Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sora Lee, Lecturer in Ageing and End of Life, La Trobe University

Australia’s job market is facing a paradox. Employers across every major sector – from construction to healthcare – report crippling skills shortages.

A key measure of skills shortages, the proportion of advertised vacancies filled, shows 30.3% of surveyed occupations were in shortage in the March quarter.

Yet there are more than two million people – hidden workers – who remain on the fringes of the labour market. They might just be a missing piece in solving Australia’s talent crisis.

This mismatch is more than a numbers problem – it’s a systemic failure to connect the untapped talent with unmet industry demand.

Businesses need to rethink rigid hiring practices, challenge outdated stereotypes and create pathways for those sidelined from work. Policymakers need to build in targeted pathways that connect their skills to shortage areas.

Who are the hidden workers?

Each month, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) releases official data on the labour force: new jobs created, the unemployment rate and other measures. But these figures don’t tell the whole story.

Collectively, the term hidden workers encompasses:

• people who are underemployed (working one or more part-time job but willing and able to work full-time)
• the unemployed (without work but seeking work)
• discouraged workers (who are not currently working or looking, but are willing and able to work if the right circumstances arise).

Using nationally representative data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey, our research reveals some patterns of hidden workers.

Women are predominant among the hidden workers, reflecting ongoing gendered divisions in caregiving. Half of the discouraged workers, who have given up looking for work, are over 41.

Those with lower educational attainment (below Year 12) are more likely to be discouraged or unemployed. Hidden workers often lack networks or live in disadvantaged areas.

It’s not just discouraged workers

Our research shows hidden workers make up 21.1% of Australians aged 15 and over, according to the HILDA 2022 survey data. We use broader definitions of discouraged workers and the underemployed than the ABS does, and we include people over 65. The ABS, which uses a different survey and methods, arrives at a rate of about 17%. We explain these differences in further detail below.

Discouraged workers are most common among the youngest and oldest age groups, comprising 43.17% of hidden workers. Discouraged workers are a big part of the story, but not the whole picture.

Many hidden workers are underemployed (39.1%). They are actively working, but in casual or part-time jobs that don’t give them the hours or income they need. Working parents, especially mothers, are underemployed in unstable part-time roles, juggling caregiving responsibilities.

Findings from another study which analyses the probabilities of becoming a hidden worker, confirms women’s participation in the labour market is hindered at various stages of life by the unequal sharing of childcare and other care responsibilities.

Limited local job opportunities and economic resources further widen the gender gap, particularly among those aged 45–64.

Why our research paints a fuller picture

The ABS defines “potential workers” as people who are willing and able to work, a group that includes both those classified as unemployed and those considered discouraged workers. However, the ABS publishes underemployment as a separate category. This mainly covers people employed part-time who wanted more hours, and were available.

However, in hidden worker research, underemployed workers are defined more broadly, as people who want more hours and can’t get them, without the readiness-to-start condition.

By grouping them as a category under hidden workers, we get a fuller picture of the “missing” labour that could be mobilised if structural and systemic barriers were addressed.

My research into hidden workers stems not just from academic curiosity, but from my own experience. As a newly completed PhD, a migrant woman of culturally and linguistically diverse background, and a mother of two young children, I found it challenging to navigate a labour market that didn’t fully recognise my skills, experience or potential.

Despite being “willing and able to work”, I was underemployed, unemployed and then discouraged.

Why does this matter for the economy?

Australia cannot afford to address only the visible tip of the labour market iceberg. The hidden workers in Australia are a vital yet invisible part of the workforce.

Bringing hidden workers into policy focus is not only an economic priority, but also a public health imperative. A young hidden worker may start out in insecure, low-paid jobs that limit access to good food, safe housing and adequate health care.

These early disadvantages don’t just affect the present. Over time, these disadvantages may compound, leading to chronic stress, mental health challenges and a higher risk of long-term illness. The accumulated disadvantages can lead to inequitable ageing.

To make a difference, job services, health care, housing and community support all need to work together so these challenges don’t keep them stuck. The Victorian state government has an initiative for a community council to help design better solutions.

Governments should link employment services with health and social protection systems to address compounding disadvantages. Unlocking this hidden workforce could be a game-changing step toward securing Australia’s economic resilience and strengthening its social fabric.

Sora Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Officially, the unemployment rate is 4.2%. But that doesn’t count all the hidden workers in Australia – https://theconversation.com/officially-the-unemployment-rate-is-4-2-but-that-doesnt-count-all-the-hidden-workers-in-australia-262870

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dennis Wesselbaum, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, University of Otago

What is the true value of a policy project? For governments tasked with improving citizens’ lives while spending taxpayers’ money responsibly, this is no mere academic question. It lies at the heart of good governance.

Public policy should create social, economic and environmental value. But determining that value in advance is difficult. Policies often have long-term, cross-sector effects that are hard to quantify.

This challenge is compounded by the reality of limited public resources. Whether the decision concerns investment in health, education, transport or climate resilience, funding one initiative often means deferring another.

Prioritisation, then, becomes a moral, economic and political task – with real consequences for how society progresses, and who benefits.

To make better decisions, policymakers need tools that allow structured, transparent and evidence-based comparisons of costs and benefits. The “social cost-benefit analysis” (sometimes abbreviated to SCBA) has long served that purpose.

Cost-benefit analyses are not new. They gained prominence in the United States in the 1930s to guide investment in water infrastructure, and soon became standard in regulatory and environmental policy making worldwide.

The central idea is simple: compare the costs of a policy or project with its expected benefits. Proceed if the benefits outweigh the costs.

In practice, however, it is rarely simple. Identifying all relevant costs and benefits, quantifying them credibly, and ensuring robust data requires skill, diligence – and, crucially, political will.

In a policy environment where decisions often have intergenerational and cross-sectoral consequences, the importance of cost-benefit analysis is hard to overstate.

It enables decision-makers to move beyond intuition and ideology, focusing instead on evidence and impact. It also promotes transparency, providing a framework to communicate a policy’s expected outcomes. This can enhance public understanding and trust.

Consistent, transparent and timely

Traditional cost-benefit analysis has long struggled with complex social policies. Benefits such as improved mental health, stronger social cohesion or reduced criminality are harder to quantify than savings from, say, infrastructure.

This limitation can skew assessments and omit critical aspects of wellbeing. Recognising this gap, the New Zealand Treasury developed a more advanced tool: CBAx with its first version released at the end of 2015.

CBAx is a cost–benefit analysis toolkit developed by the New Zealand Treasury to help public agencies assess and compare the long-term fiscal and social impacts of their initiatives. At its core, CBAx is a spreadsheet-based model designed specifically for use by social sector agencies.

The CBAx includes a comprehensive database of New Zealand-specific monetised impact values, covering areas such as health, education, justice and subjective wellbeing. These values are drawn from a range of non-market valuation methodologies and adjusted to ensure consistency and comparability across government.

CBAx standardises key elements of cost–benefit analysis – such as the discounting of future impacts – and supports more consistent, transparent and timely evaluations of policy options.

The CBAx toolkit also includes guidance documents, templates and training resources. It is supported by a growing community of practice aimed at improving cost–benefit analysis capability across the public sector.

This has changed how cost benefit analyses are conducted in New Zealand.

Previously, many agencies lacked either the capability or the incentive to produce robust cost benefit analyses. Since the introduction of CBAx, both the number and quality of cost-benefit analysis submissions linked to budget bids have increased.

The tool has helped standardise assumptions, improve consistency and enable more meaningful comparisons across projects. Still, many recent government-funded programmes – famously the Auckland Light Rail Project – did not use any cost-benefit analysis to justify their merits. The result has been an avoidable waste of both fiscal and economic resources.

Realising the full potential of CBAx

Cost-benefit analyses have limitations. Monetising impacts relies on assumptions, many of which are contestable. Assigning a dollar value to life, mental health or cultural outcomes is inherently fraught. Some effects cannot be captured with precision.

Rigorous CBAx analysis also requires time, resources and technical expertise – assets not equally distributed across agencies. Institutional barriers, such as budget processes and regulatory frameworks, may further limit its influence.

Critically, CBAx remains a tool. It does not replace judgement. While it can illuminate tradeoffs, quantify impacts and support sound decisions, it cannot determine what is “right”. Politics, values and public priorities still matter.

New Zealand has made commendable progress towards evidence-based policy with CBAx. It reflects a mature understanding of public value – one that extends beyond the bottom line to encompass wellbeing. But its full potential remains unrealised.

To strengthen the use of CBAx, several steps are needed.

First, the government should expand the database of impact values, particularly for non-market and wellbeing outcomes. More research is required to develop robust methodologies that capture the full value of public policy.

Second, public servants should receive broader training and support to ensure consistent and competent use of the tool.

Third, CBAx should be more deeply embedded in policy design – especially where decisions have long-term or cross-sector consequences.

The Treasury deserves credit for developing and promoting CBAx. A well-functioning Treasury ensures not only fiscal discipline but also that public spending delivers value for money.

The use of CBAx supports this aim – helping to ensure government policy delivers real, measurable and lasting value for all New Zealanders.

Arthur Grimes has previously received funding from the New Zealand Treasury to examine the social discount rate which is one input into CBAx. Arthur Grimes is a Senior Fellow of Motu Research, and is Professor of Wellbeing and Public Policy at Victoria University of Wellington (Te Herenga Waka).

Dennis Wesselbaum does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Treasury has a great cost-benefit calculator for big-spending projects – we just need to use it better – https://theconversation.com/treasury-has-a-great-cost-benefit-calculator-for-big-spending-projects-we-just-need-to-use-it-better-263619

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ramona Alaggia, Professor, Social Work, University of Toronto

The long-awaited Oasis reunion tour is a rousing success. Since launching in Wales in July, the band has been selling out shows across four continents, including two stops in Toronto.

Reviews have been glowing, and fans are thrilled not just with the music but also with the sight of Noel and Liam Gallagher showing each other genuine brotherly affection on stage — something that once seemed impossible.

This is a far cry from 2009, when Oasis broke up after an epic fallout. Noel, the elder brother, announced he could no longer put up with Liam’s drug-fuelled antics and frequent no-shows. The brothers then spent nearly 15 years estranged.

Read more:
Oasis reunion: How to stop your sibling feud from becoming a lifelong estrangement

Painful childhood

Their conflict isn’t surprising when you consider their childhood. Research shows that family violence and abuse can have lasting effects on sibling relationships.

In the Gallaghers’ case, Noel has spoken of being abused by their father, and both brothers witnessed domestic violence against their mother. Growing up with these adversities can make close family bonds harder to sustain — and may help explain the long rift between them.

So what’s made the difference? How have they managed to heal wounds and reunite? One answer may be resilience.

In my research, I’ve found that resilience is what allows some people, with the right support and circumstances, to rise above adversity and come out stronger. Back in 2017, I explored how this might apply to the Gallagher brothers, who grew up in a difficult and sometimes violent home.

Read more:
The Oasis brothers: Father’s abuse explains feud, resilience could end it

Parental influence

Resilience is a complex idea, and one way to understand it is through social learning theory. The basic idea is that we learn from the examples around us.

For the Gallaghers, growing up in a violent and chaotic home meant they were exposed to unhealthy patterns of behaviour and relationships. But at the same time, they also had a powerful positive influence in their lives through their mother, Peggy.

By ultimately leaving her abusive husband, despite the difficulties that followed, she modelled to her children that there are alternatives to destructive relationships.

This balance of negative and positive role models matters. Harmful examples can damage development, but protective role models can demonstrate healthier ways of coping, relating and moving forward.

In 2024, when the brothers announced their reunion tour, I revisited their story offering ideas on how they might get along to make the tour a success and how they might finally put their long-running feud behind them.

I suggested that counselling focused on conflict resolution could help. These approaches often include learning skills like open communication, active listening, exploring options together, collaborating, compromising, and aiming for a win-win solution.

Apologizing and avoiding casting blame are also important parts of the process. While we may never know if the Gallagher brothers were provided any of these supports, or used them to resolve their conflicts, it’s clear they’ve achieved some significant measure of reconciliation.

Noel has even recently talked about how much he enjoys being around his brother and how proud he is of him.

Not looking back in anger

The combined raw talent of the Gallagher brothers, along with the drive and persistence to form a band, captured the hearts of a generation of music-lovers and are continuing to attract new and younger fans around the world.

After years apart, their return to the stage shows that reconciliation is possible and that even the most fractured relationships can find a way forward.

Watching the Gallaghers side by side on stage, frequently laughing and embracing, it seems clear that resilience, combined with a genuine desire to reconcile, has helped bring them back together.

Their reunion is more than a comeback tour; it’s a story of overcoming adversity that speaks to a universal hope. The Gallaghers are showing that even long-standing family conflicts can be healed.

Ramona Alaggia’s studies have been funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

– ref. The triumph of the Oasis reunion: Resilience rules the day as the Gallaghers end their feud – https://theconversation.com/the-triumph-of-the-oasis-reunion-resilience-rules-the-day-as-the-gallaghers-end-their-feud-263789

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kam Phung, Assistant Professor of Business & Society, Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University

Despite growing awareness and legislation aimed at eradicating modern slavery — including forced labour, bonded labour and other extreme forms of human exploitation — efforts to combat the issue remain largely ineffective.

The United Kingdom, the first to enact a modern slavery act in 2015, is a case in point. The latest government figures show 5,690 potential victims in the U.K. were referred to the Home Office between April and June. This is the highest quarterly figure since the national referral mechanism began in 2009.

This could be attributed to a multitude of reasons, including an actual rise in exploitation, growing awareness of the issue and more training being provided for frontline services. But the effectiveness of transparency and disclosure laws in achieving substantive change in businesses’ behaviours has long been questioned.

Read more:
Ten years after the Modern Slavery Act, why has this ‘world-leading’ legislation had so little impact?

Canada also has a modern slavery act, Fighting Against Forced Labour and Child Labour in Supply Chains Act, which came into effect in 2024. It requires certain private-sector and government entities to report on efforts to prevent and reduce the risk the issues.

Read more:
Canada’s Modern Slavery Act is the start — not the end — of efforts to address the issue in supply chains

It’s still too early to tell if Canada’s approach has amounted to any real change. However, since its onset, experts have cautioned that such a transparency and disclosure law “falls short of what is required to make large corporations exercise due diligence to prevent labour abuse from occurring within their supply chains.”

Deflecting responsibilities

When confronted with modern slavery risks, some companies justify their inaction or adopt ineffective measures that do little to address the problem.

In a recent book chapter published in the The Routledge Companion to Responsible Business, my co-researchers and I explore three rationalizations used by businesses and professionals to deflect responsibility for addressing modern slavery and other pressing societal issues, even as pressure to do so increases.

Our insights emerged from interviews we conducted with a range of businesses operating in Canada with global supply chains leading up to Canada’s enactment of modern slavery legislation. They represent some, but not all, of the ways businesses deflect responsibilities for addressing modern slavery.

Deflection involves redirecting attention, blame or responsibility away from oneself to avoid taking accountability or confronting uncomfortable truths and negative feelings. Rather than addressing an issue, focus is shifted elsewhere, enabling an organization to get away with inaction or sub-par action that can enable modern slavery.

In everyday organizational life, these deflections can be hard to spot. They manifest in subtle ways, and may sound reasonable on the surface but ultimately serve to sidestep meaningful responsibility.

Perceptual rationalizations

“Perceptual rationalization” occurs when businesses resist addressing modern slavery because they fear negative perceptions and consequences.

In our interviews, some businesses worried that acknowledging the issue might be seen as an admission of guilt, making their company vulnerable to media criticism and public backlash.

To some companies, modern slavery is considered so toxic and stigmatized that they prefer to avoid the topic altogether. In the face of media coverage on linkages to modern slavery, some businesses fear that bringing attention to the issue will become a public relations nightmare.

This is despite evidence that broader society may, in fact, praise businesses for detecting and publicly disclosing such information.

Ironically, this suggests the media’s role as “watchdogs” of corporate behaviour may actually deter some businesses from taking action rather than deter socially irresponsible behaviours.

Read more:
Modern slavery is endemic in global supply chains. Companies should be praised – not shamed – for detecting it

Structural rationalizations

“Structural rationalizations” happen when businesses claim that industry factors like regulations or systemic factors absolve them of responsibility.

For example, company representatives in highly regulated industries like transportation argued their supply chains are already monitored and therefore have a “low risk” of modern slavery — despite using high-risk materials like rare minerals, including conflict minerals, in their parts.

Meanwhile, others claimed that modern slavery is a “system issue” that requires government intervention and changes in consumer behaviours, not corporate action.

While acknowledging the systemic nature of the problem is important, we found some companies use this perspective to shift responsibility to external entities like governments, consumers and other businesses instead of taking proactive steps.

In this way, the systemic nature of issues such as modern slavery, and other issues like climate change, may actually be leveraged by some as a way to avoid doing their part to address them. System issues are all-hands-on-deck issues. Everyone needs to be doing their part.

Territorial rationalizations

“Territorial rationalization” was one of the most common rationalizations in our interviews. It occurs when individuals or organizations argue modern slavery falls outside their scope of responsibility, leaving it for others to address.

At the individual level, someone might say their performance indicators don’t include addressing the issue, so it’s outside the scope of their work. At the organizational level, companies may claim the issue is simply irrelevant to them. However, such dismissals are often based on false assumptions or misunderstandings.

Some companies, for example, believe that because their products are high quality goods, they are shielded from the issue despite legitimate risks.

Yet, modern slavery is not confined to low-quality goods. In 2024, for instance, the Democratic Republic of Congo accused Apple subsidiaries in France and Belgium of using conflict minerals. Similarly, Italy’s competition authority is investigating claims of worker exploitation linked to Armani and Dior.

Taking ownership means shifting from “that’s not my job” to “how can I help solve this?” while still maintaining reasonable boundaries.

Transforming inaction into accountability

The fight against modern slavery in supply chains reveals a troubling paradox: the very factors that should drive corporate action, like moral urgency and the systemic nature of the issue, often become excuses for inaction and deflection.

Read more:
Here’s what businesses and consumers can do to tackle modern slavery in supply chains

Progress requires business leaders to embrace accountability within their sphere of influence. The path forward demands three critical shifts:

1. Business education must evolve to prepare professionals, managers and executives with moral frameworks and practical tools to address systemic challenges. They must be taught to view social issues as an opportunity rather than a challenge or threat.

2. Companies must resist the temptation to hide behind the systemic nature of problems and instead focus on what they can control and influence.

3. Stakeholders like leadership teams and regulators must design incentive structures that encourage engagement, not avoidance.

Successful managers and businesses recognize that social responsibility is not about shouldering blame for every systemic issue, but contributing to solutions within their operational reach.

An important first step is being able to spot deflections on the ground, whether it involves you, a colleague or any other stakeholder, and understand how it can perpetuate any given issue.

Kam Phung receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), Humanity United Action, and the Ford Foundation.

– ref. How businesses deflect responsibilities for addressing modern slavery in their supply chains – https://theconversation.com/how-businesses-deflect-responsibilities-for-addressing-modern-slavery-in-their-supply-chains-262859

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hanlie Smuts, Professor and Head of Department, University of Pretoria

In today’s world, huge amounts of data are being created all the time, yet more than half of it is never used. It stays in silos, or isn’t managed, or can’t be accessed because systems change, or isn’t needed because business priorities change. This “dark data” accumulates in servers and storage devices, consuming electricity and inflating the digital carbon footprint.

It may appear harmless, but this growing mass of digital waste has consequences for the environment. Storing unused or obsolete digital data requires constant power for servers and cooling systems. This drives up electricity consumption and greenhouse gas emissions. Dark data alone is estimated to generate over 5.8 million tonnes of CO₂ annually. This is the equivalent of emissions from 1.2 million cars per annum.

Dark data also accelerates e-waste from hardware replacement and depletes resources through manufacturing, such as using recycled raw materials, and water-intensive cooling.

Organisations collect vast volumes of information during routine operations. But it might never be analysed or repurposed. System log files that track user activity, errors and transactions remain untouched after initial storage. We’re talking about every email, photo, video, or unused spreadsheet saved on a server. Think of it like forgotten boxes stored in a warehouse, except this warehouse uses energy all the time. Managing dark data is not only a matter of working efficiently; it is a pressing sustainability issue.

The solution lies partly in effective knowledge management practices.

This means making an effort to reduce the environmental impact of digital systems, particularly those related to data storage and usage. Organisations should collect, manage and retain data with energy consumption and carbon emissions in mind.

My research aimed to find ways to do this. I collected 539 quantitative and qualitative questionnaire responses representing North America at 31.9% (172), followed by Europe at 21.5% (116) and Asia at 19.9% (107). Africa (10.8%) and Australia (9.8%) were represented too, while South America (5.8%) and Antarctica (0.4%) had the smallest shares.

The findings highlighted the need for data governance, data security and continuous learning within organisations. It showed the value of energy efficient information technology practices, centralised knowledge repositories and working across disciplines to address dark data risks.

My research also provided organisations with guidelines to make digital decarbonisation part of the way they operate and make decisions. This would improve organisational efficiency, reduce carbon footprints and promote the reuse of valuable data insights.

The digital dilemma: more data, more emissions

As digital technologies become more embedded in everyday operations, the demand for data storage and processing power surges. Globally, data centres already account for about 2% of greenhouse gas emissions, equal to the environmental impact of the aviation industry. The figure is expected to double by 2030 as digital adoption accelerates.

But dark data isn’t getting much attention. This is because it is mostly unstructured, hidden in legacy systems or backup servers. Information technology and sustainability teams tend to overlook it. It’s expensive to manage and easy to ignore. But it consumes costly storage space and drives up energy bills for powering and cooling servers. It also requires ongoing backup, security and compliance measures despite delivering no business value.

Knowledge management to tidy up dark data

Knowledge management strategies can address the dark data problem. Knowledge management acts like a smart organiser for all the information that organisations hold. It makes it possible to find hidden or forgotten files buried in systems, understand whether the data is useful or outdated, and decide on the best course of action. That can be by turning valuable data into insights or securely deleting what’s no longer needed.

This reduces wasted storage, cuts costs, lowers the environmental impact and ensures that the information kept actually supports better decision-making.

We recommend two things organisations can do: classification and streamlining.

1. Classification: organise, tag, and unlock value

Classification is the first step in bringing order to data chaos. It involves discovering, tagging, categorising and assessing data to determine its relevance and value. Artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning can help with this.

This approach not only reduces waste, but also unlocks hidden opportunities. For example, previously unused customer feedback data can be analysed for product innovation, or old project documentation can inform new initiatives.

2. Streamlining: stop hoarding, start reducing

Streamlining is about developing leaner, cleaner data environments. It calls for robust data governance, including clear retention policies, regular audits and employee education on digital hygiene. Using AI tools, organisations can identify duplicated, outdated, or irrelevant files and automate their safe deletion.

It’s not just a technical process. It involves cultivating a culture that values purposeful data usage and discourages unnecessary hoarding. When employees understand the environmental cost of unmanaged data, they become more responsible stewards of digital information. The outcome is a more agile, cost-effective and sustainable data ecosystem.

One example of an organisation doing this is the car brand, BMW Group. It’s made digital decarbonisation part of its production processes.

Google has invested in sustainable IT practices, including energy-efficient data storage and processing. The data centres of the company have been carbon-neutral since 2007, and it is working towards running its operations on 100% renewable energy.

Let data work smarter, not harder

Digital sustainability does not demand that organisations do less; it encourages them to do better. Rethinking dark data management is a step towards reducing digital emissions and conserving resources.

Through knowledge management strategies like classification and streamlining, organisations can turn an overlooked liability into a strategic asset.

Data should serve us, not burden us.

Hanlie Smuts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Data that is stored and not used has a carbon footprint. How companies can manage dark data better – https://theconversation.com/data-that-is-stored-and-not-used-has-a-carbon-footprint-how-companies-can-manage-dark-data-better-262966

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Asher Kaufman, Professor of History and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame

Israel’s conduct in Gaza increasingly risks turning the state into a pariah.

Whereas world leaders initially rallied around Israel after the Oct. 7, 2023, massacre by Hamas militants, the resulting destruction inside the Palestinian enclave has seen the country ever more isolated on the international stage.

In recent weeks, even long-standing allies such as Germany, the U.K. and Australia have distanced themselves from the Israeli government, notably by pushing for recognition of Palestinian statehood.

As an Israeli scholar of the Middle East working in the U.S., I have seen how these international currents are affecting Israel’s standing in the world. And while the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has stood defiant and unmoved by the hardening stance against it, the blowback against its citizens is certainly being felt.

Images of starvation

The change in attitude toward Israel has been unfolding since soon after the start of the war. It has been driven by Israeli actions that are increasingly seen as disproportionate and indefensible. But it has reached new heights – or lows – in recent months given the increasingly desperate plight of Palestinians being broadcast around the globe.

Horrifying images of starving children and thousands of people skirmishing for scraps of food in what a U.N.-backed body has called famine are now regularly reported in media outlets around the world and in the U.S. Even conservative platforms such as Fox News that until recently were sympathetic to Israel’s response to Oct. 7 have dedicated airtime to reporting on the hunger crisis and questioning its motives.

Increasingly, Israel’s onslaught on Gaza – which to date has killed at least 62,000 people, around half of whom are women and children, and left 70% of the strip in ruins – is being viewed through a critical lens.

Nearly two years after the attack that sparked the Israeli operation, the war aims of Israel are understood more and more as politically motivated, with the purpose being the political survival of Netanyahu and his government.

There is increasing international condemnation and sanctioning of some of the government’s more prominent members who are accused of using genocidal language against the Palestinians in Gaza and elsewhere.

Australia recently barred the entrance of one far-right Israeli parliamentarian, citing his violent and inflammatory language against Palestinians. The U.K. has sanctioned two members of Netanyahu’s government, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, for similar reasons.

Moreover, international organizations and scholars are increasingly framing the actions of the Israeli government as a whole in Gaza as genocide – and recently two Israeli human rights organizations have joined them.

Israeli public opinion

But to what extent are Israeli citizens being conflated with the Netanyahu government in international criticism?

Israeli public opinion polls tell a complex story of views on the war in Gaza. On one hand, Netanyahu’s government remains deeply unpopular among 70% of Israeli citizens, and a growing number of Israelis now fully believe that the prime minister is prolonging the war for his own political interests.

Such sentiment has seen an uptick in protests over the war. On Aug. 17, the country practically shut down during a widespread strike and demonstration against the government. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered in Tel Aviv in an unprecedented mass rally, calling for the end of the war and a ceasefire deal that would bring all hostages back.

Yet polls also show that a majority of Israelis remain either indifferent to the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza or are in support of it, as dehumanization of Palestinians is widespread among large swaths of Israeli society.

It seems that only recently cracks in this wall of indifference have emerged.

Bans, booing and ostracism

The labeling of Israel as a pariah state internationally does not seem to bother the government.

Netanyahu insists that all the reporting about the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza is fake news, orchestrated by Hamas and antisemitic forces around the world. Netanyahu has also responded to the moves by Western governments to recognize the Palestinian state by labeling their decisions as antisemitic.

But there are signs that international condemnation of the war in Gaza is affecting Israelis themselves – both at home and abroad.

Israelis and Israeli organizations from all walks of life are facing increased instances of anti-Israeli actions and sentiments.

The movement to boycott, divest and sanction Israel, known as BDS, has been in existence since 2005, but until the war in Gaza it had only limited success in generating wide support for its campaign. Now, 20 years after its establishment, the floodgates have seemingly been lifted and resulted in a deluge of boycotts and other actions that are slowly affecting almost every sector in Israel. To give one example, the British grocery chain Co-op earlier this year announced that it would stop sourcing Israeli produce at its 2,300 stores.

Israeli tourists in Greece have been targeted by pro-Palestinian demonstrations. And there are multiple reports of Israeli tourists being questioned or harassed elsewhere for their possible involvement in the war in Gaza.

There is pressure on FIFA to force Israel out of the global soccer organization, and matches involving Israeli teams in European capitals have been marred by violence by fans on both sides.

Meanwhile, a growing number of academics around the world are refusing to collaborate with their Israel peers. The EU is considering a move to block Israel from accessing its prestigious Horizon Europe research and innovation program. And Israeli artists are now regularly ostracized and disinvited from artistic events around the world, from music festivals to architecture exhibitions.

International cultural events that are scheduled to take place in Israel are now routinely modified or canceled, as just happened with the International Harp Competition, which had been scheduled for December 2025. Meanwhile, the popular Eurovision Song Contest has now been a site of anti-Israeli demonstrations for the second year in a row. This is despite Israeli fans of the event, hugely popular among the LGBTQ community, belonging predominantly to the progressive left-leaning camp in Israel – the very people most likely to be in opposition to the current government.

Israelis have responded to this challenge in multiple ways. Even prior to the mass demonstration on Aug. 17, tens of thousands of Israelis have protested the government for months on end, accusing Netanyahu and his far-right government for turning Israel into a pariah state. Artists and academics have issued petitions, acknowledging Israeli’s responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and calling for the end of the war.

Abroad, Israelis, who are known for being avid international tourists, are now traveling more to sites that are deemed less hostile to Israel. Many prefer not to disclose their Israeli identify. Reservists and discharged soldiers are fearful of being arrested abroad after posting on social media about their military service in Gaza.

Claims of antisemitism

Yet Netanyahu, who is subject to an outstanding arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court, along with his far-right Cabinet, seem to be unmoved. The global isolation may even serve their narrow interests by putting Israel in this precarious situation and helping them mobilize their base around the argument that all anti-Israeli actions are motivated by antisemitism.

And while antisemitism is real and widespread, and some of it drives anti-Israeli actions, it is a far cry to argue that antisemitism – and not Israeli government policy – is the main reason for current global sentiments and actions against the country.

The government is particularly indifferent to areas that are considered “elitist” and that have been mainly affected by the global protest movement against Israel.

Members of the government and its supporters see Israeli academia or Israeli arts as fields filled with liberal leftists whose power should be curbed. It is telling that when the Weitzman Institute, one of Israel’s most distinguished academic centers, was hit by an Iranian missile during the 12-day war in June, a popular far-right radio and TV anchor and supporter of the government tweeted: “God 1; Weitzman Institute 0.” The suggestion was that God punished this globally renowned academic institution for its lack of support for the government.

The tweet was condemned by journalists and some members of the opposition but was endorsed and repeated on Channel 14, widely known as Netanyahu’s “house TV channel.” Government officials remained silent.

When this is the sentiment among the government and its supporters, why would they be bothered with the consequences to Israeli academia and indeed its citizens by Israel being increasingly seen as a pariah state?

Asher Kaufman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Netanyahu remains unmoved by Israel’s lurch toward pariah status − but at home and abroad, Israelis are suffering the consequences – https://theconversation.com/netanyahu-remains-unmoved-by-israels-lurch-toward-pariah-status-but-at-home-and-abroad-israelis-are-suffering-the-consequences-263154

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Libby (Elizabeth) Sander, MBA Director & Associate Professor of Organisational Behaviour, Bond Business School, Bond University

So your boss wants you in the office more? If this makes you anxious, you’re not alone.

Return-to-work tensions aren’t simply resistance to change. They reflect deeper questions about how different people work best and what modern organisations actually need to succeed.

After COVID, return-to-office rates stabilised by around June 2023, without much movement since.

In Australia, 36% of Australians were working from home regularly in August 2024 and 37% in 2023. This is a dramatic shift from pre-pandemic levels when only 5% of Australians worked from home regularly.

In Europe and North America, around 30% of employees now work hybrid schedules, with 8% fully remote.

Yet tensions persist. Many employers are pushing harder to get workers back in person, while unions are pushing back. The Australian Services Union recently requested presumed work-from-home arrangements and 26 weeks’ notice before employees have to return to the office.

Meanwhile, the Victorian government plans to introduce laws giving employees the legal right to work from home two days a week.

Workers tend to prefer hybrid models

Research on remote and hybrid work models reveals both benefits and challenges.

Hybrid work can increase productivity, improve work-life balance and reduce attrition rates.

A 2024 randomised controlled trial found hybrid work arrangements led to 33% lower quit rates. There were particular benefits for women, non-managers and employees with long commutes.

Research tracking individual productivity found fully remote work was associated with a 10% drop in productivity. However, hybrid working appeared to “have no impact on productivity”.

Employees generally prefer hybrid models, with many willing to accept pay cuts for remote work options.

It’s good to spend some time in the office

There are benefits in spending time with our colleagues face-to-face.

We learn more naturally in social settings. We gain knowledge informally through observation, spontaneous questions and overheard conversations.

The social connections that form more readily in person contribute significantly to employee retention and satisfaction.

Collaboration and innovation often flows better face-to-face too.

Some things are difficult to replicate virtually. The spontaneity of brainstorming, the nuanced communication possible through body language, and the collective energy of problem-solving are hard to achieve online.

Being able to work from home improves inclusion

Parents, carers and people with disabilities benefit significantly from the flexibility to manage responsibilities while maintaining productivity.

Recent research shows flexible working practices are important for neurodivergent employees. This includes those with autism and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).

Neurodivergent workers make up a significant percentage of the Australian workforce: 12% in 2024. And in the United States, 20% of adults have a learning or attention issue.

For neurodivergent employees, working at home gives much-needed sensory control and routine flexibility. This includes adjusting lighting to reduce overwhelm, controlling noise levels and taking breaks when needed. It also allows avoiding the social exhaustion that constant office interactions can create.

Loneliness is also a workplace issue

Loneliness is a significant concern among both remote and on-site workers.

A survey of 7,500 American workers found over half feel lonely. Some 36% of lonely workers were more likely to seek a job somewhere else, compared with 20% of workers who were not lonely. Additionally, 42% of lonely workers reported being disengaged. This is twice as many as among surveyed workers who were not lonely.

Earlier research from 2024 found one in five workers globally experienced loneliness a lot in the previous day.

Loneliness is particularly pronounced among younger workers, with 46% of those aged 18–24 feeling left out.

Loneliness impacts business performance as well individuals. Workplace loneliness leads to decreased engagement, reduced commitment, and increased turnover.

Managers can address workplace loneliness by fostering a culture of wellbeing, creating opportunities to build relationships, increasing support and practising inclusive decision-making.

How can employers help anxious staff return to the office?

Know that workers may feel anxious about returning to offices, so allow them to ease back in. Gradual transitions prove more effective than abrupt changes, perhaps starting with one day weekly before building up.

Preparation is essential to support a diverse workforce. This should include clear communication about hybrid expectations, flexibility where possible, and recognition that transitions take time.

Attention to the physical work environment is vital. Creating inclusive office environments means considering lighting, noise levels and providing spaces where employees can work without visual and auditory distraction.

Regular check-ins with returning staff, openness to feedback and maintaining flexibility around working arrangements can significantly ease transitions.

Finally, keep in mind that forced returns can backfire, creating more anxiety rather than engagement.

Set policies that allow employees to thrive

The evidence highlights that no approach works for everyone. Some people genuinely thrive in collaborative office environments, while others do their best work from home.

A large body of research shows a majority of workers benefit from hybrid models that maximise both collaboration and individual productivity, while supporting diverse working styles.

Organisations need to adopt both evidenced-based practice and individual flexibility to get the best from their workforce. Success depends on recognising that workplace anxiety, loneliness and productivity are complex issues requiring individualised approaches.

Whether you’re an employee worried about office returns, or a manager supporting your team, focus on creating environments where everyone can contribute effectively, while maintaining wellbeing.

As this workplace evolution continues, the most successful organisations will be those that remain flexible, listen to diverse employee needs, and adapt based on evidence rather than personal preferences or assumptions about what is most effective.

Libby (Elizabeth) Sander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. When it comes to wellbeing, what are the pros and cons of working in an office vs from home? – https://theconversation.com/when-it-comes-to-wellbeing-what-are-the-pros-and-cons-of-working-in-an-office-vs-from-home-263540

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brian Q. Jenkins, Lecturer, School of Health Sciences and Social Work, Griffith University

This year Australia has seen a horrific string of reports and allegations about abuse and neglect in childcare centres. Families are desperate to ensure their kids are safe and political leaders have been rushing to respond.

Last month, federal parliament passed legislation to strip funding from centres not meeting safety and quality standards. Earlier this week, the Victorian government released a damning report, which called for a shakeup of the early childhood sector.

On Friday, Australia’s federal and state education ministers agreed on several new safety measures. Federal Early Childhood Education Minister Jess Walsh described them as “the strongest and most significant package of child safety reforms in our nation’s history.”

What was agreed? And how could they be improved?

What’s been announced?

Education ministers agreed to set up a new “national educator register” to tell regulators who is working in the early childhood sector and where. It will also show the status of people’s working with children checks. Federal Education Minister Jason Clare said it would be developed from scratch, need new legislation and roll out from February next year.

Other measures include:

• mandatory child safety training for all early childhood education staff – including the bosses of childcare companies. This will begin in 2026 to help workers “spot a person who might be hiding in plain sight” and who may be grooming a child

• a national CCTV trial in up to 300 services, which will begin by the end of 2025

• a ban on personal mobile phones in services from September 1 2025

• 1,600 extra spot checks to be carried out by Commonwealth officers

• more information for parents about the condition and record of centres, including the last time a check was made and if any issues have been raised by regulators.

These measures are a positive start but they could also go further, as we explain below.

Read more:
The new childcare bill relies on something going wrong to keep kids ‘safe’. Here’s what else we should do

Is a national educator register a good idea?

A register for early childhood education and care workers makes sense. The register will be helpful for tracking where people have worked, so potential employers can look up the backgrounds of those applying for jobs.

For example, it could be a red flag if someone has moved around a lot (noting the sector is highly casualised, staff turnover is high and it is not unusual for people to work in multiple jobs). A national register will also help investigators if someone is suspected of wrongdoing.

Clare says the government will “develop and build” the register over time. But in its current planned form, it falls short of a nationally consistent reportable conduct scheme (which was proposed by the child abuse royal commission in 2017).

This would include any reports of misconduct that cannot be prosecuted criminally and are therefore missed in criminal history screenings (via working with children checks).

Some states are doing this on their own (for example from July 2026, in Queensland, early childhood organisations will be required to report concerning conduct from anyone who works with children). This week, the Victorian government announced it would reform its reportable conduct scheme so information relevant to child-safety “whether substantiated or not” is shared with relevant regulators and agencies.

But such schemes are most effective if they’re all connected to each other as it’s very easy to cross a border in Australia. We should also be enforcing standards around reference checks – which was recommended by the Victorian review this week.

How would CCTV help?

A 2025 report on the New South Wales sector estimated 30% of childcare services already had CCTV installed.

Obviously, 300 services nationally is not a lot (there are more than 9,000 centre-based services in Australia). Clare said the trial would look at where cameras are placed in centres and how data can be safely stored.

We know CCTV can have a general deterrent effect – and people are less likely to offend if they believe they are being surveilled. And it can also be used in investigations if there is an allegation or complaint. Research (including our own upcoming study) suggests many educators would like CCTV for their own protection if allegations were ever made against them.

But we can’t expect CCTV to prevent everything – you can’t have someone sitting at a control panel looking at footage all the time.

The Victorian report recommended a “four eyes” principal in centres, where there need to be two adults, visible to each other, taking care of kids at all times. Clare told reporters on Friday ministers had asked the national childcare authority to report back before the end of the year on this idea and the impact on educator-to-child ratios. This is an important prevention strategy. But it will depend on addressing workforce issues so there are enough staff who are empowered to speak up when they notice something.

More spot checks

Regulatory agencies have been woefully under-resourced – so more funds to do checks is a positive step. But beyond the spot checks, regulators need to actually shut services down if they are unsafe.

They have previously had the power to do this but have rarely done it, given the impact on families. As the Productivity Commission noted in 2024, shutting a service down was “severe” and “should be used as a last resort when less severe measures have not succeeded.”

Parents should also know they can do a spot check themselves at any time. Just turn up at your centre unannounced (so, not at 8am or 5pm). Is your centre welcoming and happy to see you? Do the children seem calm and cared for?

Read more:
Parents of kids in daycare are terrified following Melbourne abuse allegations. What can they do?

What are we missing?

As the Victorian report observed this week, there is an inherent problem in Australia’s early childhood system. It is mainly run by for-profit providers. We know for-profit childcare services are, on average, rated as lower quality than not-for-profit services.

These latest federal government proposals don’t address the root causes of problems in the early childhood. Instead they work within the boundaries of what we already have. There is a tendency for policymakers to take the conventional wisdom and package it up and say “we’re doing more, we’re trying harder”.

Arguably we have to do something more radical and restructure the entire sector so profit is not a driver and services are only focused on quality and safety.

Brian Q. Jenkins has received funding from the Queensland Family and Child Commission.

Danielle Arlanda Harris has received funding from the Queensland Family and Child Commission.

– ref. Australia will get a register to track educators and CCTV trial in centres – we still need more to keep kids safe – https://theconversation.com/australia-will-get-a-register-to-track-educators-and-cctv-trial-in-centres-we-still-need-more-to-keep-kids-safe-263641

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine Houlihan, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, University of the Sunshine Coast

Eating disorders can affect anybody, no matter their age, gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status or body size. Yet the myth that eating disorders are “diseases of affluence” persists, and can mean those from wealthier backgrounds are more likely to receive a diagnosis and be able to access treatment.

In fact, people who experience socioeconomic disadvantage may be more at risk of developing eating disorder symptoms, such as excessive dieting, fasting or binge eating.

A new study from the United Kingdom followed 7,824 children, roughly half male and half female, from birth to 18 years. It found those born into financial hardship were more likely than others to later experience eating disorder symptoms as teens.

This means the stereotype that eating disorders only affect the rich is simply not true. And it shows we need to better understand the risk for children from lower-income families, so we can recognise and treat their symptoms earlier.

What the study looked at

Previous research has shown eating disorders can affect people from all socioeconomic backgrounds, not just those with higher economic status. But this new study is one of the first to show deprivation in childhood could be a risk factor for eating disorder symptoms in adolescence.

This new large, long-term study collected data from thousands of people over an 18-year period to investigate the impact of social and financial hardship.

Researchers looked at parents’ education, job type and where they lived. They also examined income, which was split into five groups from low to high. These were more aspects of social studies than previous research had considered.

To assess financial hardship, mothers rated how much they struggled to afford daily expenses such as food, heating, clothing, rent and baby items. They used a scale from 0-15, with higher scores indicating greater hardship.

When the children grew up to be teenagers, researchers assessed eating disorder symptoms in all the young people across the study.

Patterns of disordered eating included excessive dieting, binge eating, vomiting or using laxatives to get rid of food, and fasting. The teens were also asked how they felt about their bodies – for example, how satisfied they were with their appearance, weight and shape.

What the study found

Eating disorder symptoms were higher in young people aged 14–18 whose parents had suffered greater financial hardship when they were babies. For patterns of disordered eating, this meant a 6% higher likelihood for every one point increase between 0 and 15 on the financial-hardship scale.

The study also found teens whose parents completed less formal education (meaning only compulsory schooling) were 80% more likely to experience disordered eating patterns than those whose parents went to university. For teens with parents in the lowest fifth and fourth income band, the risk was 34–35% higher than those in the top band of income.

These results are different to other studies on eating disorders, because they show people from low socioeconomic backgrounds have a higher chance of developing eating disorder symptoms.

The researchers suggest this difference may be because other studies only included participants with a diagnosis or who have sought help. Research has shown those experiencing financial hardship are less likely to be formally diagnosed or access treatment.

While this study is impressive in its size and results, it has a few limitations. Only around half the participants (55.9%) completed the full study, which may have affected the results.

Among those who did complete the study, some of their data was missing. This may also have influenced the findings.

The study also did not measure whether young people had a diagnosed eating disorder – only whether they had symptoms.

So, it may have captured a wider range of eating disorder experiences, including from those who wouldn’t seek formal support. But it means more research is needed to understand the link between socioeconomic status and formal diagnosis.

What does this mean?

People who are born into financial hardship may be more likely to struggle with disordered eating and body image issues in their teenage years than those who are not.

This not only debunks the stereotype that eating disorders occur only in people from affluent backgrounds, it shows disadvantage can be a risk factor.

The study sheds light on the inequalities and barriers in recognising and treating eating disorders.

Rates of people seeking help for an eating disorder are already low – and even lower among people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

The researchers suggested this could be because people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may also believe eating disorders mainly affect people from wealthier backgrounds.

Another reason may be that lower income is linked to higher rates of obesity and being overweight, and this might limit referrals for eating disorder symptoms.

Eating disorders not associated with thinness, such as bulimia and binge eating disorder, are often less visible and go undetected.

Better education about eating disorders – in schools and for families and health-care professionals – may help us recognise and treat them earlier.

But treatment also needs to be more affordable. In Australia, people can access eating disorder treatment sessions under Medicare, but this typically still involves a gap fee which can be up to A$100 or more, depending on the service. More no- or low-cost services are needed to reach everyone who needs them.

If you have a history of an eating disorder or suspect you may have one, you can contact the Butterfly Foundation’s national helpline on 1800 334 673 (or via their online chat).

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Eating disorder symptoms in teens can be traced back to family hardship, new study shows – https://theconversation.com/eating-disorder-symptoms-in-teens-can-be-traced-back-to-family-hardship-new-study-shows-263529

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ka Hang Wong, PhD candidate, University of Technology Sydney

It’s been five years since Beijing imposed a harsh new national security law on Hong Kong. During this time, the law has fundamentally altered the city-state, prompting scores of pro-democracy leaders to flee overseas and instilling a climate of fear and repression that has quashed any opposition to the communist government in Beijing.

The law came after months of mass protests in 2019 and 2020 over a bill that would have allowed suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to mainland China.

That bill was withdrawn, but Beijing did not scale back its ambitions. Instead, it introduced the national security law in June 2020, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature. The law prohibits anything deemed by Beijing to constitute secession, subversion, terrorism or collusion with foreign forces.

The law also allows certain national security cases to be transferred to mainland courts, achieving by decree what the failed extradition bill had attempted to do.

Controlling the narrative

The law has reshaped Hong Kong’s politics, education and media since its introduction.

The city’s new school curriculum, for instance, denies Hong Kong was once a British colony. The curriculum redefines patriotism as unconditional allegiance to the Chinese state, with teachers facing repercussions if they present alternative views.

The teachings of “Xi Jinping Thought” are part of the new curriculum, while English classes in primary schools now focus on patriotism and national security.

The mantra “Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China” is also now repeated with ritualistic persistence across the city.

This further reinforces a distorted version of history that seeks to erase Hong Kong’s British past and dismisses Hongkongers’ nationality ties to the United Kingdom.

By controlling the narrative, the Chinese Communist Party is not only managing dissent but also reshaping Hong Kong’s civic identity to fit its own definition of loyalty.

Arresting dissidents and shutting down media

Opposition politics have been effectively dismantled since the law was brought into force.

Late last year, 45 of the city’s most well-known former pro-democracy figures were jailed over their participation in the 2020 unofficial primaries for local elections.

In June of this year, 28-year-old Joshua Wong, one of Hong Kong’s most famous advocates for Hong Kong’s self-determination, was charged with new offences under the national security law that could keep him imprisoned for life.

A human rights report released last month shows that 80% of Hongkongers targeted under the law since 2020 should not have been charged, and in 90% of cases, bail was denied.

Independent media outlets have met the same fate. In 2021, the pro-democracy newspaper Apple Daily was raided under the law, after which it ceased publication.

Its founder, Jimmy Lai, is currently facing trial on charges of colluding with foreign forces, with a verdict due soon.

Stand News, another independent outlet, was shut down following similar raids. Its senior editors are now serving prison sentences.

Repression beyond Hong Kong

The national security law also applies to anyone, anywhere in the world.

In July, the Hong Kong government issued arrest warrants and placed bounties on 19 foreign nationals for their involvement in the creation of an overseas “Hong Kong Parliament”.

Western governments reacted sharply to the bounties. In recent days, Australia and the UK also granted asylum to two of the activists who had been targeted.

China’s growing diplomatic presence overseas has also raised suspicions for Hongkongers who have fled the city. In London, plans for a massive new Chinese embassy complex have prompted security questions. The UK government has sought clarification over parts of the building plans that have been redacted, while both the US and Netherlands have issued their own security concerns.

What Western governments can do

While condemnation has been widespread, concrete policy responses from Western governments have been more limited. The one exception is the UK.

In January 2021, the UK opened a citizenship pathway for holders of British National (Overseas) passports and their dependants, allowing some Hongkongers to settle in the UK and eventually gain British citizenship.

Since the introduction of the national security law, more than 166,300 people have used the new BN(O) route to relocate to the UK. An estimated 5.4 million Hongkongers are eligible to apply for the scheme.

For these Hongkongers who have left, exile is not simply an escape from fear; it is a conscious commitment to hold onto their historic identity and memory as part of the former British empire.

The 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration promised that Hong Kong’s way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years after the 1997 handover to Chinese rule.

Five years into the national security law, that promise appears hollow. The law has redrawn Hong Kong’s legal boundaries, imprisoned its pro-democracy activists, transformed its education system and silenced its media.

In 2023, Chris Patten, Hong Kong’s last British governor, put it succinctly:

Here is an example of freedom, and the sort of freedom we take for granted in most Western societies, being under assault. If we allow it to go under, if we allow it to be buried in Hong Kong, then sooner or later it’ll threaten everyone.

Ka Hang Wong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Overseas bounties, patriotic education and suppression: how the national security law is changing Hong Kong – https://theconversation.com/overseas-bounties-patriotic-education-and-suppression-how-the-national-security-law-is-changing-hong-kong-262958

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philip Johnson, Lecturer, College of Business, Government and Law, Flinders University

In early August, US President Donald Trump signed a not-so-secretive order to make plans for the use of US military force against specific Latin American criminal organisations.

The plans were acted upon this week. The US deployed three guided-missile destroyers to the waters off Venezuela, with the authority to interdict drug shipments.

This was not exactly a surprise move. During his inauguration in January, Trump signed an executive order designating some criminal groups as foreign terrorist organisations. At the time, he told a journalist this could lead to US special forces conducting operations in Mexico.

Weeks later, six Mexican cartels were added to the foreign terrorist list, as were two other organisations: MS-13, an El Salvadoran gang and particular focus during Trump’s first presidency, and Tren De Aragua, a Venezuelan gang and frequent target during Trump’s presidential campaign in 2024.

Read more:
What is Tren de Aragua? How the Venezuelan gang started − and why US policies may only make it stronger

In May, two Haitian groups were added to the list. Then, in July, another Venezuelan organisation known as the Cartel of the Suns was added to a similar list because of its support for other criminal groups.

Fentanyl brings a new focus on organised crime

Illicit substances have flown across the US-Mexican border for more than a century. But the emergence of the synthetic opioid fentanyl has shaken up US responses to the illicit drug trade.

Highly addictive and potent, fentanyl has caused a sharp increase in overdose deaths in the US since 2013.

Successive US governments have had little success at curbing fentanyl overdoses.

Instead, an emerging political consensus portrays fentanyl as an external problem and therefore a border problem.

When the Biden administration captured Ismael Zambada – one of Mexico’s most elusive drug barons who trafficked tonnes of cocaine into the US for 40 years – he was charged with conspiracy to distribute fentanyl. Even progressive independent Bernie Sanders has pivoted to claiming border security was the solution to the fentanyl crisis.

But focusing on border security will do little to improve or save lives within the US.

Tougher border measures have never effectively curtailed the supply of other illicit substances such as cocaine, heroin, or methamphetamine.

These measures do little to reduce harm or dependency within the US, where a largely unaccountable pharmaceutical industry first pushed synthetic opioids.

The question remains just what can be achieved by US military operations.

How to spot a cartel

While the chemical emissions from fentanyl labs are easily spotted by drones, cartels and their operatives are decidedly more difficult to identify.

Criminal organisations in Mexico tend to be loose networks of smaller factions. They don’t operate in strict hierarchies like corporations or armies.

The decentralised nature of these networks makes them extremely resilient. If one part of the chain is disrupted, the network adapts, sourcing materials from different places or pushing goods along different trafficking routes.

But US and Mexican security agencies often act as though cartels follow rigid hierarchies. The so-called “kingpin strategy” focuses on killing or arresting the leadership of criminal organisations, expecting it to render them unable to operate.

However, this strategy often exacerbates violence, as rival factions compete to take over the turf of fallen kingpins.

Combating criminal groups with the military has already been a spectacular failure in Mexico.

Former President Felipe Calderón declared war on the cartels in 2006, but his government lost credibility for leading Mexico into a war it could not win or escape.

Tens of thousands of people are now killed every year, a dramatic increase from the historically low homicide rates in the years leading up to 2006. More than 100,000 have disappeared since the beginning of the war.

Outside interventions also run the risk of increasing support for criminal groups.

In my research, I’ve found cartels sometimes market themselves as guardians of local people, successfully positioning themselves as more in touch with local people than the distant Mexican state.

Cartels can also certainly make the most of deep antipathy towards US intervention in Mexico.

All cartels are not equal

Deploying warships off the coast of Venezuela will have minimal impact on the fentanyl trade.

Fentanyl enters the US from Mexico and even from Canada – but Venezuela doesn’t feature in US threat assessments for fentanyl.

Military action against the Cartel of the Suns will also be largely ineffectual, as this group exists in name only.

Research has found this isn’t an actual cartel – rather, the name describes a loose network of competing drug-trafficking networks within the Venezuelan state. Figures in the government certainly have ties to the illicit drug trade, but they are not organised in a cartel.

In Mexico, however, the cartels do exist – albeit not as imagined by the US government.

Given the US has invaded and seized territory from Mexico in the past, US military intervention has minimal prospect of support from Mexican governments.

Current President Claudia Sheinbaum has shown a willingness to accommodate the Trump government on matters of fentanyl trafficking. She has deployed thousands of members of the National Guard to police the border and major trafficking centres, such as the state of Sinaloa.

The Mexican government has also made two mass extraditions of captured crime bosses to the US. As with the capture of Zambada by the Biden government, this is likely to be used as evidence the US is winning the battle against fentanyl.

Then again, these crime bosses could be put to other uses.

The US government recently returned an imprisoned leader of MS-13 to El Salvador, even though he was indicted for terrorism in the US.

This move was part of the deal-making between the US government and President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador.

The US government may be eager to take the fight to organised crime, but sometimes political expediency is a bigger priority.

Philip Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The US government wants to use the military against drug traffickers. History suggests this may backfire – https://theconversation.com/the-us-government-wants-to-use-the-military-against-drug-traffickers-history-suggests-this-may-backfire-263124

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Bartos, Professor of Economics, University of Canberra

Day three of the government’s economic reform roundtable was about budget sustainability. It’s a slow burn issue. If the Australian government spends more than it raises in revenue, it has to finance the difference (the budget deficit) by borrowing. The most recent budget has forecast deficits for at least the next decade.

It is not an immediate problem. Domestic and overseas investors want to lend to Australia. However, each successive deficit leads to more borrowing – which keeps the interest bill growing. Eventually this debt has to be repaid.

At some point governments have to fix the problem through more tax, cutting spending, or both.

The ideal tax solution is a fairer, simpler system that raises more revenue. There is no shortage of ideas on how.

Reform is needed, but how do we get there?

Treasurer Jim Chalmers emerged from the three-day summit saying there was broad support from the gathered business and union leaders and economists for a simpler and more equitable tax system. He said on Friday morning:

Really, one of the defining outcomes of this economic reform roundtable was building consensus and momentum around ensuring that intergenerational fairness is one of the defining principles of our country, but also of our government.

The treasurer listed “building a better tax system” as one of ten long-term reform priorities.

He set three objectives to guide any changes:

• a fair go for working people

• an affordable, responsible way to incentivise business investment

• and how to make the system simpler and more sustainable.

These are laudable goals. The objections will come when government tries to turn them into specific amendments. Australians are notoriously wary of tax changes.
There was a taste of this in the backlash to the government’s plan to reduce the tax concessions on superannuation balances over A$3 million.

That is no doubt why Prime Minister Anthony Albanese in advance of the roundtable ruled out further tax changes before the next election.

Tax settings should not be ‘set in stone’

Grattan Institute Chief Executive Aruna Sathanapally presented the roundtable with ideas for a better tax system.

Among her ideas were making personal income tax more equitable, improving business taxation and introducing a carbon tax.

Sathanapally argued rebalancing personal income tax could come in pieces: reducing superannuation concessions, introducing at least a low tax rate on earnings in retirement, reducing the capital gains discount and reforms to family trusts.

Or it could be systematic: a system that brings consistency to how we treat different types of savings.

Another attendee, economist Bob Breunig, likely gave the roundtable a summary of his and his colleagues’ recent research showing how the tax system unfairly benefits older Australians at the expense of younger Australians paying income tax.

This is leading to greater intergenerational inequity. One of the causes is low taxes on income from savings or wealth, housing and superannuation.

Government spending is part of the story

The other side of budget sustainability, spending, garnered less attention despite huge spending pressures.

The one category of spending that government cannot change by policy is the interest payments on the public debt. All the others are choices. We could decide to spend less in any or all of these areas. Indeed, Health Minister Mark Butler’s announcement of changes to the NDIS goes some way towards that. Other areas could be candidates for savings.

Nevertheless, the indicators from the roundtable are that tax reform is a higher priority for the government than spending cuts.

Although we may be moving to a consensus that we should do something to fix the tax system, there is little agreement on what that something should be. A long period of discussion and consultation may be just what the government needs.

The last big tax reform was 25 years ago

We have been here before. Australia’s last really big tax reform, the GST, was a long time coming. Then-Treasurer Paul Keating proposed it at Labor’s 1985 tax summit, but was overruled.

In 1995, Prime Minister John Howard promised the Coalition would “never, ever” introduce a Goods and Services Tax (GST). However, he changed his position, took it to the 1998 election, and won – and the GST took effect from July 1, 2000. Controversial then, it is now an accepted part of our tax system.

Something similar may happen with current tax proposals. The government could hold off implementation until after the next election campaign. If it gains a mandate, following sustained consultation to build support, reforms have a chance of success.

As an added benefit, a long period of reflection could help the community to connect dots.

Housing affordability, another major challenge addressed by the roundtable, is inextricably linked with tax incentives that put upward pressure on prices. That’s also noted in Breunig’s paper. Through tax reform, we could, if the government gains community support, help solve budget sustainability and housing at the same time. We can only hope.

Read more: Full coverage of the reform roundtable

Stephen Bartos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. After three days of talks, a fairer tax system is on the agenda. There’s no shortage of ideas – https://theconversation.com/after-three-days-of-talks-a-fairer-tax-system-is-on-the-agenda-theres-no-shortage-of-ideas-263330

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanessa Jordan, Associate Professor and Cochrane New Zealand Fellow, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

For almost two decades, all New Zealanders had free access to one of the world’s most trusted libraries on medical information.

The Cochrane Library is known as the gold standard in health research.

It is globally respected as a source of independent, peer-reviewed health evidence, providing systematic reviews, rigorous summaries and information about clinical trials that help guide decisions about everything from cancer treatments to mental health therapies.

The reviews are trusted because they are transparent and free from commercial influence. But full access is now under threat as a new licence would limit it to health professionals only from the end of September.

This shift will save some money, but it could have broad consequences. In an age of misinformation, having access to reliable health evidence isn’t a luxury but a necessity.

Restricting access

During the restructure of the health system, the government moved the responsibility to continue funding access to the Cochrane Library from the Ministry of Health to Health New Zealand. Health New Zealand has now decided to downgrade the national license to one that serves only healthcare professionals.

Under the new license, access will be restricted to Health New Zealand staff and primary care providers only. This means national bodies such as the drug-funding agency PHARMAC, the Accident Compensation Corporation and even the Ministry of Health will be excluded, as will all universities.

Most concerning is that everyday New Zealanders will lose access to the very evidence that helps them make informed decisions about their health.

Last year alone, New Zealanders downloaded more than 100,000 Cochrane reviews – that’s 276 every single day. This isn’t a niche resource. Access to this library should be valued as a national asset.

Restricting access takes us back to a time when medical knowledge was held tightly by professionals, with the public expected to simply trust and follow. In today’s world, where transparency and empowerment are key to good health outcomes, this move feels like a step in the wrong direction.

New Zealand falls behind

While New Zealand steps back, other countries are stepping forward. National subscriptions to the Cochrane Library are funded for Australia, Brazil, South Africa, Malaysia, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Spain, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and for most of Canada.

Even low- and middle-income countries have access through international programmes. New Zealand risks falling behind not only wealthy nations, but those with fewer resources – a sobering reality for a country whose health system once led the way.

The cost of maintaining the national license is relatively modest, especially when compared to other health innovations. Before the introduction of a universal national license, individual institutions, universities, hospitals and government agencies each paid separately for access, placing a greater burden on the public purse.

The national license was adopted in 2006 because it was more cost-effective overall. And as a bonus, it didn’t just consolidate spending, it expanded access. For the first time, all New Zealanders could freely access the same world-class health evidence as clinicians and researchers, all for less than what we were paying before.

New Zealand produces more Cochrane reviews per capita than any other country. Losing national access would be like silencing our own voice in the global conversation.

The decision to downgrade the Cochrane Library license may seem like a small change. But its impact is deeply human. It affects the doctor-patient relationship by no longer ensuring both parties have the same information. It also has an impact on students learning to care for patients, policy makers shaping health strategy and parents trying to understand a diagnosis.

Health evidence should not be locked behind institutional walls. It should be open to all, especially in a country that values fairness, transparency and informed decision making.

I argue that maintaining the national licence would be a low-cost, high-impact decision. This is about more than money. Providing full access fosters equity and trust.

Vanessa Jordan is a director for the Cochrane Collaboration (a UK based charity). She has also previously received funding from the New Zealand Ministry of Health to promote access to the Cochrane Library

– ref. The Cochrane library is a global source of independent health evidence for everyone – why is NZ restricting access? – https://theconversation.com/the-cochrane-library-is-a-global-source-of-independent-health-evidence-for-everyone-why-is-nz-restricting-access-263272

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peninah Kansiime, Lecturer in Social Work, Edith Cowan University

This article contains descriptions of sexual violence some readers may find distressing.

Recently, the United Nations Chief warned Israel he had consistently noted “patterns of certain forms of sexual violence” perpetrated by Israeli armed forces against Palestinians.

The warning followed a damning UN report in March. It documented the extent of the sexual, reproductive and gender-based violence being inflicted upon the people of Gaza.

One such case was a horrendous alleged gang rape case of a Palestinian male at Sde Teiman Detention facility in 2024, by Israel Defense Force (IDF) soldiers. It was reportedly captured on video.

The victim’s injuries included a torn rectum, broken ribs, and ruptured bowels caused by sodomy and foreign objects. The damage was so severe, he was unable to walk.

This is just one example of the widespread sexual violence occurring – violence that will leave lasting trauma, but for which there may never be accountability or justice.

Sexually violent warfare

Both Israeli and Palestinian authorities have accused each other of committing sexual violence.

The United Nations has filed reports of sexual violence committed by Israeli soldiers against Palestinians.

The UN has also reported sexual violence against Israeli hostages, particularly on October 7, 2023. A 2024 report found Israelis were raped or gang raped on October 7, and there were “reasonable grounds to believe that such violence may still be ongoing against those in captivity”.

As with all sexual violence, hard evidence and empirical data can be hard to come by.

Attacks on reproduction

There have also been repeated attacks on Palestinians’ reproductive health and access, considered a reproductive rights crisis.

Fertility clinics and IVF facilties have been bombed, also blocking neonatal care for pregnancies. There have also been reports of young people having their genitals shot.

In their report, the UN said such attacks:

are destroying the reproductive capacity of Palestinians in Gaza as a group through the systematic destruction of sexual and reproductive healthcare.

Some scholars consider these actions a form of ethnic cleansing. Rights groups also say such attacks are considered an atrocity under international law.

Palestinian hostages

UN human rights experts believe the allegations of gang rape only represent the “tip of the iceberg” of the experiences of Palestinian detainees. There’s an estimated 10,000 Palestinians in Israeli custody, with 5,000 having been held since before October 7th. Some are children.

These Palestinians have been referred to as de facto hostages, due to being held unlawfully, according to the International Court of Justice.

Read more:
UN’s top court puts Israel on notice over its war in Gaza. Here’s what its judgement could mean

The prisons have been referred to as “torture camps” by the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories due to the documented abuse.

In addition to deaths in custody, prisoners appear to be regularly subjected to inhumane conditions, as well as torture, humiliation, degradation, sexual abuse and rape.

Hamas is also keeping people captive, with around 50 people in their custody, 20 of whom are believed to be alive.

Histories of violence

Many international authorities and legal experts call Israel’s actions in Gaza a genocide.

History shows us sexual violence has also been used in other genocidal conflicts.
It was widely used in Rwanda in 1994, and earlier in Nazi Germany.

Bosnian Muslim women were targeted with rape during the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 1990s.

Currently, distressing cases of sexual violence are also being reported in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Eritrea against Tigray women, Sudan and Myanmar.

The United Nations has documented more than 51,000 cases of sexual violence across various conflicts, with a 50% increase in the number of victims in the last three years.

Reported cases include a wide range of unthinkable acts, including gang rape, anal rape, sexual slavery, abortion and genital mutilation among women and girls, as well as men and boys.

This figure is grossly underreported as many victims do not come forward due to fear, guilt and shame.

Gendered experiences

While historically, sex has been used as weapon of war, used mostly against women and girls, sexual violence against men and boys also happens and is less discussed.

The accusations of gang rape at Sde Teiman detention facility in Israel were barely covered by mainstream media at the time. This type of violence against men often remains hidden mostly due to rigid gender norms and misconceptions about masculinity and male victimisation.

The Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict data set has identified male victims in more than 33 conflicts across the globe. Men have been victims of sexual violence in Palestine, Afghanistan, Syria, Ukraine and in many other conflicts.

State security personnel have been named as the most common perpetrators, especially in detention where sexual violence is used to extract information from detainees. Available evidence shows this is what may be happening to some Palestinian men under Israeli detention.

The vast majority of sexual violence in war is perpetrated by men. Victims of sexual violence, both in Gaza are more broadly, are disproportionately women and girls.

The UN has recently referred to Gaza as a femi-genocide.

Long paths to recovery

The current number of convictions for sexual crimes in war falls short of the number of victims, and the huge impact such violence has on people’s lives and communities.

Additionally, sexual violence can compromise global security and efforts for resolution by creating cycles of violence that spill across borders.

For the victim-survivors, recovery is very difficult. This is partially because sexual violence in conflict is often part of a pattern of other types of abuse.

Therefore, addressing these crimes requires a multi-faceted approach.

Governments and international organisations should cooperate more to increase prevention work.

Military and security responses need to be reminded that sexual violence is prohibited under humanitarian law. Perpetrators need to be identified and tried as much as possible.

And victim-survivors deserve community support and reparations so they can heal.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

The authors would like to acknowledge Associate Professor Shannon Bosch for their contributions to this article.

Peninah Kansiime has worked with Professor Christopher Dolan at the Refugee Law Project in Uganda. Over the years, Professor Dolan has been very instrumental in highlighting sexual violence against men and boys in conflict, and its interconnection to sexual violence against women and girls.

Giselle Woodley receives funding from The Australian Human Rights Commission and the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Israel is on notice for using sexual violence against Palestinians. It’s all too common as a war tactic – https://theconversation.com/israel-is-on-notice-for-using-sexual-violence-against-palestinians-its-all-too-common-as-a-war-tactic-262951

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Raphael Trouve, Senior Research Fellow in Forest Dynamics and Statistical Modelling, The University of Melbourne

Something silent and sinister is happening in Australia’s mountain ash forests. As temperatures rise, these ecosystems are slowly, steadily losing their trees – and with them, their ability to store carbon.

Mountain ash (Eucalyptus regnans) forests in southeastern Australia can store from 415 to 819 tonnes of carbon per hectare. That’s more per hectare than the Amazon rainforest. So the decline of these special trees, the tallest flowering plants on Earth, is a major concern – for the forests and the climate system as a whole.

Our new research shows how mountain ash forests are changing. Half a century of forest measurements show warming is reducing the number of trees these forests can support.

For every degree of warming, a forest loses 9% of its trees. By 2080, when temperatures are expected to be 3°C warmer than pre-industrial levels, these forests could lose a quarter of their trees – and the carbon they store. This has global significance as the trend is likely to be widespread.

Why warming causes tree loss

Trees in forests compete with each other for essential resources – sunlight, water and nutrients – all of which are in limited supply. When one tree gets more resources, others get less. This is nature’s zero-sum game.

Growing trees need more and more resources to maintain basic functions, such as producing new leaves, flowers and branches. Some naturally grow larger as they intercept more of the available resources. Others become suppressed and eventually die, as the amount of resources available becomes insufficient to keep them alive.

This natural process is known as “self-thinning”. As a result, the number of trees decreases as the average tree size in a stand increases.

Warming accelerates this natural process by reducing the resources available to all trees. Warmer air pulls more moisture from soil and leaves, making it harder for trees to get enough water. Trees growing in the shade of larger neighbours, with shallower roots, suffer most from these changes.

Suppressed trees die sooner and in greater numbers. The loss of trees can happen slowly or, if there is a severe heatwave or drought, quite suddenly.

We tested these ideas, using decades of data

We analysed data from forest management experiments collected between 1947 and 2000 in Victoria’s Central Highlands. Our research focused on how many trees these forests can support – what ecologists call “carrying capacity”. This is the maximum number of trees of a given size that a piece of land can support.

We built on more than 1,300 measurements from more than 100 forest plots to understand how climate affects carrying capacity. We used statistical methods to quantify the effects of climate over time at specific locations and to compare warmer and cooler sites.

Changes in forest carrying capacity have important implications. As carrying capacity decreases, forests can shift from absorbing to releasing carbon. Rather than being carbon sinks, they become a carbon source.

We found forests supported fewer trees when growing in the warmest conditions where the air is drier. As temperature increased over the five decades, forests everywhere showed increased tree death rates and decreased carrying capacity.

Our research suggests these forests could lose a quarter of their trees by 2080, releasing more than 100 million tonnes of stored carbon. This equates to emissions from a million cars driving 10,000 kilometres a year for 75 years.

Our findings echo results from other research initiatives across Australia. Citizen scientists contributing to the Dead Tree Detective project have been documenting similar climate impacts on trees nationwide.

Global implications

Our findings have implications for global climate initiatives.

Around the world, massive tree-planting programs such as Trillion Trees are being launched to fight climate change. But our research suggests these efforts need to account for how many trees the forests will be able to support in a warmer future, not just how many they can carry now.

The impact will vary across the globe. Forests in cold regions should benefit due to longer growing seasons and milder winters. As temperatures rise, they should be able to support more trees and store more carbon – provided tree growth does not become limited by moisture availability.

In contrast, forests in warmer, seasonally dry regions such as southeastern Australia will experience the opposite trend. As they become more water-limited, tree death rates will accelerate and they will store less carbon than before.

Can we help forests cope with a warmer future?

Climate change is already reshaping the towering mountain ash forests of southeastern Australia.

Understanding how forests respond to warming will help us better protect them. While we can’t stop climate change immediately, we can help forests adapt. One promising option is ecological thinning – reducing stand density by selectively removing some trees to improve the health and survival chances of others.

Decades of international research shows thinned forests are more resilient to drought. The trees grow faster and survive better during dry periods.

While we can’t stop climate change overnight, we can make forests more resilient to drought and less prone to carbon loss.

Raphael Trouve receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Craig Nitschke receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Victorian Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action, Greening Australia, New South Wales Natural Resources Commission, NSW Government Local Land Services, and the government-university collaboration, Australia Forest and Wood Innovations.

Patrick Baker receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research and the government-university collaboration, Australian Forest and Wood Innovations.

– ref. Climate change is driving a silent, sinister change in Australia’s mountain ash forests – https://theconversation.com/climate-change-is-driving-a-silent-sinister-change-in-australias-mountain-ash-forests-255737

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia

In many developed countries, the price of property has risen so high it’s meant the dream of home ownership has faded for many people. Often, renting isn’t a much better option, with an undersupply of affordable properties.

This is one of the great issues of our time. But is it a specifically modern problem? Like today, people in ancient times dreamed of having property. The purchase of a house was a source of joy.

But they also had to deal with some strikingly similar difficulties at different points in time over various centuries.

A housing crisis is nothing new

In 164 BCE, King Ptolemy of Egypt went into exile and fled to Italy. Disguised as a commoner and accompanied by three slaves, he went to Rome. There, Ptolemy sought out his friend, Demetrius.

When he found him, he was shocked. This friend, who was fairly wealthy in Egypt, was living in poor conditions.

One of the reasons for this, as we are told by the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus (c. 80–20 BCE), was that rental properties in Rome had become so expensive:

Because rents at Rome were so high, Demetrius was living in a small and altogether shabby garret.

Even though Demetrius was well-off, Rome was so costly, he couldn’t find a decent, affordable rental property.

Housing crises had serious social consequences

In the 130s BCE, Rome was in a dire situation. Owing to the greed of wealthy landowners, poorer people were increasingly unable to afford rents or purchase property.

As the Greek writer Plutarch (c. 46–119 CE) tells us:

The rich began to offer larger rents and drove out the poor.

To try to resolve this problem, Roman politicians decided to create a law “forbidding the holding by one person of more than five hundred acres of land”.

However, this law did not succeed. The wealthy found ways to evade it by getting middle men to buy property for them.

This failure had serious social consequences. As Plutarch explains:

The poor, who had been ejected from their land, no longer showed themselves eager for military service, and neglected the bringing up of children.

As people could no longer afford to live in their own country, many felt they had no stake in the future any more. They lost their desire to fight for the country, or raise future generations.

Attempts to fix the problem

Over the centuries, ancient rulers also attempted to tackle housing unaffordability in different ways.

One proposal was for the state to offer land for free, on which applicants could apply to build homes.

As the Athenian writer Xenophon (c. 430–350 BCE) noted:

If the state allowed approved applicants to erect houses on [vacant sites within the city] and granted them the freehold of the land, I think we should find a larger and better class of persons desiring to live at Athens.

What if there was no vacant land available for people without access to housing? Servius Tullius, king of Rome in the 6th century BCE, offers an example of another possible (and perhaps familiar sounding) solution – urban sprawl.

According to the historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus (writing in the 1st century BCE), Servius expanded the size of the city and made new land free to build on.

This would house Romans who “had no homes of their own”. This solution seems to have worked and expanded the size of the city greatly.

Location, location

People in ancient times also understood that location was everything. They knew that if they moved from a big city to a rural area, property would be more affordable.

For example, the Roman poet Juvenal (c. 55–127 CE) observed that for the same amount you’d pay in yearly rent in Rome:

An excellent house at Sora or Fabrateria or Frusino can be bought outright […] Here you’ll have a little garden […] Live in love with your hoe as the overseer of your vegetable garden […].

Of course, the difficulty was finding an income far from the city. For most people, that was not possible.

Refinancing and debt

If people had no money but had property without a current mortgage, they could refinance their property to get a loan. As one anonymous ancient commentator wrote about the custom of the Athenians:

People who were in debt would mortgage their houses and have notices written on them so it would be known that they were in debt.

The long-lived comic poet Alexis (c. 375–275 BCE), joked about this practice. A character in his play The Greek Girl quips about having “to mortgage all our property” to buy expensive fish for dinner.

Lessons from the past

The Roman politician Tiberius Gracchus (c. 169–133 BCE) offered a powerful piece of rhetoric about the housing crisis of his time. Referring to displaced citizens, he said that:

The wild beasts that roam over Italy have every one of them a cave or lair to lurk in; but the men who fight and die for Italy enjoy the common air and light, indeed, but nothing else.

Houseless and homeless they wander about with their wives and children […] they have not a single clod of earth that is their own.

Today, we might live in a very different world, but looking to history shows us access to housing and social cohesion have long been closely linked.

Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The ancient Greeks and Romans grappled with housing crises, too – https://theconversation.com/the-ancient-greeks-and-romans-grappled-with-housing-crises-too-261860

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Nicole Driessen, Postdoctoral Researcher in Radio Astronomy, University of Sydney

There’s been a lot of buzz online about the August “black moon”, happening later this week.

While you’ve probably heard of a “blue moon” before, this might be the first time you’ve encountered its ominous-sounding counterpart.

You’re not alone. In fact, neither “blue moon” nor “black moon” are astronomical terms. They describe the moments when the lunar calendar and our calendar year fall out of alignment.

So what is a black moon? The current definition has nothing to do with the actual colour of the Moon.

Full moon, half moon, new moon

Let’s start by defining some key lunar terms. The Moon is “full” when its whole face or disc is illuminated by the Sun. We typically get treated to a nice, bright, full moon at night when the Sun and Moon are opposite each other with Earth in-between.

A “new” moon is when none of the Moon’s face is illuminated and the far side is illuminated instead. This happens when the Moon is up during the day, because the “far side” of the Moon is illuminated when the Moon is in-between Earth and the Sun.

A lunar cycle – the time it takes for the Moon to go from new, to full, to new again – is approximately 29.5 days long. Most years there are twelve full moons and twelve new moons.

But the 29.5 day cycle doesn’t fit perfectly into a calendar year, so every now and then there are thirteen full or new moons in a calendar year. Seven years out of every nineteen years will have thirteen full or new moons instead of twelve.

Blue moon, black moon

A blue moon is when we get a thirteenth full moon in one calendar year. Conversely, a black moon is when we get a thirteenth new moon in one calendar year.

Because these terms are entirely colloquial, there are a couple of definitions used for these extra moons. One is based on seasons and the other on simple calendar months.

Seasonal moons

A calendar year has four seasons, divided by equinoxes and solstices (see above).

Each season is roughly three months long and typically has three full moons. Some cultures give each of those seasonal full moons a special name – you’ve likely heard of “wolf moon”, “strawberry moon”, “harvest moon” and others from American folklore, for example.

Every two or three years, however, we get an extra full moon in a season. When that happens, the first, second and fourth full moons keep their usual names while the third one becomes a “blue moon”.

You’d think the idiom “once in a blue moon” comes from this name, but the folklore name is actually relatively recent. In the 16th century, saying the “moon is blue” was more likely a way to refer to something being false or absurd.

Meanwhile, the third new moon in a season with four new moons is a “black moon” – a term than can only be traced to around 2016.

Calendar moons

The other definition for blue and black moons is related to calendar months.

A blue moon is the second of two full moons in one calendar month, while a black moon is the second new moon in a calendar month.

The black moon this month is a seasonal black moon and it’s happening on August 23. The next calendar-month black moon will happen on August 31 2027.

The next seasonal blue moon will be on May 20 2027 and the next calendar-month blue moon will be on May 31 2026.

You can’t see a black moon, but look at the sky anyway

We can’t actually see the black moon. The Moon will be up during the day and the far side of it will be illuminated.

But new moons in general bode well for keen stargazers. The full moon outshines a lot of the night sky, because it’s about 33,000 times brighter than the brightest star in the sky, Sirius. When there’s a new moon, the night sky is nice and dark, giving you more opportunities to see stars and constellations.

During the black moon on August 23 this weekend, the celestial emu or Gugurmin will be beautifully positioned overhead soon after dusk in the southern hemisphere.

If you’re in the southern hemisphere somewhere very dark and free from light pollution, you’ll be able to spot the Magellanic Clouds, two small galaxies that are interacting with our Milky Way galaxy. Saturn will be visible all night, and Venus and Jupiter will be low on the northeastern horizon just before dawn.

Even though the black moon isn’t a significant astronomical event, it gives us the chance to take in the night sky on a dark, Moon-free night.

Read more:
Supermoons are boring – here are 5 things in the sky worth your time

Laura Nicole Driessen is an ambassador for the Orbit Centre of Imagination at the Rise and Shine Kindergarten, in Sydney’s Inner West.

– ref. What’s a ‘black moon’? Here’s why it’s worth looking up at the sky this week – https://theconversation.com/whats-a-black-moon-heres-why-its-worth-looking-up-at-the-sky-this-week-263205

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Stone, Professor of General Practice, University of Adelaide

A long-term relationship with a GP – one who knows you and your history – improves your health and even reduces your chance of dying prematurely.

This type of trusted relationship is particularly important if you have a serious or chronic (long-term) condition or multiple conditions. It is also important for trauma survivors, who should not need to retell their story over and over.

However, there are times when you may feel uncomfortable with your current GP. The first step is understanding why, then knowing what to do about it. Here are some reasons you might consider finding another one.

1. Your needs have changed

It is common to change GPs at pivotal times in your life. You may feel uncomfortable discussing your sexual health needs with the “family GP” who has known you since you were a child, or who still sees your parents.

If your family is having children, you may prefer a GP who does antenatal care, or sees a lot of children, so they can more readily empathise with your needs as a young parent. Perhaps your current GP doesn’t share your ideas about health care and parenting, or the practice isn’t particularly child friendly.

You may have appreciated your GP’s practical, straightforward and efficient consultation style for past sports injuries, but find this approach unhelpful when struggling with your mental health.

So you may look for a GP who better meets your current needs.

2. You want another GP who is expert in your illness

Good GPs can get “up to speed” on a variety of conditions, while still keeping the whole person in view. But sometimes, you will have a very specific need that leads to seeking a GP who is expert in that area. An example may be a GP who specialises in skin checks, or a GP who is expert in ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity disorder).

However, you still need a generalist GP who looks at your other health-care needs. This generalist GP may well be the one who picks up early Parkinson’s disease or bowel cancer while your other GP is focused on your reproductive system or mental health.

3. You want a GP who is more aligned with your values

People differ in the type of relationship they want with their GP. You might be seeking a true partnership, where you both bring your expertise into decision making and you have the final decision. At the other end of the spectrum, you may feel more comfortable with your GP taking a more assertive role. Your needs and preferences may change over time.

Sometimes, your GP doesn’t seem to accept your views on health care. You might feel uncomfortable discussing the role of complementary medicine, or preventive health care, or your decisions to accept or reject certain treatments.

So you may seek a GP who is more aligned with your attitudes and practices.

However, GPs have their limits when it comes to accommodating your preferences. They cannot always supply your preferred medication, referral or other service, for professional, regulatory, legal or other reasons.

4. There has been a fracture of trust or confidence

Everyone makes mistakes. Sometimes, those mistakes are so serious you cannot go back to that doctor. However, there are errors where the relationship can be repaired.

A good GP will explain why an error happened, show how they (and the practice) will rectify the error, and what systems are now in place to make sure it doesn’t happen again. A sincere apology and equally sincere desire to make things right can strengthen a relationship and restore trust.

Sometimes you can feel unheard during a consultation, or the GP can seem distracted. The GP may sincerely apologise, and explain why. They are human, and can be unwell, exhausted by an untenable workload, or simply recovering from a particularly challenging consultation earlier in the day.

However, if there is a pattern of feeling the GP doesn’t hear you, makes frequent minor errors, or simply doesn’t seem to be providing the sort of professional service you expect, you may lose trust. If you feel uneasy or judged, you may need to step away from that GP.

How to break up with your GP

Good GPs understand a partnership with you is important. If you cannot maintain a relationship with them that is open, honest and safe, it is time to move on.

If your needs have changed, but you still value the GP for their care, you can send a thank you card and explain you have chosen to transfer to another doctor. The practice staff can forward your records to a new practice, for which there may be a small administrative fee.

If there has been a rupture in trust or confidence, and the issue is relatively minor, the practice manager will be able to advise how to make a written complaint to the practice.

If the problem is more serious, and you wish to make a formal complaint about a breach of trust that has implications for patient safety, you can report this to the Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency.

If the problem is about the GP practice, you can report it to the relevant health-care ombudsman or commission in your state or territory.

Louise Stone does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Should I break up with my GP? 4 signs it may be time – https://theconversation.com/should-i-break-up-with-my-gp-4-signs-it-may-be-time-259262

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

Some of the most enduring ancient myths in the Persian world were centred around gardens of almost unimaginable beauty and opulence.

The biblical Garden of Eden and the Epic of Gilgamesh’s Garden of the Gods are prominent examples. In these myths, paradise was an opulent garden of tranquillity and abundance.

But how did this concept of paradise originate? And what did these beautiful gardens look and feel like in antiquity?

Pairi-daēza is where we get the word ‘paradise’

The English word “paradise” derives from an old Persian word pairidaeza or pairi-daēza, which translates as “enclosed garden”.

The origins of paradise gardens lie in Mesopotamia and Persia (modern Iraq and Iran).

The Garden of the Gods from the Epic of Gilgamesh from about 2000 BCE is one of the earliest attested in literature.

Some argue it was also the inspiration for the legend of the Garden of Eden in the book of Genesis. In both of these stories, paradise gardens functioned as a type of utopia.

When the Achaemenid kings ruled ancient Persia (550–330 BCE), the development of royal paradise gardens grew significantly. The paradise garden of the Persian king, Cyrus the Great, who ruled around 550 BCE, is the earliest physical example yet discovered.

During his reign, Cyrus built a palace complex at Pasargadae in Persia. The entire complex was adorned with gardens which included canals, bridges, pathways and a large pool.

One of the gardens measured 150 metres by 120 metres (1.8 hectares). Archaeologists found evidence for the garden’s division into four parts, symbolising the four quarters of Cyrus’s vast empire.

Technological wonders

A feature of paradise gardens in Persia was their defiance of often harsh, dry landscapes.

This required ingenuity in supplying large volumes of water required for the gardens. Pasargadae was supplied by a sophisticated hydraulic system, which diverted water from the nearby Pulvar River.

The tradition continued throughout the Achaemenid period. Cyrus the Younger, probably a descendant of Cyrus the Great, had a palace at Sardis (in modern Turkey), which included a paradise garden.

According to the ancient Greek writer, Xenophon, the Spartan general Lysander visited Cyrus at the palace around 407 BCE.

When he walked in the garden, astounded by its intricate design and beauty, Lysander asked who planned it. Cyrus replied that he had designed the garden himself and planted its trees.

Perhaps the ultimate ancient paradise garden was the legendary Hanging Gardens of Babylon.

In one tradition, the gardens were built by the neo-Babylonian King, Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 BCE).

The gardens were so magnificent and technologically advanced they were later counted among the Seven Wonders of the World.

In a later Roman account, the Hanging Gardens consisted of vaulted terraces resting on cube-shaped pillars.

Flowing water was a key feature, with elaborate machines raising water from the Euphrates river. Fully grown trees with vast root systems were supported by the terraces.

In another account, the Hanging Gardens were built by a Syrian king for his Persian wife to remind her of her homeland.

When the Sasanian dynasty (224–651 CE) came to power in Persia, its kings also built paradise gardens. The 147-hectare palace of Khosrow II (590–628 CE) at Qasr-e Shirin was almost entirely set in a paradise garden.

The paradise gardens were rich in symbolic significance. Their division into four parts symbolised imperial power, the cardinal directions and the four elements in Zoroastrian lore: air, earth, water and fire.

The gardens also played a religious role, offering a glimpse of what eternity might look like in the afterlife.

They were also a refuge in the midst of a harsh world and unforgiving environments. Gilgamesh sought solace and immortality in the Garden of the Gods following the death of his friend Enkidu.

According to the Bible, God himself walked in the Garden of Eden in the cool of the evening.

But in both cases, disappointment and distress followed.

Gilgamesh discovered the non-existence of immortality. God discovered the sin of Adam and Eve.

Paradise on Earth

The tradition of paradise gardens continued after the Islamic conquest of Persia in the 7th century CE.

The four-part gardens (known as chahar-bagh) of the Persian kingdoms were also a key feature of the Islamic period.

The Garden of Paradise described in the Quran comprised four gardens divided into two pairs. The four-part garden became symbolic of paradise on Earth.

The tradition of paradise gardens has continued in Iran to the present day.

Nine paradise gardens in Iran are collectively listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site. The Eram garden, built in about the 12th century CE, and the 19th-century Bagh-e Shahzadeh are among the most splendid.

Today, the word “paradise” evokes a broader range of images and experiences. It can foster many different images of idyllic physical and spiritual settings.

But the magnificent enclosed gardens of the ancient Persian world still inspire us to imagine what paradise on Earth might look and feel like.

Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Almost unimaginable beauty and opulence: the paradise pleasure gardens of ancient Persia – https://theconversation.com/almost-unimaginable-beauty-and-opulence-the-paradise-pleasure-gardens-of-ancient-persia-259677

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Meade, Adjunct Associate Professor, Centre for Applied Energy Economics and Policy Research, Griffith University

In its quest to lower electricity prices for New Zealand households, the Electricity Authority may inadvertently make the situation worse.

This week, the authority announced plans to require New Zealand’s “gentailers” – firms that both generate electricity and retail it to consumers – to offer the same supply terms to independent retailers as they do to their own retail arms.

The aim is to prevent the gentailers from providing discounted electricity to themselves, thereby levelling the playing field between retailers, to deepen competition and lower prices.

Yet while greater competition and lower prices sound appealing, such expectations rest on a naïve understanding of how New Zealand’s electricity market works.

Upward pressure

Under current rules, New Zealand’s gentailers – notably Genesis, Meridian, Mercury and Contact – can supply their own retail arms at prices that reflect their cost of generation, which is typically lower than the wholesale market price.

Retailers without generation capacity must buy electricity at these higher wholesale prices, making it hard to compete with vertically integrated gentailers.

The authority expects gentailers to offer all retailers – including rivals – the same low prices they give themselves.

But no firm wants to offer rivals the lower prices that come from investing in the infrastructure to generate power themselves.

Instead, the proposed rule could induce gentailers to raise the price charged to their retail arms – thereby pushing up retail supply costs for everyone.

The risk of collusion

Even in the absence of outright collusion, there is a risk the new rules could still raise prices.

If a gentailer discounts the supply price it charges its own retail arm, it must then offer that same rate to its competitors.

Gentailers may conclude it is better to withhold discounts entirely. Since the proposed rule means they all face the same incentive, a de facto consensus to keep wholesale prices high could result – without them ever having to coordinate directly.

Rather than fostering competition, the rule creates an anti-competitive focal point. It may improve the relative position of independent retailers, but at the cost of worse outcomes overall – for consumers in particular.

This should not be surprising. Similar distortions have been observed in other sectors, often resulting from “best-price guarantees” or “most-favoured-nation clauses”. In these cases, firms pledge to match or beat rivals’ lower prices, or not to offer better deals to any single customer.

Likewise, “reference pricing” rules that cap United States’ pharmaceutical prices at levels set in other countries have been shown to raise prices overseas rather than significantly drop prices in the US.

Though seemingly good for consumers, these commitments can suppress price competition by deterring firms from undercutting each other altogether.

A questionable compromise

My research has explored competition in electricity markets where gentailers compete with standalone retailers.

I found integration between generation and retailing – the gentailer model – tends to deliver the best outcomes for consumers in a wide range of settings. Other studies examining electricity systems internationally have reached similar conclusions.

But consumers tend to fare worst in systems where vertical integration is prohibited. Ironically, independent retailers can also fare worse under such arrangements. This is because, despite often calling for the break up of gentailers, the vertical separation triggers higher wholesale prices.

The authority’s proposal represents a kind of middle ground: retaining vertical integration while using regulation to force gentailers to behave as if they were separated entities.

In modelling a scenario akin to this – what economists call “legal unbundling” – I found it indeed increased independent retailers’ profits. This may explain why some support such rules.

But legal unbundling also reduces other firms’ profits and, more worryingly, harms consumers by reducing supply volumes and raising retail prices.

Levelling the playing field in electricity retailing may sound like a good idea. But not, it seems, for consumers.

In 2021 Richard Meade was funded by an industry body representing New Zealand electricity retailers to survey the economics literature on the pros and cons of vertical integration vs vertical separation in electricity sectors. In 2025 he submitted on his own account to the Electricity Authority on its level playing field proposal.

– ref. An attempt to lower NZ electricity prices could end up doing the opposite – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/an-attempt-to-lower-nz-electricity-prices-could-end-up-doing-the-opposite-heres-why-263519