where can I look for help?

If you are concerned your child has an anxiety disorder, speak to your GP or a psychologist about it.

You don’t need a GP referral to see a psychologist, but a GP can create a mental health treatment plan which allows you to claim a Medicare rebate for up to ten sessions.

There are also a range of online resources.

Gemma Sicouri receives funding from Australian Rotary Health.

Jennie Hudson works for the Black Dog Institute and receives or has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research, the Australian Research Council, Welcome Trust, Australian Rotary Health, Beyond Blue, the Johnston Foundation and the AMP Foundation.

Annabel Songco and Chloe Lim do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. I think my child is having panic attacks. What should we do? – https://theconversation.com/i-think-my-child-is-having-panic-attacks-what-should-we-do-237761

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By William Partlett, Associate professor of public law, The University of Melbourne

It is well known former US President Donald Trump admires the power strongman leaders wield.

What is less well known are the problematic long-term constitutional consequences of this kind of strongman governance.

My new book reveals these consequences. It shows today’s strongmen rely on what I call the “constitutional dark arts”. This is a belief the constitutional centralisation of power in a leader is a better way to secure democracy, sovereignty and economic development.

Strongmen like Vladimir Putin in Russia, Viktor Orban in Hungary and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey do not disband democratic institutions such as courts, political parties, legislatures and elections. Instead, they co-opt them and use them to legitimise their centralised leadership.

My book shows this centralised constitutional system is unlikely to achieve democracy, sovereignty or economic development. Instead, it is more likely to foster a cycle of personalised, corrupt governance that is democratically unaccountable. It is also unable to protect sovereignty or economic wellbeing over the long term.

This is important for understanding the long-term, systemic threat Trump poses to America’s constitutional system of governance, should he be re-elected.

Trump and the constitutional dark arts

Trump is not only a clear advocate of centralised power, he is a devoted practitioner of the constitutional dark arts.

While president in 2019, for instance, he famously claimed Article 2 of the Constitution, which specifies the powers of the presidency, gave him the “right to do whatever I want”.

In response to charges he faces for allegedly attempting to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, Trump also argued presidents should enjoy “absolute immunity” for their actions.

Now running for re-election, Trump and his team plan to expand the power of the presidency over previously independent government agencies, such as the Department of Justice and the FBI.

Trump has justified this centralisation of power as being more democratic. He has repeatedly claimed a constitutionally empowered president is necessary to allow him to be the people’s “voice” in a system that is “rigged” against ordinary citizens. And he has labelled attempts to hold him legally accountable for his actions as “a threat to democracy”.

Trump has also argued centralised presidential power is necessary for securing economic development. For instance, he frequently argues he alone can fix the American economy. Recently, he has even argued presidents should have the power to direct the Federal Reserve in its decisions.

Finally, Trump argues only centralised presidential control can restore American sovereignty by stopping what he has depicted as a flood of immigrants “poisoning the blood of our country”.

Most notably, if elected, he has promised to act as “dictator” on day one of his presidency and issue an order closing the border.

Consequences of highly centralised power

My book shows the seductiveness of the claims of the constitutional dark arts, particularly in places where trust in government is eroding.

For instance, in Russia, Putin has persuaded a disillusioned Russian public centralising power in the office of the president is the best way to secure Russian sovereignty, economic development and democracy.

Over time, however, Russia shows how the centralisation of power has a corrosive logic, only creating more problems of governance. This kind of system is undemocratic, with leading opposition members jailed or killed. It is also weak and dysfunctional.

The centralised capture of institutions degrades their ability to operate effectively. Moreover, it allows a president to use public power and funds for personal gain, undermining sovereignty and economic development. For instance, Putin uses his control over Russia’s electoral commission to disqualify candidates who challenge his personal power.

Finally, it undermines the effectiveness of centralised decision-making, as reliable information is no longer passed upwards.

To take just one example, Putin’s decision to launch a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 was grounded on flawed intelligence suggesting Kyiv would fall in three days.

Identifying this dysfunctionality is critical to countering strongman governance. Russian opposition figure Alexei Navalny and his team have always been particularly good at this kind of messaging.

The threat this messaging poses to the Putin regime ultimately led to Navalny’s death and the exiling of his political team.

Lessons for American voters

This experience carries important lessons for American voters as they consider their choice in the upcoming election. The constitutional centralisation of power that Trump and his supporters propose will only further erode American democracy and threaten the key pillars of America’s economic prosperity.

A highly personalised foreign policy that discounts advice from the State Department or long-standing US allies could also weaken American sovereignty.

For instance, Trump’s insistence he would implement a hasty “deal” to end the war in Ukraine would show that America is an unreliable ally and embolden Russia and China to potentially take aggressive actions.

We have seen some of these corrosive consequences when Trump was president from 2017–21. This time, however, it appears he and his supporters are more committed than ever to the dangerous logic of the constitutional dark arts.

Moreover, trust in government in the United States has never been lower than it is now, furthering support for Trump’s brand of centralised, personalised governance.

This presidentialisation of the American constitutional system is not inevitable. Countering it requires pointing to its dysfunctionality and inability to address the real problems the American political system is facing.

William Partlett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Donald Trump insists a ‘strongman’ leader will help America. My new book explains why he’s wrong – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-insists-a-strongman-leader-will-help-america-my-new-book-explains-why-hes-wrong-238693

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jiaru Tang, PhD student, Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology

TikTok, Facebook and other social media platforms are being flooded with uncanny and bizarre content generated with artificial intelligence (AI), from fake videos of the US government capturing vampires to images of shrimp Jesus.

Given its outlandish nature and tenuous relationship with reality, you might think this so-called “AI slop” would quickly disappear. However, it shows no sign of abating.

In fact, our research suggests this kind of low-quality AI-generated content is becoming a lucrative venture for the people who make it, the platforms that host it, and even a growing industry of middlemen teaching others how to get in on the AI gold rush.

When generative AI meets profiteers and platforms

The short explanation for the prevalence of these baffling videos and images is that savvy creators on social media platforms have worked out how to use generative AI tools to earn a quick buck.

But the full story is more complex. Platforms have created incentive programs for content that goes viral, and a whole ecosystem of content creators has arisen using generative AI to exploit these programs.

Much of the conversation around generative AI tools focuses on how they enable ordinary people to “create”. Many earlier digital technologies have also made it easier to participate in creative activities, such as how smartphones made photography ubiquitous.

But generative AI takes this a step further, as it can generate tailored images or videos from a simple text prompt. It makes content creation more accessible – and also opens the floodgates to mass production on social media.

To take just one example: if you search “pet dance motorcycle” on TikTok, you will find hundreds of AI-generated videos of animals doing the “motorbike dance”, all animated using the same AI template. Some accounts post dozens of videos like this every day.

Creators and platforms are making money

You may wonder why such repetitive, unimaginative content can go viral on TikTok. The answer lies in the platform’s own advice to aspiring creators: if you want your videos to be promoted, you should “continuously share fresh and diverse content” that “doesn’t require a big production budget”.

You may also wonder why some platforms don’t ban AI accounts for polluting the platform’s content stream. Other platforms such as Spotify and YouTube, which police intellectual property rights more aggressively than TikTok, invest considerable resources to identify and remove AI-generated content.

TikTok’s community guidelines do ban “inaccurate, misleading, or false content that may cause significant harm”, but AI-generated content – at least for now – does not qualify as causing “significant harm”.

Instead, this kind of content has become important for platforms. Many of those “pet dance motorcycle” videos, for example, have been viewed tens of millions of times. As long as users are scrolling through videos, they are getting exposed to the ads that are the platforms’ primary source of income.

Inside the AI ‘gold rush’

There is also a growing industry of people teaching others how to make money using cheap AI content.

Take Xiaonan, a social media entrepreneur we interviewed who runs six different TikTok accounts, each with more than 100,000 followers. As he revealed in a live-streaming tutorial with more than 1,000 viewers, Xiaonan earned more than US$5,500 from TikTok in July alone.

Xiaonan also hosts an exclusive chatting group where, for a fee, he reveals his most effective AI prompts, video headlines and hashtags tailored for different platforms including YouTube and Instagram. Xiaonan also reveals tricks for standing out in the platforms’ recommendation game and avoiding platform regulations.

Xiaonan says he established his “AI side job” after being laid off by an internet company. He now works with two partners selling classes and tutorials on making AI-generated videos and other types of spam for profit.

Creators posting AI content may not be the kind of people we expect. As Xiaonan told us, many of the people taking his AI tutorial – entitled “Side job, self-employed, high-paid” – are housewives, unemployed people and college students.

“Some of us also do Uber driving or street vending,” one creator told us. AI-generated content has become the latest trend for earning side income.

The rise of AI has coincided with global unemployment trends and the growth of the gig economy in the post-pandemic era.

Making AI-generated content is more pleasant work than driving passengers or delivering food, according to a creator who is also a stay-at-home mother. It’s easy to learn, almost zero cost, and can be done any time at home with just a phone.

As Xiaonan says, his method is to use AI to “earn from productivity gap” – that is, by producing far more content than people who don’t use AI .

The global AI-generated content factory

Our observations indicate many of these creators are from non-Western countries, such as India, Vietnam and China.

As one Chinese social media influencer told us:

China’s short video market is nearing saturation, which means you need to seek data traffic [viewers] on overseas platforms.

For these entrepreneurs, AI is the secret sauce not only for creating viral content but also for circulating already-viral videos across different countries and platforms.

An effective strategy mentioned by one creator is a kind of platform arbitrage involving popular videos from Douyin, the counterpart of TikTok in mainland China.

A creator will take one of these videos, add AI-generated translation, and post the result on TikTok. Despite clunky AI dubbing and error-riddled subtitles, many of these videos garner hundreds of thousands or even millions of views.

Creators often mute the original video and add AI-generated narration, translating the content into various languages, including French, Spanish, Portuguese, Indonesian and Swedish. These creators often manage several or even dozens of accounts, targeting viewers in different countries in a strategy known as an “account matrix”.

This is only the beginning

We are only at the dawn of mainstream AI-generated content culture. We will soon face a situation in which content is effectively infinite, but human attention is still limited.

For platforms, the challenge will be balancing the engagement these AI-driven trends bring with the need to maintain trust and authenticity.

Social media platforms will soon respond. But before that, AI-generated content will continue to grow wildly – at least for a while.

Patrik Wikström receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Jiaru Tang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Side job, self-employed, high-paid’: behind the AI slop flooding TikTok and Facebook – https://theconversation.com/side-job-self-employed-high-paid-behind-the-ai-slop-flooding-tiktok-and-facebook-237638

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Robertson, Research Fellow, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University

Heatwaves in Australia are expected to become hotter, longer and more frequent under climate change. They can seriously affect our health and wellbeing, and even kill people.

But how well-prepared are Australian households for life in a hotter world? Our new research explored this question in Victoria.

We examined how households cope with, adapt to and endure summers and heatwaves. We found they overwhelmingly considered summer heat a temporary disruption – something to just get through. This is consistent with the approach taken by authorities, which generally treat heatwaves as isolated emergencies.

This needs to change. Governments, emergency services and households must move beyond short-term coping strategies. A more sophisticated, long-term approach to managing heatwaves is needed.

Household experiences of heat

We wanted to better understand the experience of Victorians at home across the year. To do this, we interviewed members of 74 households in the Latrobe Valley (30) and Melbourne (44) between 2019 and 2021. We also walked with people through their homes.

We asked about the household’s experience of summer at home and how they coped with the heat. We paid particular attention to people’s everyday routines and the passage of heat through the home.

Questions covered the comfort of the home in summer, the different spaces householders used throughout the year, and the changes they had made (or would like to make) to the home to make it more comfortable.

Participants were also asked about how manageable they found their energy and other bills. Finally, participants were asked to reflect on their longer-term housing aspirations.

What we found

Many households prepared their home and themselves for a heatwave and the disruption it would cause, by shutting blinds or curtains and turning on fans or air conditioners. Those who could, planned to leave the home and visit a friend or other cool space such as the local pool, shopping centre or cinema.

Then they waited for the heatwave to pass, and experienced relief once a cool change arrived, opening doors or windows to let the cool breeze through.

Many households considered heatwaves as short-term but manageable disruptions to their daily, weekly or seasonal routines.

But for some, summer heat was an extended disruption to their lives, for which they had limited capacity to adapt and respond.

These households had fewer ways to manage heat at home, or improve the home’s resilience to heat.

For example, renters turned to unreliable portable air-conditioners, which failed to manage extreme conditions. Melbourne renter Nanci said:

We bought the portable [air conditioner], which ended up breaking down after 33 degrees, so we put it on [until it] blows hot air out.

Other low-income households were hesitant to use or install air conditioners, given the consequences for their energy bills.

Vulnerable households with young children or people with chronic health conditions found it difficult to function and manage those in their care.

In the Latrobe Valley, Sam is a single parent in social housing, who struggles with health problems in the heat. Every year Sam buys a new portable air conditioner to get through summer, as they never seem to last more than one season. Sam said:

The doctor wants to write a letter to the housing [provider because I] get sick all the time and end up in hospital because of the heat … When it’s really hot, I get really sick … My [kid’s] worse … I get phone calls from daycare all the time … so I have to race down and get them to the hospital.

Rethinking summer heat at home

During a heatwave, authorities encourage people to stay cool and look out for vulnerable groups such as children and the elderly. While important, this is a short-term approach.

Relatively little attention is paid to longer-term concerns. As a society, we must acknowledge the increasing frequency and intensity of heatwaves, and start protecting people in their homes.

Many Australian homes are poorly prepared for hotter, longer summers, with most built before the introduction of minimum energy performance standards. This puts our health at risk. It also creates new environmental burdens.

Relying only on air-conditioning to cool homes, rather than improving their thermal performance, will increase electricity demand and make it harder to reduce emissions. For households worried about the cost of living, an air conditioner might be considered too expensive to run or install.

Renters are often worst affected during heatwaves and cold winters. We welcome proposed minimum energy efficiency standards for rental homes in Victoria. Only the ACT and Victoria are proposing to mandate ceiling insulation for rental properties so far. Other states should follow suit.

Australia recently improved energy-efficiency standards for new homes. Now we need a mandatory disclosure system for property energy efficiency, across both new and existing homes, including both owner-occupied and rental properties.

Authorities should also improve public spaces to cope with hotter summers and more extreme weather. This includes creating and maintaining trees and green space in cities to combat the effects of “urban heat islands”.

Trees, plants and light-coloured external surfaces such as cool roofs can also help reduce heat in and around the home.

Without action, more households will be stuck in unhealthy, unsustainable and downright dangerous situations when a heatwave hits. Governments must take a broader, more holistic approach to manage the risks.

Sarah Robertson received funding for this research from the Australian Research Council Linkage Projects grant scheme, the Victorian State Government, and the Fuel Poverty Research Network’s Energy Poverty in Early Career grant program.

Gordon Walker has received funding from the Australian Research Council Linkage Projects grant scheme.

Ralph Horne has received funding from the Australian Research Council and the Victorian State Government for research related to this article.

– ref. Victorian households are poorly prepared for longer, more frequent heatwaves – here’s what needs to change – https://theconversation.com/victorian-households-are-poorly-prepared-for-longer-more-frequent-heatwaves-heres-what-needs-to-change-237758

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Collin Bjork, Senior Lecturer, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

The university sector in Aotearoa New Zealand is at a tipping point due to chronic underfunding, shifting enrolments and increasing costs from inflation. In response, the government has established two working groups to assess the health of the sector and provide recommendations for the future.

Meanwhile, universities find themselves increasingly beholden to the education technology (EdTech) industry, which claims to improve student learning by selling hardware and software – often built with artificial intelligence (AI).

Most universities already pay for services from EdTech companies such as Turnitin, Grammarly, CampusTalk and Studiosity, all of which use AI in their products.

But critics say this trust in EdTech is misplaced and amounts to what technology writer Evgeny Morozoc calls technological solutionism – “the idea that given the right code, algorithms and robots, technology can solve all of mankind’s problems”.

Intellectual property and profit

To better understand how EdTech providers work, consider the plagiarism-detection company Turnitin, used by 20,000 institutions in 185 countries.

Student essays are intellectual property (IP). According to university policy, students and universities have a shared licence over any IP written by students.

But when teachers require students to upload their essays to Turnitin, students must grant the company a “non-exclusive, royalty-free, perpetual, worldwide, irrevocable licence” to use their IP.

Turnitin adds those essays to its massive database, which it uses to build its plagiarism detection tool. The tool – built with student IP – is then sold back to universities so educators can police student writing in the name of academic integrity.

After 20 years of growth with this business model, Turnitin was bought in 2019 by Advance Publications for US$1.75 billion. On Twitter (now X), higher education researcher Jesse Stommel asked: “How much of that $1.75B do you think is going to the students who have fed their database for years? I have a pretty good guess: zero billion.”

By claiming ownership over student IP, Turnitin also profits from Indigenous students’ ideas. But this threatens Indigenous data sovereignty – that data produced by or about Indigenous communities should be governed by those communities.

AI teaching clones

EdTech organisations such Prifina, Khanmigo and Cogniti are now developing new AI teaching clones. These “AI twins” are trained on educators’ own course materials and can interact with students around the clock.

For overworked teachers, an AI clone might seem appealing. In one promotional video, a lecturer praises the clone for helping him teach biochemistry to more than 800 students.

Of course, another way to improve the teaching of such a large course is to hire more teachers. The Tertiary Education Union will surely emphasise this point in its collective bargaining with universities this year.

But it’s not surprising universities are looking for cheaper options, given the sector has endured long-term government underfunding.

Here’s the catch, though: we don’t yet know the full cost of AI agents in education. They may be free or cheap now, but it takes a lot of computing power to create and engage with a customised AI agent – almost certainly more power than teachers and students have on their personal computers.

For that reason, organisations that develop AI agents rely on access to high-performance servers provided by the likes of Microsoft and Amazon Web Services. After sufficient market penetration, though, these multinational companies will want a return on their investment. Will AI agents still be cheaper than teachers then?

Energy-intensive investment

We also don’t know how much energy it takes to build and operate hundreds of AI clones for tens of thousands of students. But we do know Microsoft recently retracted its goal of being carbon-negative by 2030 due to AI’s increasing demand for “energy-hungry data centres”.

Many New Zealand universities also aim to be carbon-neutral by 2030. Will they too have to renege on their green commitments? Or will outsourcing AI to EdTech companies allow them offload responsibility?

Historically, it has been difficult for teaching institutions to untangle themselves from EdTech investments. This is despite research showing “85% of EdTech tools are poor fits or poorly implemented”.

If AI is “pushing the world toward an energy crisis” is it worth the financial and environmental cost to create AI agents for educators?

Product or public good?

Without sufficient government funding, EdTech products look appealing to universities. But tertiary stakeholders must question whether EdTech “solutions” really contribute to a university education.

If a university education is primarily viewed as a product in a global marketplace, then EdTech tools might add monetary value.

But if a university education is viewed as a public good that contributes to the improvement of society, then EdTech tools might be less valuable.

Now is the time for a broader conversation about the cost and value of a university education, and the role of EdTech within it.

Collin Bjork is a senior lecturer at Massey University, where he is currently the recipient of a Marsden fund research grant. The views expressed here are his own.

– ref. Clones in the classroom: why universities must be wary of embracing AI-driven teaching tools – https://theconversation.com/clones-in-the-classroom-why-universities-must-be-wary-of-embracing-ai-driven-teaching-tools-238977

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fabio Serpiello, Professor and Director of Sport Strategy, CQUniversity Australia

It’s the next global sporting event on a busy 2024 calendar – the 10th FIFA Futsal World Cup is underway in Uzbekistan.

While the indoor soccer variant might be on your radar as a fun kids’ sport, or a high-energy weeknight hobby, proponents like Football Australia say the FIFA-governed game is actually one of the world’s fastest-growing sports.

Here’s a few reasons why it’s gaining players and fans – and might even be breeding our next Socceroo or Matilda.

What is futsal?

Futsal is a relatively modern sport. It was invented in Uruguay in the early 1930s with the name deriving from the Spanish words fútbol (football) and sala (hall) – indicating the sport is played indoors.

With two teams of five players (one goalkeeper and four outfield players), a game is two halves of 20 minutes of effective playing time (the clock stops every time the ball is out of play).

The fast pace is heightened by rolling player substitutions and no throw-ins or offside – key features of traditional soccer.

It is estimated that 12 million players are registered worldwide in official competitions and many more involved in amateur/social leagues.

It is growing healthily in Australia, too. In 2023, participation grew to 64,000, up 11% on 2022. This followed huge growth pre-pandemic – in 2019, the jump was 36% up on the previous year.

These statistics would place futsal in the top three activities by growth from 2022 to 2023 (note: futsal participation data is extracted from a different survey compared to the government’s official participation dataset).

The world at their feet

The pinnacle of the sport is the FIFA Futsal World Cup, with 24 nations competing.

The men’s World Cup commenced in 1989 in the Netherlands, while the inaugural women’s World Cup will be contested in 2025.

The Australian men’s national team, the Futsalroos, took part in the inaugural men’s World Cup, with six more appearances since but they have not qualified for the 2024 competition.

Interestingly, France, one of the world’s top soccer countries, is participating for the first time at the 2024 Futsal World Cup.

Futsal has also been part of the Olympic conversation for many years.

Advocates say the sport has all the necessary characteristics for inclusion in the summer Olympics program – excitement, grassroots popularity and growth potential.

While the Olympic sports roster is already crowded – 30 sports across 42 disciplines at Paris – a positive step forward was futsal joining the 2018 Youth Olympic Games in Buenos Aires and scheduled for the Dakar 2026 event.

The Olympics have, in recent years, experimented with new sports and sport variants like 3×3 basketball (2020), which gives a template for futsal to be considered for the games without impacting the soccer competition.

A powerful breeding ground

Futsal is also emerging as a powerful developmental step for outdoor soccer.

Many world-class soccer players have credited futsal for their skill development.

Brazilian household names Ronaldo, Ronaldinho and Neymar Jr, Portuguese star Cristiano Ronaldo, and former Barcelona midfielders Xavi and Iniesta have all attributed their exceptional ball control and passing skills to playing futsal as kids.

Christiano Ronaldo said:

During my childhood in Portugal, all we played was futsal. The small playing area helped me improve my close control, and whenever I played futsal I felt free.

In Australia, Matildas forward Mary Fowler started in futsal as child in Cairns (where the indoor game can avoid weather extremes), while recently retired Socceroo and Celtic midfielder Tom Rogic also represented Australia in futsal.

How futsal skills are linked to soccer

Research supports the anecdotal evidence for futsal’s development potential.

My colleagues and I investigated whether the characteristics of the futsal ball (less bounce) and the gameplay (more touches for competitors), makes it easier for players to control the ball. This, in turn, may enhance other technical skills (like passing) and tactical awareness.

We tested whether the difference in ball characteristics could explain differences in passing skill.

In our study, 24 adult novices were asked to perform the same passing skill either with a futsal or soccer ball over three sessions, and we assessed their accuracy as well as their gaze behaviour (how the eyes track objects and space).

Those who practised with a futsal ball showed more improvement with their passing performance and had larger changes in their gaze behaviour.

Applying the same idea to elite young soccer and futsal players during a standardised 6 v 6 game, we again found futsal players had higher scanning behaviour while receiving and controlling, while soccer players mainly scanned the environment when not in ball possession.

But can skills transfer from futsal to soccer?

In another study, we asked elite young futsal and soccer players to perform separate tasks – one similar to futsal, and the other similar to soccer.

The results showed the futsal group improved their passing accuracy from the futsal-like to the soccer-like task; they were also more accurate than soccer players.

The soccer group’s passing accuracy remained stable across the two tasks.

Your new favourite niche sport?

Futsal offers physical intensity, can be played on any indoor surface and in any weather conditions and those features can facilitate faster skill development than many traditional sports.

No wonder its popularity is on the rise.

If that’s what you’re looking for, maybe the Futsal World Cup can add some inspiration.

Fabio Serpiello has received funding in the past for to futsal-related research projects (FIFA Joao Havelange Scholarship 2011; UEFA Research Grant 2017)

– ref. Australians are flocking to play futsal, a sport that helped launch many elite soccer careers – https://theconversation.com/australians-are-flocking-to-play-futsal-a-sport-that-helped-launch-many-elite-soccer-careers-238434

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Buning, Senior Lecturer in Tourism, UQ Business School, The University of Queensland

Recent decisions by several Australian and New Zealand cities to discontinue shared e‑scooter services have again thrust misperceptions and moral panic into the limelight.

Some city councils have terminated contracts with one operator of shared e‑scooters over allegations relating to exceeding caps on numbers. Other councils have cited public concerns about footpath riding, accidents, reckless use and parking to explain their decisions.

There have been calls for tougher policing of e-scooters. However, recent research and innovations in the industry offer better, more cost-effective solutions that will ease the pressure on police resources.

These solutions include using readily available technology, including geo-fencing and speed-limiters, and educating riders. Our research has found many of them simply don’t know the rules that apply to e-scooters in their city or state.

Police enforcement is limited

People who see e-scooter riders behaving dangerously often ask what the police are doing about it. In response, police sometimes launch “blitzes” against riding behaviours, such as not wearing helmets. These efforts are focused on locations where e-scooter use is common or is considered a problem.

Yet the overall extent of enforcement is limited. Riders realise the chance of being caught is low. The Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety – Queensland (CARRS-Q) has estimated, for example, that only one fine was issued for every 300 unhelmeted rides on shared e-scooters in Brisbane in late 2022 and early 2023.

In Queensland, enforcement focuses on the “fatal five” – driver distraction, drink driving, speeding, fatigue and unrestrained behaviours. Despite public concern about the safety of e‑scooters, many larger road and community safety issues are already stretching police resources.

This points to the need for other solutions to manage e‑scooters and reduce the demands on police.

Many riders don’t know the rules

CARRS-Q research found e‑scooter riders (and people who don’t ride them) often don’t know the road rules. For example, less than half (45%) of the Queensland e‑scooter riders surveyed in 2020 knew the speed limit for riding on the road was 25km/h. When Canberra riders were asked in 2022-23, only 51% knew the correct speed limit.

People typically follow road rules when road infrastructure forces them to, known as self-explaining roads. One example is a physically separated bike way that keeps cars and bikes apart.

In Queensland, e‑scooters are allowed to ride in bike lanes, but only on roads with a 50km/h speed limit or lower. But when scooter riders see a bike lane, many assume it’s a safe place to scoot regardless of the car speed limit.

Regulations are a confusing mess

Road rules for e‑scooters vary greatly across the country, as the table below shows. Public information is unregulated, putting the onus on users themselves to look up local road rules on state transport websites.

While states are responsible for road rules, the federal government oversees import standards. People can buy private e‑scooters online and at retailers such as Bunnings, JB Hi-Fi, Amazon and local scooter shops. These shops are not legally required to educate buyers on where they can ride and how fast they can ride.

Providers of public shared e‑scooters are not much better at informing users of the road rules. The scooter apps often simply encourage users to wear a helmet, a requirement that’s easily ignored.

This message is typically paired with a generic statement to “obey local road rules”. Often there’s a link that takes riders to an external state transport agency website. But with use timers and usage fees having already started ticking away, many riders skip through the rules.

Technology and infrastructure offer safer solutions

There’s also a lot to say about what operators and others can do to manage public e‑scooter use, especially parking. Geo-fencing technology paired with dedicated parking hubs in cities can almost eliminate “scooter litter”. In Melbourne, where provider contracts have been terminated, scooters were allowed to park almost anywhere.

Globally, e-mobility parking hubs have become the industry standard. There are many new companies offering diverse parking solutions. One such model allows public e‑scooters to be parked only on private property such as hotel and local business premises.

Public and private e-scooters are different beasts

The public and the media rarely distinguish between individually owned, private e‑scooters and shared public e-scooters. In fact, the two classes of riders are different people on different vehicles, often riding for different purposes.

CARRS-Q surveys have shown private e‑scooter riders are generally older and more likely to be travelling to work or study than riders of public e‑scooters. Private e‑scooter riders more often break the speed limit but are more likely to wear helmets.

The latest models of public e‑scooters include numerous safety features that cheaper private models don’t have. These include front suspension, larger wheels, a wider foot platform, better steering and braking, and speed-limiters.

Read more:
As cities axe shared e-scooters, the many more personally owned ones are in a blind spot

Most people see value in e-scooters

In a comprehensive study for Brisbane City Council in 2023, we randomly intercepted residents and tourists on the street. We found 83% of users and 42% of non-users believed e‑scooters greatly improve the city experience.

Even among non-users, 65% of them still viewed shared e‑scooters and e‑bikes as a public resource. Only a minority (35%) saw them as a nuisance. Research around the world has produced similar findings.

Studies have also show negative perceptions are connected to stereotypes of who scooter riders are. It’s a form of what is known as negativity bias. In other words, people more strongly remember and report negative incidents.

The stories of the many residents and visitors who happily use e‑scooters as an affordable and car-free way to get to work, explore a city or patronise a local business rarely make it into the media.

Read more:
We asked Melburnians about shared e-scooters. Their responses point to alternatives to the city council’s ban

Richard Buning receives funding from the Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads and Brisbane City Council. He is a board director with Bicycle Queendland.

Narelle Haworth receives funding from Queensland University of Technology, the Queensland Motor Accident Insurance Commission, the Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads and the Australia Research Council.

Scott N. Lieske receives funding from the Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads and the Australia Research Council.

– ref. E-scooter riders flouting rules, blocking footpaths and causing accidents? We need to use smart solutions (and bust the myths) – https://theconversation.com/e-scooter-riders-flouting-rules-blocking-footpaths-and-causing-accidents-we-need-to-use-smart-solutions-and-bust-the-myths-237757