Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Toby Murray, Professor of Cybersecurity, School of Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne

In July last year, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, Julie Inman Grant, directed tech companies to develop codes of practice to keep children safe from online porn and harmful content. Now, after seven months, the industry has submitted draft codes to eSafety for approval.

eSafety is currently assessing the draft codes.

Assuming Grant approves the new codes, what can we expect the future to look like for children and teens online? And how effective will the proposed codes be at protecting children?

A coordinated approach

The codes submitted for approval were developed by a group of industry associations.

They cover social media platforms such as Facebook and Snapchat. But they also cover internet service providers, search engines such as Google, online messaging services such as WhatsApp, online gaming platforms, as well as the manufacturers of the computers, mobile phones and software we use to access online services.

The codes will also cover online app stores such as those operated by Apple and Google. However, app store codes aren’t expected to be released until late March.

As well as covering a range of companies, the codes also cover a range of harms. They aim to protect kids not only from online pornography but also content that promotes self-harm, eating disorders, suicide and violence.

Given the difficulty of protecting kids from this kind of content, this coordinated approach is absolutely essential.

If the draft codes are approved, companies will have six months to implement the proposed safety measures. They will face fines of up to A$50 million for non-compliance.

What’s in store?

The draft codes are broken up across different parts of the tech ecosystem. The requirements they place on individual tech platforms depend on the danger harmful content on each platform poses to children.

Large social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and X (formerly Twitter) are likely to be categorised among the most dangerous. That’s because it’s possible for users to access extremely harmful content such as child sexual abuse or terrorist material on these platforms. Plus, these platforms serve millions of people and also allow users to create public profiles, maintain “friend” lists, and share content widely.

According to the draft codes, these platforms will need to implement the most stringent safety measures. These include using age-assurance measures to prevent children under the minimum age allowed to access the service from doing so, having an appropriately resourced trust and safety team, and using automated systems to detect and remove child abuse and pro-terror material.

On the other hand, less risky platforms won’t be subject to any requirements under the draft codes. These include online platforms that allow only limited communication within a specific group of people and without social media features such as friends lists and public profiles. Platforms for communication within a primary school such as Compass would be among the least risky.

Online search engines such as Google and Bing – which provide access to adult and self-harm content, but are legitimately used by children – will be required to implement appropriate measures to prevent children accessing that content.

This may include enabling safe-search features and establishing child-user accounts. These accounts would include features that automatically blur harmful content and filter such content from search results and recommendation algorithms

The codes also cover emerging harmful technology, such as deepfake porn apps powered by generative artificial intelligence. Like traditional porn sites, these will be required to implement age-assurance technology to prevent children using these services.

What about age assurance?

The codes specifically define what age-assurance measures are considered “appropriate”.

Importantly, just because an age-checking system can be bypassed doesn’t disqualify it. Instead, age assurance measures must include “reasonable steps” to ensure someone is of age, while balancing privacy concerns.

Requiring users to self-declare their age is not appropriate. So expect to see porn sites do away with click-through dialogs asking visitors to declare they are really adults.

Instead, sites will have a range of options for assuring their users’ ages, including photo ID, estimating age based on facial images or video, having a parent attest to a child’s age, leveraging credit card checks, or AI-based methods for age inference.

Different measures are likely to be used by different companies and systems.

For example, Apple has already announced a range of new child safety measures that appear to align with many parts of the draft codes. These include making it easier for parents to set up child safety features on kids’ iPads and iPhones, using a parent’s payment information to ensure they can safely attest to their child’s age, as well as app store integration of child safety features to enable app developers to make their apps safer for children.

On the other hand, adult sites and apps are likely to adopt age-assurance mechanisms that users perceive to be more private. For paying subscribers, they are likely to leverage the credit information already stored to assure the users’ age.

Non-subscribers may instead be required to submit to a facial scan or other AI-based methods to estimate their age.

Publicly available data on state-of-the-art systems for age estimation from facial images suggests the best systems have an average error of 3.7 years.

Whether eSafety will agree such technology is “appropriate” remains to be seen. However, if it is adopted, there is a real risk many teens will remain able to access online porn and harmful deepfake apps despite these new codes.

Toby Murray receives funding from Google. He is director of the Defence Science Institute, which receives funding from Victorian and Tasmanian state governments, and from the Commonwealth Department of Defence.

– ref. Tech companies’ proposed new safety codes won’t protect all kids online – https://theconversation.com/tech-companies-proposed-new-safety-codes-wont-protect-all-kids-online-251266

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melissa Conley Tyler, Honorary Fellow, Asia Institute, The University of Melbourne

Hard on the heels of Donald Trump’s dismantling of USAID, the United Kingdom has ripped more than A$12 billion (£6 billion) from its foreign assistance budget.

The double hit from two of the globe’s biggest contributors to international development has been branded a betrayal of poorer countries that will cost lives.

What does this mean for Australia as we head towards the federal election?

Australia is different

Australia’s aid context is strikingly different.

International development is deeply integrated in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and can’t easily be pulled apart. There is no separate aid agency to target.

Recent experience also reminds us why it is unwise to cut overseas assistance. When the Abbott government made major cuts to development spending, other actors including China quickly filled the vacuum throughout the Pacific.

Most importantly, more than 20 of Australia’s regional neighbours are developing countries. This means an adequate overseas aid budget is non-negotiable if we want to exert influence throughout the region.

At a minimum, both the Labor Party and the Coalition should commit to maintaining current levels of development assistance.

If you want to see how every dollar of Australia’s overseas aid is being spent, you can visit the transparency portal on the DFAT website. The portal outlines each investment, which includes peace building in Sri Lanka, countering people trafficking in Vietnam, preventing foot and mouth disease in Indonesia, and disaster preparedness across the Pacific.

This is cost-effective spending: dealing with the aftermath of a crisis is massively more expensive than the relatively small outlays needed to prevent them from happening in the first place. By way of contrast, the budget for defence is $48 billion each year compared to less than $5 billion for preventive spending on development.

New opportunities

Initial reaction to the severe foreign aid cuts focused on how China and Russia could benefit from the void left by Washington and London. But it is now being recognised that their shortsightedness may provide a golden geopolitical opportunity for Australia.

It is an opportunity that could be seized upon by whoever wins the election.

Think back to the Boxing Day tsunami, when John Howard’s response transformed the relationship with Indonesia and led to the formation of the Quad grouping.

When the US withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement in 2017, Japan stepped up and showed the leadership needed to conclude negotiations. With Australia’s support, the deal went ahead and is now one of the largest free-trade agreements in the world. Major achievements can still be made even without the involvement of the US.

We are now faced with a similar moment. While Australia cannot compete with the scale of US and UK international development, there is much it can do across the region and throughout the broader global system.

What Australia can do

If Australia was to think big, it would announce that it will elevate funding for overseas aid from its current level of 0.68% of the federal budget to 1% over the next two to three years.

This would generate positive worldwide coverage and differentiate Australia for a relatively small investment. John Howard, Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard were all able to keep the international development budget at more than 1%, so it’s not impossible.

There is a perception that a much larger slice of the budget pie currently goes to development assistance. The average Australian believes we spend 14% of the budget helping out our neighbours. In reality the outlay is less than 70 cents per $100.

Even a smaller increase for emergency funding could be very meaningful. The impact of the US 90-day pause on foreign assistance has been immediate, with charities and contractors left with no income and forced to let staff go and shutter offices. There is a real risk some international aid charities won’t survive the freeze. Emergency funding is needed to stave off collapse and stop the loss of specialist skills.

At the global level, Australia could help to maintain the essential humanitarian work of organisations like the World Food Programme, UNAIDS, UNHCR and the World Health Organisation, which may face existential funding crises.

Australia’s national interest

Australia’s security, stability and prosperity depend on both the region and cultivating wider relationships.

We could use this moment to partner with critical countries in the Pacific and South East Asia to preserve the programs most at risk. Australia could also build deeper relationships with other donors like Japan, South Korea, India, Indonesia, Canada, and EU members and institutions.

There are many competing priorities in the budget process, so foreign aid is never an easy sell. But there will be international praise for Australian leadership, including from the US and the UK, if Australian aid helps maintain Western presence in key geopolitical arenas. It would be a diplomatic win and very much in Australia’s interest.

Now is the time for Australia to announce the steps it will take to preserve and even increase development aid as one of the key tools of statecraft to create a world that Australians want to live in.

Melissa Conley Tyler is Executive Director at the Asia-Pacific Development, Diplomacy & Defence Dialogue (AP4D), an initiative funded by the foreign affairs and defence portfolios and hosted by the Australian Council for International Development..

– ref. The US and UK have decimated their aid spending. Australia has a unique opportunity to help fill the vacuum – https://theconversation.com/the-us-and-uk-have-decimated-their-aid-spending-australia-has-a-unique-opportunity-to-help-fill-the-vacuum-251156

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stewart Riddle, Professor, School of Education, University of Southern Queensland

The federal government and NSW government have announced a new funding deal for the state’s public schools.

This will see the Commonwealth contribution jump from 20% to 25% of the schooling resource standard (on which school funding is based) by 2034. The NSW government will contribute the rest.

This follows more than a year of negotiations between federal Labor and the states and territories to lock in a new agreement, after the previous one expired at the end of 2024. Queensland is now the only state or territory without an agreement.

Th NSW deal will result in an additional A$4.8 billion in federal funding to NSW public schools over ten years. But the extra funding comes with conditions.

As Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says,

This is not a blank cheque; [it] ties funding to reforms that will help students catch up, keep up and finish school.

Why has this taken so long?

The first state to sign on was Western Australia in January last year, but many other states have taken longer to agree.

Some, like NSW pushed for a 5% funding increase, when the Albanese government was initially only offering a 2.5% boost.

The federal government finally agreed to a 5% increase for South Australia and Victoria in January, in a sign the school “funding wars” were about to see some peace.

Read more:
Schools agreement provides NSW $4.8 billion extra for public schools over a decade

What’s in the new agreement?

The new funding is part of the Better and and Fairer Schools Agreement. Under this agreement, states and territories must agree to specific education reforms to qualify for the federal funding. These include:

• Year 1 phonics and early years numeracy checks

• an emphasis on “explicit teaching” (where teachers show students what to do and how to do it)

• providing intensive support for students

• support for student and teacher wellbeing

• improving teacher recruitment and retention.

The specific actions required by each state and territory are outlined in their bilateral agreements with the federal government.

The new money will take time to arrive

The federal and NSW governments have billed their deal as a means to “fully and fairly fund New South Wales public schools”. Or, as Education Minister Jason Clare noted, “this is big”.

But while the extra funding is welcome news for NSW public schools, the results of the agreed reforms will not be felt for some time. Underfunded schools will continue to be underfunded for years to come.

This is because the extra funding will gradually kick in from 2026 to 2034. So many students who currently attend underfunded public schools will not see the benefits of the increased funding during their time at school.

Keep in mind, talk of “fully funding” schools dates back to David Gonski’s 2011 report, which called for equitable funding for Australia’s education system.

Read more:
How a Cold War satellite and Robert Menzies changed the way Australian schools are funded

What about the reforms?

The federal government is placing considerable emphasis on its bid to lift wellbeing, teaching and learning standards as part of the new agreement. But the last agreement with states made little difference to schools.

The National School Reform Agreement (which expired at the end of 2024) aimed to improved academic outcomes, especially for children from disadvantaged backgrounds and improve school attendance. But there were few positive gains around its goals.

In 2022, a scathing Productivity Commission’s review of the agreement found:

The [reform agreement’s] initiatives have done little, so far, to improve student outcomes.

The new bilateral agreements contain more specific targets for each state and territory. However, this does not mean promises will be kept. Our 2024 research has shown how various education ministers make national schooling reform promises, which are then lost as the political cycle moves on.

once agreements are endorsed and ratified, the ongoing commitment to the enactment of agreed education reforms can be ‘forgotten’.

Our research has also shown how school reform also becomes stuck in the process of moving between national, state and school levels. That is, the policy intention (or reform agreement) rarely plays out the way it is intended in schools.

What now?

Does this mean the new agreement will also fail to produce “better and fairer” outcomes for some of Australia’s most marginalised and disenfranchised students?

We need to be careful that real schooling reform – of which fair and full funding to every Australian schools is an important element – is not lost to the short-term political games of the election cycle.

While the Coalition has been critical of the time taken to reach an agreement, it says it will honour the funding commitments if elected.

So assuming Queensland signs onto the new agreement before the federal election, perhaps the promise of the original Gonski reforms will finally be realised, even if it is two decades later.

Stewart Riddle receives funding from the Australian Research Council (LP210100098).

– ref. NSW has finally struck a school funding deal. What does this mean for schools and students? – https://theconversation.com/nsw-has-finally-struck-a-school-funding-deal-what-does-this-mean-for-schools-and-students-251271

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole White, Associate Professor of Statistics, Queensland University of Technology

Whether it’s for a work meeting or a class assignment, presenting data to others is a common task on our to-do list.

We use data to make decisions on our health, finances and the world we live in, yet finding the best ways to communicate data without boring your audience can be daunting.

However, there are some tried and true techniques to getting your message across effectively.

First, you need to boost your data literacy – which includes learning about the different kind of charts and how to use them.

What is data literacy?

Data literacy is the ability to “plot” and present complex data in a way that’s easy to digest. There is even a branch of statistics focusing on the best way to present data.

It’s one of the most desired skills in the workplace, yet a 2020 survey found only one in five employees across nine different countries (including Australia) believe they are data literate.

With seemingly countless options available, choosing the right chart is challenging, and the wrong choice can influence how data is interpreted.

Passing on the humble pie

Pie charts are often the first pick when it comes to presenting data with different categories, such as age group or blood type. These categories are represented as slices, with the size of each slice proportional to the amount of data.

Doughnut charts, a close relative of the pie chart, work the same way but are shown with a hole in the middle.

As delicious as they sound, these charts should be consumed in moderation.

Pie charts present data in a circular pattern, making it difficult to make comparisons when there are many groups, or when groups are similar in size. They can also misrepresent data entirely, especially when data add up to over 100%.

Here are some alternatives to pie charts that sound just as tasty, but are easier to digest.

Bar charts

Bar charts summarise data across different categories, but present them next to each other. This makes it easier to compare several categories at once.

Here is an example from the Australian Bureau of Statistics showing the different generations from the last census.

Waffle charts

Waffle charts are a good option for data organised by categories.

They present data in a grid, with each unit representing a fixed number. This is useful for presenting both large and small percentages that are difficult to compare side-by-side.

We can clearly see most people eat meat from the figure.

However, a bar chart would make comparing less common diets difficult. With a waffle chart, we can see 4% of people surveyed are vegan, while 2% are pescetarian.

Histograms

Data often represent different measurements, such as height and weight, or time taken to write an article.

Histograms also present data with bars but, unlike bar charts, are used for data collected as numbers, or numerical data.

This chart type is used to show how a set of numbers are spread out, and can be useful in seeing which numbers occur more often than others.

It’s tempting to simplify data by fitting them into categories, but this can sometimes hide interesting facts.

The example below shows the body mass index (BMI) of a group of people as a bar chart.

It’s easy to lose information when trying to simplify BMI into categories, especially among people who may be obese.

Each category in the bar chart could easily be misunderstood as representing BMI as similar ranges. However, if we look at the histogram, BMI for obese people can be as high as 70.

A doctor using this data would need to take into account that someone with a BMI of 60 may need a different treatment method compared to someone with a BMI of 30.

Line charts and scatterplots

Other chart types for numerical data, such as line charts and scatterplots, allow us to explore how different measurements are related to one another.

Line charts are used to visualise trends over time, such as stock prices and weekly flu cases.

In contrast, scatterplots show how two different measurements collected on the same subject are related.

While scatterplots summarise trends, they sometimes show unusual results that would go unnoticed if measurements were charted separately.

For example, the figure below compares life expectancy and health expenditure in different countries.

If we’re only looking at health expenditure, people from the United States would appear healthier as the US spends the most money on health care per person.

Presenting this information along with life expectancy tells a different story.

Keep it simple and avoid ‘chart junk’

It is always tempting to add more information.

“Chart junk” refers to extra information such as excess labels, 3D effects or even different types of data in the same chart.

This makes them more difficult to read and can distort the data, and is usually a sign your data is too complicated. You’re better off using multiple charts to tell the full story.

As Coco Chanel once said, “simplicity is the keynote of all true elegance”.

Keep these words in mind and choose a chart that keeps it simple without compromising style, content and detail.

Nicole White is a member of the Statistical Society of Australia.

– ref. Sick of pie charts for your uni, school or work projects? Here are 5 other options – https://theconversation.com/sick-of-pie-charts-for-your-uni-school-or-work-projects-here-are-5-other-options-250499

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tom Hartley, Lecturer in Health and Physical Education, University of Tasmania

With the AFL and NRL seasons kicking off, fantasy footy players have been deep in draft mode, carefully building their best teams.

Fantasy sports have transformed the way fans engage with many sports, sparking interest beyond simply watching matches or supporting a favourite team.

What are fantasy sports?

In simple terms, fantasy sports involve participants acting as team coaches/managers, selecting real-life players to form a fantasy team within the constraints of the game’s rules.

These teams compete based on the actual performance of the selected players in real matches. Points are awarded on various performance metrics, depending on the sport.

Many fantasy leagues also incorporate a stock market-like element. When a real-life player exceeds expectations, their fantasy value increases, while underperformance leads to a decrease in value.

This allows coaches to trade players in and out strategically, aiming to build the most valuable and high-scoring team during a season.

Success in fantasy sports often depends on statistical analysis, player scouting, and smart decision-making when it comes to trades and team selection.

The origins of fantasy sports

The first mainstream fantasy game can be attributed to Rotisserie League Baseball in 1980 by Daniel Okrent and friends.

This league required participants to track their own players’ progress using a scoring system based on statistics obtained in newspapers after a game.

With the rapid progression of technology, fantasy sports have evolved significantly, with most major sporting codes worldwide now offering multiple fantasy platforms, formats and prizes.

In Australia, the number of people playing fantasy sports has doubled since 2021, with nearly 2.5 million players engaged in one league or another.

This growth presents opportunities for content creation, expanded revenue streams, and potentially increased engagement with sports betting.

Fan engagement

The way fans engage with sports has evolved with the rise of fantasy sports, social media, and real time data tracking, leading to “second screen consumption”.

This involves fans using multiple digital platforms such as fantasy sports apps, social media and tracking of live statistics while simultaneously watching live broadcasts.

This shift has redefined the traditional sports fandom experience.

Fantasy coaches watch more games each week, with a dual identity that extends beyond traditional loyalty to the team they support.

While sports fans have historically supported a single team, fantasy sports reshape fan identity by encouraging engagement with both their favourite team and their fantasy team. Fans often watch games they normally wouldn’t be interested in specifically to watch the fantasy-relevant players involved.

Community engagement is a key motivator for participation, often surpassing interest in the real-life sports.

In Australia, a study by News Corporation Australia, which owns SuperCoach, found bragging rights, social connection and learning more about sport drive participation.

While prizes matter, the main reason people join is to connect with others.

In 2021, Australian fantasy players were largely concentrated in the larger sporting codes such as the AFL and NRL, but by 2023 it had broadened into the Big Bash League (BBL) and National Basketball League (NBL).

There are many Australians playing fantasy leagues in global sports too, from the English Premier League (soccer) to the United States’ National Football League (NFL) and National Basketball Association (NBA). Some 14% of the Australian fantasy audience plays in global leagues.

Media involvement

With some sporting seasons becoming longer and the connection to fantasy sports extending beyond live games, fans are kept invested throughout the off-season as they analyse trades, follow pre-season developments and prepare for the next competition.

Read more:
How the AFL and NRL have crept into cricket’s traditional summer timeslot

This almost year-round involvement offers extended media coverage and consumption of new content in a variety of formats.

Fantasy sport complements traditional media by offering alternative coverage, such as podcasts and short-form content that extends beyond game day, keeping fans connected throughout the week as they adjust their lineups and strategies.

Fantasy sports are also boosting viewership for new formats like AFLW by increasing fan engagement.

Rich pickings

Fantasy sport has been big business for a long time but the global fantasy sports market is challenging to quantify.

In 2013, Forbes estimated the NFL fantasy football market alone to be worth $US70 billion ($A111 billion), significantly surpassing the NFL’s 2021 revenue of $US11 billion ($A17 billion), highlighting its major role in the global sporting market.

Big revenues mainly come from sponsorship and advertising on fantasy platforms.

Major brands invest hundreds of millions of dollars in targeted advertising campaigns to capitalise on this engaged audience.

Money is also made by charging fees to enter some contests and to access premium analytics content, in-app purchases, and related entertainment products like websites and podcasts.

Links to sports betting

Many of the advertisers on fantasy platforms are gambling businesses.

Fantasy organisations have tried to highlight the differences between fantasy sports and sports betting, which has been linked to poor mental health, family violence and even suicide.

Their key argument is that betting is a game of chance whereas fantasy sports are games of skill.

Despite these differences, concerns have been raised about the links between fantasy sports and sports betting.

An Australian fantasy betting app was recently fined more than $A500,000 for illegally offering inducements to gamble in dozens of ads on its platform.

Whether or not fantasy sports are likely to encourage gambling is a grey area – studies in this space are mixed.

Some studies have found people who participate in fantasy sports are more likely to gamble and experience gambling-related problems.

However, others describe fantasy sports as a more positive alternative to gambling and that participants are motivated by the social benefits, rather than being motivated by a chance to win money.

As fantasy sports continue to evolve and attract new players, their ability to deepen fan engagement, foster community connections, and enhance the sports watching experience ensures they will remain a dynamic and influential part of the sporting world.

I have worked with members of the AFL Fantasy Traders before in schools.

Vaughan Cruickshank does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why are so many people obsessed with fantasy sports? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-so-many-people-obsessed-with-fantasy-sports-249010

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tailane Scapin, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Deakin University

In many countries, buying food at supermarkets, convenience stores and online has become the norm. But what’s the convenience of modern food shopping doing to our health?

Our study, published today with colleagues from UNICEF, looked at how people in 97 countries shopped for groceries over 15 years.

Globally, we found a huge increase in the number of supermarkets and convenience stores (which we’ll shorten to chain grocery stores in this article). We also found people are spending more money in these stores and on their online platforms.

But this has come at a cost to our health. People in countries with the most chain grocery stores per person buy more unhealthy food and are more likely to be obese.

Here’s why we’re so concerned about this public health disaster.

The rise of chain grocery stores

Our study analysed food industry data from a business database to understand how the food retail sector has changed worldwide over time. We looked at the kinds of stores, how much people spend there, and how much unhealthy processed food is sold. We linked these trends with changes in obesity rates using data from a large global initiative.

We found the density of chain grocery stores (number of stores per 10,000 people) has increased globally by 23.6% over 15 years (from 2009 to 2023).

We found far more of these stores per person in high-income countries, as you may expect. However, it’s in low- and middle-income countries where numbers are increasing the fastest.

Rapid urbanisation, rising incomes and customer demand mean large retail companies see these countries as new potential markets.

For example, the density of chain grocery stores increased by about 21% a year in Myanmar, about 18% a year in Vietnam and about 12% a year in Cambodia.

We’re shopping online too

The data in our study also covers the rise of online food shopping. For instance, the worldwide spend on online grocery shopping was 325% more in 2023 compared with 2014.

Out of the 27 countries we looked at for online food shopping, people in the United Arab Emirates and the United States were the top spenders. In 2023, the average person in the United Arab Emirates spent about US$617 that year, 570% more than in 2014. In the US, the average person spent US$387 in 2023. That’s about 125% more than in 2014.

It seems many of us took to online shopping during the early days of the COVID pandemic, a habit that appears to have stuck.

More chain stores, more junk food, more obesity

The rise of chain grocery stores, including their online platforms, is also changing what we eat.

Over the 15 years of our study, there has been a 10.9% increase in the sales of unhealthy processed food from those chain grocery stores.

In South Asia, the increase has been particularly rapid. People in Pakistan have been buying 5% more unhealthy processed foods from chain grocery stores every year for the past 15 years. In India, it’s 4% more and in Bangladesh 3% more.

Over 15 years, our study also showed the percentage of people with obesity across all countries rose from 18.2% to 23.7%. It was the countries with the biggest increases in chain grocery stores where we saw the sharpest increases in obesity.

Laos is a good example. The number of chain grocery stores per person in the country has been increasing by 15% each year since 2009, while the percentage of people with obesity has doubled from 2009 to 2023.

In almost all countries, obesity is on the rise. In Australia, overweight and obesity have recently officially overtaken tobacco as the biggest burden on our health.

Why do we think supermarkets are to blame?

Supermarkets and hypermarkets sell healthy foods, such as fruit and vegetables. Yet, there are good reasons to think our retail environment might be to blame for the rise in obesity.

Highly processed foods

Chain grocery stores typically sell an enormous array of highly processed packaged foods high in sugar, fat and salt that can harm our health. One study of the food and drinks available in supermarkets from 12 countries showed the majority are classified as unhealthy. Given our findings of rapid increases in chain grocery in low- and middle-income countries, it was alarming in this study that the least healthy products were typically seen in supermarkets from countries like India, China and Chile.

Heavy promotion

Chain grocery stores often aggressively promote unhealthy foods. This includes through price discounting; advertising in circulars, on TV and social media; and by being placed in prominent displays at checkouts and the ends of aisles. Studies have shown this to be true in Belgium, Ireland and another 12 countries.

Online, we see unhealthy foods promoted more often (with discounts and displayed more prominently) than healthy options. For instance, on average at least one-third of products prominently displayed on Australian supermarket websites are unhealthy.

More buying power

Compared to small independent grocers, large chain grocery stores globally have a far larger influence on decisions around product assortment and price. Because of this, they can control supply chains, often in partnership with national and multi-national food manufacturers of ultra processed, unhealthy packaged foods.

What can we do about it?

There are many social, political, cultural and economic factors that contribute to the rise in obesity globally. Many of these relate to the price, availability and promotion of food in retail settings and the way the retail industry is structured.

Because of this, we think it’s time for governments and retailers to step up and start making changes to where and how we shop for food.

Some countries are already beginning to act. In the United Kingdom for example, government legislation now prevents placing unhealthy foods in prominent places such as the checkout counter and at the ends of aisles close to checkouts. From October this year, further restrictions on the price promotion of unhealthy foods (such as “buy one, get one free”) will also come into force in the UK.

There is also plenty that retailers can do. In Norway, for example, one major grocery chain launched a comprehensive healthy eating campaign several years ago, including by increasing the size and prominence of healthy food displays and offering discounts on fruits and vegetables. This led to a 42% increase in vegetable sales and a 25% rise in fruit sales from 2012 until 2020.

But most grocery chains are still not doing enough to prioritise their customers’ health and nutrition. In the US, we see this in particular for supermarkets catering to people on low-incomes. And in the UK, although there has been some promising progress by some supermarket retailers, all those assessed have considerable scope for improvement.

Now more than ever, it is time to create healthier retail food environments that support nutritious diets and help reverse the rising rates of obesity.

Tailane Scapin receives funding from UNICEF.

Adrian Cameron receives funding from the National Heart Foundation of Australia, the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) and UNICEF. He is affiliated with INFORMAS (International Network for Food and Obesity / Non-communicable Diseases Research, Monitoring and Action Support) and is the Director of the RE-FRESH: Next Generation NHMRC Centre of Research Excellence in Food Retail Environments for Health.

– ref. We looked at what supermarkets in 97 countries are doing to our waistlines. Here’s what we found – https://theconversation.com/we-looked-at-what-supermarkets-in-97-countries-are-doing-to-our-waistlines-heres-what-we-found-246412

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leonora Risse, Associate Professor in Economics, University of Canberra

Women’s annual earnings are closing in on men’s, with the gender pay gap in Australia’s private sector shrinking from 14.5% to 13.6% in the past year.

It’s a steady improvement, down from a 15.4% gap two years ago.

While women are working and earning more than ever before, they are now empowered with even more information to take into salary negotiations and to decide which companies to work for.

This information is especially valuable in a tight labour market, with the unemployment rate at just 4.1%, as companies fight for top talent.

This is the second year the Workplace Gender Equality Agency (WGEA) has published company gender pay gaps, responding to concerns that progress on gender equality had been stalling.

Pay gap transparency tackles the problem of “asymmetric information” where employers know where each worker sits on the pay scale, but employees don’t.

Data from 7,800 private companies

Women’s typical full-time annual salaries sat at A$72,638 in 2023–24, compared to men’s $84,048.

Though narrowing, that’s still a gap of $11,410 a year, or around $220 a week.

The gap is much larger once bonuses, overtime and superannuation are included: $18,835 or a total remuneration gap of 18.3%.

All private companies in Australia with at least 100 employees must report their data to the federal agency. This covers 5.3 million employees across 7,800 companies, a big expansion from last year’s 5,000 companies as more companies improve their data reporting.

Employees can look at the agency’s website to find the gender pay gap of their private sector employer – or one they are thinking of joining.

This year’s calculations of company gender pay gaps also incorporate the salaries of top executives.

When CEOs and heads of business are factored in, the difference in men’s and women’s average total remuneration swells to $28,435, or 21.8%.

This all adds up to men out-earning women by an average of $547 per week.

A closer look at company-level gender pay gaps

Across all companies, the average gender gap in total remuneration is 13.0%. But the magnitude varies widely across different companies.

Around 2,200 companies (around one-quarter) have a gap exceeding 20%. Of these, around 250 companies have a gap stretching beyond 40%.

At the other end, around one-quarter of companies have a gap that is either zero or negative, meaning in favour of women.

The agency considers a gender pay gap within the range of negative 5% to positive 5% to be a reasonable measure to aim for.

Of the largest organisations (with 5,000 or more employees), airlines are among the worst performers. Virgin has an average gender gap in total remuneration of 41.7% while Qantas reports a gap of 39.2%.

Among the banks, Commonwealth Bank and Westpac both report an average gender pay gap of 22.4%. Suncorp’s gap sits at 19.3%, NAB’s is at 19.0%, and ANZ has a gap of 18.8%.

Progress is happening

The purpose of publishing company pay gap data is to propel progress on gender equality in Australian workplaces.

It follows legislated reforms designed to motivate employers to pay closer attention to their gender pay gap and take more action.

Comparisons to last year’s data suggest this is happening. The agency reports that just over half of all employers (56%) reduced their gender pay gap. And 68% conducted an analysis of their gender pay gap, which is an important first step in making progress.

Greater transparency makes employers more accountable for improving working conditions.

It is also a way to recognise the companies that are improving over time and learn from their success.

Correct interpretation is critical

The gender pay gap, measured as the difference between men’s and women’s earnings, is not the same as equal pay for equal or comparable work. For over 50 years, it has been against the law in Australia to pay men and women differently for doing work of equal value.

Employer-level gaps in earnings reflects a combination of factors, including gender patterns in the different types of occupations that men and women tend to be in within a company. But these gender patterns in job types do not explain the whole picture.

Biases and barriers persist, including unconscious favouritism, gender imbalances in care-giving responsibilities and the perpetuation of gender stereotypes.

This is also not a gap that can be explained by women working fewer hours than men. The calculations include part-time employees, whose pay is converted into an annualised full-time equivalent.

Each employer has the chance to provide deeper analysis and explanation of their gender pay gap, and the actions they are taking, in their official employer statements which are also available on the agnecy’s website.

This information will empower not just current employees but also prospective employees, customers, business partners and the wider community in their choices of which companies to work for, do business with, and endorse – and which ones not to.

Read more:
Now you’re able to look up individual companies’ gender pay gaps

Leonora Risse receives research funding from the Trawalla Foundation and the Women’s Leadership Institute Australia. She has previously undertaken commissioned research for the Workplace Gender Equality Agency. She is a member of the Economic Society of Australia and the Women in Economics Network. She serves as an Expert Panel Member on gender pay equity for the Fair Work Commission.

– ref. Women’s annual salaries are narrowing the gap. But men still out-earn women by an average $547 a week – https://theconversation.com/womens-annual-salaries-are-narrowing-the-gap-but-men-still-out-earn-women-by-an-average-547-a-week-251034

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Raffaele F Ciriello, Senior Lecturer in Business Information Systems, University of Sydney

Have you ever been called a Luddite? We have – usually as an insult, rooted in a popular misconception that Luddites are anti-progress fanatics.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The original 19th century Luddites weren’t against technology. Rather, they resisted its oppressive use.

Their rebellion was violently suppressed. But their core critique lives on: technology should benefit all of humanity, not a privileged few.

Today, as Silicon Valley billionaires and United States president Donald Trump turbocharge corporate control of public digital infrastructure, this critique rings truer than ever.

In response, we are a seeing a growing surge of attempts to wrest back control of technology for democratic ends. This is a kind of “digital Luddism” which echoes past struggles against high-tech injustice.

The original Luddites

The Luddites were 19th century English textile workers who destroyed machinery threatening their craft and livelihoods. Historians call their tactics “collective bargaining by riot”. They were fighting against technologies that centralised power and stripped workers of dignity.

Luddite resistance was part of broader struggles for labour rights and socioeconomic justice.

For example, in 18th century France, silk weavers similarly revolted against mechanisation that devalued their craft.

Earlier, England’s Diggers and Levellers resisted the privatisation of communal lands. This foreshadowed today’s battles over corporate control of digital infrastructure.

The Luddites faced severe punishment, including imprisonment and even execution. Despite this, their legacy endures. Today, dismissing critics of Big Tech as “Luddites” repeats the mistake of conflating resistance to exploitation with fear of progress.

In the most extreme scenario, unchecked corporate power allied with monstrous government polices can lead to atrocities. In Nazi Germany, for example, Dehomag, a former subsidiary of computer giant IBM, provided data systems to the Nazis to track victims. Chemical company IG Farben also supplied Zyklon B gas for extermination camps. Many other companies profited from forced labour and funded the regime. This shows how complicity can make oppression more efficient.

Today, digital technologies are deepening inequality, eroding democracy, undermining privacy, and concentrating power.

Digital technologies are also fuelling surveillance capitalism, the displacement of human workers by AI algorithms and the growth of monopolistic platforms.

Platforms and AI systems governed by “broligarchs” such as Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg are also shaping politics, culture, and beliefs globally.

Digital Luddism, also known as neo-Luddism, tackles these issues through three strategies: resistance, removal and replacement.

Resistance: blocking harmful systems

Technology is not inevitable — it’s a choice. Sustained collective action can counter corporate dominance and align tech with democratic values.

In 2018, more than 3,000 Google workers protested the company’s military AI contract, forcing it to adopt ethical guidelines. However, in February this year, Google expanded defence deals, showing how resistance must be sustained.

Three years later, Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen exposed the harmful algorithms at the heart of the social media platform.

Then, in 2024, Amazon and Google staff also staged walkouts over a US$1.2 billion AI contract linked to Israeli military operations.

Creative industries are also fighting back. For example, in 2023 screenwriters and actors in Hollywood protested against AI replacing their roles. Similarly, Australia’s “right to disconnect” law reflects Luddite principles of reclaiming autonomy.

Non-profit organisations such as the Algorithmic Justice League and the Electronic Frontier Foundation empower digital rights advocates to take back control over digital spaces by exposing AI bias and through legal litigation.

Digital Luddism doesn’t reject innovation. It demands technology serve stakeholders, not shareholders.

Removal: dismantling entrenched power

Some systems are beyond reform, requiring direct intervention. Removal involves political action and legal regulation. It also involves public pressure to break monopolies or impose penalties on unethical corporations.

For example, the TraffickingHub petition has garnered more than two million signatories to hold adult website PornHub accountable for unethical or unlawful content. This has led financial institutions, such as Visa and Mastercard, to cut ties to the website. For more than 20 years, hacker collective Anonymous has carried out cyber-attacks on authoritarian regimes, extremists and corporations.

Digital Luddites can also lend a hand to the long arm of the law.

The European Union’s 2023 Digital Markets Act broke Apple’s app store monopoly. This sparked a surge in small EU developers.

Big Tech has also repeatedly faced huge fines and antitrust lawsuits. However, breaking up or nationalising these corporations remains rhetoric for now.

Replacement: building ethical alternatives

Proprietary corporate systems have long been challenged by free, open-source alternatives.

But digital Luddism isn’t just about using different tools. It’s about systemic change towards sustainable, transparent and user-controlled infrastructure.

After Elon Musk’s Twitter takeover, decentralised alternatives that let users control content flourished. For example, Bluesky grew from 1 million to more than 27 million users in one year.

The Australian government is also responding to a broader public demand for platform independence. For example, it has introduced policies aimed at enhancing people’s data rights. Its Digital Transformation Agency is also advocating for improved open data standards.

Open-source AI projects such as China’s DeepSeek and HuggingFace’s Deep Research now rival corporate models, proving open tech is a force to reckon with.

The original Luddites smashed machines. But the global nature of today’s digital infrastructure makes physical sabotage impractical. That’s why digital Luddism isn’t about smashing screens. Instead, it’s about smashing oppressive systems.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Digital Luddites are rising. They want to democratise tech, not destroy it – https://theconversation.com/digital-luddites-are-rising-they-want-to-democratise-tech-not-destroy-it-251155

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Miroslav Filipovic, Professor, Western Sydney University

Radio astronomers see what the naked eye can’t. As we study the sky with telescopes that record radio signals rather than light, we end up seeing a lot of circles.

The newest generation of radio telescopes – including the Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder (ASKAP) and MeerKAT, a telescope in South Africa – is revealing incredibly faint cosmic objects, never before seen.

In astronomy, surface brightness is a measure that tells us how easily visible an object is. The extraordinary sensitivity of MeerKAT and ASKAP is now revealing a new “low surface brightness universe” to radio astronomers. It’s comprised of radio sources so faint they have never been seen before, each with their own unique physical properties.

Many of the ASKAP results presented here were obtained with one of its major observing programs called EMU (Evolutionary Map of the Universe). EMU is mapping the entire southern sky with an unprecedented sensitivity and will deliver the most detailed map of the southern hemisphere sky to date – a spectacular new radio atlas that will be used for decades to come.

EMU’s all-hemisphere coverage paired with ASKAP’s exceptional sensitivity, especially within the Milky Way, is what’s yielded so many recent discoveries.

Here’s what they’re teaching us.

Unstable stars

The ghostly ring Kýklos (from the Greek κύκλος, circle or ring) and the object WR16 both show the environment of rare and unusual celestial objects known as Wolf-Rayet stars.

When big stars are close to running out of fuel, they become unstable as they enter one of the last stages of the stellar life cycle, becoming a Wolf-Rayet star. They begin surging and pulsing, shedding their outer layers which can form bright nebulous structures around the star.

In these objects, a previous outflow of material has cleared the space around the star, allowing the current outburst to expand symmetrically in all directions. This sphere of stellar detritus shows itself as a circle.

Exploded stars

Stingray 1, Perun, Ancora and Unicycle are supernova remnants. When a big star finally runs out of fuel, it can no longer hold back the crush of gravity. The matter falling inwards causes one final explosion, and the remains of these violent star deaths are known as supernovas.

Their expanding shockwaves sweep up material into an expanding sphere, forming beautiful circular features.

The supernova remnant will be deformed by its environment over time. If one side of the explosion slams into an interstellar cloud, we’ll see a squashed shape. So, a near-perfect circle in a messy universe is a special find.

Teleios – named from the Greek Τελεɩοσ (“perfect”) for its near-perfectly circular shape – is shown below. This unique object has never been seen in any wavelength, including visible light, demonstrating ASKAP’s incredible ability to discover new objects.

The shape indicates Teleios has remained relatively untouched by its environment. This presents us with an opportunity to make inferences about the initial supernova explosion, providing rare insight into one of the most energetic events in the universe.

At the other extreme, we can take an object and discover something entirely new about it. The Diprotodon supernova remnant is shown below.

This remnant is one of the largest objects in the sky, appearing approximately six times larger than the Moon. Hence the name: the animal Diprotodon, one of Australia’s most famous megafauna, a giant wombat that lived about 25,000 years ago.

ASKAP’s sensitivity has uncovered the object’s full extent. This discovery led to further analysis, uncovering more of the history and the physics behind this object. The messy internal structure can be seen as different parts of the expanding shell slam into a busy interstellar environment.

A cosmic mirror

Lagotis is another object that can show how new telescope data can reclassify previously discovered objects. The reflection nebula VdB-80 has been seen before, within the plane of our Milky Way galaxy. The light we see was emitted by nearby stars, and then reflected off a nearby cloud of gas and dust.

However, with newly available ASKAP EMU data, we were able to discover an associated cloud of ionised hydrogen (known as an HII region, pronounced “aitch two”), where stellar energy has caused the gaseous matter to lose its electrons.

This HII region is seen to coexist with the reflection nebula, sharing the same stellar centre, and is created from the star pushing into a molecular cloud. This movement is akin to burrowing, so the object earned the name Lagotis after Macrotis lagotis, the Australian greater bilby.

Outside the galaxy

ASKAP and MeerKAT are also illuminating objects from outside our Milky Way galaxy – for example, “radio ring” galaxies. When we use visible light to look at the stars in this galaxy, we see a rather plain disk.

But in radio light, we see a ring. Why is there a hole in the middle? Perhaps the combined force of many exploding supernovas has pushed all the radio-emitting clouds out of the centre. We’re not sure – we’re looking for more examples to test our ideas.

Finally, LMC-ORC is an Odd Radio Circle (ORC), a prominent new class of objects with unfamiliar origins. Only being visible in radio light, they are perhaps the most mysterious of all.

The next generation

MeerKAT and ASKAP are revealing incredible insights into the low surface brightness universe. However, they are precursors for the Square Kilometre Array, an international collaborative endeavour that will increase the abilities of radio astronomers and reveal even more unique features of the universe.

The low-surface brightness universe presents many mysteries. These discoveries push our understanding further. Currently, the EMU survey using ASKAP is only 25% complete.

As more of this survey becomes available, we will discover many more unique and exciting objects, both new to astrophysics and extensions on previously known objects.

Acknowledgements: Aaron Bradley and Zachary Smeaton, Masters Research Students at Western Sydney University, made valuable contributions to this article.

Nicholas Tothill receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Andrew Hopkins, Luke Barnes, and Miroslav Filipovic do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Ghosts of the radio universe’: astronomers have discovered a slew of faint circular objects – https://theconversation.com/ghosts-of-the-radio-universe-astronomers-have-discovered-a-slew-of-faint-circular-objects-249141

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yee-Fui Ng, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Monash University

The question of how best to eliminate corruption has exercised the minds of philosophers as much as the practical drafters of legislation from Ancient Greek and Roman times.

Within the political sphere, the notion of “corruption” has fluctuated between broad and narrow conceptions.

The broad conception relates to the decay of institutions or of the stature of the individuals who comprise them. On the other hand, the narrow conception focuses on the abuse of public office for private gain.

There is also “grey corruption” – which involves questionable behaviour involving a breach of integrity standards that does not necessarily amount to criminal conduct.

This could include where a person has undue influence over a politician, such as by essentially buying that power through making large donations or hiring expensive lobbyists, particularly where it causes public officials to behave in corrupt ways.

However the notion is defined, it is clear the fight against corruption is one of the basic tasks of a liberal democracy, perhaps even of an effectively functioning civil society.

Corruption control is a pressing issue worldwide: the United Nations estimated the economic cost of corruption at 5% of global domestic product or $3.6 trillion annually.

Australia has had a number of major corruption scandals throughout its history. Corruption was rife in the colonial era, where wealthy landholders sought to influence parliamentarians with monetary bribes.

This has been followed by several major corruption scandals, such as the Fitzgerald inquiry, which revealed widespread police corruption involving illegal gambling and prostitution.

What are anti-corruption commissions?

Anti-corruption commissions are arguably the most significant tool developed in liberal democracies to fight corruption in recent times.

The first anti-corruption commission in Australia, the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), was established in New South Wales in 1988 by then premier Nick Greiner.

Infamously, a few years later, Greiner became the first premier to resign due to an ICAC investigation.

Over the next few decades, all states and territories have set up their own anti-corruption or integrity commissions.

In 2023, the Commonwealth followed suit with the introduction of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), a promise made by Anthony Albanese in the lead-up to the 2022 election after considerable pressure from the public and from within parliament.

As a result, Australia now has a comprehensive network of broad-based public sector anti-corruption agencies covering all levels of government – a significant development nationally and internationally.

Anti-corruption commissions are tasked with investigating serious and systemic corrupt conduct in government. This includes not just members of the House and Senate, but their staff and public servants.

In performing their functions, these commissions have strong coercive powers, equivalent to the powers of a royal commission. This includes the power to compel documents and witnesses.

Some anti-corruption commissions such as the NACC and NSW’s ICAC have the power to conduct public hearings if they believe it’s in the public interest. This increases transparency in government. But concerns have been expressed about reputational damage for those subject to investigations.

Anti-corruption commissions also have corruption prevention functions. They are tasked with educating the public about the detrimental effects of corruption on public administration.

Reports of anti-corruption commissions are often attended by significant media publicity, leading to public awareness of corruption in government.

Why are anti-corruption commissions needed?

It has become well accepted that effective anti-corruption institutions play an important role as institutions supporting constitutional democracy.

The state anti-corruption bodies have brought to light many indiscretions by politicians that would have otherwise remained hidden.

Without these commissions, corruption in the public sector can take root without us knowing about it. An anti-corruption agency is a powerful deterrent against improper behaviour.

Yet anti-corruption commissions tend to be unpopular within governments because they scrutinise government action. This means the a commission may expose improper conduct or corruption within their ranks.

It is common for governments hostile to anti-corruption commissions to attack them, including by reducing their powers or funding.

This is despite their integral role in our democracy. Alongside other oversight bodies such as the ombudsman (who investigates maladministration within government) and auditor-general (who performs audits of government expenditure), anti-corruption commissions form part of an intricate, interlocking integrity framework that monitors executive action.

Who watches the watchdogs?

A big question is about how we ensure anti-corruption commissions do not overstep their bounds. Given their broad coercive powers, how do we hold them to account?

From their inception, concerns have been expressed about the potential for anti-corruption bodies to infringe on civil liberties, and the possibility they may exceed or abuse their powers.

In Australia, anti-corruption commissions are subject to a strong system of accountability through parliaments and the courts. They report to dedicated parliamentary committees who scrutinise their actions and decisions. Complaints against anti-corruption commissions can be made to a dedicated inspectorate – an independent statutory officer who oversees their actions.

Anti-corruption commissions are also subject to judicial review by the courts to ensure they don’t exceed their legal boundaries. Court scrutiny occurs when a person investigated by an anti-corruption commission takes their grievance to court.

To be effective, anti-corruption commissions require strong powers and institutional independence. But this needs to be balanced with accountability and the protection of individual rights.

What is pork barrelling and what are some recent examples?

Pork barrelling involves governments channelling public funds to seats they hold or seats they would like to win from an opponent, as a way of winning voters’ favour. This means the money is used for political purposes, rather than proper allocation according to merit.

We have been inundated with pork barrelling scandals in recent years. This includes the car park rorts scandal, where 77% of the commuter car park sites selected were in electorates held by the then Coalition government, rather than in areas of real need with congestion issues.

This followed close on the heels of the “sports rorts” scandal. Minister Bridget McKenzie resigned from cabinet following allegations she had intervened in the sport grants program to benefit the Coalition government while in a position of conflict of interest.

My research has shown that pork barrelling is an intractable problem across multiple governments over many decades. It takes different forms based on electoral systems.

Australia has a single member electorate parliamentary system, which makes it more susceptible to pork barrelling than multi-member electorates such as Norway or Spain. The belief is that politicians who “bring home the bacon” for their constituents are electorally rewarded for doing so.

This means there are incentives for the central cabinet to strategically apportion benefits to marginal electorates to increase prospects of electoral success. There is also an incentive to bias the apportionment of funds towards the party in power.

In short, rorts scandals keep happening because governments believe that channelling money to marginal and government electorates will win them elections.

Potentially the NACC could investigate rorts scandals, but only where it amounts to serious or systemic corrupt conduct.

How do we fix the grants system?

At the federal level, we have sophisticated financial management legislation that provides a framework for grant rules. The Commonwealth grant rules provide a detailed set of guidelines that ministers and government officials must follow on grant application and selection processes.

However, there are significant loopholes in the rules. For example, the “car park rorts” scandal is not covered by these rules because it involves money being channelled through the states.

Also, there are no sanctions for breaching the rules. So ministers and government officials can break the rules without any repercussions.

To fix the system, we need to reform the rules about grants allocation and close the loopholes. We also need to impose punishment for breaching the rules.

It is imperative our grants administration system be reformed to ensure that taxpayer funds are protected from governmental abuse. If the ministerial discretion available in grants processes is improperly used, this can give rise to political favouritism and corruption.

How corrupt is Australia compared to other countries?

There is a public perception that a small elite is reaping large benefits in Australian society in terms of political influence and its flow-on dividends.

In Australia, the “game of mates” is flourishing. There’s now a revolving door in politics with many politicians, advisers and senior government officials leaving the public sector to become well-paid lobbyists.

Add to that the appointments of political “mates” to commissions, tribunals and cushy ambassadorships and the blatant misuse of parliamentary entitlements such as helicopter trips on taxpayer funds.

Political parties are also accepting millions of dollars in donations from lobbyists and others interested in influencing policy outcomes.

All of this adds to the perception that the system is rigged – and not in favour of the person on the street.

Australia has fallen steadily in Transparency International’s global corruption index, from 8th place in 2012 to 14th in 2024. But even so, Australia is the 14th-least corrupt country in the world, which is still a respectable ranking.

More alarming is the fact that one in 30 Australian public servants said in a survey last year they had seen a colleague acting in a corrupt manner.

The types of corruption witnessed included cronyism or nepotism (favourable treatment of friends or family members without proper regard to merit). Fraud, forgery, embezzlement and conflicts of interest were also reported.

In the 1980s, there were incidences of large-scale corruption that rocked the country, culminating in the Fitzgerald Inquiry in Queensland and the WA Inc Royal Commission in Western Australia. These scandals led to the resignations and imprisonments of various former ministers and officials.

Although we have not sunk to such depths since then, state anti-corruption commissions, such as the NSW ICAC, have uncovered various instances of corruption in recent years. The NSW ICAC’s inquiries have led to the resignations of several politicians, as well as the conviction of former Labor MP Eric Obeid.

Another classic case of corruption exposed by the ICAC led to the downfall of former Newcastle lord mayor, Jeff McCloy. McCloy famously bragged that politicians treated him like a “walking ATM” and admitted to giving two MPs envelopes of cash amounting to $10,000.

In Victoria, the Independent Broad-Based Anti-Corruption Commission’s (IBAC) revealed that a lobbyist funnelled suitcases of cash totalling more than $100,000 from a property developer to a councillor, under the guise of sham transactions.

These explosive scandals involving corrupt conduct by public officials have eroded public trust in politicians. But the exposure of these scandals by anti-corruption commissions have an important deterrent and educative effect on public officials and the broader public.

Our faith in government has been eroded by a lack of transparency and the perception that those in power are enjoying unfair benefits. The active investigations by robust institutions such as anti-corruption commissions will act as checks and balances on governmental power – and are key to a vibrant democracy.

This is an edited extract from How Australian Democracy Works, a new book from leading authors at The Conversation on all aspects of our political system and its history, out March 4.

Yee-Fui Ng does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Democracy’s bad eggs: corruption, pork-barrelling and abuses of power – https://theconversation.com/democracys-bad-eggs-corruption-pork-barrelling-and-abuses-of-power-229888

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Ghezelbash, Professor and Director, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Law & Justice, UNSW Sydney

Misinformation is a significant threat to our society. It undermines public discussion, erodes social cohesion, leads to bad policy and weakens democracy.

Misinformation on refugee and migrant issues is particularly pervasive – especially in the lead up to elections, as bad-faith actors try to promote fear, distrust and simplistic solutions.

And sometimes, misinformation is specifically targeted at migrant communities themselves, sowing division in an effort to influence elections.

So, what’s the best way to counter misinformation about refugees and migrants? And given the risk that publicly addressing lies and rumours can sometimes end up spreading them, when is misinformation best ignored?

A new report by the Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law and the Behavioural Insights Team (a behavioural science research company) uses science to answer these questions.

Behavioural science explains why and how misinformation works. Understanding some of that science can empower all of us to stop its spread.

Misinformation increases during elections

The recent US presidential race provides a stark example of how misinformation on refugees and migrants soars during elections.

During one presidential debate, Donald Trump falsely claimed migrants in Ohio were “eating the pets”. Though entirely untrue, this baseless claim spread rapidly across social media.

Australia is not immune to such deception. While refugees and migrants make significant positive economic, social and cultural contributions to their host societies, politicians across the spectrum have falsely blamed them for issues ranging from rising house prices to crime.

This is not new. Back in the 2001 election campaign, government ministers made false claims that people seeking asylum had thrown their children overboard from a boat. These are widely regarded as having contributed to turning around the fortunes of the Howard government, which was then trailing in the polls.

Instead of addressing challenges with real solutions, these strategies scapegoat refugees and migrants, and ignore their immense positive contributions.

Misinformation leads to a more divided and polarised society. So, how does it spread?

6 ways misinformation spreads

Online platforms create the perfect breeding ground for misinformation to spread.

The rise of AI-generated misinformation – such as highly convincing deepfake images and videos – only exacerbates the problem.

Combating misinformation begins with understanding the psychological factors that drive its spread and influence.

Our new report identifies six key behavioural science principles that explain how misinformation takes hold:

1. Hot states: Heightened emotions, such as fear, outrage or anxiety, make people more reactive and less critical of misleading claims.

2. The messenger effect: People judge a message’s truth based on who shares it, often trusting friends and family over experts.

3. The mere-exposure effect: Seeing misinformation multiple times makes it seem more true, making people more likely to share it.

4. Confirmation bias: People are more likely to believe false information that aligns with their values and reject facts that challenge them.

5. Cognitive load: When overwhelmed by information, people are less likely to question what they see, making them more vulnerable to falsehoods.

6. Continued influence effect: Misinformation has a lasting effect on our attitudes and decisions, even after it has been corrected.

Building on these principles and an extensive review of research literature, we developed an evidence-based framework for countering misinformation about refugees and migrants.

It provides a step-by-step guide on what to do when faced with falsehoods, starting with recognising whether the misinformation is anticipated or already circulating.

When misinformation is anticipated

When you expect a particular false claim, but it’s not yet out there, then prebunk. Alert people to manipulation tactics before they become widespread.

This helps people recognise and resist misinformation before it takes hold.

When misinformation is already circulating

If false claims are already out there, first ask three questions before acting:

1. is the claim prominent (visible and gaining traction)?
2. is it persuasive (able to change people’s minds)?
3. is it proximate (relevant to your audience and cause)?

If the answer to any of these questions is no, then reframe the agenda. Instead of amplifying falsehoods, shift your resources to sharing stories that reinforce accurate information and resonate with your audience’s values.

If misinformation is indeed prominent, persuasive and proximate, debunk it.

Use the fact, myth, fallacy, fact – or “fact sandwich” – method. Make the correction clear, credible and effective by stating the truth, then presenting the myth, explaining its flaws, and reinforcing the correct fact.

Here’s an example that leads with a fact, warns about the myth, explains the fallacy and then ends with a fact:

When Australia’s borders were closed during COVID, migration was at its lowest in a century — yet house prices still went up. The idea that cutting migration will magically solve the housing crisis doesn’t hold up against the evidence.

But some political actors are blaming migrants, as if they’re the main reason housing has become unaffordable.

In fact, this oversimplifies the problem. The housing crisis has been a long time in the making, and it’s now this severe because of past policy choices piling up.

There are many drivers of Australia’s housing crisis, including a lack of housing, rising construction costs, and tax breaks that distort the market. Migration is only a small piece of the puzzle.

How to engage audiences

The report also details seven strategies that drive reach and impact. These include publicly communicating in a way that’s:

• consistent
• repeated
• coordinated with other groups with similar goals
• appeals to your audience’s values and emotions, and
• uses humour.

One part of a broader approach

These strategies can be used by anyone seeking to push back against misinformation in our public debate, not just about refugees and migrants.

However, communication approaches are only one lever.

To turn the tide on misinformation, society needs systemic solutions. These include media literacy education and regulatory reform of online platforms.

As we approach Australia’s next federal election, addressing misinformation about refugees and migrants is more crucial than ever to protect refugees and migrants from harm, strengthen our democratic processes, and foster a more inclusive society.

Daniel Ghezelbash receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the NSW government and the Robert Bosch Foundation. He is a board member of Refugee Advice and Casework Services, Wallumatta Legal, and the Access to Justice and Technology Network. He is also a Special Counsel at the National Justice Project.

Saul Wodak is affiliated with the Behavioural Insights Team.

– ref. Misinformation on refugees and migrants is rife during elections. We found 6 ways it spreads – and how to stop it – https://theconversation.com/misinformation-on-refugees-and-migrants-is-rife-during-elections-we-found-6-ways-it-spreads-and-how-to-stop-it-251035

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendon O’Connor, Professor in U.S. Politics and U.S. Foreign Relations, United States Studies Centre,, University of Sydney

Since returning to the US presidency, Donald Trump has outdone himself, gaining global media headlines and attention with outrageous statements and dramatic decisions.

The most consequential decision so far has been the freezing of many US aid and development programs. The freeze had an immediate impact. Even with some waivers now in place, it is likely that starving people in Ethiopia will not get the famine relief desperately needed; food is rotting in African harbours as constitutional battles over executive power are waged in Washington.

In Africa alone, the US has also been funding lifesaving malaria prevention efforts and HIV/AIDS drug programs. Elon Musk’s so-called Department of Government Efficiency has cruelly disrupted those.

There are numerous examples of other reckless policy decisions. In terms of long term consequences, arguably the worst decision Trump has made is pulling the United States out of the Paris Agreement on climate change. He also wound back a slew of Biden administration policies while erasing the term “climate change” from various government websites.

Trump has attempted to bully Mexico and Canada with threats of a 25% tax on all imports from those two trading partners. He has also imposed a 10% tariff on all Chinese imports coming into the US.

Then there are Trump’s statements on Ukraine, Gaza and Panama. Last weekend, his treatment of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the White House meeting caused widespread dismay around the world, as Trump doubled down on his promotion of Putin’s talking points and Russian government interests.

So what’s Trump’s game plan?

With Trump, it is tempting to claim he is a chaos merchant with no plan or method to his madness. According to this view, when he is challenged or criticised, he will escalate the threats and increase the insults.

Therefore, conventional wisdom has it that the best way to deal with Trump is to flatter and humour him, then wait for his attention to be distracted by another prize. This understanding of Trump has been developed by international relations scholar Daniel Drezner into the “toddler-in-chief” thesis.

Psychological understandings of Trump are useful to a point, but it is worth remembering presidencies are run by vast administrations of people, departments and agencies, and not just one person. Moreover, an institution as large as the US Defense Department – with its two million employees and military bases in at least 80 countries around the world – has a near permanent mindset of its own. This, in turn, tends to make presidents as seemingly different as Obama and Trump custodians of many similar military policies and postures.

The way I have initially examined Trump in my own research is to see him as a hardline conservative nationalist who believes projecting US power with tough talk and reminding other nations of American military might is the best approach to world politics.

Previous Republican presidents, most notably George W. Bush and Ronald Reagan, adopted this so-called “cowboy” approach. It’s a posture that rejects the idea that the US is the leader of a liberal international order (a leadership role promoted by their Democratic party opponents).

My starting point for analysis sees continuities between Reagan, Bush and Trump, and highlights their arrogance and ignorance when it comes to dealing with the rest of the world.

Similar, but different

However, there are some things about Trump that are clearly different and distinct. Before his second term, the most unusual aspect of Trump’s foreign policy approach was the volume and range of his scattergun rhetoric towards other leaders and nations. For example, he threatened North Korea with “fire and fury and, frankly, power, the likes of which this world has never seen before”, but later told a rally of supporters that, “We fell in love. No, really. He wrote me beautiful letters.”

As for academic perspectives that might help us better understand what kind of politician Trump is and what his next moves might be, the obvious label is “crudely transactional”. His attitude to most minor and middle powers seems to be “what have you done for me lately?” or “why does America owe your nation anything?”.

When it comes to Russia, and potentially China, there has been speculation Trump is adopting a geopolitical approach with parallels to the “great game” of the 19th century. The “great game” is another way of saying imperialism, and this is a largely underused way of describing American foreign policy in general and the second Trump administration in particular.

Then there is the question of whether the (other) “f-word” is a useful way to understand Trump and Trumpism: are his rhetoric and his domestic and international policies fascist? They are definitely ultra-nationalist and racist, which are two key components of fascism; Trumpism revolves around a charismatic leader that has enough in common with fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to make opponents of Trump justifiably nervous. But does Trumpism have the other key element of fascism: mob or state violence that is at times directed at scapegoated enemies?

There is certainly an embrace of revenge and cruelty by Trump in general, which is being carried out in practice by Musk’s DOGE project. However, whether it is useful to call the second Trump administration fascist, or just fascistic for now, is a complex question within scholarly circles.

Five weeks into the second Trump administration, and many of the most destructive ideas that were laid out last year in the unofficial campaign manifesto Project 2025 are being put into place. It has been a long-term dream of many hardline conservatives to gut America’s foreign aid and development programs, which is now happening at a frightening pace.

What lies ahead that turns rhetoric into reality is hard to entirely predict, but many of Trump’s utterances this year have clearly been imperialistic and fascistic. Trump does not have to ignore the constitution or be a textbook fascist to be a terribly dangerous president. Being an authoritarian, which he has no qualms about embracing, is worrying enough.

Brendon O’Connor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Donald Trump is picking fights with leaders around the world. What exactly is his foreign policy approach? – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-is-picking-fights-with-leaders-around-the-world-what-exactly-is-his-foreign-policy-approach-251238

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Albanese government has signed up New South Wales to its new schools funding agreement, with an extra A$4.8 billion in funding for the state’s public schools over ten years.

Queensland remains the only state still to join the agreement, which ties federal funding to schools to specific measures, such as phonics checks and teacher training. The federal government is working hard to finalise a deal with that state before going into caretaker mode for the election.

The federal government has been negotiating with states and territories over a new schools funding deal for more than 12 months.

NSW has been among states asking for a 5% increase in funds, while the federal government was initially only offering 2.5%. In January 2025, Victoria and South Australia successfully negotiated for a 5% increase from the federal government, leaving NSW and Queensland as the only two states without a deal ahead of a new school year.

The Commonwealth and NSW governments said in a statement that under the NSW deal, the federal government will provide an extra 5% of the Schooling Resource Standard (SRS).

This would lift the federal contribution from 20% to 25% of the SRS by 2034. It follows the NSW government delivering an election commitment to reach 75% of the SRS by 2025.

The 2011 Gonski review recommended all schools receive a minimum level of funding, called the SRS, with additional funds based on need. In 2025 the estimated SRS amounts are $13,977 for primary school students and $17,565 for secondary school students.

Under the new national agreement all states would reach the full SRS funding in a decade, although at different paces. A lot of the fine print has still to be negotiated.

NSW has committed to removing the 4% provision of indirect school costs such as capital depreciation, so NSW schools would be fully funded over the life of the agreement.

This national agreement ties the funding to teaching and other reforms. These include more individualised support for students, continuing evidence-based teaching practices, and more mental health and wellbeing support for schools.

The two governments said: “This is not a blank cheque. The agreement will be accompanied by a NSW Bilateral Agreement, which ties funding to reforms that will help students catch up, keep up and finish school”.

These include

• Year 1 phonics and early years of schooling numeracy checks to identify those needing more help

• evidence-based teaching and targeted and intensive supports such as small-group or catch-up tutoring

• wellbeing initiatives, including greater access to mental health professionals

• access to high-quality and evidence-based professional learning, and

• initiatives to attract and retain teachers.

The federal-state agreements incorporate national targets. These include improving NAPLAN reading and numeracy proficiency; increasing NAPLAN outcomes for priority equity cohorts; boosting student attendance; increasing the engagement rate of teacher education students, and raising the proportion of students successfully completing year 12.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said “every dollar of this funding will go into helping children learn”.

Federal Education Minister Jason Clare said: “This will help more than 780,000 kids in more than 2,200 public schools. This is real funding tied to real reforms to help students catch up, keep up and finish school.”

Premier Chris Minns said: “We’ve seen a 40% reduction in teacher vacancies since we came to government, but we know there’s still more to do. This investment is vital as we work to lift education standards across the state by ensuring there is a qualified, dedicated teacher at the front of the classroom.”

The Coalition has been critical of the time it has taken for the Albanese government to finalise the funding deal.

In January, opposition education spokeswoman Sarah Henderson said Clare had “failed to get the job done”. She noted students in NSW and Queensland “continue to pay the price”.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Schools agreement provides NSW $4.8 billion extra for public schools over a decade – https://theconversation.com/schools-agreement-provides-nsw-4-8-billion-extra-for-public-schools-over-a-decade-251255

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Taimoor Sohail, Postdoctoral Researcher, School of Geography, Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, The University of Melbourne

Flowing clockwise around Antarctica, the Antarctic Circumpolar Current is the strongest ocean current on the planet. It’s five times stronger than the Gulf Stream and more than 100 times stronger than the Amazon River.

It forms part of the global ocean “conveyor belt” connecting the Pacific, Atlantic, and Indian oceans. The system regulates Earth’s climate and pumps water, heat and nutrients around the globe.

But fresh, cool water from melting Antarctic ice is diluting the salty water of the ocean, potentially disrupting the vital ocean current.

Our new research suggests the Antarctic Circumpolar Current will be 20% slower by 2050 as the world warms, with far-reaching consequences for life on Earth.

Why should we care?

The Antarctic Circumpolar Current is like a moat around the icy continent.

The current helps to keep warm water at bay, protecting vulnerable ice sheets. It also acts as a barrier to invasive species such as southern bull kelp and any animals hitching a ride on these rafts, spreading them out as they drift towards the continent. It also plays a big part in regulating Earth’s climate.

Unlike better known ocean currents – such as the Gulf Stream along the United States East Coast, the Kuroshio Current near Japan, and the Agulhas Current off the coast of South Africa – the Antarctic Circumpolar Current is not as well understood. This is partly due to its remote location, which makes obtaining direct measurements especially difficult.

Understanding the influence of climate change

Ocean currents respond to changes in temperature, salt levels, wind patterns and sea-ice extent. So the global ocean conveyor belt is vulnerable to climate change on multiple fronts.

Previous research suggested one vital part of this conveyor belt could be headed for a catastrophic collapse.

Theoretically, warming water around Antarctica should speed up the current. This is because density changes and winds around Antarctica dictate the strength of the current. Warm water is less dense (or heavy) and this should be enough to speed up the current. But observations to date indicate the strength of the current has remained relatively stable over recent decades.

This stability persists despite melting of surrounding ice, a phenomenon that had not been fully explored in scientific discussions in the past.

What we did

Advances in ocean modelling allow a more thorough investigation of the potential future changes.

We used Australia’s fastest supercomputer and climate simulator in Canberra to study the Antarctic Circumpolar Current. The underlying model, ACCESS-OM2-01, has been developed by Australian researchers from various universities as part of the Consortium for Ocean-Sea Ice Modelling in Australia.

The model captures features others often miss, such as eddies. So it’s a far more accurate way to assess how the current’s strength and behaviour will change as the world warms. It picks up the intricate interactions between ice melting and ocean circulation.

In this future projection, cold, fresh melt water from Antarctica migrates north, filling the deep ocean as it goes. This causes major changes to the density structure of the ocean. It counteracts the influence of ocean warming, leading to an overall slowdown in the current of as much as 20% by 2050.

Far-reaching consequences

The consequences of a weaker Antarctic Circumpolar Current are profound and far-reaching.

As the main current that circulates nutrient-rich waters around Antarctica, it plays a crucial role in the Antarctic ecosystem.

Weakening of the current could reduce biodiversity and decrease the productivity of fisheries that many coastal communities rely on. It could also aid the entry of invasive species such as southern bull kelp to Antarctica, disrupting local ecosystems and food webs.

A weaker current may also allow more warm water to penetrate southwards, exacerbating the melting of Antarctic ice shelves and contributing to global sea-level rise. Faster ice melting could then lead to further weakening of the current, commencing a vicious spiral of current slowdown.

This disruption could extend to global climate patterns, reducing the ocean’s ability to regulate climate change by absorbing excess heat and carbon in the atmosphere.

Need to reduce emissions

While our findings present a bleak prognosis for the Antarctic Circumpolar Current, the future is not predetermined. Concerted efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions could still limit melting around Antarctica.

Establishing long-term studies in the Southern Ocean will be crucial for monitoring these changes accurately.

With proactive and coordinated international actions, we have a chance to address and potentially avert the effects of climate change on our oceans.

The authors thank Polar Climate Senior Researcher Dr Andreas Klocker, from the NORCE Norwegian Research Centre and Bjerknes Centre for Climate Research, for his contribution to this research, and Professor Matthew England from the University of New South Wales, who provided the outputs from the model simulation for this analysis.

Taimoor Sohail receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Bishakhdatta Gayen receives funding from Australian Research Council (ARC). He works at University of Melbourne as ARC Future Fellow and Associate Professor. He is also A/Prof. at CAOS, Indian Institute of Science.

– ref. Melting Antarctic ice will slow the world’s strongest ocean current – and the global consequences are profound – https://theconversation.com/melting-antarctic-ice-will-slow-the-worlds-strongest-ocean-current-and-the-global-consequences-are-profound-251053

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Peter Dutton says if he became prime minister he would lobby US President Donald Trump “to reconsider his position” on Ukraine.

The opposition leader, who previously rejected Trump’s description of Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky as a “dictator”, has gone further in distancing himself from Trump after the shouting match in the Oval Office, when Trump and Vice President JD Vance berated Zelensky.

“I was disappointed by the scenes out of the White House,” Dutton told a Monday news conference. “I believe that President Zelensky requires the support of European countries, of the United States, and countries like Australia as well.”

He said the United States has been “an incredibly important ally” for Australia and he regarded it as a reliable one.

But making decisions in Australia’s best interests sometimes meant “standing up to your friends and to those traditional allies because our views have diverged.

“In relation to Ukraine, the Australian view at the moment is different to the United States, and my job as prime minister will be to lobby the president of the United States to reconsider his position in relation to Ukraine. Because I think it’s in all of our collective best interests if we’re able to provide support to Ukraine, and that’s something I’m dedicated to.”

Dutton’s criticism of Trump is at odds with some in his base and some right wing commentators, who are wedded to Trump, right or wrong.

Unlike policy on the Middle East, where bipartisanship has broken, both sides of Australian politics have remained firmly behind Ukraine from the start of the war. There is no sign of the bipartisanship being under pressure.

Australia has supplied Ukraine with about $1.5 billion worth of assistance, of which $1.3 billion is military aid.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, speaking at the start of Monday’s cabinet’s meeting, reiterated Australia’s strong backing for the embattled country in its war with Russia.

“We regard this as an issue of doing what’s right, but also what is in Australia’s national interest.

“The brave people of Ukraine, led so extraordinarily by President Zelensky, are fighting not just for their national sovereignty and for their democracy. They are fighting for the international rule of law.

“And it is an easy choice that Australia has made.”

On Sunday Treasurer Jim Chalmers said “I think President Zelensky is a hero”.

Dutton on Monday used similar language. “President Zelensky is a modern-day hero. He’s a war hero and he deserves support.”

On another front – Australia’s bid to avoid the US tariffs on aluminium and steel – while there is bipartisanship, the opposition is from time to time critical of the government’s handling of the issue.

Shadow finance minister Jane Hume said on Monday: “The Coalition wholeheartedly supports the government’s efforts to make sure that these tariffs are not imposed by the US.

“We would hope that the government will pull out all stops here in order to make sure that Australia’s national interests, our economic interests, are protected. I do note that Anthony Albanese is the only member of the Quad, which is one of our most important diplomatic relationships with the US, that hasn’t met directly with Donald Trump yet.”

The new tariffs are due to come into effect on March 12.

Australia has been further alarmed by an article published late last week by Trump’s trade advisor, Peter Navarro.

Navarro wrote: “Consider Australia. Its heavily subsidised smelters operate below cost, giving them an unfair dumping advantage, while Australia’s close ties to China further distort global aluminium trade”.

“Australia and Canada represent frontal assaults on our aluminium markets.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Dutton says as PM he would ‘lobby’ Donald Trump to reconsider Ukraine stand – https://theconversation.com/dutton-says-as-pm-he-would-lobby-donald-trump-to-reconsider-ukraine-stand-251256

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Harriette Richards, Senior Lecturer, School of Fashion and Textiles, RMIT University

In a year with few surprises in the awards categories, there was also a dearth of surprises on the red carpet. The sartorial themes included sparkling metallics, coloured menswear and bows, bows and more bows.

Metallic gowns that resemble the Oscar statue are a familiar sight at the Academy Awards and this year was no different. Some of the standouts included best actress nominee Demi Moore in a magnificently glittering silver Armani Privé gown, Selena Gomez in custom Ralph Lauren encrusted with 16,000 individual blush-toned jewel teardrops, and Emma Stone in a minimalist Louis Vuitton sheath covered in iridescent fish scales.

In the menswear category, tuxedos reign supreme. This year was notable only for the diversity of colours in which these suits came.

Best actor nominee Timothée Chalamet lived up to his reputation for monochrome, richly hued ensembles in a custom butter yellow leather suit by Givenchy, paired with a matching silk shirt and delicate neck brooch in place of a tie. His best actor nominated compatriot, Colman Domingo (one of the best dressed men in Hollywood) was pristine in a double-breasted red silk jacket with black lapels, black trousers and matching red shirt by Valentino, similarly eschewing a tie in favour of a fine gold brooch. Andrew Garfield wore louche chocolate brown Gucci and Jeremy Strong wore a suit by Loro Piana in an unusual tone of olive green.

Bows of varying size and stature were perhaps the strongest theme of the night.

Best actress winner Mikey Madison in black and pink Dior, best supporting actress nominee Felicity Jones in shimmering liquid silver Armani, Elle Fanning in white and black Givenchy and Lupita Nyong’o in white Chanel were all adorned with bows at their waists.

The most remarkable bow of the night though was best actress nominee Cynthia Erivo in a structured deep emerald-green velvet Louis Vuitton gown, the broad, wing-like sleeves of which were crafted as a bow.

Notable mentions must also go to those attendees who do not fit neatly into any thematic category. Best supporting actress nominee Ariana Grande wore a meticulously crafted pale pink Schiaparelli confection and Lisa (of Blackpink and now White Lotus fame) perfected a feminine take on masculine suiting in a tuxedo dress by Markgong.

The only real surprise was the lack of political statements on display. Unlike recent years, when pins and ribbons in support of Ukraine and Palestine were widely worn, this year only Guy Pearce was spotted wearing a Free Palestine pin, Conclave writer Peter Straughan wore a Ukrainian flag pin and Kayo Shekoni had “free Congo” emblazoned on the sole of her high heels.

– Harriette Richards

The best picture: Anora

And the best picture Oscar goes to … Anora – the film that was favoured to win, so no surprises here.

Though he had been working for more than a decade at the time, writer-director-editor Sean Baker came onto the independent movie scene with a bang with 2015’s Tangerine, a gimmicky film that was mainly celebrated for being shot on an iPhone. Why this would be celebrated is anyone’s guess. I suspect it’s because of the “I could do it too” factor – something the average person certainly couldn’t say if we’re talking 35mm celluloid.

Since then, Baker’s films have relished in embracing the digital, neon world, but always in a kind of sentimental and shallow, rather than critical, register. None of his films are awful – and maybe that’s saying something in this day and age. Anora also is not awful, but it’s not particularly memorable either.

Anora follows a run of the mill American dream-type story about a hard-working stripper who seems to strike fairytale gold when a young, fun Russian oligarch falls in love with her. Only the dream turns out to be more of a nightmare (kind of) when things don’t quite work out and the film ends with the titular character once again independent and free.

The idea of undercutting the fairytale setup of the typical rom-com is not at all original, and the film strikes me as even more schmaltzy in its rejection of the fairytale dream than if it had embraced it and played like a tween-focused Nickelodeon film (it’s about as poignant as this).

The film’s cardinal sin, however – and it’s certainly not alone in this – is its critical overlength. Each of the film’s sections could have had some 20 minutes cut and we would have had an enjoyably tight romp at 80 minutes. Instead, Anora drags on, swept up in its imagining of its own profundity – at times pretentious, but mainly tedious.

– Ari Mattes

Not the year to stick a neck out

The speeches this year were conspicuously meek. No announcer majorly insulted anyone else. No winner assaulted anyone else. Even the James Bond retrospective lacked energy. What’s going on in Hollywood?

There are clues that help explain this curious flatness. Host Conan O’Brien mentioned the pressure of “divisive politics” while reflecting on California’s wildfires. Several winners spoke about the importance of shared experience, of what unites us, of film as a medium that brings people together, a force for “good and progress in the world” and “a reminder not to let hate go unchecked”.

The directors of No Other Land, receiving their Oscar for best documentary, shared the one clear critical voice. Palestinian Basel Adra wished his newborn daughter a life without the fear that governs daily life in his homeland. Israeli co-director Yuval Abraham agreed: “There is another way. It’s not too late for life and for the living. There is no other way.”

However, that was the only moment people at the Oscars seemed willing to confront the political elephant in the room.

Anora director Sean Baker used his last (of four!) acceptance speeches to compel more people to help keep cinema doors open. He made his point passionately: this was the best way to sustain an industry that could continue to make brilliant movies. That said, the most emotive speeches of past Oscars events went much further than just commenting on the bread and butter concerns of the film industry.

This year, there were more clues in what people did not say. There were feints at Russian dictators – but nobody mentioned the war in Ukraine. There was no discussion of a certain election result, nor of filmmakers’ fears that Washington is now in the control of a governing faction that loathes them. Most revealing of all: nobody raised a peep about the President or his friends.

Hollywood’s collective discipline was on show tonight – and 2025 is not the year to stick a neck out.

– Tom Clark

A banner year for independent film

Independent films were the big winners for this year’s Oscars. While many of the technical awards went to the big budget films, such as Wicked (the US$145 million film won costume design and production design) and Dune: Part 2 (made at a budget of US$190 million, and winning sound and visual effects), the night’s major awards went to small productions.

While the definitions of “independence” and “studio” films don’t exist in a neat binary when it comes to production and global distribution, we can distinguish between film juggernauts and smaller films.

Three independent films won significant awards that are of note. Latvian film Flow was the first independent film to win best animated feature, up against major films Inside Out 2 (Pixar Films) and The Wild Robot (DreamWorks).

The film follows a cat, a dog, a capybara, a secretary bird and a ring-tailed lemur navigating a post-apocalyptic world with rising sea levels. The film also only used free and open-source software Blender and mostly used sounds from real world counterparts of the various characters. It was made for a budget of just €3.5 million (A$5.9 million).

The best documentary film nominees were dominated by independent films. Notably, the winner No Other Land has sadly been unable to find a distributor to release the film in the United States. (It is available for streaming in Australia on DocPlay, and in select cinemas.) The film was only eligible because the Film Lincoln Centre in New York facilitated a one-week, qualifying theatrical run.

The night’s top glories went to Anora, made on a budget of just US$6 million (A$9.7 million), and taking home the awards for best film, director, actress, screenplay and editing.

In his acceptance speech for best director, Sean Baker spoke of the importance of films getting a theatrical release. Films, he said, are about humanity – and that is best experienced in watching a film with other people.

During awards season, Baker has often spoken about the importance of small budget films in the expression of core human experiences.

The final message of the night went to Baker when he thanked the Academy for recognising a truly independent film: “Long live independent film!”

Indeed, independent films ruled this year’s Oscars.

– Stuart Richards

Best actor and actress

Mikey Madison, who won the best actress award for Anora, is quite good in the role. That said, it’s difficult to evaluate her performance in such a meandering film.

She tries hard playing a stripper who falls for Prince Charming – a Russian oligarch (Hollywood’s anti-Russian sentiment has certainly grown in recent years) who turns out to be a bit of a weakling with meanie parents. But Madison never really convincingly embodies the character, and we’re ever aware as we watch the film that she’s an actress working her way through relevant emotions and intensities.

That said, Madison is good at yelling and stripping, and this is the main way she shows her chops here. She screamed well in Once Upon a Time… in Hollywood (2019), too. The bar this year was admittedly pretty low, and truth be told Madison’s performance in Anora (aside from Fernanda Torres for I’m Still Here) is probably the best out of the nominees.

In contrast, Adrien Brody, who won the best actor award, is absolutely unforgettable in the flawed but magnificent The Brutalist – the best he’s been since The Pianist, and the deserved winner by a mile out of a similarly mediocre field. Brody is simply a pleasure to watch, and drives, in a wholly embodied way, this grandiose and exceedingly long film (the fact it doesn’t feel long is largely due to his magnetism).

The screenplay, in which the character comes across as a combination of arrogant, sweet and at times comedic, allows Brody to display the full range of his talent, and he plays the whole thing with an endearing vulnerability. But, again, it’s unfair to compare Brody and Madison – The Brutalist is a spectacularly accomplished cinematic epic, while Anora feels as stylish and profound as a social media video (I know that’s the point, but that doesn’t make it any more compelling).

– Ari Mattes

A lacklustre year for music

This was a strong year for music-based films, with three of the most nominated ones being musicals of various types: the big-budget Broadway adaptation Wicked, the original film musical Emilia Pérez, and the musician biopic A Complete Unknown.

The music of the ceremony itself was nicely assembled, with a live orchestra (conducted by Michael Bearden) accompanying proceedings from above the stage.

But the show was marred by an absence: the best song nominations were not performed live. The new songs this year were so bland, however – especially when compared to the Wicked score and Bob Dylan – that I can hardly blame the producers. The nominations included a dull Elton John song, some soft guitar rock from Sing Sing, Diane Warren’s 16th (!) nominated song (more soft rock), and two forgettable songs from Emilia Pérez (one of which, El Mal, was the winner).

So little faith did the Academy have in the songs that only a few seconds were played from each, mostly covered by a montage of interviews with the songwriters.

This year’s nominated best scores were not much more memorable, but Daniel Blumberg deserved his win for The Brutalist. It demonstrates a high level of composition and orchestration craft. It uses edgy instrumental textures to increase the feelings of uncertainty and imbalance that the film imparts.

The show included a lot of Wizard of Oz. Ariana Grande sang Over the Rainbow from the 1939 film and Cynthia Erivo sang Home from The Wiz, the 1974 soul musical based on the book. Then they performed Defying Gravity from Wicked together.

Another subtle Wizard of Oz nod was the music played during the commercial breaks: a loop based on Brand New Day from The Wiz, whose 1979 film version had its music produced by the late Quincy Jones. Queen Latifah and backup dancers brought some much needed energy to the last hour of the ceremony with Ease on Down the Road, also from The Wiz, as part of a Jones tribute.

One surprise was an unnecessary but enjoyable James Bond sequence featuring Margaret Qualley dancing to John Barry’s famous theme, a performance of Live and Let Die by K-pop star Lisa, Doja Cat singing Diamonds Are Forever, and Raye’s rendition of Skyfall.

This plus the various numbers from the Oz Musical Universe only highlighted how lacklustre this year’s nominated music was.

– Gregory Camp

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. From the fashion to the speeches to the music, this was an Oscars of few surprises. 5 experts break it down – https://theconversation.com/from-the-fashion-to-the-speeches-to-the-music-this-was-an-oscars-of-few-surprises-5-experts-break-it-down-251264

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary Louise Stewart, Senior Career Medical Officer, Northern Sydney Local Health District; PhD Candidate, University of Sydney

An estimated one in five women and one in 16 men in Australia have experienced sexual violence.

After such a traumatic experience, it’s understandable many are unsure if they want to report it to the police. In fact, less than 10% of Australian women who experience sexual assault ever make a police report.

In Australia there is no time limit on reporting sexual assault to police. However, there are tight time frames for collecting forensic evidence, which can sometimes be an important part of the police investigation, whether it’s commenced at the time or later.

This means the decision of whether or not to undergo a medical forensic examination needs to be made quite quickly after an assault.

I work as a medical forensic examiner. Here’s what you can expect if you present for a medical forensic examination after a sexual assault.

A team of specialists

There are about 100 sexual assault services throughout Australia providing 24-hour care. As with other areas of health care, there are extra challenges in regional and rural areas, where there are often further distances to travel and staff shortages.

Sexual assault services in Australia are free regardless of Medicare status. To find your nearest service you can call 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) or Full Stop Australia (1800 385 578) who can also provide immediate telephone counselling support.

It’s important to call the local sexual assault service before turning up. They can provide the victim-survivor with information and advice to prevent delays and make the process as helpful as possible.

The consultation usually occurs in a hospital emergency department which has a designated forensic suite, or in a specialised forensic service.

The victim-survivor is seen by a doctor or nurse trained in medical and forensic care. There’s a sexual assault counsellor, crisis worker or social worker present to support the patient and offer counselling advice. This is called an “integrated response” with medical and psychosocial staff working together.

In most cases the victim-survivor can have their own support person present too.

Depending on what the victim-survivor wants, the doctor or nurse will take a history of the assault to guide any medical care which may be needed (such as emergency contraception) and to guide the examination.

Sexual assault services are always very aware of giving victim-survivors a choice about having a medical forensic examination. If a person presents to a sexual assault service, they can receive counselling and medical care without undergoing a forensic examination if they do not wish to.

Collecting forensic samples

Samples collected during a medical forensic examination can sometimes identify the perpetrator’s DNA or intoxicating substances (alcohol or drugs that might be relevant to the investigation). The window of opportunity to collect these samples can be as short as 12 hours, or up to 5–7 days, depending on the nature of the sexual assault.

In most of Australia, an adult who has experienced a recent sexual assault can be offered a medical forensic examination without making a report to police.

Depending on the state or territory, the forensic samples can usually be stored for 3 to 12 months (up to 100 years in Tasmania). This allows the victim-survivor time to decide if they want to release them to police for processing.

The doctor or nurse will collect the samples using a sexual assault investigation kit, or a “rape kit”.

Collecting these samples might involve taking swabs to try to detect DNA from external and internal genital areas and anywhere there may have been DNA transfer. This can be from skin cells, where the perpetrator touched the victim-survivor, or from bodily fluids including semen or saliva.

The doctor or nurse carrying out the examination do their best to minimise re-traumatisation, by providing the victim-survivor information, choices and control at every step of the process.

How about STIs and pregnancy?

During the consultation, the doctor or nurse will address any concerns about sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and pregnancy, if applicable.

In most cases the risk of STIs is small. But follow-up testing at 1–2 weeks for infections such as chlamydia and gonorrhoea, and at 6–12 weeks for infections such as syphilis and HIV, is usually recommended.

Emergency contraception (sometimes called the “morning after pill”) can be provided to prevent pregnancy. It can be taken up to five days after sexual assault (but the sooner the better) with follow-up pregnancy testing recommended at 2–3 weeks.

Things have improved over time

When I was a junior doctor in the late 90s, taking forensic swabs was usually the responsibility of the busy obstetrics and gynaecology trainee in the emergency department, who was often managing multiple patients and had little training in forensics. There was also usually no supportive counsellor.

Anecdotally, both the doctor and the patient were traumatised by this experience. Research shows that when specialised, integrated services are not provided, victim-survivors’ feelings of powerlessness are magnified.

But the way we carry out medical forensic examinations after sexual assault in Australia has improved over the years.

With patient-centred practices, and designated forensic and counselling staff, the experience for the patient is thought to be empowering rather than re-traumatising.

Our research

In new research published in the Australian Journal of General Practice, my colleagues and I explored the experience of the medical forensic examination from the victim-survivor’s perspective.

We surveyed 291 patients presenting to a sexual assault service in New South Wales (where I work) over four years.

Some 75% of patients reported the examination was reassuring and another 20% reported it was OK. Only 2% reported that it was traumatising. The majority (98%) said they would recommend a friend present to a sexual assault service if they were in a similar situation.

While patients spoke positively about the care they received, many commented that the sexual assault service was not visible enough. They didn’t know how to find it or even that it existed.

We know many victim-survivors don’t present to a sexual assault service or undergo a medical forensic examination after a sexual assault. So we need to do more to increase the visibility of these services.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

Mary Louise Stewart receives funding from the Ramsay Research and Education Grant and from the University of Sydney via the Postgraduate Research Support Scheme. Mary Louise Stewart works as a medical forensic examiner where her research is being undertaken.

– ref. I’m a medical forensic examiner. Here’s what people can expect from a health response after a sexual assault – https://theconversation.com/im-a-medical-forensic-examiner-heres-what-people-can-expect-from-a-health-response-after-a-sexual-assault-244404

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ari Chand, Lecturer in Illustration and Animation, University of South Australia

Director Chantelle Murray’s new family film The Lost Tiger is the first animated feature written and directed by an Indigenous woman.

Continuing with a long history of Indigenous storytelling, Murray has embedded the film with themes of identity, heritage and adventure. In doing so, she tells a story that is utterly heartwarming and wholly unique to place.

In Murray’s own words:

I didn’t have anything like this growing up. I had the things that reinforced the horrible narratives of Indigenous people globally. So, to have something there for the next generation, representation means everything.

The film is produced by Brisbane-based and woman-run Like a Photon Creative, the studio behind The Sloth Lane (2024) and Scarygirl (2023).

A powerful message

The Lost Tiger is classic orphan story founded on identity. The main character is a thylacine (Tasmanian tiger) named Teo (voiced by Thomas Weatherall), whose hero’s journey starts when he begins to grapple with his differences.

Teo is found as a baby, alongside a mysterious crystal, by a couple from the gregarious wrestling kangaroo troupe Roomania. Young Teo struggles with his identity as he’s coming of age and wants to fit in.

After visiting a museum, Teo meets platypus and aspiring guild adventurer named Plato (Rhys Darby). Once Plato identifies Teo as one of the world’s last thylacines, he tells him of a legendary lost “Tiger Island” said to be inhabited by thylacines – and the two begin a quest to find the island.

The film critiques the “doctrine of discovery” through its antagonist, adventure guild explorer Quinella Quoll (Celeste Barber). The doctrine of discovery refers to a legal and ideological approach through which colonisers tried to justify the seizing of land, resources and objects by Indigenous peoples.

Quoll – who is always looking to “discover” powerful new artifacts for her museum collection – embodies all the extractive qualities of historical European explorers and museum founders.

This is an important message at a time when museums both nationally and internationally are reevaluating what they hold in their collections – and trying to address the historical injustices associated with colonial acquisitions.

With a simple but well-executed plot, the film allows for some fun colloquialisms such as “2-up” (an old Aussie gambling game) and “stop, drop and roll”, along with a slate of side characters that highlight the value of simply doing what’s right.

It taps into the universal truth that each person’s story is irrevocably connected to the stories of others, and that the effect of our choices go far beyond our own lives.

Visually, The Lost Tiger has a distinct texture, underpinned by a vivid vision of the bush. Murray, who is from the Kimberley region, was highly intentional in her portrayal of Australia’s dynamic landscapes. As she explains:

I grew up with red rocks, super white sand, and this aqua coloured ocean, and it looks just like a painting. And it wasn’t until I left Broome and came back, and went, ‘This country has such a juxtaposition’. One minute you can be in the desert, and then you walk into a rain forest with these waterfalls.

The animation itself is created on “stepped keys”, a process in which only every second frame is animated. So instead of seeing 24 frames of motion per second, as you would in a traditional computer-animated film, you see 12 frames per second. This pose-to-pose movement gives the film a stop-motion feel.

This unique approach is complemented by some whiz-bang moments sure to draw in younger viewers. The film’s wrestling scenes and action sequences, supported by animation director Tania Vincent, are choreographed with high levels of energy, leading to a climactic end.

Between two worlds

Animation has the unique ability to tell stories that are both inclusive and diverse – which acknowledge our differences, yet connect us through our shared loves and experiences.

The Lost Tiger does this beautifully by focusing on messages of respect, unity, connection to place and the importance of conserving precious resources on First Nations lands. It also taps into the difficulties of belonging (and struggling to belong) across different cultural worlds.

Murray’s film helps lead us towards an industry that embraces diverse voices, and which will be able to support the uniquely Australian voices of future generations.

The creators of the film acknowledge the Turrbal and Yuggera Peoples as the Traditional Owners and Custodians of the lands in Queensland on which the film was made.

The Lost Tiger is in cinemas now.

Ari Chand does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Lost Tiger: first animated film by an Indigenous woman explores heritage and identity through a thylacine – https://theconversation.com/the-lost-tiger-first-animated-film-by-an-indigenous-woman-explores-heritage-and-identity-through-a-thylacine-251033

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin Witzenberger, Research Fellow, GenAI Lab, Queensland University of Technology

After a year of shoehorning generative AI into its flagship products, Microsoft is trying to recoup the costs by raising prices, putting ads in products, and cancelling data centre leases. Google is making similar moves, adding unavoidable AI features to its Workspace service while increasing prices.

Is the tide finally turning on investments into generative AI? The situation is not quite so simple. Tech companies are fully committed to the new technology – but are struggling to find ways to make people pay for it.

Shifting costs

Last week, Microsoft unceremoniously pulled back on some planned data centre leases. The move came after the company increased subscription prices for its flagship 365 software by up to 45%, and quietly released an ad-supported version of some products.

The tech giant’s CEO, Satya Nadella, also recently suggested AI has so far not produced much value.

Microsoft’s actions may seem odd in the current wave of AI hype, coming amid splashy announcements such as OpenAI’s US$500 billion Stargate data centre project.

But if we look closely, nothing in Microsoft’s decisions indicates a retreat from AI itself. Rather, we are seeing a change in strategy to make AI profitable by shifting the cost in non-obvious ways onto consumers.

The cost of generative AI

Generative AI is expensive. OpenAI, the market leader with a claimed 400 million active monthly users, is burning money.

Last year, OpenAI brought in US$3.7 billion in revenue – but spent almost US$9 billion, for a net loss of around US$5 billion.

Microsoft is OpenAI’s biggest investor and currently provides the company with cloud computing services, so OpenAI’s spending also costs Microsoft.

What makes generative AI so expensive? Human labour aside, two costs are associated with AI models: training (building the model) and inference (using the model).

While training is an (often large) up-front expense, the costs of inference grow with the user base. And the bigger the model, the more it costs to run.

Smaller, cheaper alternatives

A single query on OpenAI’s most advanced models can cost up to US$1,000 in compute power alone. In January, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman said even the company’s US$200 per month subscription is not profitable. This signals the company is not only losing money through use of its free models, but through its subscription models as well.

Both training and inference typically take place in data centres. Costs are high because the chips needed to run them are expensive, but so too are electricity, cooling, and the depreciation of hardware.

To date, much AI progress has been achieved by using more of everything. OpenAI describes its latest upgrade as a “giant, expensive model”. However, there are now plenty of signs this scale-at-all-costs approach might not even be necessary.

Chinese company DeepSeek made waves earlier this year when it revealed it had built models comparable to OpenAI’s flagship products for a tiny fraction of the training cost. Likewise, researchers from Seattle’s Allen Institute for AI (Ai2) and Stanford University claim to have trained a model for as little as US$50.

In short, AI systems developed and delivered by tech giants might not be profitable. The costs of building and running data centres are a big reason why.

What is Microsoft doing?

Having sunk billions into generative AI, Microsoft is trying to find the business model that will make the technology profitable.

Over the past year, the tech giant has integrated the Copilot generative AI chatbot into its products geared towards consumers and businesses.

It is no longer possible to purchase any Microsoft 365 subscription without Copilot. As a result subscribers are seeing significant price hikes.

As we have seen, running generative AI models in data centres is expensive. So Microsoft is likely seeking ways to do more of the work on users’ own devices – where the user pays for the hardware and its running costs.

A strong clue for this strategy is a small button Microsoft began to put on its devices last year. In the precious real estate of the QWERTY keyboard, Microsoft dedicated a key to Copilot on its PCs and laptops capable of processing AI on the device.

Apple is pursuing a similar strategy. The iPhone manufacturer is not offering most of its AI services in the cloud. Instead, only new devices offer AI capabilities, with on-device processing marketed as a privacy feature that prevents your data travelling elsewhere.

Pushing costs to the edge

There are benefits to the push to do the work of generative AI inference on the computing devices in our pockets, on our desks, or even on smart watches on our wrists (so-called “edge computing”, because it occurs at the “edge” of the network).

It can reduce the energy, resources and waste of data centres, lowering generative AI’s carbon, heat and water footprint. It could also reduce bandwidth demands and increase user privacy.

But there are downsides too. Edge computing shifts computation costs to consumers, driving demand for new devices despite economic and environmental concerns that discourage frequent upgrades. This could intensify with newer, bigger generative AI models.

And there are more problems. Distributed e-waste makes recycling much harder. What’s more, the playing field for users won’t be level if a device dictates how good your AI can be, particularly in educational settings.

And while edge computing may seem more “decentralised”, it may also lead to hardware monopolies. If only a handful of companies control this transition, decentralisation may not be as open as it appears.

As AI infrastructure costs rise and model development evolves, shifting the costs to consumers becomes an appealing strategy for AI companies. While big enterprises such as government departments and universities may manage these costs, many small businesses and individual consumers may struggle.

Kevin Witzenberger receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Michael Richardson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Microsoft cuts data centre plans and hikes prices in push to make users carry AI costs – https://theconversation.com/microsoft-cuts-data-centre-plans-and-hikes-prices-in-push-to-make-users-carry-ai-costs-250932

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Welch, Senior Lecturer in Urban Planning, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Despite community resistance and legal push-back, the government isn’t slowing down on its plan to roll back speed limit reductions on many roads. In the process, it’s going against expert advice from transport officials and solid economic evidence showing the benefits of slower speeds.

Documents recently released quietly by the New Zealand Transport Agency (NZTA) show Land Transport Director Brent Alderton raised serious concerns in 2024 about the proposed speed limit changes and urged decision makers to rely on evidence rather than ideology:

There is well founded evidence, nationally and internationally, that establishes the link between vehicle speed and the likelihood of a crash occurring, as well as the severity and consequences of any crash.

But the government is also bypassing evidence that contradicts its own justification that raising some speed limits will help increase productivity.

A comprehensive economic assessment prepared by engineering consulting firm WSP for the NZTA in March 2024 (later released under the Official Information Act) analysed the impact of previous speed limit changes implemented between 2020 and 2023 (with one dating back to 2011). It found the reductions delivered substantial economic benefits to New Zealand.

For road corridors with reduced speed limits, nearly 27 fewer deaths and serious injuries per year were recorded: “The crash cost savings generally outweigh the travel time disbenefits by a factor of 2 to 10 (or more).”

In other words, for every dollar lost in slightly increased travel times, the report estimates New Zealand gains between NZ$2 and $10 in reduced crash costs.

Economic benefits of lower speeds

All the road corridors with reduced speed limits in the WSP assessment showed positive benefit-cost ratios using NZTA’s standard methodology. Even under various sensitivity tests, including if crash benefits were reduced or project costs increased, most speed reductions maintained positive ratios.

But despite the local and international evidence showing lower speed limits save lives and money, the government persists in claiming raising some limits will reduce travel times and therefore increase productivity.

In fact, everything points to any productivity gains from faster travel being significantly outweighed by increased crash costs. As of 2023, the Ministry of Transport estimates those costs at $769,400 per serious injury and $14,265,600 per fatality.

When the WSP report was released, it projected traffic would experience mean speed reductions of between 5% and 9% on roads with lowered limits. This projection was based on actual changes in driving speeds recorded using GPS-based traffic data.

The data showed these reductions resulted in actual death and injury savings “much greater than predicted”. While the observed speed reductions aligned with expectations, the projected safety benefits significantly underestimated the actual harm reduction.

For example, on the Blenheim to Nelson stretch of State Highway 6, the predicted death and injury reduction was 22%, but the actual reduction was 82%. On State Highway 51, the reduction was 100% compared to an expected 31%.

Conversely, where speed limits were increased from 100 km/h to 110 km/h, as on the Cambridge section of the Waikato Expressway in December 2017, deaths and serious injuries rose by 133% compared to pre-increase levels.

In Auckland, dozens of urban corridors will soon see speed limits rise from 50 km/h to 60 km/h. The Auckland Transport agency will also raise the limit on one stretch of Te Irirangi Drive from 60 km/h to 80 km/h – exactly the kind of substantial increase the WSP report linked to dramatically higher crash risks.

Expediency vs evidence

Overall, the WSP report shows speed limit reductions worked better than expected at preventing harm, with significantly lower numbers of deaths and serious injuries annually across the studied corridors.

It is likely the number of lives saved from these speed limit reductions are reflected in the 2024 road fatality statistics, where road deaths across New Zealand were below 300 for the first time in a decade.

The director of land transport can only promise to “monitor” the impacts of the speed limit increases. In reality, there has been sufficient monitoring and measuring already to show speed limit reductions reduce harm as well as deliver economic benefits.

But the speed limit issue fits within a broader pattern of transport policy where ideology or political expediency appear to trump expert advice and economic analysis.

The government has frozen funding for cycling and walking projects, cancelled Auckland’s light rail plan, abandoned regional passenger rail initiatives and prioritised new highway construction over maintenance of existing roads.

This is despite economic assessments consistently showing better benefit-cost ratios for public and active transport investments than for new road projects.

Such decisions also contradict the government’s own climate commitments and overlook mounting evidence that car-centric transport planning worsens congestion rather than alleviating it.

Similarly, economic assessment shows unequivocally that the financial benefits of lower speeds and safer roads far outweigh the costs. If economic rationality were the driving force behind transport policy, speed limit reductions would be expanded rather than rolled back.

Timothy Welch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. False economies: the evidence shows higher speed limits don’t make financial sense – https://theconversation.com/false-economies-the-evidence-shows-higher-speed-limits-dont-make-financial-sense-251138

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yetta Gurtner, Adjunct senior lecturer, Centre for Disaster Studies, James Cook University

Tropical Cyclone Alfred is predicted to make landfall anywhere between Bundaberg and northern New South Wales this week. The Australian Bureau of Meteorology has warned it may bring severe hazards and “dangerous and life-threatening flash flooding”.

So, how do you prepare for a cyclone – and what do you do if it’s too late to leave?

How to prepare

Your starting point is to consider the risk to yourself and everyone in your household (including pets). Consider ensuring you have:

• non-perishable food that everyone in the family will eat (enough for five to seven days)
• water for drinking and cleaning (three litres per person per day)
• medication (two weeks worth)
• toiletries and first aid kit
• pet food/supplies
• torches
• batteries
• a back up battery for your phone
• baby formula and nappies if needed
• protective clothing and closed-in shoes
• cash in small denominations
• valuable documents such as passports, title deeds, ID, insurance details, photos (these can be photographed or packed in weather-proof container or envelope)
• kids’ books, card games, board games, headphones
• anything else you may need or really value (and isn’t too heavy to carry).

Make sure you have a grab-and-go kit that you can carry by yourself if authorities suddenly tell you to evacuate immediately.

Conventional wisdom used to be to prepare enough supplies for three days of disruption. Now, experts recommend having enough for five to seven days. After the initial disaster there may be road blockages or supply chain problems.

Ensure you have enough medication for a week or two, because pharmacies may take days or weeks to re-open. And remember that many medications, such as insulin, need to be refrigerated, so consider how you’d keep them cool if the power went out.

Fill containers with water and stick them in your freezer now; they can keep your freezer cool if you lose power. They can also become drinking water in future.

Talk to your neighbours. Do they have a generator or a camping fridge you can use? This is a great opportunity to get to know your community and pool your resources.

Ask yourself if you have friends with whom you or a pet can stay. One of the main reasons people don’t evacuate is because they can’t bring their pets (not all evacuation shelters allow them, so check in advance).

Consider what you can do now to prepare your house. One of the most common call-outs the SES receives is about blocked drains and gutters, so check if there’s time to clean your gutters now. You won’t be able to do it during the storm.

Stay informed – and don’t rely on hearsay

Have a plan for getting truthful information before, during and after the cyclone.

Rely on the information provided by official sources, as they will tell you when it’s too late to evacuate or when it’s safe to come out. This is highly context-specific and will depend on where you are located.

Get advice where possible from your local council’s disaster dashboard (most councils have one).

It should provide information such as where to get sandbags, which roads are closed (which can affect your evacuation plan) and evacuation centre openings and locations.

Anyone who monitors social media will see how many amateur meteorologists and maps are out there, but these are often not the best source. Always rely on official sources rather than hearsay, trending footage or amateur “experts”.

Always have an battery-operated AM-FM radio. If power goes out, relying on your phone to track information will drain your phone battery very quickly.

You may be able to charge it via your car or laptop, but telecommunications networks may not be active.

So having a battery-operated radio on hand – and plenty of batteries – is crucial.

What if the cyclone hits while you’re at home?

If it’s too late to evacuate, have a plan for sheltering in place.

Find the smallest room in your house with the least windows (which can shatter in a storm). This is often the bathroom, but it could be under the stairs. It is usually on the lowest level of the house.

Bring your food, water, radio, blankets and supplies there. Avoid walking around the house during the cyclone to fetch things; there could be glass on the floor or debris flying around.

It’s hard to predict how long you will need to shelter there, but it’s important not to leave until official sources say it is safe to do so.

Cyclones come in stages. They arrive from one direction, then comes an eerie calm as the “eye of the storm” passes over. Next, the other half of the cyclone arrives. Don’t go outside during the eye of the storm, because it’s not over.

Outside the house, there may be powerlines down, broken glass and other hazards. Don’t venture out until you get official clearance from the disaster dashboard or official sources on the radio saying it is safe.

For non-life threatening emergencies – such as a tree on your roof, or water running through your house – call the SES on 132 500 or register on the SES Assistance app (if you’re in Queensland). They will not come during the event itself but will come later.

If it’s a life threatening emergency, always call triple 0.

After the storm

After the storm, consider how to make your house more cyclone-ready in future. Many houses in North Queensland are designed for cyclone zones, but not as many further south will be.

Climate change means cyclones are likely to be more severe in future. These days, be cyclone-ready 365 days a year.

Yetta Gurtner has received funding in the past from the Bureau of Meteorology. She is a community engagement officer with the Queensland State Emergency Services.

– ref. How to prepare for a cyclone, according to an expert – https://theconversation.com/how-to-prepare-for-a-cyclone-according-to-an-expert-251251

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cynthia Mehboob, PhD Scholar in Department of International Relations, Australian National University

Last month tech giant Meta announced plans to build the world’s longest submarine communication cable.

Known as Project Waterworth, the 50,000-kilometre cable would link five continents. Meta says it would improve connectivity and technological development in countries including the United States, India and Brazil.

Improving global connectivity has been the main purpose of submarine cables since the first one was laid across the Atlantic Ocean in 1858.

Globally, there are currently around 1.4 million kilometres of these garden hose-sized, plastic-wrapped cables. The optical fibres inside can transmit data at speeds of up to 300 terabits per second.

But submarine cables can do far more than just enhance telecommunications. In fact, a recent conference I attended in London highlighted how a relatively new generation of cables can also be used to keep us safe from threats such as climate change and natural disasters.

Multipurpose cables

SMART – short for Scientific Monitoring and Reliable Telecommunications – cables are designed for environmental monitoring. They are a joint initiative by the International Telecommunications Union, the World Meteorological Organization and UNESCO’s Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission.

These cables are equipped with sensors that measure vital environmental data in the ocean. This data includes seismic activity, temperature fluctuations and pressure changes. It can be used to improve early-warning systems for tsunamis and earthquakes as well as tracking changes in the climate.

OFS – short for optical fibre sensing – cables are aimed at protecting critical infrastructure. They use the fibre within to detect vibrations surrounding the cable. This allows cable operators to identify potential disruptions from fishing activity, ship anchors and other physical disturbances.

A handful of countries, including France and Portugal, are actively investing in these cables. The European Commission is also supporting SMART cable projects within broader infrastructure strategies.

A slow uptake

The topic of sensing cables comes up at conferences, thanks to industry professionals who work on it pro bono. But the technology isn’t widely adopted by the broader industry and governments. For example, SMART cables have been around since 2010, but there are only two projects in development.

The reasons for this slow uptake boil down to three major concerns, as discussed at the conference.

1. Outdated regulation

The legal framework governing undersea cables is outdated.

While the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea regulates international waters, it doesn’t address cables equipped with environmental sensors.

This legal ambiguity introduces additional complexities to already lengthy and complex processes for obtaining permits when sensing technologies are integrated into cables.

2. No clear business model

Industry executives question the financial feasibility of sensing cables. For example, during the conference in London, several industry executives suggested adding sensors raises costs by approximately 15%, with no clear revenue return.

Unlike data traffic, environmental data doesn’t directly generate income. Unless governments intervene with funding, tax incentives or expedited permits, cable operators have little incentive to absorb these added costs and complexities.

3. Security risks

At the subsea cable conference in London, several industry insiders also warned embedding sensors in cables could create new security risks.

Some governments might view sensing-equipped cables as surveillance tools rather than neutral scientific infrastructure.

There is also concern such cables could become attractive targets for malicious actors.

A need for more ocean data

But there are good reasons for more countries and industry to invest in SMART cables.

For example, information on ocean depth, seabed composition and temperature fluctuations is valuable. A wide array of industries, from shipping and offshore energy to fisheries and insurance, could leverage this data to enhance their operations and mitigate risks.

Scientists have also pointed out that in order to better understand climate change, we need more and better data about what’s happening in the ocean.

Current subsea cable regulatory hurdles make investing in sensing technology challenging. But if regulation is updated, projects such as Meta’s Waterworth Project could more easily integrate sensors.

With experts suggesting the Waterworth Project be viewed as multiple cables instead of one, sensors could just be deployed on less geopolitically sensitive cable branches.

They could facilitate the creation of an open-access, publicly funded database for ocean observation data. Such a platform could consolidate real-time data from sensing cables, satellites and marine sensors. This would provide a transparent, shared resource for scientists, policymakers and industries alike.

Of course, deploying sensing technology may not be feasible in volatile regions such as the Baltic or South China seas.

But there is potential in areas especially vulnerable to climate change, such as the Pacific. Here, scientific data could be harnessed to model oceanic changes and explore solutions to rising sea levels and extreme weather patterns.

A path forward

Portugal demonstrates a path forward for SMART cables. Despite the regulatory challenges, it is actively investing in SMART cables in order to improve climate data.

Other governments can learn from this if they wish to fulfil their moral duty to invest in infrastructure that serves as a public good.

The idea of embedding sensors in cables may not be the perfect climate change fix. But it’s a step toward understanding the ocean’s invisible rhythms – a small but necessary gesture to stop pretending our planet’s breakdown will fix itself.

Cynthia Mehboob does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Submarine cables keep the world connected. They can also help us study climate change – https://theconversation.com/submarine-cables-keep-the-world-connected-they-can-also-help-us-study-climate-change-251046

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jacob Broom, Lecturer in Politics and Policy, Murdoch University

The Western Australian election is less than a week away, and two themes have dominated: big public spending and culture wars.

The main parties are racking up a long and expensive list of policy promises. The ABC’s election promise tracker shows big spending in suburban road upgrades, improving school access and infrastructure, responding to domestic and family violence, and addressing undercapacity in WA’s health system. The combined promised spend of Labor, Liberals, Nationals and the Greens is estimated to exceed A$16 billion.

Appeals to fiscal restraint have been quiet. Labor is trumpeting its responsible economic management, while the Liberals are promising to “set the right priorities”. There is little talk of slashing and saving.

The combination of the cost-of-living crisis and WA’s strong economy has dampened the public’s appetite for austerity. It has also provided the parties with the cover to spend without seeming fiscally reckless.

While the policy priorities between the parties are broadly similar, there remain significant differences.

Policy debates on housing and climate

In housing, for example, all parties promise to slash stamp duty for first home buyers, but their proposals otherwise differ:

• WA Labor is focusing on build-to-rent projects and expanding WA’s shared equity scheme
• the Liberals will fast-track homes in key growth areas by funding enabling infrastructure
• the Nationals promise a $1 billion project to develop land in regional WA, as well as another A$1 billion to expand the Government Regional Officer Housing program
• the Greens pledge to regulate short-stay accommodation, strengthen renters’ rights and set housing targets.

For climate policy, the differences are starker. Labor promises a coal-free grid by 2030 and a green energy future built in WA, driven by windfarms and WA-made home batteries. It stops short at reducing natural gas use, unlike the Greens.

However, Labor has also pushed back against environmental regulation. Premier Roger Cook lobbied the federal government to abandon environmental protection legislation.

The recent release of a long-withheld independent report that prompted sweeping changes to the WA Environmental Protection Agency was criticised by conservation organisations for its lack of consultation outside of the mining industry.

The Liberals agree on the need for batteries and wind power. However, they also promise to extend the lifespan of WA’s coal power stations and lift the ban on uranium mining in WA.

In her campaign launch speech, Liberal leader Libby Mettam pledged to cut “green tape” and defund the Environmental Defenders Office. This is on the grounds that “taxpayer money should not be spent propping up activists”.

The culture wars cometh

Mettam’s choice to target “activists” signals the Liberals’ flirtation with the culture wars. This term refers to conflict over social issues concerning identity and inclusion such as gender, race and sexuality. These issues are invoked by politicians to win votes from a polarised electorate.

Centre-right parties around the world have embraced culture wars, including in Australia.

Aligning herself with federal Liberal leader Peter Dutton, Mettam has stated she will refuse to stand in front of the First Nations flags.

She’s also promised to “ban the use of puberty blockers, cross-sex hormone treatments and surgical intervention for children under the age of 16 for the purpose of gender transition” and launch a comprehensive review of these treatments.

There are incentives for the Liberals to engage in culture war tactics.

Labor’s electoral position is stable. It also holds a dominant share of political donations. Public desire for big spending is limiting the effectiveness of traditional conservative attacks on Labor’s economic management.

The Liberals may perceive culture-war signalling as their most viable strategy for winning government. And, if the results of recent elections around the world are anything to go by, then “anti-woke” politics is surging.

Scandals involving various Liberal candidates further deepen the perception the Liberals are engaged in culture wars.

Albany candidate Thomas Brough was ordered to take workplace training with the Australian Human Rights Commission after making comments falsely linking the LGBTQIA+ community with paedophilia. Brough (who is a doctor) was referred to the State Administrative Tribunal by the Medical Board for the comments.

Brough also came under fire for suggesting a “posse” of regional doctors would help gun owners navigate new stricter gun laws introduced by Labor. Brough has not been asked by the party to resign.

Similarly, a rising star for the Liberals and candidate for Churchlands, Basil Zempilas, made widely condemned comments about transgender people on his radio show in 2020, shortly after becoming Lord Mayor of Perth. Apologising after, he said he had “forgotten he was lord mayor”.

The party also preselected candidates whose digital footprints revealed unpalatable views.

During an awkward press conference, Darling Range candidate Paul Mansfield was confronted with what the ABC described as “a series of derogatory social media posts, including homophobic slurs and two lewd posts about women”.

Kimberley candidate Darren Spackman was asked to leave the party after derogatory social media posts he made in 2022 about Indigenous people were republished.

The preselection of these candidates could be written off as the reflection of a hollowed-out party struggling to attract strong candidates.

But under Mettam, the WA Liberal Party is caught between signalling it is part of the anti-woke surge and being seen to resist discrimination.

It is unclear whether the culture wars will secure votes for the Liberals. Recent research shows strong support for issues such as transgender rights among Australian voters.

How WA voters respond to culture-war messaging will undoubtedly inform the Liberals’ position in the federal election.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The WA election campaign has been about big promises, but culture wars are inescapable in contemporary politics – https://theconversation.com/the-wa-election-campaign-has-been-about-big-promises-but-culture-wars-are-inescapable-in-contemporary-politics-249691

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Lacy-Nichols, Senior Research Fellow in Commercial Determinants of Health, The University of Melbourne

Good quality information about when and how alcohol and gambling industries try to influence government decision making should be easily accessible. But in Australia, it’s not.

When we mapped the network of alcohol and gambling interests in Australia in our recent study, we revealed a complex web of memberships and partnerships.

We then used the latest data on political donations from the Australian Electoral Commission to show how these companies can “double donate”, or potentially donate more than twice. That’s once directly and via their often-multiple associations.

However, recent political donation reforms will not stop these kinds of multiple donations.

We’re concerned about the lack of transparency in these associations and political donations, and the potential for influencing public health policy on everything from gambling reform to alcohol labelling.

Read more:
Parliament has passed landmark election donation laws. They may be a ‘stitch up’ but they also improve Australia’s democracy

Hidden webs of influence

Understanding which companies are connected with alcohol and gambling associations can be challenging. This was immediately apparent when we mapped alcohol and gambling industry associations (such as Clubs Australia, which represents both community clubs and large pokies venues, or Alcohol Beverages Australia, which represents drinks manufacturers, distributors and retailers).

Just 75 (59.5%) of the 126 industry associations we identified disclosed their members or corporate partners.

When we documented the members and corporate sponsors of those 75 associations, we found a large and well-connected network.

Unsurprisingly, major alcohol and gambling companies were among the members and corporate sponsors. But these were in the minority. More than three-quarters (78.3%) were from other industries such as health, finance, construction, law, entertainment and telecommunications. Some of these were among the most well-connected organisations in the network.

The figure below shows the links between the most connected associations and corporate partners, using data from 2022.

The larger circles indicate more connections in the network (for example, associations with more partners). Circles of alcohol interests are blue, gambling is pink, industry associations are orange, and other industries are shown in grey. The lines show a direct link (for instance, between a company and industry association).

We also investigated how transparent these relationships were. We mapped disclosures about two prominent groups: the hotels associations (which represent pubs and hotels) and the clubs associations.

Of the 658 relationships assessed, only 91 (13.8%) were transparently disclosed. Alcohol companies were the least transparent (disclosing none fully). Gambling companies fully disclosed only 19 relationships.

The figure below compares the number of disclosures from alcohol, gambling and other companies about their relationships with hotels and clubs associations.

On the left, we have industry sectors. On the right we have the clubs and hotels associations they partner with. In the middle we show how many of those relationships were fully, partially or not disclosed at all.

Poor transparency is just the start

Poor transparency in membership of hotels and clubs associations makes it even harder to keep track of which companies are making political donations to which parties, and how much they’re donating in total.

Donations are often said to buy access to politicians, which can facilitate political influence. Companies who may not want to visibly support political parties can donate via intermediaries – in this case, associations that represent their interests. Depending on how many associations a company belongs to, companies can cultivate multiple access points to government.

This gives them more opportunities to influence politics – and perhaps oppose public policies that threaten their commercial interests.

These multiple access points are often opaque. The potential links between the thousands of donors in political donation data from the Australian Electoral Commission are not explicit. This makes it challenging for someone with limited time and resources to easily understand which company is giving money to which party, how much, and why. So much of the money in Australian politics is effectively hidden.

It was only through extensive data collection, cleaning and linking that we could map links between alcohol and gambling sectors. We then linked our dataset to the new data published by the Australian Electoral Commission on February 1.

If we look at just alcohol and gambling companies, we can see that several essentially “double donate”. They donate once directly and a second time (or more) indirectly via their associations.

We put together a simple visual below to show the flow of funds for the largest alcohol and gambling donors and associations in our dataset.

On the left we have the alcohol and gambling companies donating to political parties on the right. In the middle, we have have alcohol and gambling industry associations also donating to the political parties. The lines represent the financial connection between entities. The wider the lines, the more money we know is donated.

Why aren’t recent reforms enough?

The most recent donation reforms mean political donations over A$5,000 must be disclosed, and these must be disclosed monthly. However, these reforms are far weaker than originally proposed (real-time reporting, $1,000 disclosure cap). This potentially allows alcohol and gambling industries to influence government and hide it.

Our current political integrity safeguards are failing us. That’s because the reforms do not compel industry groups to disclose their members or funders. This potentially allows companies to donate to political parties under the radar.

This would be the case for the 51 organisations we found that did not have a list of members publicly available.

Better transparency – about donations, lobbyists, conflicts of interest and more – can help ensure government decision-making is not unduly influenced by vested interests.

With a federal election looming, it is important the public can trust policies from all sides of politics are free from undue influence.

Cara Platts from the University of Melbourne coauthored the academic paper on which this article is based, and contributed to this article.

Jennifer Lacy-Nichols receives funding from the Victorian Health Promotion Association and the National Health and Medical Research Council. She is a member of Transparency International Australia, the Public Health Association of Australia and Healthy Food Systems Australia.

– ref. Alcohol and gambling firms donate to political parties multiple times. And new rules won’t stop them – https://theconversation.com/alcohol-and-gambling-firms-donate-to-political-parties-multiple-times-and-new-rules-wont-stop-them-250374

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Dempsey, Associate Professor in Natural Resources Engineering, University of Canterbury

The government recently announced a framework to regulate carbon capture, utilisation and storage (CCUS) by New Zealand companies.

Energy and Climate Change Minister Simon Watts outlined new rules that would allow emitters to capture their carbon dioxide (CO₂) emissions and inject them underground for permanent disposal. They would then avoid having to pay for those emissions under the Emissions Trading Scheme.

Globally, CCUS is currently used mostly by coal or gas-fired power stations, liquefied natural gas plants and petroleum refineries. There are 41 commercial operations around the world, and they capture about 40 million tonnes of CO₂ annually.

Our peers (Australia, the United States and the European Union) already have CCUS frameworks and storage projects. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change acknowledges CCUS’s role in curbing emissions, but highlights challenges in scaling and technology readiness.

New Zealand faces the challenge of reducing emissions from strategic industries such as steel, concrete, fossil fuels and their derivatives (methanol, ammonia). CCUS has been tabled as an interim solution, strongly supported by the fossil fuel industry. However, critics warn it could reduce incentives to phase out fossil fuels.

The government argues its CCUS framework aligns New Zealand with international standards. This claim has merit insofar as successful climate action is likely to require international collaboration and technology transfer.

CCUS in New Zealand could enable reinjection of CO₂ produced from the Kapuni gas field in Taranaki, with “utilisation” involving diverting some of the gas for use in the food and beverage or horticulture industries.

However, leakage of CO₂ from long-term disposal sites is a major technical risk and New Zealand’s framework must be clear on how it would deal with this liability.

Lake Boehmer and how things might go wrong

Rules for CCUS projects generally require operators to monitor, report and remedy any leakage of CO₂. But because the industry is young, it is useful to take a broader look at geological leakage in the past to reveal how future challenges play out.

Lake Boehmer, in the the Permian Basin of West Texas, wasn’t always there. But 20 years ago an old irrigation well started leaking saltwater and hasn’t stopped since.

The well was drilled in 1951 by an oil and gas company. No oil was discovered so the well was handed over to the landowner for irrigation. The well produced water, but also poisonous hydrogen sulphide, enough to kill a farmhand in 1953.

In the 1990s, the well started leaking. Water from a deep aquifer had pushed its way up alongside the well through geological layers of salt. The water dissolved the salt, worsening the leak, and emerged from underground three times saltier than seawater.

The Railroad Commission, which regulates the oil and gas industry in Texas, says they are not liable to plug the well because they only have jurisdiction over oil wells. The original operator, which is claimed to have promised to plug the well “any time it becomes polluted with mineral water”, is no longer in business. No one can find the landowner.

After 20 years, Lake Boehmer has grown to 60 acres. Its shore is rimmed in salt crystals and the odd dead bird from hydrogen sulphide exposure. No one can agree who should fix it.

Could something similar happen with CCUS? Exacerbating factors in the Boehmer case include deterioration of an aged well – it’s almost 50 years since leakage started – and the absence of a backstop party as the final holder of liability. Both could happen with CCUS under the wrong circumstances.

Better ways of dealing with leakage

The Decatur CCUS project in the US state of Illinois has been injecting CO₂ produced from corn ethanol two kilometres deep into sandstone. Over about a decade, 4.5 million tonnes of CO₂ has been injected – emissions diverted from the atmosphere.

The US government imposes strict monitoring rules on CCUS projects. Special monitoring wells are drilled into the disposal aquifer to measure pressure changes and how far the CO₂ has travelled.

Unfortunately, one of these wells started to leak, possibly due to corrosion. It allowed about 8,000 tonnes of CO₂ to escape into overlying geological layers.

This is rightly concerning, but to put it into perspective, the size of the leak is 0.2% of the injected CO₂ volume and none of it has escaped to the atmosphere or shallow groundwater. The leak was detected, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) intervened, issuing a notice that the leak be remediated, and the company plugged the well.

This illustrates a functioning CCUS framework. Monitoring requirements ensured the leak was discovered and the regulator was empowered to dictate remedial action.

However, critics have questioned the timeliness of the operator’s disclosure. The site remains on hold but may resume operations if the EPA is satisfied with the fix.

Lessons for New Zealand

A proposal circulated last year suggests the government will model its legislation on Australia and the EU, with CCUS operators being responsible for leaks during disposal operations and for a time after site closure.

This is like the Decatur situation. It makes sense for operators to fix leaks because they have the technical expertise and are the direct financial beneficiaries of emissions disposal.

It gets trickier on generational time frames. Companies can go out of business or might leave the country. In these cases, the government is liable for long-term leakage and may seek financial security from the operator to cover future costs.

A leak arising decades after closure could be more difficult to detect and costly to fix, especially if held up by a protracted fight around liability. This is the Lake Boehmer example.

Some CCUS seems inevitable if the world is to meet climate targets. It is therefore important to prepare for the possibility of a leak by having robust practices and clear responsibility.

Although it may seem unfair to burden future generations with looking after CO₂ disposal sites, we argue it is preferable to a legacy that has those same climate-warming gases in the atmosphere.

David Dempsey receives funding from MBIE for research into carbon dioxide removal.

Andrew La Croix receives funding from MBIE for research into carbon dioxide removal.

– ref. Leakage is a risk with carbon storage projects – NZ’s new framework must be clear on how to deal with this liability – https://theconversation.com/leakage-is-a-risk-with-carbon-storage-projects-nzs-new-framework-must-be-clear-on-how-to-deal-with-this-liability-251006

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine Stephen, Lecturer, School of Nursing, University of Wollongong

More than 260,000 students across Australia are going to university for the first time.

Some come to university to pursue a passion, others to discover one, and some aren’t quite sure why they’re here. Whatever their reason, it can take time to adjust and feel comfortable at uni, and some students decide studying is not for them. In their first year, around 14% of Australian students will choose to leave.

What do you do if you get to uni and it isn’t quite what you expect?

Expectations versus reality

The transition from high school to university can be a big adjustment, especially for Year 12 students who are used to structured learning and clear guidance. Suddenly, you’re managing a new timetable, deadlines, and navigating new places and possibly new subjects on your own.

While university social clubs and campus activities can help you settle in, your first year at university can be a lonely time. You are away from familiar school friends and in classes full of people you don’t know.

Mature-aged students (anyone over 21) face their own challenges when life experience does not always translate to confidence in academic skills.

Juggling study, work and personal commitments isn’t easy. Fitting university in around other life pressures can feel overwhelming.

Seek out support

Each university will have slightly different offerings around student support.

If you are finding the academic work difficult, ask if there are academic writing supports or library research supports available.

If you are worried about your funds, ask about financial counselling.

Also seek out on-campus mental health or counselling supports if you you are feeling particularly stressed about your situation.

Read more:
Uni is not just about lectures. When choosing a degree, ask what supports are available to you

Can you change your degree or subjects?

If you’re not enjoying yourself, try to work out exactly what it is you don’t like: is it university itself? Is it your course? Or just a particular subject?

If your current degree isn’t working, you could consider switching degrees or the mix of subjects you are studying. Switching to another degree or discipline may come with credit for prior study. Remember, no learning is ever wasted, and many skills are transferable. You can talk to your university admissions team to see what’s possible.

Or perhaps part-time study would be a better option for you. This is very common among uni students. Only 40% complete their degree within four years.

Universities often allow up to ten years for a bachelors’ degree, so you have time to rethink and adjust. Chat with an academic advisor or student services to understand your options.

If university isn’t working at all, remember there are many other options post-school. This includes vocational education and training courses (some of which are free) that provide practical skills, geared towards a job. It is OK to change your mind.

Key dates to know

Timing is important. You need to be aware of the “census date” for your particular uni. This is the deadline when your fees are locked in.

Before then, you can drop courses without financial or academic penalties.

Think of the time before the census date as a “try-before-you-buy” period. While dates vary between universities, the first few weeks give you a chance to experience course content and decide if it’s the right fit for you.

Remember you are going through a big change – so go easy on yourself. And speak to academic, career, and wellbeing supports at your university if you think you need to make a change.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What can you do if you’ve started uni and you don’t like it? – https://theconversation.com/what-can-you-do-if-youve-started-uni-and-you-dont-like-it-251052

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bruce Isaacs, Associate Professor, Film Studies, University of Sydney

This month, as the weather stays high and you’re likely to want to stay under the air-conditioning, our experts have a cornucopia of shows and films they’re watching to suit every mood.

There is Robert de Niro’s romp through politics which “stretches the bounds of credibility”, new seasons of The Traitors from both the United Kingdom and the United States, three new Aussie productions and a new comedy from Aotearoa New Zealand. There is a documentary about Cyclone Tracy for the history buffs – and to round it all out, the intriguingly titled Nightbitch.

Zero Day

Netflix

It seems appropriate that Netflix’s attempt to create a show that captures the state of US politics should be as absurd and troubling as the first months of the Trump administration. Zero Day stretches the bounds of credibility, but, like Trump, it is hypnotic viewing.

A former president, George Mullen (Robert de Niro) is called upon to track down the source of a cyber-attack which turns off all power for one minute, leading to multiple deaths.

Mullen’s own family story becomes central to the plot, involving both his wife (Joan Allen) and daughter (Lizzy Caplan) – who conveniently happens to be a congresswoman, clearly inspired by left-wing congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

Zero Day is full of such references, from the current president (Angela Bassett), a nod to Kamala Harris, to a populist radio host and a sinister tech tycoon.

American reviews have complained the series tries too hard to appeal across partisan lines, to suggest woke calls from the left is equivalent to extremism on the right. Yes, there’s a fuzziness to the politics of Zero Day. But I saw it as a cry of despair at the state of American public life which is also highly entertaining television.

– Dennis Altman

Optics

ABC iView

What does it mean to tell the truth? And how do we, as consumers of media, differentiate truth from fabrication? Optics, a new comedy series from the ABC, asks these questions through the setting of a public relations firm.

The show expertly balances humour with quick-wit, social media vernacular, and a level of marketing wordsmithing that makes you question if the news has ever told you a true story.

The show is based in the PR firm Fritz & Randell and opens with the death of its aging CEO Frank Fritz (Peter Carroll), in a men-only board meeting no less.

After Frank’s death, the son of the cofounder, Ian Randell (Charles Firth) makes a bid for top spot. But the owner of the firm, Bobby Bahl (Claude Jabbour) is concerned with “optics”, so he puts two young women in charge instead.

Their young, spunky attitude and social media prowess is seen as a massive advantage. And it is. But it soon becomes apparent this move is much more than a feminist fresh-take for the firm – and is rather a bid to push some skeletons further back in the closet.

With outrageous lines such as “is there an emoji for miscarriage”, you are guaranteed an entertaining watch. The show will have you questioning the stories you yourself are presented through news outlets. Further still, it will make you wonder how many hands those stories passed through before they hit the papers and screens.

– Edith Jennifer Hill

Read more:
ABC’s Optics is a clever, believable comedy that will make you second-guess what you see in the media

N00b

Netflix (Australia), ThreeNow (New Zealand)

N00b is a coming-of-age story set in small town Gore, New Zealand, a proverbial “arse-end” of the world. Under show creator Victoria Boult, the series bristles with a vibrancy and edginess.

It’s a familiar story of rugby jocks (“boys”) and popular kids, geeks, misfits, and their witless teachers. It’s something of a modest, reality snapshot of the teen dramas it so confidently riffs on, shows like Laguna Beach and The O.C.

But what makes this a courageous entry in the genre is N00b’s willingness to be both uproariously funny and caustically cynical. This is a very funny teen comedy, and yet it is also dark and provocative in ways I found refreshing and quite surprising.

Boult cut her teeth on film studies at the University of Sydney and then went on to work with Jane Campion on The Power of the Dog. The sureness of vision and the deftness of the way in which Boult understands genre is so impressive. The production is based on Boult’s viral TikTok series of the same name (which I can highly recommend).

I sincerely hope that N00b finds a major audience and perhaps even garners a cult following. Highly recommend.

– Bruce Isaacs

The Traitors US and UK, seasons three

TenPlay (Australia), ThreeNow (New Zealand)

The third seasons from The Traitors UK and US are fantastic companion pieces, with respective hosts Claudia Winkleman and Alan Cumming guiding the plucky contestants with their camp prowess.

With their third seasons, the creative teams behind each version have realised that the more theatrical the better, with Winkleman and Cumming leading the charge with their sass and eccentric fashion choices. The setting of Ardross Castle (for both series) in the Scottish Highlands helps.

The premise is simple: a cast of contestants must complete challenges to earn money for the kitty. Hidden among the faithful contestants are traitors. If a traitor makes it to the end, they keep the money for themselves.

Each episode, the faithfuls must banish a contestant who they think is a traitor. That evening, the traitors also meet in their turret, wearing mysterious cloaks of course, to “murder” a contestant in their sleep.

The British season has a diverse cast of everyday contestants, with standouts being one person who gives herself away as a traitor within seconds of being chosen, and another faking a Welsh accent to appear more down to earth.

The US season is vastly different with a cast of former reality television show icons. Here, it’s fascinating to see how contestants from different franchises, such as RuPaul’s Drag Race, Real Housewives, Survivor and Big Brother all approach the game differently.

Both the American and British versions of The Traitors are fantastic viewing and it’s a genuine shame that the Australian version was let down with substandard casting choices and an aesthetic that was the antithesis of camp.

– Stuart Richards

Cyclone Tracy

9 Now

On Christmas Eve 2024, Australia remembered the 50th anniversary of the destruction of Darwin wrought by Cyclone Tracy. Fittingly, the 9 Now streaming service marked this anniversary by featuring the 1986 miniseries Cyclone Tracy, a vivid depiction of 1970s Darwin and the terrible impact of the cyclone.

Cyclone Tracy stars Tracy Mann as Connie, a widow and mother of two who has just paid off the mortgage of her hotel, which serves as the central stage for the drama.

The series captures the cultural diversity of Darwin (though some portrayals veer towards caricature at times), and the city itself is beautifully evoked through archival footage and great production design. The cyclone itself is frightening, and its destructive power is powerfully evoked (the series’ director of photography, Andrew Lesnie, would later win an Oscar for cinematography).

In the mid-1980s, when this series first went to air, many viewers would have still been coming to terms with this terrible disaster: it was an act of storytelling for the nation. Watching it in 2025, Cyclone Tracy reminds us of the importance of these nation-making television programs that were once such an important part of Australian culture.

– Michelle Arrow

Apple Cider Vinegar

Netflix

Apple Cider Vinegar tells the story of the elaborate cancer con orchestrated by Australian blogger Annabelle (Belle) Gibson.

For anyone who followed Gibson during her rise to fame in the 2010s – or her spectacular fall – the show feels eerily familiar.

From the clothing, to the makeup, to the food, Apple Cider Vinegar excels in set design and staging. Every effort has been made to ensure this true story, based on a lie, looks like it did when it was unfolding on our phone screens in the 2010s.

As someone who followed Gibson closely and spent months hunting down the recalled cookbook to see if the health claims were as outlandish as I’d heard (they were), this show was a treat to watch.

The scenes are cut with recreations of Belle’s stylised Instagram pictures of green juices, beaches and food with “no nasties”. Belle’s account was removed from Instagram after the massive public ousting of her hoax.

Apple Cider Vinegar has done an incredible job recreating this account and breathing life back into the deleted content.

Whether or not you are already familiar with Gibson’s story, Apple Cider Vinegar is a compelling watch. You’ll especially love it if you enjoy non-fiction productions that play with ideas of truth such as iTonya, the Tinder Swindler and Inventing Anna.

– Edith Jennifer Hill

Read more:
Belle Gibson built a ‘wellness’ empire on a lie about cancer. Apple Cider Vinegar expertly unravels her con

Invisible Boys

Stan (Australia), TVNZ+ (New Zealand)

Stan’s new series Invisible Boys follows four young gay men as they understand and explore their identities while living in Geraldton, a regional town in Western Australia.

Charlie Roth (Joseph Zada), Zeke Calogero (Aydan Calafiore), Kade “Hammer” Hammersmith (Zach Blampied) and Matt Jones (Joe Klocek) represent four very different young men. Yet they share the experience of feeling invisible because of their sexuality.

An adaptation of Holden Sheppard’s novel of the same name, the story challenges linear narratives of progress and typical ideals of queer life. It also shows how such mentalities can lead gay and bisexual men growing up in regional Australia to feel invisible, as they often don’t fit the neat narratives associated with “progress”.

No previous teen drama has been quite as truthful in its representation of some young gay and bisexual men’s experiences.

As someone who grew up gay in regional Australia, it feels like an authentic representation of my own experience. There’s something universal about Charlie, Zeke, Kade and Matt’s stories of not fitting in, and of being invisible to be safe.

Most striking is the way the series captures the complicated mix of joy and fear – the clash of opportunity and consequence – that accompanies becoming visibly gay in these environments.

– Damien O’Meara

Read more:
Stan’s Invisible Boys carries the tradition of real, gritty Aussie teen drama, while smashing it into something new

Nightbitch

Disney+

“Motherhood,” the beleaguered stay-at-home mother of Nightbitch tells us in contemplative voice-over, “is probably the most violent experience a human can have aside from death itself”.

The film sets out to show motherhood is also far more savage and feral than the anodyne images posted on social media by retrograde tradwives or mumfluencers would have us believe.

As Nightbitch puts it, it’s “fucking brutal”.

Mother (Amy Adams) is an unnamed installation artist who places her career on hold to raise her young son. Wrung out by the demands of motherhood and increasingly furious with the lack of support she receives from her incompetent and often absent Husband (Scoot McNairy), Mother starts to spiral out of control, morphing into a dog complete with tail, sharpened canines, extra nipples and a ravenous desire for raw meat.

Nightbitch takes the fear of the reproductive woman literally, drawing on magic realism and horror tropes to show the visceral and psychological metamorphosis women undergo on becoming mothers. Unfortunately director Marielle Heller’s refusal to lean into the body horror results in a neutered narrative with more bark than bite.

– Rachel Williamson

Read more:
A new wave of filmmakers are exploring motherhood’s discontents. Nightbitch makes this monstrous

Michelle Arrow receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Bruce Isaacs, Damien O’Meara, Dennis Altman, Edith Jennifer Hill, Rachel Williamson, and Stuart Richards do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Belle Gibson, teenage lives and trying to find the traitors: what we’re streaming this March – https://theconversation.com/belle-gibson-teenage-lives-and-trying-to-find-the-traitors-what-were-streaming-this-march-250759