Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Liam Byrne, Honorary Fellow, School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, The University of Melbourne

Should a US president by judged by what they achieved, or by what they failed to do?

Joe Biden’s administration is over. Though we have an extensive record, it is difficult to assess his presidency. At its outset, Biden promised hope, a return to normalcy, to be a bridge between generations, to restore democracy.

Four years on, what remains?

The Democratic Party is in disarray, its next generation of leaders unclear. Donald Trump is returning to the White House, his myrmidons clutching an extensive plan for radically recasting the United States in their image. A staunchly conservative Supreme Court has reinterpreted the powers of the presidency to expand their scope. Plutocrats are lining up to pay obeisance to the new administration, some openly speculating how to best slash the regulatory regime in their favour.

Already, Biden’s legacy seems tenuous, under threat.

Biden has been a president conscious of US presidential history, almost to the point of obsession. He did not just honour that history, but sought to stake a claim to his own place within it.

But now all that is at risk of being lost. Biden’s threatens to be a disappearing presidency, reduced to an ellipsis between the two Trump administrations, judged solely by its tragic end.

Biden himself has been reduced to an isolated and embittered old man, desperate still to serve even though the times have passed him by. His vision of America is one that no longer exists, if it ever did.

Biden’s contribution – early successes

The popular consensus is that Biden’s presidency is one of two halves.

From the period of his inauguration to the 2022 midterms, Biden accrued a substantial governing record. If his domestic accomplishments fell short of proclaimed ambitions, there was still significant progress.

Even where Biden was stymied, he could point to the normal resumption of the legislative process, the negotiation between the separate arms of government – a return to business as usual. But such confidence in the state of American democracy proved misplaced, and Biden’s reluctance to use the full power of the presidency to sway members of his own party attracted derision.

In its first half, the Biden administration successfully navigated an effective response to the COVID pandemic. It oversaw the passing of the most significant climate legislation in US history. The US$1.2 trillion (A$1.94 trillion) Infrastructure, Investment and Jobs Act delivered, and continues to deliver, significant material improvements to Americans’ lives.

It was not all plain sailing, of course. The chaos and confusion of the withdrawal from Afghanistan rightly drew criticism – especially the deaths of 13 US service members. While the withdrawal itself was the right decision, Biden is linked to the end of a war that dragged on for two decades, costing hundreds of thousands of lives and more than $2 trillion. It was a war that resulted, in the end, with the Taliban replacing the Taliban.

As the mid-terms approached in 2022, Biden’s presidency already seemed tenuous. Russia had invaded Ukraine in February of that year. The administration’s support for Ukraine was denied bipartisanship by MAGA radicals in Congress. The economic reverberations were significant, boosting the inflationary pressures that had already built up in the global financial system.

Predictions of a Republican “red wave” at the mid-terms were widespread. Many within the president’s party urged him to shift the messaging to core issues of inflation and economic management, in place of the less tangible emphasis on protecting democracy that Biden insisted on.

Then, in June of that year, the conservative Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. This was a national repudiation of established abortion rights, necessitating a national response. Democrats sought to place abortion on the ballot, and though Biden was an awkward proponent of the pro-choice cause (at best), his emphasis on not repudiating established norms allowed him to present his administration as a protector of the Roe v. Wade consensus.

Once mid-term voting was complete, despite Republican gains, it was clear the anticipated red wave had not eventuated. This was read as a political victory for Biden, not just against the Republicans, but also against detractors in his own party. The President’s confidence grew, as did his own conviction in his insoluble bond with the American people.

It was the pride before the fall.

Overwhelmed by circumstance

The period from 2022–24 has proved to be one of the most difficult in history for incumbent governments across the world. The reasons for this global turmoil are not hard to identify.

The cost-of-living crisis of the past two years has stripped governments of support and authority. Economic analyses of the scale and scope of this experience have often neglected to note that the inflationary surge and rising prices have bitten so deep because they come on top of established economic hardship for wide swathes of the population.

To give him credit, Biden had long identified this trend. He was deeply concerned with the erosion of the middle class, and the need to rebuild economic security for this social layer was long at the core of his economic plans. Biden conceived this as a moral imperative for his presidency.

There is debate over whether Biden’s economic program, awkwardly dubbed “Bidenomics”, was ever suited to this task.

Despite the administration’s attempts to point out that economic figures were improving, large swathes of Americans repeatedly reported to pollsters that their lives were not better than they were when Biden took office. Considering that the US, like the rest of the world, was then gripped by a pandemic, this was a remarkable statement.

Large increases in migration numbers created an opening for the MAGA right to blame economic woes on those seeking a better life in the US. Biden and the Democrats sought to show toughness with legal restraint, alienating both left-wing supporters and right-wing detractors for whom no effort by a Democratic administration would ever be enough.

The same dynamics played out in Biden’s foreign policy. His administration provided just enough support to Ukraine to resist the Russian invasion, but with constant concern about “escalation”, criticism came that it was not enough to seriously dent Russia’s military capability. Over time aid increased, but the lingering sense remained that the administration’s response was too little, too late. Biden was accused from different quarters of doing both too little and too much to aid Ukraine’s defence.

In the Middle East, after Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7 2023, the administration declared full support for Israel, its historic ally. In this, Biden articulated the long-held position of the US foreign policy establishment.

As time progressed, accusations that the Netanyahu government was inflicting collective punishment on Gaza and its civilian population intensified. Biden sought to restrain Netanyahu’s actions, but within the bounds of ongoing and longstanding US support for Israel (including military support). On the Republican right, Biden was accused of failing to provide the support Israel required. On swathes of the left, Biden was accused of abetting Netanyahu’s administration in perpetuating war crimes.

Biden’s foreign policy increasingly looked out of step with the times, and dramatically alienated some of the core base of the Democratic Party. The world was growing more polarised; the liberal international order was fraying, if not snapped entirely. Biden’s pleas for others to respect the US’s moral leadership and to return to historic ties of fraternity did not match new and more aggressive geopolitical realities, nor the changed character of the US’s role in the world.

Trump has been quick to claim credit for the tenuous ceasefire agreement thrashed out in the final days of the Biden administration. It remains to be seen whether it will hold. And like much of Biden’s presidency, it is already being cast as too little, too late.

The state of the leaving

Biden’s decision to debate Trump early in 2024 to cement his position as the Democratic nominee for that year’s election will be derided for decades to come as one of the worst campaign decisions in US presidential history.

Biden’s languid showing spooked supporters and emboldened those who already believed the president was simply too old to defeat Trump at the polls and serve a further four years.

The president, though, sought to defy time and age, further entrenching the notion he was disconnected from reality. His 2020 promise to be a “bridge” between generations was hazy at best, but has rightly come back to be used against him.

Did his refusal to earlier confirm that his presidency would be one term affect the 2024 election result? It is impossible to tell. But Biden’s intransigence and refusal to confront the realities of time and age will be cast deep into his legacy.

Depending on how the next few years pan out, it may well be seen as his most significant contribution to US history.

What’s left behind?

Biden’s greatest ambition was to return to a state of “normalcy” that no longer existed – if it ever did.

His ambition was, in many respects, admirable – a desire to rebuild the economic base of the previous democratic order. A time when the US economy led the world (not just its tech sector) and the country built things that could be used. When secure and long-term jobs were easy to find and paid enough for people to live on in some comfort and security.

While this misty nostalgia often obscured the complicated realities of the past (and its exclusions), it was a clear and progressive aim to provide economic security to rebuild US social and democratic life.

The simple fact is that achieving this goal would require overturning long-held orthodoxies on the relative role of the market and the state in US economic and political life. In a time of economic and geopolitical stability, this would be an historic and difficult task. In our current moment, perhaps impossible.

It is easy to personalise the failings of the past four years in the person of the president. For many Americans, that is what the presidency is for. And Biden’s legacy will always be inflected with these failings.

But the state of the union is not due to the president alone.

It is the result of the cynical cultivation of racist and reactionary mobilisation by the Republican party, a process that has culminated in the person of Trump but that had proceeded for many decades prior.

It is the result of the Democratic Party’s allegiance to the established order and its processes, even when it was no longer delivering for those who most need its protection.

And it is also the failings of a president of great ambition, determined to mark his own place in history, who was too late to realise his own time had passed.

Emma Shortis is Director of International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

Liam Byrne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Joe Biden’s presidency will be remembered as one that did not match the times, and a leader who failed to realise it – https://theconversation.com/joe-bidens-presidency-will-be-remembered-as-one-that-did-not-match-the-times-and-a-leader-who-failed-to-realise-it-246320

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney

The acclaimed American filmmaker David Lynch has died at the age of 78. While a cause of death has yet to be publicly announced, Lynch, a lifelong tobacco enthusiast, revealed in 2024 he was suffering from emphysema.

Best known for films such as Eraserhead (1977), Blue Velvet (1986) and Mulholland Drive (2001), as well as the hugely influential television series Twin Peaks (1990–91), Lynch – a committed transcendental meditator who worked across multiple mediums including painting, photography and music – was a true creative visionary.

Achieving mainstream commercial success while continually pushing artistic boundaries, Lynch’s impact on popular culture has been profound. The fact that the term “Lynchian”, shorthand for a dreamlike quality of mystery or menace, has passed into our shared cultural lexicon attests to this.

‘The beautiful and the damned’

In the introduction to Lynch’s memoir Room to Dream: A Life (2018), his coauthor Kristine McKenna writes:

We live in a realm of opposites, a place where good and evil, spirit and matter, faith and reason, and carnal lust, exist side by side in an uneasy truce; Lynch’s work resides in the complicated zone where the beautiful and the damned collide.

Drawing on the energies of surrealism, Lynch’s work delves into the darkest recesses of human behaviour while celebrating the haunting beauty and strangeness associated with everyday existence.

We see this in Blue Velvet. Now regarded as a true cinematic classic, Lynch’s violent and sexually explicit film caused widespread shock and consternation on initial release. It is an unflinching exploration of the darkness and depravity that lurks beneath the polished facade of suburbia.

The film’s iconic opening sequence sets the scene. A cloudless blue sky, red roses and a dazzlingly bright, white picket fence. A fire truck is moving at a glacial pace, a man hanging off the side, smiling and waving. Schoolchildren are ushered across the road, while a middle-aged white man tends to his lawn. Suddenly, he collapses, clutching his neck and writhing in agony.

Lynch’s camera zooms in on the grass until we are confronted with a writhing mass of insects hiding beneath the surface. The serene soundtrack has been replaced with an ominous, throbbing bass track.

Lynch signals the film’s descent into the realms of the unsettling and the grotesque. By the end, the shell-shocked viewer is left wondering: “Why is there so much trouble in this world?”

Lynch, whose body of work eschews easy and conformable answers, leaves it up to us to decide.

Becoming an artist

Lynch was born in Missoula, Montana on January 20 1946, spending his childhood moving between various states. For college, he set his sights on becoming a painter, and again moved around various art schools in different states – including a trip to Europe.

It was at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts in Philadelphia when Lynch started to experiment with film as a medium. Despite dropping out two years later, he stayed in Philadelphia and continued to paint. He also made his first short film, the self-explanatory Six Men Getting Sick (1967).

In 1970, having been awarded a grant by the American Film Institute, Lynch moved to Los Angeles, where he studied filmmaking at the AFI Conservatory and commenced work on the film that eventually turned into Eraserhead.

Eraserhead, Lynch’s debut feature-length film, is a hallucinatory, nightmarish treatment of domestic life set in an industrial wasteland: a bizarre world where a cooked chicken squirms on a plate, a hideous mutant baby torments its despairing parents and a lady who lives inside a radiator sings mournful songs.

A celebrated career

Eraserhead was a hit with art house audiences and brought Lynch to the attention of Hollywood.

His first major commission was a film based on the life of Joseph Merrick, a severely disfigured Englishmen who became a celebrity in 19th century London. Featuring a memorable leading turn from John Hurt, The Elephant Man (1980) was a major critical and commercial success. It received eight Oscar nominations, including for Lynch as best director.

Having turned down the opportunity to direct Return of the Jedi (1983), Lynch signed up to make Dune (1984), an ambitious adaptation of Frank Herbert’s epic science fiction novel of the same name. The film was savaged by critics and did not play well with audiences.

Blue Velvet came next, along with Lynch’s second best director Oscar nomination.

The equally provocative Wild at Heart (1990), Lynch’s hyperviolent black comedy which doffs its cap in the direction of The Wizard of Oz, won the Palme d’Or at the 1990 Cannes Film Festival.

Twin Peaks was again interested in the more sinister side of small-town American life. Revolving around the murder of teenager Laura Palmer, the series combines elements of mystery, soap opera and absurdism. It was a worldwide phenomenon.

His other projects included the aggressively avant-gardist Lost Highway (1997), the unabashedly sentimental and idiosyncratic The Straight Story (1999), and the surrealist noir Mulholland Drive (2001).

Widely regarded as Lynch’s masterpiece, this elliptical fever-dream of a movie landed Lynch the best director award at Cannes in 2001. In 2022, it ranked eighth in Sight & Sound’s critics’ poll of the best films of all time.

A fitting end

Lynch continued to experiment with narrative and the possibilities of cinematic form. In what turned out to be his last feature film, the long and challenging Inland Empire (2006), Lynch embraced low-resoluton digital video and pretty much dispensed with conventional narrative storytelling.

The sprawling complexity of Inland Empire paved the way for Lynch’s triumphant return to television. Lynch’s final substantive work, Twin Peaks: The Return (2017) picks up 25 years after the original series left off.

This 18-episode series, which I believe stands as the equal – if not the superior of – of Mulholland Drive, serves as a fitting culmination of Lynch’s career.

In classic Lynchian fashion, it concludes on a genuinely shocking, hair-raising and ambiguous note, one that lingers with you long after the screen fades to black.

Alexander Howard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘The complicated zone where the beautiful and the damned collide’: remembering David Lynch – https://theconversation.com/the-complicated-zone-where-the-beautiful-and-the-damned-collide-remembering-david-lynch-242904

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Blazevich, Professor of Biomechanics, Edith Cowan University

We’re nearing the halfway point of this year’s Australian Open and players like the United States’ Reilly Opelka (ranked 170th in the world ) and France’s Giovanni Mpetshi Perricard (ranked 30th) captured plenty of attention despite early-round exits.

These two players caught the eye of the tennis world for not only their towering height (standing 2.11 metres and 2m respectively) but their thunderous serves.

Players of this height don’t just stand out in the players’ lounge – they enjoy a significant advantage on court.

But why exactly does being tall help create those blistering serves? The answer lies in some fascinating physics and biomechanics.

The numbers don’t lie

The connection between height and serving power isn’t just something we imagine – analyses of Grand Slam tennis players show our eyes aren’t deceiving us.

The fastest server of all time might be considered relatively short – Australia’s Sam Groth stands “only” 1.93m – but served an ace at a blazing 263.4 kilometres per hour during an ATP Challenger event in Busan in 2012.

The rest of the top five fastest servers in men’s tennis history, and eight of the top ten, all stood at more than 2m tall.

In women’s tennis, the findings also hold true, with Spain’s Georgina Garcia Perez (1.88m) holding the record at 220km/h. And four of the top five fastest were at least 1.82cm – Sabine Lisicki (Germany) is the shortest at a still above average height of 1.78cm.

The physics behind the power

So what makes height such an advantage for serving?

Among many factors, three are critical.

First, taller players generally have longer arms, which act like speed amplifiers.

In physics terms, the speed of your hand (and therefore the racquet) is approximately equal to the length of your arm multiplied by how fast you rotate it, as shown in the figure below. Longer arms equal faster racquet speeds.

Of course, you might imagine that longer arms would be heavier and therefore harder to move quickly. While that’s true for legs (which is why most of the world’s fastest sprinters aren’t super tall), arms are relatively light.

The speed advantage of length wins out over any minor weight penalty.

A better angle of attack

The second advantage is all about geometry.

Taller players can hit the ball at point higher off the ground, so it’s easier to clear the net and yet still get the ball to land in the service square on the opposite side of the court.

Picture trying to throw a scrunched-up piece of paper into a bin from above it versus from the side.

When you’re above the basket, you can throw it down at a steeper angle and still hit your target, but from the side, the paper is as likely to hit the front of the bin or sail over it.

The same principle applies in tennis – taller players can hit powerful serves on a downward angle that clears the net but still lands inside the opponent’s service line.

This height advantage also means a taller athlete can serve powerfully to any part of the service box, not just over the lowest part of the net down the centre of the court. A shorter player has to be much more precise with their angle to achieve the same effect and usually has to hit their fastest serves down the court’s centre.

In tennis serving, angles matter.

Technique: the freedom to swing free

The third advantage might be the most interesting: taller players can actually use more aggressive serving techniques because they have more room for error.

Tennis serves use what’s called a “throw-like pattern”. This is a complex sequence starting from the legs, rotating through the body, and ending with a whip-like motion of the arm and racquet.

This movement pattern can generate enormous power but it’s also harder to control.

As an example, we use this throw-like pattern to throw a ball as far or fast as we possibly can, but we use a different pattern when we’re trying to hit a bullseye on a darts board.

That is, the technique we use for speed is different from the technique for accuracy.

Taller players, with their better angles and higher contact point, can afford to use more of the explosive, throw-like technique and still land the ball within the service square of their opponent.

Shorter players often need to use a more controlled motion to ensure their serves stay in play – they have less room for error so they need to use a more conservative, but accurate, serving technique.

Hope for the not-so-tall

But before shorter players despair, we should remember that some of tennis’s greatest players have dominated without towering height.

Modern legends Serena Williams (1.78m), Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal (both 1.85m) are hardly giants, yet they’ve got impressive serving records and even more legendary win-loss records.

These players demonstrate that serving isn’t just about raw power: balance, accuracy, ball spin, serve placement and the ability to disguise your serve direction are crucial skills that take thousands of hours to perfect.

A well-placed serve at 180km/h can be more effective than a 220km/h bullet that your opponent knows is coming.

So, while height definitely provides some natural advantages for serving, it’s just one piece of the puzzle.

Tennis remains a sport where technique, strategy and dedication to practice can help players of any size rise to the top.

Anthony Blazevich does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Taller tennis players have a natural advantage – but shorter athletes shouldn’t despair – https://theconversation.com/taller-tennis-players-have-a-natural-advantage-but-shorter-athletes-shouldnt-despair-247460

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Benjamin T. Jones, Senior Lecturer in History, CQUniversity Australia

In his farewell address, outgoing US President Joe Biden warned “an oligarchy is taking shape in America of extreme wealth, power and influence that literally threatens our entire democracy”.

The comment suggests that, under Donald Trump’s second term as president, it will be billionaires rather than the people who shape public policy.

There is certainly some evidence Biden’s ominous caution should be taken seriously. The world’s richest man and the owner of X, Elon Musk, has been a vocal supporter of the Republican candidate. Other billionaire tech moguls to visit Trump at his Mar-a-Lago mansion after his 2024 election victory include Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg, Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, Apple’s Tim Cook and Google chief executive Sundar Pichai.

There is nothing unusual about business leaders wanting the ear of an incoming president. What has concerned Biden and others is that so many of Trump’s influential backers also own media platforms and have the ability to sway public opinion.

Should these new tech titans be thought of as oligarchs?

What is an oligarchy?

Like many of the academic and scientific categories we still use today, oligarchy was originally defined by the Greek philosopher Aristotle.

In The Politics, he argued people are “political animals”, social by nature, and instinctively want to live in a community. He studied different governments of the ancient world and concluded there were six essential types.

A state could be ruled by a single leader, a small group of elites, or through mass participation of the people. If the leadership acted in the common advantage (koinê sumpheron), he termed these constitutions to be monarchy, aristocracy or polity, respectively.

If the constitutions became corrupt and the leadership acted only to advance their own self-interest, he labelled them tyranny, oligarchy and democracy.

So for Aristotle, an oligarchy is a corrupt form of government. It is when power is in the hands of a small group of elites who advance their own interests rather than the common good.

In Aristotelian terms, democracy is also a corrupt form of government in which the majority uses its power to abuse minorities. While the term democracy has been rehabilitated and is usually seen as a positive, the word oligarchy has retained its negative connotations.

When the United States was created, the founding fathers looked back to Aristotle, Polybius, Cicero and other ancient thinkers to try and create the best kind of constitution.

Following the Aristotelian tradition, they tried to design a mixed constitution where neither the one, the few nor the many could dominate the others. The president has great power. But their power is kept in check by Congress and the judiciary, which is in turn kept in check by the media and, ultimately, the people through regular elections.

Modern oligarchies

In modern politics, the term oligarch is most often used in a Russian context. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, opportunistic tycoons made enormous fortunes from buying up state assets such as energy companies and financial institutions, which also brought them significant political influence as a result.

Since Vladimir Putin became president in 2000, however, Russia has become increasingly authoritarian. While there is still an oligarchic class, their power has been reined in. They must not challenge Putin’s power or vision for the state.

Although China is ostensibly a communist state, the Gini index (the measure of social inequality) has blown out in recent years as a small group of elites become increasingly wealthy.

Despite the state’s official commitment to socialist principles, political scientist Ming Xia has argued China is now transitioning into a modern oligarchy.

What about the United States and Australia?

Despite Biden’s warning of a potential oligarchy, political scientists Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page argued back in 2014 the US already was one.

The US has the essential features of a liberal democracy (fair and regular elections, freedom of speech, and an independent press). But Gilens and Page worried large businesses and a small group of affluent citizens had a disproportionate influence on policy.

In Australia also, it could be argued an oligarchy is either emerging or has already taken hold.

Australia has a similar-sized economy to Russia and a growing list of billionaires who appear to have significant influence over government policy.

The power of the Murdoch family and their media empire is well-documented. We have also seen increased political activity from other billionaires including Gina Rinehart, Andrew Forrest and Clive Palmer – who went as far as to start his own political party.

There is no question billionaires in the US and Australia have enormous power and influence. But that in itself does not make an oligarchy.

In Aristotelian terms, the defining feature of an oligarchy is the ruling elite blatantly use their status for their own personal gain rather than the public good.

This is a moral judgement, and one that is increasingly hard to make when so many of the ultra-wealthy own traditional news media and social media platforms that can shape public opinion.

Nevertheless, any shift towards oligarchy should be a cause of alarm to all who value the long democratic tradition in both the US and Australia.

Whether it is a symptom of Trumpism, as Biden suggests, or part of a longer trend, strengthening our democratic institutions and curtailing the disinformation and misinformation that are all too prevalent on social media, is part of the solution.

Benjamin T. Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What is an oligarchy, and is the United States poised to become one? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-an-oligarchy-and-is-the-united-states-poised-to-become-one-247566

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Madelaine Gamble Rosevear, Postdoctoral Fellow in Physical Oceanography, University of Tasmania

The size of the Antarctic ice sheet can be hard to comprehend. Two kilometres thick on average and covering nearly twice the area of Australia, the ice sheet holds enough freshwater to raise global sea levels by 58 metres.

Ice loss from this sheet is projected to be the leading driver of sea level rise by 2100, yet its contribution remains highly uncertain. While sea levels are certain to rise this century, projections of the contribution from Antarctic ice vary from a 44 cm rise to a 22 cm fall.

Much of this uncertainty is because the ocean processes that control the fate of the sheet occur on an incredibly small scale and are very difficult to measure and model.

But recently scientists have made significant progress in understanding this “ice-ocean boundary layer”. This progress is the subject of our new review paper, published today in Annual Reviews.

Shrinking, thinning and retreating

At the margins of the Antarctic ice sheet, glaciers flow into the Southern Ocean, forming floating ice shelves. These ice shelves act as keystones, stabilising the ice sheet. They’re also shrinking.

The ocean melts ice shelves from below – a process known as “basal melting”. Increased basal melting has led to the thinning and retreat of the ice sheet in some regions, raising global sea levels.

It has also slowed the deepest current in the global overturning circulation, a system of ocean currents that circulates water around the globe.

Like the glaciers that feed them, ice shelves are immense. Yet the ocean processes that control basal melting, and the fate of the entire Antarctic ice sheet, occur on the scale of millimetres. They happen in a thin layer of ocean, just beneath the ice.

The boundary layer between the ice shelf and the ocean is cold, miles from anywhere, and beneath very thick ice, so it’s no wonder it has hardly been measured at all.

Studying this layer with other techniques such as computer simulations is also a huge challenge. Until recently, the tiny motions within the ice-ocean boundary layer put accurate modelling of ice melt out of reach.

These twin challenges have long stymied efforts to answer the deceptively simple question: “How does the ocean melt Antarctic ice shelves?”

Modelling the micro-scale

Computer simulations of ocean processes aren’t new.

But only recently have simulations of the ice-ocean boundary layer become feasible, as computing resources grow and the cost of using them shrinks.

Several research groups around the world have taken on this problem, modelling the micro-scale ocean flow that supplies heat to the ice for melting.

Researchers are looking for a relationship between what the ocean is doing, and how quickly the ice melts. So far, they’ve uncovered not just one relationship but several, each indicating a different melt “regime”. Ocean conditions (temperature, salt content and the speed of ocean currents) and the shape of the ice determine which melting regime applies.

Ice sheet shape is key because meltwater is fresh and lighter than the surrounding ocean. Like hot air collecting at the top of a room, fresh, cold meltwater collects in hollows in the lower surface of the ice sheet, insulating the ice from the ocean water below and slowing melting.

For steeply sloping ice, the insulating effect is much less. The energetic flow of meltwater as it rises under steep ice leads to mixing with the warmer ocean waters. This increases melting.

Fast ocean currents have a similar effect, as they transfer heat to the ice.

Sonar-fitted robots

Recently, ocean robots, including autonomous underwater vehicles and tethered probes deployed by drilling through the ice, have provided unprecedented amounts of data on the environment beneath ice shelves.

Using sonar and cameras, these robots have revealed a weird and wonderful “icescape” on the underside of ice shelves.

This icescape is made of many different ice features, ranging from centimetres to kilometres in size. Some, like steep-sided crevasses, are formed by ice fracturing. Others, like dimpled depressions in the ice (often called “scallops”), stair-like “terraces”, mussel-shaped “scoops”, and larger basal channels, are thought to be formed by melt processes.

Our new knowledge of melting from computer simulations and robots sheds light on these features and how they form. The existence of melt regimes helps explain the evolution of steep-sided terraces, or why different features appear in distinct parts of an ice shelf.

For instance, in the warm, calm eastern part of the Dotson ice shelf in west Antarctica, an autonomous robot observed basal terraces. In the west of Dotson – which experiences cold, fast currents – large mussel-shaped scoops were discovered.

Uncertainties remain

Exactly how some of these features form is still unknown.

New simulations that allow the ice-water boundary to move in time show the “self-sculpting” behaviour of ice melt. This is similar to how dunes form and move in a desert.

However, new computer models are needed to simulate the formation and evolution of the whole icescape.

Some of the recent advances highlighted here are helping to reduce the uncertainty in our understanding of the contribution of the Antarctic ice sheet to global sea level rise.

However, incorporating our new understanding of basal melt, and the dynamic icescape it forms, into climate and ice sheet models still presents a huge challenge.

Overcoming this challenge is urgent. Accurate representation of melt in climate and ice sheet models will reduce the deep uncertainty in sea level rise projections, especially as ocean conditions – and ice shelf melt regimes – shift into the future.

Madelaine Gamble Rosevear receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Ben Galton-Fenzi is employed by the Australian Antarctic DIvision.

Bishakhdatta Gayen is employed by the University of Melbourne. He receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is affiliated with Indian Institute of Sciences.

Catherine Vreugdenhil receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. How is Antarctica melting, exactly? Crucial details are beginning to come into focus – https://theconversation.com/how-is-antarctica-melting-exactly-crucial-details-are-beginning-to-come-into-focus-245660

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ruth McHugh-Dillon, Assistant Health Editor

A new report by a GP listing company made headlines this week showing low rates of bulk billing for GP visits across Australia.

Bulk billing means the consultation is free for the patient and the GP accepts what Medicare covers (the “benefit” or “rebate”) as the full payment.

The highest reported bulk billing rate was in New South Wales (34.5%) and the lowest in the ACT (3.3%) and Tasmania (0%). This caused the Tasmanian health minister to declare bulk billing “dead” in her state.

But does this really mean no Tasmanians are being bulk-billed at the GP?

No – as federal health minister Mark Butler was quick to point out after the report’s release, the company asked 6,925 GP clinics only whether they had standard, weekday consultations available to be bulk-billed for adults with no concessions.

A range of people do have concessions – children under 16, pensioners and people with a health care card – meaning the actual bulk-billing rate is much higher, although Butler said he’d like it to be higher still.

How high should we be aiming? Many Australians may assume universal health care means it should be free to see a GP, regardless of your age, income or postcode.

So we asked five experts: should we be aiming to bulk-bill everyone?

Four out of five said yes.

Here are their detailed responses.

– ref. Should we aim to bulk-bill everyone for GP visits? We asked 5 experts – https://theconversation.com/should-we-aim-to-bulk-bill-everyone-for-gp-visits-we-asked-5-experts-247223

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jess Melbourne-Thomas, Transdisciplinary Researcher & Knowledge Broker, CSIRO

Australia’s natural environment is changing rapidly as the world warms, and many species are struggling to keep up. The pace of change is staggering, with 2024 declared Earth’s hottest year, shattering the previous record set in 2023.

Conservation managers recognise the need for new ways to help species and ecosystems adapt to climate change. But dreaming up new tactics and testing them out requires lots of time, effort and – often – money.

So we decided to gather examples of new tactics from Australia and around the world and offer them up in one place. Our free new online tool is full of fresh ideas to help Australian conservation groups find out about what might be worth trying on their patch.

The catalogue contains more than 400 interventions such as purpose-built shelters and cooling systems, or relocation programs moving species to areas where the future climate may be more suitable. Having a ready-made toolkit means we can respond more rapidly and effectively to the changing environment, helping preserve Australia’s unique biodiversity.

Replacing lost habitat: from cod logs to frog bogs

Our project team searched through academic papers, reports and plans, and connected with dozens of different organisations undertaking climate change adaptation in Australia.

We found many new tactics are being tested to help wildlife adapt to climate change. We fed this information into the new Adaptation Catalogue for Conservation we call “AdaptLog” – a searchable public repository of conservation interventions for climate adaptation. We also invited conservation groups to add to the database.

Here are just a few of the inspiring success stories.

The Mary River (Moonaboola) in southeastern Queensland is a sanctuary for several threatened freshwater species, including the endangered Mary River cod. But recent floods have washed away many of the natural spawning habitats these fish need to breed. So “cod logs” are being trialled to house spawning native fish.

These logs are made from local, hollowed-out timber. They are then placed in the river to provide shelter and nesting habitat for the endangered Mary River cod.

Early results have been encouraging, with researchers monitoring large male cod using the logs as nesting sites, protecting their brood of eggs.

Tailor-made frog habitat is being recreated after fires, or during dry times.

More than half of East Gippsland in Victoria burned during the 2019–20 Black Summer Bushfires, forcing many frogs into urban areas. In response, the East Gippsland Catchment Management Authority urged people to build temporary habitats for frogs in their backyards.

A “frog hotel” can be built using a large container or pot, soil, native plants and PVC pipes. They allow frogs to take refuge during the heat of the day. They also provide protection from predators such as kookaburras, dogs and cats.

The West Gippsland Catchment Management Authority worked with the conservation group Greening Australia to create another type of tailor-made frog habitat they call “frog bogs”. Frog bogs look deceptively simple, just like ordinary farm dams, but they contain multiple chambers at various depths, allowing tadpoles to grow, shelter and safely feed. Native vegetation is planted around the edges, water plants are added and rocks allows frogs to bask.

Keeping cool

WWF-Australia responded to our invitation to share their conservation efforts, such as placing sprinklers in trees to help fruit bat colonies cool down and using irrigation to keep green turtle nests the right temperature.

Many groups around Australia are testing atmospheric cooling systems for keeping heat-sensitive flying foxes cool after mass deaths during heatwaves. One of these trials, jointly funded by WWF-Australia, the City of Greater Bendigo and the Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning, was a success in Bendigo’s Rosalind Park. Hundreds of flying foxes had died in a record-breaking heatwave in the previous year, but despite temperatures climbing above 40°C during the trial, no deaths were recorded.

These systems need more testing and are a far cry from the scale needed to support functioning ecosystems and populations. But it is heartening to see lots of passionate people working so hard to support nature in these challenging times.

The Turtle Cooling Project – a partnership between WWF-Australia, The University of Queensland and the Conflict Islands Conservation Initiative, with funding support from furniture company Koala – tested ways to cool turtle nests on the beach, so more males would hatch. Further testing promises to identify which beaches need these interventions most, and how communities can get involved around Australia and the world.

Sharing is caring

By sharing these strategies, we can help conservation managers act quickly and decisively, drawing on evidence of what has worked elsewhere. We can also provide more opportunities for communities to get involved as volunteers helping out with different kinds of adaptation actions.

Conservation managers in Australia and globally can now use this tool to share and find new ideas. They can also add more examples and tactics to the tool, to help with testing and learning what works in different settings.

It is very early days for this field of climate adaptation research and practice, so there is still a long way to go to build an evidence base. But by collating what is happening already, we hope to encourage the development and dissemination of more innovative approaches to give wildlife a fighting chance.

We would like to acknowledge the following people for their contributions to the development of AdaptLog: Jason Hartog, Alistair Hobday, Sarah Boulter, Ingrid van Putten, Jenny Styger, the Project 2.7 Steering Committee, AdaptLog beta testers and CS2.7 case study participants. This work was funded through the National Environmental Science Program (NESP) Climate Systems Hub.

Jess Melbourne-Thomas receives funding for this work from the Australian Commonwealth Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water via the National Environmental Science Program (NESP).

Claire Mason receives funding for this work from the Australian Commonwealth Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water via the National Environmental Science Program (NESP).

– ref. From cod logs to frog bogs: we catalogued 400 ways to help species survive a warmer world – https://theconversation.com/from-cod-logs-to-frog-bogs-we-catalogued-400-ways-to-help-species-survive-a-warmer-world-247107

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Talia Fell, PhD Candidate, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland

The Los Angeles wildfires are causing the devastating loss of people’s homes.

From A-list celebrities such as Paris Hilton to an Australian family living in LA, thousands of houses have been destroyed, leaving their owners shocked and grieving. And climate science points towards figures that suggest more such events are waiting.

These events strip away precious memories created over many years, and sometimes over lifetimes. They prompt us to ask: what does it mean to lose the place I care most deeply about?

Philosophy explains how our personal losses connect to a broader, more profound loss of home rooted in our dependence on the ecosystems we live in.

The concept of ‘home’

In her 1949 text The Second Sex, philosopher Simone de Beauvoir writes that, for many cultures, the home has represented values of tradition, safety and family. Inside its walls we preserve the past in furniture, knick knacks and photographs, and we associate these objects with memories created with loved ones.

The home also represents separation from the people and events of the outside. It is “refuge, retreat, grotto, womb, it protects against outside dangers”, Beauvoir writes.

But she explains how this understanding of home is culturally specific to civilisations founded on landed property, which contain intersecting structures of patriarchy and capitalism.

After all, patriarchy sees women as the caretakers of the home, providing for the physical and emotional needs of its inhabitants. Meanwhile, the functioning of the home also relies on the income of those who work outside it.

At the same time, many of us, Beauvoir writes, have a more instrumental understanding of home. It is where we rest, sleep, eat and store the objects we own and use.

Barriers to having a sense of ‘home’

The traditional understanding of home as a protective structure is complicated when you realise certain people do not have the privilege of calling one particular place “home”.

For many, the home exists as a point of inequality, instability and unsafety.

In Australia, homelessness continues to rise in the middle of the ongoing housing crisis. Home is also often the most dangerous place for women.

Australian philosopher Val Plumwood puts these issues into perspective when she argues the expression of “one’s place” or “homeplace” often represents a privileged and exclusionary sense of place. She writes:

Those who are most vulnerable and powerless are at most risk of losing control over their ability to remain in a home place or place of attachment.

She further argues that, under capitalism, the idea of personal belonging to a particular place or dwelling is often framed as being more important than many other vital attachments to place, such as connection to land.

She uses the term “shadow places” to describe the ecosystems we exclude and exploit – including our forests and waterways – even though they are fundamental to our existence. These places provide essential labour, nourishment and the conditions we need to survive and flourish.

Ironically, our detachment from these places is what props up our limited understanding of the “home” as a fixed, four-walled dwelling.

For Plumwood, an expanded sense of “home” would encompass the broader ecological context we exist within.

Our sense of ‘home’ in the climate crisis

In her 1998 article, Indigenous Australian law scholar Irene Watson emphasises the issue of colonialism in detachment from the land.

Watson explains colonisers were already alienated from a sense of connection to land when they came to “Australia”. This disconnection led them to plunder the land, treating it as a commodity rather than a living, complex ecosystem that nurtures and is nurtured by First Nations peoples.

As philosopher Teresa Brennan puts it, to commodify a living thing is to turn it into something that can be bought and owned. Once commodified, nature can no longer reproduce itself, nor decompose to nourish other life forms.

Brennan explains how the tendency to commodify (and therefore exploit) nature represents a denial of nature’s reproductive capacity.

And this denial is not sustainable, as it drives the exploitation of every available natural resource. Under capitalism, a stop to exploitation means a stop to profits.

Turning to philosophy to rethink our values

Many people fail to see the rich complexity of nature: its unique intelligence and age-old memories that extend beyond our personal lifetimes.

Brennan argues nature is valuable beyond its profitability for the most powerful individuals. Perhaps, then, our sense of “home” should extend beyond the bounds of a dwelling filled with sentimental objects to include the wider lands and ecosystems we are part of.

In doing so, we can accelerate the shift towards social, political and economic systems that acknowledge that what is good for our planet is good for each of us, too.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Climate change is forcing us to rethink our sense
of ‘home’ – and what it means to lose it – https://theconversation.com/climate-change-is-forcing-us-to-rethink-our-sense-of-home-and-what-it-means-to-lose-it-247234

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Sherlock, Lecturer, School of Fashion and Textiles, RMIT University

Australian-owned brand UGG Since 1974 has announced it will change its name to “Since 74” for sales outside Australia and New Zealand.

There has been a long-running battle over the rights to use the name “ugg” to sell the iconic sheepskin boots worldwide.

This latest development follows years of legal challenges between small Australian manufacturers and American footwear giant Deckers Brands.

While courts in the United States have ruled “ugg” can be used by brands in Australia and New Zealand, where it has become a generic name for sheepskin boots, Deckers own the rights to use ugg internationally. They are now pursuing UGG Since 1974 for using the name.

UGG Since 1974 is an established maker of the boots, predating establishment of the Deckers brand. But locally, uggs are made – and advertised as uggs – by many small Australian manufacturers.

The origins of uggs

Ugg boots are widely understood to have been invented in Australia.

They made their first documented appearances on surfers’ feet in the 1950s.

By the 1970s, they were commonplace across Australia. In 1981, ug (with one “g”) made its way into the Macquarie Dictionary as a generic term for sheepskin boots.

Over the years, they have become an internationally recognised Australian icon.

In late 1970s, Australian entrepreneur Brian Smith took the style to California before registering the name as a brand in the United States.

Deckers later bought the rights from Smith and trademarked it as “UGG Australia” in 1995. The company has since dropped the “Australia”, and has aggressively pursued Australian makers who attempt to use the term “ugg” when selling overseas.

What’s in a (brand) name?

In a successful 2019 infringement case against Australian manufacturer Eddie Oygur, Deckers argued Americans did not recognise “ugg” as a descriptive term but only as a brand name.

When a brand name enters everyday language as a generic term, companies often fight hard to protect their trademark rights. A trademark can lose its protection when the name becomes generic. Examples include thermos, aspirin and sellotape, which were once protected brand names but became general terms.

The lengths brands will go to prevent their trademarks becoming generic can be quite extreme. A notable example is French fashion house Chanel, which took out a full-page advertisement in Women’s Wear Daily in 2010 that threatened legal action against journalists who used terms like “Chanel-issime, Chanel-ed, Chanels, and Chanel-ized” to describe other designers’ work.

The image of a brand

What makes Deckers’ aggressive trademark defence particularly interesting is that they are claiming global trademark rights over a term that was already generic in its country of origin. This has caused some to question whether the rights should have been granted in the first place.

Their actions against smaller Australian brands also appear to contradict their carefully cultivated brand image.

The company’s website and code of ethics promote values like authenticity and cultural engagement, stating they exist to “positively impact the world by uniting purposeful brands with diverse people”.

In many senses Deckers do maintain impressive standards of corporate social responsibility and hold themselves to high standards. Yet here they are attempting to monopolise a term that has become deeply embedded in Australian culture.

The company’s actions have sparked significant backlash, with the UGG Since 1974’s TikTok announcement receiving 1.1 million likes and 79,000 shares in only two days. Social media users have said they will now be boycotting Deckers Brands in favour of Australian makers.

The controversy highlights a growing tension between intellectual property rights and cultural sustainability. While environmental sustainability is becoming a priority for brands and the media, cultural sustainability – which includes preserving heritage, cultural diversity and local practices – often takes a back seat.

Cultural legacy

For Todd Watts, grandson of UGG Since 1974’s founders, the decision to rebrand as “Since 74” outside Australia represents both a legal necessity and a statement of authenticity.

His company continues to handcraft boots in Australia using local materials and labour, maintaining a tradition that predates Deckers’ involvement with the product by decades.

And even if they will no longer be called “UGG Since 74”, it is likely the use of ugg as a generic name will stick.

While Deckers won the legal right to the ugg name, Australian manufacturers like Watts continue to defend their cultural legitimacy through local production and connection to the product’s heritage.

Alexandra Sherlock does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Legally, they can’t be called ‘uggs’ outside of Australia – but the name will stick regardless – https://theconversation.com/legally-they-cant-be-called-uggs-outside-of-australia-but-the-name-will-stick-regardless-247562

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Parmeter, Research scholar, Middle East studies, Australian National University

The ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, to come into effect on Sunday, has understandably been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of Israelis and Palestinians.

Israelis are relieved that a process for freeing 33 more hostages in Hamas custody is to begin, with more to come in future phases.

Palestinians can now hope the daily bombing that has killed nearly 50,000 Gazans over the past 15 months will finally end, and that desperately needed humanitarian assistance will start to flow into the strip.

But once the euphoria subsides, hard issues will emerge. Here are six key questions arising from this new agreement. The answers, as yet unclear, will shape the region and the lives of those who live in it.

Read more:
Israel and Hamas have agreed to a ceasefire. It doesn’t guarantee a peaceful end to a devastating war

1. Why did it take so long?

As US President Joe Biden said in announcing the agreement, the deal now reached was initially proposed by him in May last year.

Why, then, has it taken nearly eight months to be accepted by both sides?

Palestinian civilians in Gaza, who have borne the pain and suffering of the Israeli onslaught, can rightly ask whether Hamas could have made concessions to enable a ceasefire earlier.

Israelis are already asking if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu deliberately held back his government’s agreement to a ceasefire to safeguard his political position and keep his government in office.

Even more darkly, did Netanyahu choose to prolong the war until President-elect Donald Trump could be in a position to claim credit for achieving the release of the remaining hostages? Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff was reportedly involved in discussions with Netanyahu in the final phase of the negotiations in Qatar.

2. How will aid get into Gaza?

An important part of the ceasefire is the urgent provision of humanitarian aid. Some 600 trucks of provisions are reportedly ready to begin entering Gaza on a daily basis.

But how will the aid be distributed?

In November last year, the Israeli Knesset passed a law banning official Israeli dealings with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the UN body responsible for helping Palestinian refugees.

That means Israeli visas cannot be issued to UNRWA foreign staff, so they cannot operate within Israel or Israeli-controlled territory.

The ban was imposed because Israel believes some 13 UNRWA staff were involved in the October 7 2023 attack that ignited the war.

However, the UN says no other body is currently equipped to administer aid distribution inside the strip.

3. What will happen in the next phases?

The second and third phases of the Biden plan still have to be negotiated. That involves a long-term end to the conflict, the release of remaining hostages – those still alive and the remains of those who have died – and the start of the reconstruction of Gaza.

Those two phases will be much harder to finalise than the initial ceasefire.

Hamas is demanding all Israeli forces leave Gaza. Israel is refusing.

Israel is also demanding Hamas have no part in governance of Gaza. But if that point is conceded, it raises the question of who or what will take over Hamas’s governing role.

The Palestinian Authority, which oversees Palestinian affairs in the West Bank, is unpopular in Gaza.

Without a viable alternative, what are the chances of Gaza descending into administrative lawlessness, with the strip divided into rule by rival gangs? Unfortunately, quite high.

4. How is Israeli domestic politics affected?

Netanyahu has spent the conflict trying to appease right-wing elements of his party, particularly National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

Both strongly oppose the ceasefire agreement and have threatened to quit the government.

The deal is reported to have enough support to pass. But whether and how they might have been placated in the final internal negotiations remains to be seen.

Have they been offered broader scope on settlements, or even annexation of the West Bank, to ensure they don’t scuttle the ceasefire by withdrawing from the government and forcing new elections?

5. Will Hamas survive?

Hamas is degraded, but not destroyed. It is now more like a guerilla band than an organised military force.

But despite the fact that total elimination of Hamas was one of Netanyahu’s war aims, it’s still standing.

Netanyahu can point to his other successes in the war, such as the killing of Hamas’s top leadership structure.

Israel also neutralised Hamas’s ally, Lebanese Hizballah (also spelt Hezbollah), through the extraordinary exploding pagers and walkie-talkies and killing of Hizballah leader Hassan Nasrallah.

But critics will claim Netanyahu has fallen short of his war aims. As long as Hamas is still active, many Israelis will fear it will have the capacity to rebuild and threaten Israel again.

6. What does the future hold for Netanyahu?

Netanyahu is one of Israel’s great political survivors. But he has been badly damaged by the war.

The Hamas attack of October 7 2023 happened on his watch. It traumatised Israelis deeply and they won’t easily forgive or forget.

Moreover, he is now subject to an International Criminal Court arrest warrant on charges that he breached international humanitarian law in his conduct of the war.

And the International Court of Justice has said there is a “plausible” case that Israel’s retaliation for the Hamas attacks has been genocidal. This is not good for Israel’s international image.

On top of all that, his trial over three corruption charges is proceeding. There are now serious doubts his government would survive if it were forced to elections before the end of next year, when they are formally due.

The next six weeks, as the first phase of the ceasefire takes effect, will provide answers to some of these questions – but probably not all.

Ian Parmeter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Beyond the Israel–Hamas ceasefire, the future looks unclear. Here are six key unanswered questions – https://theconversation.com/beyond-the-israel-hamas-ceasefire-the-future-looks-unclear-here-are-six-key-unanswered-questions-247558

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christine Carson, Senior Research Fellow, School of Medicine, The University of Western Australia

Over the past several days, the world has watched on in shock as wildfires have devastated large parts of Los Angeles.

Beyond the obvious destruction – to landscapes, homes, businesses and more – fires at this scale have far-reaching effects on communities. A number of these concern human health.

We know fire can harm directly, causing injuries and death. Tragically, the death toll in LA is now at least 24.

But wildfires, or bushfires, can also have indirect consequences for human health. In particular, they can promote the incidence and spread of a range of infections.

Effects on the immune system

Most people appreciate that fires can cause burns and smoke inhalation, both of which can be life-threatening in their own right.

What’s perhaps less well known is that both burns and smoke inhalation can cause acute and chronic changes in the immune system. This can leave those affected vulnerable to infections at the time of the injury, and for years to come.

Burns induce profound changes in the immune system. Some parts go into overdrive, becoming too reactive and leading to hyper-inflammation. In the immediate aftermath of serious burns, this can contribute to sepsis and organ failure.

Other parts of the immune system appear to be suppressed. Our ability to recognise and fight off bugs can be compromised after sustaining burns. Research shows people who have experienced serious burns have an increased risk of influenza, pneumonia and other types of respiratory infections for at least the first five years after injury compared to people who haven’t experienced burns.

Wildfire smoke is a complex mixture containing particulate matter, volatile organic compounds, ozone, toxic gases, and microbes. When people inhale smoke during wildfires, each of these elements can play a role in increasing inflammation in the airways, which can lead to increased susceptibility to respiratory infections and asthma.

Research published after Australia’s Black Summer of 2019–20 found a higher risk of COVID infections in areas of New South Wales where bushfires had occurred weeks earlier.

We need more research to understand the magnitude of these increased risks, how long they persist after exposure, and the mechanisms. But these effects are thought to be due to sustained changes to the immune response.

Microbes travel in smoky air

Another opportunity for infection arises from the fire-induced movement of microbes from niches they usually occupy in soils and plants in natural areas, into densely populated urban areas.

Recent evidence from forest fires in Utah shows microbes, such as bacteria and fungal spores, can be transported in smoke. These microbes are associated with particles from the source, such as burned vegetation and soil.

There are thousands of different species of microbes in smoke, many of which are not common in background, non-smoky air.

Only a small number of studies on this have been published so far, but researchers have shown the majority of microbes in smoke are still alive and remain alive in smoke long enough to colonise the places where they eventually land.

How far specific microbes can be transported remains an open question, but fungi associated with smoke particles have been detected hundreds of miles downwind from wildfires, even weeks after the fire.

Read more:
LA fires: Long-term exposure to wildfire smoke is poorly understood − and a growing risk

So does this cause human infections?

A subset of these airborne microbes are known to cause infections in humans.

Scientists are probing records of human fungal infections in relation to wildfire smoke exposure. In particular, they’re looking at soil-borne infectious agents such as the fungi Coccidioides immitis and Coccidioides posadasii which thrive in dry soils that can be picked up in dust and smoke plumes.

These fungi cause valley fever, a lung infection with symptoms that can resemble the flu, across arid western parts of the United States.

A study of wildland firefighters in California showed high rates of valley fever infections, which spurred occupational health warnings including recommended use of respirators when in endemic regions.

A California-based study of the wider population showed a 20% increase in hospital admissions for valley fever following any amount of exposure to wildfire smoke.

However, another found only limited evidence of excess cases after smoke exposure in wildfire-adjacent populations in California’s San Joaquin Valley.

These contrasting results show more research is needed to evaluate the infectious potential of wildfire smoke from this and other fungal and bacterial causes.

Staying safe

Much remains to be learned about the links between wildfires and infections, and the multiple pathways by which wildfires can increase the risk of certain infections.

There’s also a risk people gathering together after a disaster like this, such as in potentially overcrowded shelters, can increase the transmission of infections. We’ve seen this happen after previous natural disasters.

Despite the gaps in our knowledge, public health responses to wildfires should encompass infection prevention (such as through the provision of effective masks) and surveillance to enable early detection and effective management of any outbreaks.

Leda Kobziar receives funding from the US National Science Foundation, the United States Department of Agriculture, the W. M. Keck Foundation, the Murdock Charitable Trust, the US Joint Fire Science Program, and she is affiliated with the Association for Fire Ecology and The Stewardship Project.

Christine Carson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Wildfires ignite infection risks, by weakening the body’s immune defences and spreading bugs in smoke – https://theconversation.com/wildfires-ignite-infection-risks-by-weakening-the-bodys-immune-defences-and-spreading-bugs-in-smoke-247332

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rose Cairns, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy, NHMRC Emerging Leadership Fellow, University of Sydney

TikTok and Instagram influencers have been peddling the “Barbie drug” to help you tan.

But melanotan-II, as it’s called officially, is a solution that’s too good to be true. Just like tanning, this unapproved drug has a dark side.

Doctors, researchers and Australia’s drug regulator have been warning about its side effects – from nausea and vomiting to brain swelling and erection problems.

There are also safer ways of getting the tanned look, if that’s what you’re after.

What is melanotan-II?

No, it’s not a typo. Melanotan-II is very different from melatonin, which is a hormonal supplement used for insomnia and jet lag.

Melanotan-II is a synthetic version of the naturally ocurring hormone α-melanocyte stimulating hormone. This means the drug mimics the body’s hormone that stimulates production of the pigment melanin. This is what promotes skin darkening or tanning, even in people with little melanin.

Although the drug is promoted as a way of getting a “sunless tan”, it is usually promoted for use with UV exposure, to enhance the effect of UV and kickstart the tanning process.

Melanotan-II is related to, but different from, melanotan-I (afamelanotide), an approved drug used to treat the skin condition erythropoietic protoporphyria.

Melanotan-II is not registered for use with Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA). It is illegal to advertise it to the public or to provide it without a prescription.

However, social media has been driving unlicensed melanotan-II sales, a study published last year confirms.

There are many black market suppliers of melanotan-II injections, tablets and creams. More recently, nasal sprays have become more popular.

What are the risks?

Just like any drug, melanotan-II comes with the risk of side effects, many of which we’ve known about for more than a decade. These include changes in the size and pigmentation of moles, rapid appearance of new moles, flushing to the face, abdominal cramps, nausea, vomiting, chest pain and brain swelling.

It can also cause rhabdomyolysis, a dangerous syndrome where muscle breaks down and releases proteins into the bloodstream that damage the kidneys.

For men, the drug can cause priapism – a painful erection that does not go away and can damage the penis, requiring emergency treatment.

Its use has been linked with melanoma developing from existing moles either during or shortly after using the drug. This is thought to be due to stimulating pigment cells and causing the proliferation of abnormal cells.

Despite reports of melanoma, according to a study of social media posts the drug is often marketed as protecting against skin cancer. In fact, there’s no evidence to show it does this.

Social media posts about melanotan-II rarely mention health risks.

There are no studies on long-term safety of melanotan-II use.

Then there’s the issue of the drug not held to the high safety standards as TGA-approved products. This could result in variability in dose, undeclared ingredients and potential microbial contamination.

The TGA has previously warned consumers to steer clear of the drug due to its “serious side effects that can be very damaging to your health”.

According to an ABC article published earlier this week, the TGA is cracking down on the illegal promotion of the drug on various websites. However, we know banned sellers can pop back up under a different name.

TikTok has banned the hashtags #tanningnasalspray, #melanotan and #melanotan2, but these products continue to be promoted with more generic hashtags, such as #tanning.

Part of a wider trend

Australia has some of the highest rates of skin cancer in the world. The “slip, slop, slap” campaign is a public health success story, with increased awareness of sun safety, a cultural shift and a decline in melanoma in young people.

However, the image of a bronzed beach body remains a beauty standard, especially among some young people.

Disturbingly, tan lines are trending on TikTok as a sought after summer accessory and the hashtag #sunburnttanlines has millions of views. We’ve also seen a backlash against sunscreen among some young people, again promoted on TikTok.

The Cancer Council is so concerned about the trend towards normalising tanning it has launched the campaign End the Trend.

You have other options

There are options beyond spraying an illegal, unregulated product up your nose, or risking unprotected sun exposure: fake tan.

Fake tan tends to be much safer than melanotan-II and there’s more long-term safety data. It also comes with potential side effects, albeit rare ones, including breathing issues (with spray products) and skin inflammation in some people.

Better still, you can embrace your natural skin tone.

Rose Cairns does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. No, you don’t need the ‘Barbie drug’ to tan, whatever TikTok says. Here’s why melanotan-II is so risky – https://theconversation.com/no-you-dont-need-the-barbie-drug-to-tan-whatever-tiktok-says-heres-why-melanotan-ii-is-so-risky-247445

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chelsea Watego, Professor of Indigenous Health, Executive Director, Carumba Institute, Queensland University of Technology

Just before universities closed for the year in 2024, the Australian Human Rights Commission released its Interim Report on Racism at Australian Universities.

The timing of the report’s release resulted in little news coverage.

That’s in contrast to the release of other racism investigations in recent years from the ABC and the AFL and its clubs Hawthorn and Collingwood. These all received considerable and sustained media attention.

Yet, in this instance, more media scrutiny was centred around Palestinian academic Randa Abdel-Fattah’s call for an end to the genocide against Palestinian people.

Questions were raised around her worth as a scholar and recipient of a prestigious research fellowship. Her research was represented through racist stereotypes as a threat to the safety of students at her university.

A structural understanding of racism demands an analysis of power and a willingness to stand up to it. It’s here that the commission’s report falls short and ends up reinforcing the problem it’s trying to solve.

Dangerous conflations

In May, the government tasked the Human Rights Commission with investigating antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism and the experiences of First Nations people at Australian universities.

It came as the Liberal–National Coalition (which is not usually at the forefront of anti-racist activism) expressed outrage about antisemitism on campus.

Antisemitism is real, yet initiatives such as the Coalition’s Private Members Bill seeking to establish a Commission of Inquiry into antisemitism in universities, conflate antisemitism with political criticism of Israel.

Read more:
The ‘new’ antisemitism conflates criticism of Israel with prejudice against Jews. But it’s complicated

As a result, the language of anti-racism is being used to shut down those opposing the most horrific expression of racism that exists – genocide.

The Australian Human Rights Commission report could have explored these contradictions. However, they refused to name genocide, instead referring to “world events” since October 7 2023 involving Israel and Hamas.

This is despite a United Nations Special Committee finding last year that Israel’s warfare methods in Gaza were “consistent with genocide”.

The 132-page report from the Australian Human Rights Commission expresses vague concerns for “Muslim, Arab and Palestinian staff and students”. But it too fails to distinguish anti-Zionism from antisemitism.

The commission cannot have it both ways. It cannot express concern for Palestinian safety while glossing over a crucial factor that makes Palestinians unsafe.

Racism is structural

The commission acknowledges feedback from academics who are negatively affected by racism. These academics say “conversations about racism are shut down” and that there’s “reluctance to discuss institutional and structural racism”.

Unfortunately, the study reproduces the problem that it briefly recognises.

For instance, a survey quantifying experiences of racism does not explain the role structures play.

As we have noted elsewhere, this type of research is designed to document what First Nations, Black and Brown people already know: they experience racism.

Studies like these do not explore how and why universities and other institutions generate these racist hierarchies.

A structural understanding of racism moves beyond racism as isolated incidents located within an organisation. It connects them to the deeper systems of racial dominance embedded in social, legal and political systems of society.

Understanding racism as a collection of quantifiable experiences rather than a deeply embedded set of practices, values and knowledge reduces racism to an isolated behaviour.

It’s then seen as an anomaly to be treated on the individual level through education or awareness-raising.

This approach makes racism a problem of those negatively affected by it, rather than those perpetrating it. The proposed solutions tend to involve tinkering with complaints processes, promoting counselling services and installing diversity targets.

This approach treats the symptoms, rather than tackle the root cause of the problem.

The dilemma of diversity and “racial literacy”

The commission uses the language of “diversity” of lived experience to avoid both naming racial violence and providing conceptual clarity for its study. The commission says it is “not rushing to settle on definitions” of racism.

Yet they did invent their own racial categories to organise experiences of racism into one of five groups. The diverse Australian population is defined as “First Nations”, “Jewish”, “Muslim, Arab and Palestinian”, “African” and “International”. Significantly, these categories are allocated very different word counts.

What results is a collapsing of the diverse experiences of racism into crude race categories that exclude and erase any number of negatively racialised staff and students in Australian universities.

For instance, it excludes the racism experienced by anti-Zionist Jewish scholars and students.

There is no category for the racism experienced by staff and students of south Asian descent or even our Polynesian, Melanesian and Māori neighbours.

The catch-all category of “international” refers only to the international students.

Read more:
Is Australia a racist country? We asked 5 experts

In its “initial insights”, the commission draws on the supposed problem of “racial literacy”. It defines this as the “ability to name, understand and confront racism”. It also suggests that those experiencing racism might not recognise it as such.

This is odd. Typically, people who experience racism have an clear understanding of it. What prevents effective anti-racist action is a society that denies the reality of racism.

The idea of racial literacy can frame racialised people as incapable of understanding their experience without expert assistance. It also affords an innocence to those who benefit from racism.

A flawed attempt

The Racism at Universities study should have been based on a robust structural understanding of race and racism. This would have been possible had it drawn on, rather than ignored, the intellectual work of scholars at the forefront of anti-racist research and practice.

It is ironic that a study of racism in Australian universities is not informed by the scholarship produced within them.

But this reveals the clear political position of this research. The performance of neutrality is a political position – one for which the Australian Human Rights Commission has been criticised in relation to Palestine.

In trying to appear objective, the commission is unable or unwilling to address the racism experienced by racialised scholars undertaking anti-racist research, such as Abdel-Fattah.

An analysis of racism divorced from the socio-political environment entrenches rather than eliminates racism. All claims to racial harm might appear equal until power is examined.

To properly understand how racism is working, reports like this must go beyond collating individual feelings and experiences as though all perspectives are equal, and examine the institutions and political systems that distribute racial violence and racist harm.

We must ask who is being displaced and structurally excluded? Who’s being incarcerated, dehumanised and overpoliced? Who commands sympathies, whilst others do not? Who’s being pushed out of employment, framed as violent and denied sovereignty? Who’s being killed?

Who has access to state militaries, land, weapons, media, political influence, government support, international recognition and money?

In avoiding an understanding of racism in a structural sense, anti-racism efforts wherever they are situated become useless, or worse – violent.

Read more:
Vietnam, brutalist architecture, fees and Gaza: how student protests shaped Australian universities

Queensland University of Technology’s Carumba Institute is convening The Greatest Race Debate on Wednesday 22 January 2025 at Garden’s Point Theatre in Brisbane.

Chelsea Watego receives funding from the Australian Research Council and National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research and Inala Wangarra.

Alissa Macoun is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research

David Singh receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research.

Elizabeth Strakosch is affiliated with the Institute for Collaborative Race Research, the Institute for Postcolonial Studies and the Jewish Council of Australia.

Kevin Yow Yeh receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research.

– ref. The Human Rights Commission has handed down a report on racism at Australian universities. Here’s why it fails – https://theconversation.com/the-human-rights-commission-has-handed-down-a-report-on-racism-at-australian-universities-heres-why-it-fails-246422

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Effie Karageorgos, Senior Lecturer in History, University of Newcastle

Journalist Simon Townsend has died aged 79 only a few months after being diagnosed with an aggressive form of cancer. A statement released by his family reported “In his final days, Simon was surrounded by his family and a mix of journalists, writers, actors, political activists and Italians”.

Townsend is best remembered for hosting the Logie-winning children’s show Wonder World from 1979 until 1987.

But it is equally important to focus on his time as a political activist and conscientious objector during the Vietnam War. When Townsend was a fledgling journalist in his early 20s, he fought fearlessly against the draft and was imprisoned twice for his pacifist beliefs.

Conscientious objection

On November 24 1964, Liberal prime minister Robert Menzies re-introduced conscription through the National Service Act. It became mandatory for men turning 20 to register for national service.

Of the more than 800,000 who registered, 64,000 eventually served.

Approximately 14,000 refused to register for a variety of reasons. Refusal was a crime punishable by up to two years in prison, unless an exemption was granted on the grounds of conscientious objection, generally connected to religious belief.

Others registered, but claimed conscientious objection before they attended their standard military medical examination. Townsend registered as required by law in 1965 and immediately attempted to claim conscientious objector status on the grounds of pacifism.

This was refused by a judge in 1966 who said he was “not sincere”. The judge ordered Townsend to attend his medical examination. Townsend refused. He was sent to serve a one month prison sentence at Sydney’s Long Bay Gaol in early 1967.

On his release, Townsend again applied for an exemption. Again, he was unsuccessful. In February 1968, he refused to attend his next medical. In March, Townsend disobeyed an order to report for military duty. He was charged in the Special Federal Court in Sydney on May 15 and imprisoned again.

The Abolish Conscription Campaign

Four days later, Townsend wrote a letter to the Sydney protest group Abolish Conscription Campaign, reporting eight prison guards constantly watched over him and woke him up every two hours for his “wellbeing”.

He said he was “pretty miserable”, but his brother had sought help from Labor politicians Gough Whitlam and Len Devine, who paid Townsend a visit in support.

On June 10 1968 the Abolish Conscription Campaign organised a “major protest” to “demonstrate for the release of all conscientious objectors and the abolition of conscription”. Activists marched from Liverpool Station to Ingleburn Military Camp, where Townsend was being held ahead of his June 14 court date.

On this date, Townsend’s application for conscientious objector status was accepted – the court no doubt influenced by the increasing public attention his case had attracted.

Townsend approached his legal difficulties with courage and generosity. Between his two stints in prison, he formed Sydney’s Conscientious Objectors’ Group. Townsend, along with fellow activists including Quakers, feminists and pacifists, used their time and energy providing information to conscientious objectors facing court.

‘The Unconscriptables’

After Townsend’s release, he continued to fight against the National Service Act.

In August 1968 he joined the Caravan Against Conscription, which saw Sydney activists travel through rural New South Wales to spread the anti-war message.

In the next month Townsend helped to form a group called The Unconscriptables, “open to all those young men who face civil gaol because of a responsible and conscientious decision not to comply with the National Service Act”.

Townsend later supported Unconscriptable Geoff Mullen when he unsuccessfully stood for the federal seat of Wentworth in the October 1969 election. In an act of resistance, Mullen was running against Liberal minister for labour and national service, Leslie Bury.

Selfless action

During my State Library of New South Wales Fellowship research into quiet protest during the Vietnam War, I came across a court summons addressed to teacher, activist and former NSW Teachers Federation President Samuel Phineas Lewis, signed by Simon Townsend.

I became fascinated not only by Townsend’s personal story, but also his willingness to selflessly act on behalf of other young men impelled to fight in a war they did not believe in.

This court summons represents one of many protest actions performed by Townsend as Secretary of the Committee in Defiance of the National Service Act, formed in July 1969.

At their first meeting in Sydney Town Hall, Townsend, along with Committee leader Ken Thomas (an activist and businessman who, in 1946, established KW Thomas Transport, later known as Thomas Nationwide Transport or TNT), and 70 others including barristers, academics, unionists, housewives and clergymen, publicly signed a Statement of Defiance proclaiming their ongoing support for men who evaded conscription.

In encouraging others to break the law, they intentionally contravened the Crimes Act in the hope the time taken to prosecute them in court would delay any legal action towards young conscientious objectors.

Eventually 8,000 Australians made Statements of Defiance, were reported by Committee members to authorities and were fined or summonsed to appear in court. The Liberal Government soon became wise to the Committee’s scheme and ceased reacting.

These relatively quiet protest acts were hugely impactful and incredibly brave.

Townsend continued to fight against the National Service Act until Prime Minister Gough Whitlam abolished conscription as his first order of business following his December 2 1972 election win. This was while working as a reporter for This Day Tonight, a position he held from 1970 until the launch of Wonder World.

The loss of Simon Townsend is deeply felt in this country, not only for his journalism but also for his fearless activism. Vale.

Effie Karageorgos received funding from the State Library of New South Wales for this research.

– ref. Remembering Simon Townsend as a conscientious objector and fearless anti-Vietnam War activist – https://theconversation.com/remembering-simon-townsend-as-a-conscientious-objector-and-fearless-anti-vietnam-war-activist-247457

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marta Andhov, Associate Professor, Law School, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

They say a picture is worth a thousand words. But in the world of legal contracts, pictures can be worth even more by making complicated concepts more accessible to people without expertise.

Traditional contracts are often dense and filled with complex legal language, known as “legalese”. This can be difficult for individuals without legal training to understand.

Visual contracts break away from this norm by integrating diagrams, illustrations, symbols and even comic strips to convey essential information.

In public procurement — the purchase of goods, services and works by public authorities using public funds — this approach could be transformative, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises.

By simplifying intricate legal documents, visual contracts can encourage greater participation and enhance competition. Using images can ultimately improve the quality of public services for taxpayers.

In our new research, we looked at the benefits and potential difficulties of visual contracts. We also examined how they have been used overseas and develop a road map to simplify procurement law.

Visual contracts in public procurement

Public procurement is notoriously complex. The process is governed by strict legal frameworks to ensure transparency, competition, integrity and fairness.

While these rules are essential, their complexity often discourages small and medium-sized businesses and community organisations from participating. These groups may lack the resources to navigate the intricate legal systems.

Visual contracts offer a fresh perspective. By simplifying procurement documents, visual formats could make public procurement more accessible, transparent and inclusive.

For example, using visuals to explain timelines, roles and expectations can demystify the process for those who have never participated in public procurement before.

This means visual contracting could level the playing field and create opportunities for a broader range of participants.

Accessible contracts also benefit everyone involved, including contract managers and suppliers. Clear contracts reduce misunderstandings, improve compliance and foster trust.

This is particularly crucial in public procurement, where effective collaboration between public authorities and suppliers ensures better outcomes for taxpayers and communities.

Learning from Denmark and Australia

Various groups in Denmark and Australia have been exploring the use of visual contracting, providing valuable insights into its potential.

In Denmark, visual contracts have been used in the construction industry to clarify obligations and dispute resolution processes.

The Danish Construction Association, for example, developed visual tools to outline key milestones and responsibilities. These tools not only improved understanding but also reduced conflicts and delays.

In Australia, the University of Western Australia’s Comic Book Contracts project has demonstrated the practical benefits of visual contracting.

One example is a non-disclosure agreement (NDA) designed for engineering students participating in the UWA Makers Lab. Presented in comic strip format, this visual NDA clearly outlines confidentiality obligations. This makes it easier for students to understand and comply with the terms.

Users said these agreements were much easier to understand compared to traditional contracts.

While these examples showcase the versatility of visual contracting across sectors, applying it to public procurement represents a new and untested frontier.

The potential to simplify procurement documents and contracts through visualisation could transform how governments and suppliers engage with one another.

Bumps in the road ahead

Despite its potential, visual contracting faces challenges that could potentially slow widespread adoption.

Ensuring legal enforceability is one concern. While visual contracts are recognised in many jurisdictions, uncertainties persist regarding court interpretations of images and symbols.

In disputes, it’s crucial that all parties consistently understand the visuals to uphold the contract’s validity.

Additionally, the cost of designing effective visual contracts can pose a barrier. Developing these agreements demands collaboration among lawyers, designers and sometimes psychologists to ensure clarity and accuracy.

Although initial expenses might be offset by long-term savings from reduced disputes and improved compliance, they remain a hurdle to widespread implementation.

Gaining broad acceptance is also essential. Introducing visual contracts into procurement processes requires buy-in from policymakers, procurement officers and legal experts.

Comprehensive training and education are necessary to help everyone involved understand and embrace this innovative approach.

Addressing these challenges is vital for the successful integration of visual contracting into mainstream legal and procurement practices.

Refining the use of visual contracts

Visual contracting has the potential to improve public procurement by making it more transparent, inclusive and efficient.

By simplifying procurement documents and contracts through visual formats, governments could attract more diverse suppliers, foster innovation, and improve outcomes for taxpayers.

Although visual contracting has been successfully applied in sectors such as construction and service agreements, its use in public procurement remains largely unexplored.

As visual contracts become a reality in public procurement, it’s important to address concerns such as legal enforceability, cost and stakeholder adoption. But as examples from Denmark and Australia show, visual contracts can make a real difference for everyone involved.

Marta Andhov received funding from the Carlsberg Foundation for the research project Purchase Power—Sustainable Public Procurement Through Private Law Enforcement (PurpLE). This article was developed as part of the PurpLE project.

– ref. Say it with a picture: overcoming legalese in public procurement contracts – https://theconversation.com/say-it-with-a-picture-overcoming-legalese-in-public-procurement-contracts-244924

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

After 467 days of violence, a ceasefire agreement between Hamas and Israel has been reached and will come into effect on Sunday, pending Israeli government approval.

This agreement will not end the war or bring about peace. Ceasefires are not a panacea for the war, trauma, displacement, hunger and death Israelis and Palestinians have borne before and since October 7, and will no doubt continue to bear, long after.

While this is not the end of the story, this ceasefire does mark the start of a new chapter for Palestinians, particularly those in Gaza, and Israelis.

What do we know about the deal?

The terms of this ceasefire, at least for the first phase, are detailed, setting the stage for its effective implementation.

In structure and content, this ceasefire closely resembles numerous others that have been proposed over the past year, including the 7+2 day truce agreed in November 2023.

Unlike that truce, however, this agreement is envisaged to last longer, having three distinct phases, each lasting 42 days (6 weeks).

As US President Joe Biden said, this agreement “is the exact framework of the deal I proposed in May”.

During the first phase, there will be a temporary suspension of military operations by Israel and Hamas, as well as the withdrawal of Israeli forces east towards the border between Israel and Gaza and away from densely populated areas.

There will also be a temporary suspension of air activity (for military and reconnaissance purposes) in the Gaza Strip, particularly when hostages are released.

This happened during the November 2023 truce too, offering Palestinians much-needed respite from bombardment as well as assurances to Hamas that Israel is not using drones to surveil and intuit how many hostages it might still hold, where it is keeping hostages, and how and where it is moving them to.

Also, from the first day the agreement comes into effect, large quantities of humanitarian aid, relief materials and fuel will be allowed to enter Gaza.

The fuel is necessary for the operation of Gaza’s power plant and sanitation systems, and for heavy machinery to clear and remove rubble.

This will begin the long task of rebuilding the strip’s decimated infrastructure, including hospitals, clinics and bakeries (the main food source for Gazans).

A type of ‘strangle contract’

Arguably, the power dynamics between Israel and Hamas when this agreement was negotiated were highly asymmetrical. Over the past 15 months, Israel has shown it has far superior military strength to Hamas.

Also, until now, Israel was arguably largely prepared to ignore the one political card Hamas held: the release of the hostages the group took on October 7.

As such, the terms of the agreement can potentially be seen as a type of strangle contract that one party, (in this case Israel) has forced on the other because of the immense power imbalance.

Over the past 12 months, Hamas has agreed to the text of a ceasefire a number of times only to have the terms altered by Israel and no agreement reached.

Hamas has tried to alter the ceasefire’s terms too.

But because of the power differential, it has been relatively unsuccessful in pressuring Israel to agree to its demands.

To reach a deal, Hamas has forsaken its two main demands: full withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Gaza Strip and a permanent ceasefire.

This agreement has three phases. In the first phase, Israel will potentially release thousands of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for 33 hostages. Fewer than 60 hostages are thought to be left alive.

But it is telling that in the past, Israel has simply arrested other Palestinians or re-arrested many of those released under similar deals.

These type of strangle contracts happened during the Syrian civil war too. There, they were branded as reconciliation agreements.

These were effectively ceasefire agreements forced on rebel-held communities by the Assad regime and Russia after they had besieged, bombarded and starved them, sometimes for many years. The asymmetrical power relations of the parties to these agreements left communities with little to no bargaining power regarding their terms and implementation.

What we don’t know

On the 16th day after the agreement comes into force, indirect negotiations between the two sides will begin regarding the next phase of the agreement. This new phase is envisaged to include the release of more hostages and prisoners and the continuation of the ceasefire.

However, there are currently no written assurances the ceasefire will continue beyond the first phase if there is no agreement reached for the second phase.

For similar deals that were previously on the table, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear he would continue the war to destroy Hamas after the initial phase.

Further, the ceasefire agreement specifies that Israeli troops will withdraw east towards the border between Gaza and Israel. One of Hamas’s original demands for a ceasefire with Israel was that Israeli troops withdraw from Gaza completely.

While it has since jettisoned that requirement, the ceasefire terms suggest that Israeli forces will remain in a buffer zone along the border more permanently. They may potentially also stay longer in the Philadelphi Corridor and along the Netzarim Axis.

In a territory only 40 kilometres long and between five and 13 kilometres wide, any continuing Israeli military presence on this Palestinian land means it cannot be used for civilian life, including for homes or farmland. This makes an already densely populated Gaza Strip even more so, as well as negating the rights of Palestinian land holders in these areas.

We also do not know how this ceasefire will affect Israel’s calculus in the West Bank, or in Lebanon and its fragile ceasefire with Hezbollah. In Lebanon, attacks continue to happen daily with both sides accusing each other of violating the agreement. The first phase of that ceasefire agreement, lasting 60 days, is scheduled to end on 26 January 2025.

What comes next?

While ceasefires are not technically legally binding, they can perhaps best be thought of as a type of contract between warring parties.

This ceasefire, at least for the first phase, has detailed terms, including maps, that the parties have taken time (some would say too much time) to agree on.

This makes the agreement more likely to be implemented as both sides can more easily be held to what they have agreed by external parties, including the ceasefire’s guarantors, Qatar, Egypt and the US.

Vaguer terms, like those we have seen in the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, the 2016 Cessation of Hostilities in Syria or with the Taliban in Pakistan give the parties more room to manoeuvre and potentially the ability to blame the other side for violating the agreement.

The war between Hamas and Israel is of course not over. This ceasefire simply marks the start of a new phase.

It’s a welcome relief and the least-worst option humans have so far devised to stop the violence of war for a period of time.

But with more than 1,000 Israelis and 46,000 Palestinians dead, many more homeless, the Gaza Strip decimated and potentially millions with some sort of trauma, even if there is a halt in the violence, this is certainly not peace.

Palestinians and Israelis, if not the world, will be living with the implications of the past 467 days for many years to come.

Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Israel and Hamas have agreed to a ceasefire. It doesn’t guarantee a peaceful end to a devastating war – https://theconversation.com/israel-and-hamas-have-agreed-to-a-ceasefire-it-doesnt-guarantee-a-peaceful-end-to-a-devastating-war-247338

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Cornell, PhD Candidate, UNSW Beach Safety Research Group + School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney

Australia is considered a nation of beach lovers. But with all this water surrounding us, drownings remain tragically common. At least 55 people have drowned in waterways in Australia so far this summer, most of whom drowned at the beach. And the season’s not over.

Every drowning is a tragedy, and Australia is nowhere near the federal-government supported goal of zero drownings.

Public health agencies are concerned about the drowning numbers. So how do we fix it? An important factor to consider is how beach safety messages are communicated.

Another season, another campaign

The peak water safety bodies in Australia, Surf Life Saving Australia and Royal Life Saving Society – Australia, work to reduce drownings in all Australian aquatic locations, from swimming pools to rivers to beaches.

Their public safety campaigns aim to raise awareness of drowning and risks around the water. Australians are undoubtedly safer because of the work and advocacy of these organisations – but drowning numbers remain stubbornly high.

Surf Life Saving Australia is running a new campaign this summer – Stop, Look, Stay Alive – featuring Australian-born actor and filmmaker Angus Sampson.

This campaign is one of many in recent years urging Australians to stay safe near the water. Others include:

• the “swim between the flags” message
• the “give an F about the flags” campaign
• the “think line” campaign, which urges people to “stop, look and have a plan”
• the “float to survive” campaign, which urges people to float if they’re in trouble in the water or stuck in a rip
• the “respect the river” campaign.

But the tragic number of drownings, particularly during summer, suggests not everyone is heeding the message. In fact, Australian researchers in 2022 found no evidence to suggest beach drowning deaths in Australia have reduced over the long term. This, the researchers said:

rais[es] questions regarding the effectiveness of existing strategies designed to communicate messages and information about beach safety and hazards to the public.

Changing how we communicate

According to Surf Life Saving Australia the current Angus Sampson campaign aims to be:

appealing to more Aussies, in particular men who continue to swim at unpatrolled locations and take unnecessary risks.

As the organisation notes, 86% of all drowning deaths on Australia’s coast last year were men.

The campaign involves ads on television and online, as well as outdoor advertising. The decision to use a mix of platforms is wise.

But the use of a TV and movie celebrity may not be effective. A review looking at road safety campaigns, for example, found limited evidence of celebrity effectiveness in improving safety outcomes.

Could it be more effective to, for example, use a TikTok star who is hugely popular among young males?

Research suggests using the right platform and “voices that matter” offer benefits when delivering safety messages. This is in part due to the emotional connection people form with these social media stars, which can result in behaviour change.

When asked for evidence to show the current public messaging campaigns are working, Surf Life Saving Australia (SLSA) told The Conversation:

SLSA is committed to preventing drowning through holistic, evidence-based approaches, combining awareness programs like Stop Look Stay Alive with lifesaving services, in-person programs, and education. This summer alone, lifesavers have performed over 2,500 rescues and 700,000 preventative actions.

Despite population growth, coastal drowning has remained stable. This summer, 32 coastal drownings have been reported, fewer than the same period last year. SLSA focuses on behaviour change through initiatives like beachpassport.org.au (with 21,000+ “passports” issued already!), and on-beach programs that have provided active community learning opportunities.

It’s too early to comment on the broader effectiveness of Stop Look Stay Alive, however preliminary campaign results show positive impact and an evaluation will be conducted by UNSW Beach Safety Research Group later this year.

Rethinking ‘swim between the flags’

Many current beach messaging approaches, including “swim between the flags”, compel people to fit into what the system wants.

But many beaches don’t have flags. And not everyone stops or looks for flags, signs, or even the conditions before they go into the water.

And studies show while most domestic beachgoers know to swim between the flags, many choose not to because, for example, people are located closer to beaches without flags or lifeguard patrols.

What’s more, research suggests overseas visitors to Australia do not always understand what “swim between the flags” means or terms often used on common beach safety signage such as “shore dump” and “shore break”. One 2021 study found 21% of international students perceived “always swim between the flags” to mean that beachgoers who don’t or can’t swim need to stay outside the flags.

This shows that current strategies aren’t resonating with all beach users, and there’s a need to reassess beach safety messaging.

Read more:
Could messages from social media influencers stop young people vaping? A look at the government’s new campaign

Changing tack

Other forms of public safety messaging should also be considered when trying to reduce drowning numbers in Australia.

For example, people who have been caught in rip might be encouraged to tell their stories publicly. Research into other areas of public health communication, such as vaccines, suggest this can form the basis of an effective campaign.

Research also suggests teaching beachgoers about coastal science can improve beach safety behaviour. For example, people can be taught about how rip currents work, using images of dye released into the water.

Crucially, consensus is needed on which key messages to prioritise. Too much differing messaging may lead to message fatigue or confusion about which message is most important to follow.

Messaging on beach safety to date has surely prevented drowning. But the stubborn drowning toll highlights the need to evaluate what is not working. Clear and consistent messaging, using modern platforms and engaging influencers may help us to get to zero drownings sooner.

Samuel Cornell receives funding from Meta Platforms, Inc. His research is supported by a University of New South Wales Sydney, University Postgraduate Award. His research is supported by Royal Life Saving Society – Australia to aid in the
prevention of drowning. Research at Royal Life Saving Society – Australia is supported by the Australian government. He has been affiliated with Surf Life Saving Australia and Surf Life Saving NSW in a paid and voluntary capacity.

– ref. Despite decades of beach safety ads, at least 55 people have drowned in Australia this summer. It’s time to change tack – https://theconversation.com/despite-decades-of-beach-safety-ads-at-least-55-people-have-drowned-in-australia-this-summer-its-time-to-change-tack-245747

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Manisha Caleb, Senior Lecturer in Astrophysics, University of Sydney

When some of the biggest stars reach the end of their lives, they explode in spectacular supernovas and leave behind incredibly dense cores called neutron stars. Some of these remnants emit powerful radio beams from their magnetic poles.

As the star spins, these beams sweep past Earth and produce periodic pulses of radio waves, much like a cosmic lighthouse. This behaviour has earned them the name “pulsars”.

Pulsars typically spin incredibly fast, often completing a full rotation in just seconds – or even less. Over the last three years, some mysterious objects have emerged that emit periodic radio pulses at much slower intervals, which is hard to explain with our current understanding of neutron stars.

In new research, we have found the slowest cosmic lighthouse yet – one that spins once every 6.5 hours. This discovery, published in Nature Astronomy, pushes the boundaries of what we thought possible.

Our slow lighthouse also happens to be aligned with Earth in a way that lets us see radio pulses from both its magnetic poles. This rare phenomenon is a first for objects spinning this slowly and offers a new window into how these stars work.

An object that shouldn’t exist?

We discovered the object, named ASKAP J1839-0756, using CSIRO’s ASKAP radio telescope, located in Wajarri Yamaji country in Western Australia.

During a routine observation, ASKAP J1839-0756 stood out because no previously known object had been identified at its position. Its radio emission appeared as a fading burst, with its brightness plummeting by 95% in just 15 minutes.

At first, we had no idea the source was emitting periodic radio pulses. Only a single burst had been detected during the initial observation.

To uncover more, we conducted more observations with ASKAP as well as CSIRO’s Australia Telescope Compact Array on Kamilaroi country in Narrabri, NSW, and the highly sensitive MeerKAT radio telescope in South Africa. A long ASKAP observation eventually revealed two pulses separated by 6.5 hours, confirming the periodic nature of the source.

But here is the real surprise: according to what we know about neutron stars, ASKAP J1839-0756 shouldn’t even exist.

Neutron stars emit radio pulses by converting their rotational energy into radiation. Over time, they lose energy and slow down.

Standard theory says that once a neutron star’s spin slows beyond a certain point (about one rotation per minute), it should stop emitting radio pulses altogether. Yet here is ASKAP J1839-0756, lighting up the cosmos at a leisurely pace of one rotation every 6.5 hours.

A tale of two poles

Most pulsars, the faster-spinning cousins of ASKAP J1839-0756, are like one-sided flashlights. The axis they spin around is closely aligned to the axis of their magnetic field, which means we only see flashes from one magnetic pole.

But in about 3% of pulsars, the rotational and magnetic axes are almost at right angles to one another, which lets us see pulses from both poles. These rare double flashes, called interpulses, provide a unique window into the star’s geometry and magnetic field.

Whether a pulsar’s magnetic and rotational axes become more aligned or less aligned as it slows down is still an open question.

The interpulse from ASKAP J1839-0756 could provide clues to this question. About 3.2 hours after its main pulse, it emits a weaker pulse with different properties, strongly suggesting we’re seeing radio light from the opposite magnetic pole.

This discovery makes ASKAP J1839-0756 the first slowpoke in its class to emit interpulses, and it raises big questions about how such objects work.

Magnetar or something new?

So, what is powering this cosmic anomaly? One possibility is that it is a magnetar — a neutron star with a powerful magnetic field that makes Earth’s most powerful magnets look like featherweights.

Magnetars generate radio pulses through a different mechanism, which might allow them to keep shining even at slower spin rates. But even magnetars have limits, and their periods are usually measured in seconds, not hours.

The only exception is a magnetar named 1E 161348-5055, which has a period of 6.67 hours. However, it only emits X-ray and no radio pulses.

Could ASKAP J1839-0756 be something else entirely? Some astronomers wonder if similar objects might be white dwarfs – the leftover cores of less massive stars.

White dwarfs spin much more slowly than neutron stars, but no individual isolated white dwarfs have been observed to emit radio pulses. And so far, no observations in other wavelengths have found evidence of a white dwarf at this location in the sky.

A cosmic puzzle

Whatever ASKAP J1839-0756 turns out to be, it is clear that this object is rewriting the rulebook. Its strange combination of slow rotation, radio pulses and interpulses is forcing astronomers to rethink the limits of neutron star behaviour and explore new possibilities for what lies at the heart of this enigma.

The discovery of ASKAP J1839-0756 is a reminder that the universe loves to surprise us, especially when we think we have got it all figured out. As we continue to monitor this mysterious object, we’re bound to uncover more secrets.

Manisha Caleb acknowledges support of an Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Research Award (project number DE220100819) funded by the Australian Government. Parts of this research were conducted by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav), project number CE170100004.

Yu Wing Joshua Lee acknowledges funding from the Australian Research Council Discovery Project (project number DP 220102305) and the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav) (project number CE230100016).

– ref. Blinking radio pulses from space hint at a cosmic object that ‘shouldn’t exist’ – https://theconversation.com/blinking-radio-pulses-from-space-hint-at-a-cosmic-object-that-shouldnt-exist-246663