ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 28, 2025.
Israeli soldiers ‘ordered’ to fire at Gaza aid seekers – 70 killed across Strip Israeli soldiers have said that they were ordered to open fire at unarmed Palestinian civilians desperately seeking aid at designated distribution sites in Gaza, a report in the Ha’aretz newspaper has revealed. The report came as 70 Palestinians were killed across the Gaza Strip — mostly at aid sites belonging to the widely condemned Gaza
RFK Junior is stoking fears about vaccine safety. Here’s why he’s wrong – and the impact it could have Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julie Leask, Professor, School of Public Health, University of Sydney The United States used to be a leader in vaccine research, development and policymaking. Now US Secretary of Health Robert F. Kennedy Jr is undermining the country’s vaccine program at the highest level and supercharging vaccine skepticism.
The ‘Godfather of Human Rights’ Ken Roth on genocide, Trump and standing up for democracy By Richard Larsen, RNZ News producer — 30′ with Guyon Espiner The former head of Human Rights Watch — and son of a Holocaust survivor — says Israel’s military campaign in Gaza will likely meet the legal definition of genocide, citing large-scale killings, the targeting of civilians, and the words of senior Israeli officials. Speaking
The sentencing of Cassius Turvey’s killers shows courts still struggle to deal with racism Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thalia Anthony, Professor of Law, University of Technology Sydney Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains names and images of deceased people. The brutal homicide of 15-year-old Noongar Yamatji boy, Cassius Turvey, by a group of white men revealed the racial schisms in
Celebrities, blue jeans and couture: how Anna Wintour changed fashion over 37 years at Vogue Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology After 37 years at the helm, fashion industry heavyweight Anna Wintour is stepping down from her position as editor-in-chief of American Vogue. It’s not a retirement, though, as Wintour will maintain a leadership
Antoinette Lattouf win against ABC a victory for all truth-tellers By Isaac Nellist of Green Left Magazine Australian-Lebanese journalist and commentator Antoinette Lattouf’s unfair dismissal case win against the public broadcaster ABC in the Federal Court on Wednesday is a victory for all those who seek to tell the truth. It is a breath of fresh air, after almost two years of lies and uncritical
Caitlin Johnstone: The fictional mental illness that only affects enemies of the Western empire Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific. – COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone Within the storytelling of Western politics and punditry there exists a fictional type of mental illness which only affects people the US empire doesn’t like. If Iran gets a nuclear weapon, its crazy lunatic government will flip out and nuke us all.
Do all Iranians hate the regime? Hate America? Life inside the country is much more complex and nuanced Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Theobald, Postdoctoral researcher, Institute for Ethics and Society, University of Notre Dame Australia From 2015 to 2018, I spent 15 months doing research work in Mashhad, Iran’s second-largest city. As an anthropologist, I was interested in everyday life in Iran outside the capital Tehran. I was
Israeli soldiers have said that they were ordered to open fire at unarmed Palestinian civilians desperately seeking aid at designated distribution sites in Gaza, a report in the Ha’aretz newspaper has revealed.
The report came as 70 Palestinians were killed across the Gaza Strip — mostly at aid sites belonging to the widely condemned Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) — in the last 24 hours.
Soldiers said that instead of using crowd control measures, they shot at crowds of civilians to prevent them from approaching certain areas.
One soldier, who was not named in the report, described the distribution site as a “killing field,” adding that “where I was, between one and five people were killed every day”.
The soldier said that they targeted the crowds as if they were “an attacking force,” instead of using other non-lethal weapons to organise and disperse crowds.
“We communicate with them through fire,” he continued, noting that heavy machine guns, grenade launchers and mortars were used on people, including the elderly, women and children.
The increased attacks, particularly those targeting aid-seekers, come as Gaza’s government Media Office said at least 549 Palestinians had been killed by Israeli forces while trying to get their hands on emergency aid in the last four weeks.
‘Evil of moral army’ Al Jazeera’s senior political analyst Marwan Bishara described what was happening in Gaza was more than the genocode.
“It is the evil of the most moral army in the world,” he said.
Israeli forces continued their attacks across the Gaza Strip on Friday, killing at least three Palestinians in an attack on Khan Younis, in the south, while also heavily bombing residential buildings east of Jabalia in the north.
Medical sources also said a Palestinian fisherman was killed, and others wounded, by Israeli naval gunfire off the al-Shati refugee camp, while he was working.
Gaza’s Ministry of Interior responded to the attacks with a statement, accusing Israel of “seeking to spread chaos and destabilise the Gaza Strip”.
Malnutrition soars Gazans have continued to desperately seek aid provided by the US and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, despite the hundreds of people killed at its sites, as malnutrition soars in the territory.
Two infants have died this week due to malnutrition and the ongoing blockade on Gaza.
“It’s a killing field” claims a headline in Ha’aretz newspaper. Image: Ha’aretz screenshot APR
For weeks now, health officials in the enclave have raised the alarm over the critical shortage of baby formula, but aid continued to be obstructed.
The two infants were buried on Thursday evening, after they were pronounced dead at the Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis. Medical staff said the cause of death was a lack of basic nutrition and access to essential medical care.
One of the infants, identified as Nidal, was only five months old, while the other, Kinda, was only 10 days old.
Mohammed al-Hams, Kinda’s father, told local media that children are dying due to severe malnutrition, sarcastically labelling them “the achievements of Netanyahu and his war”.
“Not a second goes by without a funeral prayer being held in the Gaza Strip,” he continued.
Malnutrition ‘catastrophic’ On Wednesday, Gaza’s Ministry of Health said the humanitarian situation in Gaza had reached “catastrophic” levels, noting that there had been a sharp increase in malnutrition among children, particularly in infants.
According to Palestinian official figures, at least 242 people have died in Gaza due to food and medicine shortages, with the majority of them being elderly and children.
Israel’s war on Gaza has killed at least 61,700 Palestinians since October 2023. The war has levelled entire neighbourhoods, and has been called a genocide by leading rights groups, including Amnesty International.
In Auckland last night, visiting Palestinian journalist, author, academic and community advocate Dr Yousef Aljamal spoke about “The unheard voices of Palestinian child prisoners”.
Dr Aljamal, who edited If I Must Die, a compilation of poetry and prose by Refaat Alareer, the poet who was assassinated by the Israelis in 6 December 2023, also described the humanitarian crisis as a “catastrophe” and called for urgent sanctions and political pressure on Israel by governments, including New Zealand.
Soldiers admit Israeli army is targeting aid seekers Video: Al Jazeera
The United States used to be a leader in vaccine research, development and policymaking. Now US Secretary of Health Robert F. Kennedy Jr is undermining the country’s vaccine program at the highest level and supercharging vaccine skepticism.
On Wednesday, RFK Jr announced the US would stop funding the global vaccine alliance, Gavi, because he claimed that “when the science was inconvenient today, Gavi ignored the science”. RFK Jr questioned the safety of COVID vaccines for pregnant women, as well as the diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis vaccine.
On Thursday, when the new Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices met, the person who first drew RFK Jr into vaccine scepticism, Lyn Redwood, shared disproved claims about a chemical called thimerosal in flu vaccines being harmful.
The undermining of regulation, advisory processes and funding changes will have global impacts, as debunked claims are given new levels of apparent legitimacy. Some of these impacts will be slow and insidious.
So what should we make of these latest claims and funding cuts?
Thiomersal is a distraction
Thiomersal (thimerosal in the the US) is a safe and effective preservative that prevents bacterial and fungal contamination of the vaccine contained in a multi-dose vial. It’s a salt that contains a tiny amount of mercury in a safe form.
Thiomersal is no longer used as a preservative in any vaccines routinely given in Australia. But it’s still used in the Q fever vaccine.
Other countries use multi-dose vials with thiomersal when single-dose vials are too expensive.
In the US, just 4% of adult influenza vaccines contain thiomersal. So focusing on removing vaccines containing thimerosal is a distraction for the committee.
COVID vaccines in pregnancy prevent severe illness
On Wednesday, RFK criticised Gavi’s encouragement of pregnant women to receive COVID-19 vaccines.
A COVID-19 infection before and during pregnancy can increase the risk of miscarriage two- to four-fold, even if it’s only a mild infection.
Conversely, there is good evidence vaccination during pregnancy is safe and can reduce the chance of hospitalisation of pregnant people and of infants by passing antibodies through the placenta.
In Australia, pregnant people who have never received a primary COVID-19 vaccine are recommended to have one. However, they are not generally recommended to have booster unless they have underlying risk conditions or prefer to have one. This is due to population immunity.
COVID-19 vaccine advice should adapt to changes in disease risk and vaccine benefit. It doesn’t mean previous decisions were wrong, nor that vaccine boosters are unsafe.
RFK’s criticism of COVID-19 vaccines in pregnancy may influence choices individuals make in other countries, even when unvaccinated pregnant women are encouraged to consider vaccination.
The diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis vaccine is safe
RFK Jr also questioned the safety of the combined diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis (DTP) vaccine as he announced the withdrawal of US funding support for Gavi.
In the early 2000s, three community-based observational studies reported a possible association between increased chance of death in infants and use of the DTP vaccine.
A few subsequent studies also reported associations, with higher risk in girls, prompting a World Health Organization (WHO) review of safety.
Real world studies are complicated and the data can be difficult to interpret correctly. Often, the very factors that influence whether someone gets vaccinated can also be associated with other health risks.
When the WHO committee reviewed all the studies on DTP safety in 2014, it did not indicate serious adverse events. It concluded there was substantial evidence against these claims.
What will de-funding Gavi mean for vaccination rates?
Gavi, the vaccine alliance, supports vaccine purchasing in low-income countries.
The US has historically accounted for 13% of all donor funds.
However, RFK Jr said Gavi needed to re-earn the public trust and “consider the best science available” before the US would contribute funding again.
Gavi predicted in March that the impact of US funding cuts could result in one million deaths through missed vaccines.
Could something like this happen in Australia?
Australia is fortunate to be buffered from these impacts.
Our vaccine advisory body, the Australian Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation, has people with deep expertise in vaccination. We have robust decision processes that weigh evidence critically and make careful recommendations to government.
Our governments remain committed to vaccination. The federal government released the National Immunisation Strategy in mid-June with a comprehensive plan to continue to strengthen our program.
The federal government also announced A$386 million to support the work of Gavi from 2026 to 2030.
All of this keeps our vaccine policies strong, preventing disease and increasing life expectancy here and overseas.
But to mitigate the possible influence of the US in Australia, our governments, health professionals and the public need to be ready to rapidly tackle the misinformation, distortions and half-truths RFK Jr cleverly packages – with quality information.
Julie Leask receives research funding from NHMRC, WHO, US CDC, NSW Ministry of Health. She received funding from Sanofi for travel to an overseas meeting in 2024. She has consulting fees from RTI International and the Task Force for Global Health.
Catherine Bennett has received honoraria for contributing to independent advisory panels for Moderna and AstraZeneca, and has received NHMRC, VicHealth and MRFF funding for unrelated projects. She was the health lead on the Independent Inquiry into the Australian Government COVID-19 Response .
The former head of Human Rights Watch — and son of a Holocaust survivor — says Israel’s military campaign in Gaza will likely meet the legal definition of genocide, citing large-scale killings, the targeting of civilians, and the words of senior Israeli officials.
Speaking on 30′ with Guyon Espiner, Ken Roth agreed Hamas committed “blatant war crimes” in its attack on Israel on October 7 last year, which included the abduction and murder of civilians.
But he said it was a “basic rule” that war crimes by one side do not justify war crimes by the other.
There was indisputable evidence Israel had committed war crimes in Gaza and might also be pursuing tactics that fit the international legal standard for genocide, Roth said.
30′ with Guyon Espiner Kenneth Roth Video: RNZ
“The acts are there — mass killing, destruction of life-sustaining conditions. And there are statements from senior officials that point clearly to intent,” Roth said.
He cited comments immediately after the October 7 attack by Hamas from Israel’s former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, who referred to Gazans as “human animals”.
Israeli President Isaac Herzog also said “an entire nation” was responsible for the attack and the notion of “unaware, uninvolved civilians is not true,” referring to the Palestinean people. Herzog subsequently said his words were taken out of context during a case at the International Court of Justice.
The accusation of genocide is hotly contested. Israel says it is fighting a war of self-defence against Hamas after it killed 1200 people, mostly civilians. It claims it adheres to international law and does its best to protect civilians.
It blames Hamas for embedding itself in civilian areas.
But Roth believes a ruling may ultimately come from the International Court of Justice, especially if a forthcoming judgment on Myanmar sets a precedent.
“It’s very similar to what Myanmar did with the Rohingya,” he said. “Kill about 30,000 to send 730,000 fleeing. It’s not just about mass death. It’s about creating conditions where life becomes impossible.”
‘Apartheid’ alleged in Israel’s West Bank Roth has been described as the ‘Godfather of Human Rights’, and is credited with vastly expanding the influence of the Human Rights Watch group during a 29-year tenure in charge of the organisation.
In the full interview with Guyon Espiner, Roth defended the group’s 2021 report that accused Israel of enforcing a system of apartheid in the occupied West Bank.
“This was not a historical analogy,” he said, implying it was a mistake to compare it with South Africa’s former apartheid regime.
“It was a legal analysis. We used the UN Convention against Apartheid and the Rome Statute, and laid out over 200 pages of evidence.”
Kenneth Roth appears via remote link in studio for an interview on season 3 of 30′ with Guyon Espiner. Image: RNZ
He said the Israeli government was unable to offer a factual rebuttal.
“They called us biased, antisemitic — the usual. But they didn’t contest the facts.”
The ‘cheapening’ of antisemitism charges Roth, who is Jewish and the son of a Holocaust refugee, said it was disturbing to be accused of antisemitism for criticising a government.
“There is a real rise in antisemitism around the world. But when the term is used to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel, it cheapens the concept, and that ultimately harms Jews everywhere.”
Roth said Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had long opposed a two-state solution and was now pursuing a status quo that amounted to permanent subjugation of Palestinians, a situation human rights groups say is illegal.
“The only acceptable outcome is two states, living side by side. Anything else is apartheid, or worse,” Roth said.
While the international legal process around charges of genocide may take years, Roth is convinced the current actions in Gaza will not be forgotten.
“This is not just about war,” he said. “It’s about the deliberate use of starvation, displacement and mass killing to achieve political goals. And the law is very clear — that’s a crime.”
Roth’s criticism of Israel saw him initially denied a fellowship at Harvard University in 2023. The decision was widely seen as politically motivated, and was later reversed after public and academic backlash.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains names and images of deceased people.
The brutal homicide of 15-year-old Noongar Yamatji boy, Cassius Turvey, by a group of white men revealed the racial schisms in Western Australian society. Turvey was walking home from school in October 2022 when he was abruptly beaten to death.
On Friday, the Western Australian Supreme Court sentenced the three perpetrators. Twenty-nine-year-old Brodie Palmer and 24-year-old Jack Brearley were found guilty of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment.
A third man, 27-year-old Mitchell Forth, was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to 12 years behind bars.
This was an opportunity for the Supreme Court to send a strong message against racial violence. While the punishment of the men involved is clear, the role of race, and what legally qualifies as racially motivated crime, is muddier.
Wrong place, wrong time?
Racism has been front and centre of the public discussion of this tragedy from the outset.
Rallies in solidarity with Turvey’s family were held across the country, with Gumbaynggirr, Bundjalung, and Dunghutti activist Lizzie Jarrett declaring:
no black child is ever, ever, ever in the wrong place at the wrong time on their own land.
Racism at trial
Over the course of the trial, the court heard Turvey and his peers, a group of Aboriginal high school students, were approached by an angry group.
This comprised the three men convicted and a woman, 23-year-old Aleesha Gilmore, who was acquitted of homicide, and 21-year-old Ethan McKenzie, who with Gilmore, was convicted of other offences relating to the attack.
Turvey was chased and Brearly fatally beat him with a metal pole.
Earlier this year, the trial of the three perpetrators heard arguments by the defendants that the actions were not racially motivated.
Rather, the defence argued they were acting out of self-defence on the basis that Brearly had his car window smashed a few days prior.
In contrast, the prosecution brought evidence of a phone call that revealed Brearley was bragging about beating Turvey, stating that “he learnt his lesson”.
The prosecution argued the homicide was not a personal gripe, but a collective response.
The prosecution didn’t allege the attack was racially motivated, but it was open to the judge to consider this basis for the homicide.
At trial, 91 witnesses came forward. Witnesses gave evidence that the accused were using racial slurs.
The killing of Turvey comes after 14-year-old Elijah Doughty was targeted and killed in Kalgoorlie in 2016.
Both cases show white male motorists seeking to avenge Aboriginal children for alleged vehicle offences.
This is reinforced by a penal system in which Aboriginal children are 53 times more likely to be detained than non-Aboriginal children.
What did the judge say?
On the morning of the sentence hearings, Cassius Turvey’s mother, who described her son as respected, bright, loving and compassionate, said the killing was a “racially motivated” and based on “discriminatory targeting”.
This sentiment has been echoed across the country, including by June Oscar, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social justice commissioner at the Australian Human Rights Commission, in 2022.
Chief Justice Peter Quinlan strongly condemned the attacks.
However, he stated the attack was not racially motivated, despite recognising that the perpetrators were “calling them n-words and black c—ts — you in particular Mr Brearley used language like that”.
He noted that it creates a “fear” of racial vilification:
it’s no surprise […] that the kids would think they were being targeted because they were Aboriginal, and the attack would create justifiable fear for them and for the broader community that this was a racially motivated attack.
This amounts to a message of general deterrence about violence and vigilante behaviour.
But messages to deter racial targeting and racial violence specifically were omitted from the public safety concerns expressed by the court.
Making racial violence invisible
Munanjahli and South Sea Islander professor Chelsea Watego, and colleagues, have remarked that the Australian psyche is more comfortable with an “abstract concern with racism; racism without actors, or rather perpetrators”.
This, they argue, sanitises racial violence and holds no one responsible.
The court demonstrated this abstract concern for racism.
This Supreme Court’s reasoning has set an impossibly high bar for racial vilification, and specifically racial violence, to be identified, denounced and redressed.
The judgement seems to relegate racism to being an unfortunate and unintended incident of co-existence, rather than willed harm.
The failure to regard the racial slurs, the targeting of a group of Aboriginal children, and the killing of one of these children, as “racially motivated”, upholds the idea that white people’s racist treatment and crimes against Aboriginal people exist in a vacuum free of a long history of colonial violence, massacres and occupation.
Thalia Anthony receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Matthew Walsh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jane McAdam, Scientia Professor and ARC Laureate Fellow, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Sydney
In just four days, one-third of the population of Tuvalu entered a ballot for a new permanent visa to Australia.
This world-first visa will enable up to 280 Tuvaluans to move permanently to Australia each year, from a current population of about 10,000. The visa is open to anyone who wants to work, study or live in Australia. Unlike other visa schemes for Pacific peoples, a job offer in Australia is not required.
While the visa itself doesn’t mention climate change, the treaty that created it is framed in the context of the “existential threat posed by climate change”. That’s why when it was announced, I described it as the world’s first bilateral agreement on climate mobility.
The Australian government, too, has called it “the first agreement of its kind anywhere in the world, providing a pathway for mobility with dignity as climate impacts worsen”.
The high number of ballot applications may come as a surprise to many, especially given there were multiple concerns within Tuvalu when the treaty was first announced. Even so, some analysts predicted all Tuvaluans would apply eventually, to keep their options open.
The visa highlights the importance of creating opportunities for people to move in the context of climate change and disasters. The dangers of rising sea levels are clearly apparent, including coastal flooding, storm damage and water supplies. But there is a lot more at play here.
For many, especially young families, this will be seen as a chance for education and skills training in Australia. Giving people choices about if, when and where they move is empowering and enables them to make informed decisions about their own lives.
For the government of Tuvalu, the new visa is also about shoring up the economy. Migration is now a structural component of many Pacific countries’ economies.
The money migrants send back to their home countries to support their families and communities is known as remittances. In 2023, remittances comprised 28% of GDP in Samoa and nearly 42% of GDP in Tonga – the highest in the world. Currently, Tuvalu sits at 3.2%.
A long time coming
Well before climate change became an issue of concern, Tuvalu had been lobbying Australia for special visa pathways. Demographic pressures, combined with limited livelihood and educational opportunities, made it a live policy issue throughout the 1980s and ‘90s. In 1984, a review of Australia’s foreign aid program suggested improved migration opportunities for Tuvaluans may be the most useful form of assistance.
By the early 2000s, the focus had shifted to the existential threats posed by climate change. In 2006, as then-shadow environment minister, Anthony Albanese released a policy discussion paper called Our Drowning Neighbours. It proposed that Australia create Pacific migration pathways as part of a neighbourly response. In 2009, a spokesperson for Penny Wong, then minister for climate change, stated permanent migration might eventually be the only option for some Pacific peoples.
When combined with other Pacific pathways to Australia and New Zealand, nearly 4% of the population could migrate each year. This is “an extraordinarily high level”, according to one expert. Within a decade, close to 40% of the population could have moved – although some people may return home or go backwards and forwards.
How will the new arrivals be received?
The real test of the new visa’s success will be how people are treated when they arrive in Australia.
Will they be helped to adjust to life here, or will they feel isolated and shut out? Will they be able to find work and training, or will they find themselves in insecure and uncertain circumstances? Will they feel a loss of cultural connection, or will they be able to maintain cultural traditions within the growing Tuvaluan diaspora?
Ensuring sound and culturally appropriate settlement services are in place will be crucial. These would ideally be co-developed with members of the Tuvaluan community, to “centralise Tuvaluan culture and values, in order to ensure ongoing dialogue and trust”.
It has been suggested by experts that a “liaison officer with Tuvaluan cultural expertise and language skills could assist in facilitating activities such as post-arrival programs”, for instance.
Learning from experience
There are also many important lessons to be learned from the migration of Tuvaluans to New Zealand, to reduce the risk of newcomers experiencing economic and social hardship.
Ongoing monitoring and refinement of the scheme will also be key. It should involve the Tuvaluan diaspora, communities back in Tuvalu, service providers in Australia, as well as federal, state/territory and local governments.
By freeing up resources and alleviating stress on what is already a fragile atoll environment, migration may enable some people to remain in Tuvalu for longer, supported by remittances and extended family networks abroad.
As some experts have suggested, money sent home from overseas could be used to make families less vulnerable to climate change. It might help them buy rainwater tanks or small boats, or improve internet and other communications. Remittances are also beneficial when they are invested in services that lift the level of education of children or boost social capital.
Australia is offering ‘climate visas’ to 280 residents of Tuvalu (10 News First)
Delaying a mass exodus
It is difficult to know when a tipping point might be reached. For instance, some have warned that if too few people remain in Tuvalu, this could constrain development by limiting the availability of labour and skills. A former president of Kiribati, Teburoro Tito, once told me migration was “a double-edged sword”. While it could help people secure employment overseas and remit money, “the local economy, the local setup, also has to have enough skilled people” – otherwise it’s counterproductive.
With visas capped at 280 a year – and scope to adjust the numbers if concerns arise – we are still a long way from that point. Right now, the new visa provides a safety net to ensure people have choices about how they respond to climate change. With the visa ballot open until July 18, many more people may yet apply.
Jane McAdam receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC) and is the Director of the ARC Evacuations Research Hub at the Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Sydney.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology
After 37 years at the helm, fashion industry heavyweight Anna Wintour is stepping down from her position as editor-in-chief of American Vogue.
It’s not a retirement, though, as Wintour will maintain a leadership position at global fashion and lifestyle publisher Condé Nast (the owner of Vogue and other publications, such as Vanity Fair and Glamour).
Nonetheless, Wintour’s departure from the US edition of the magazine is a big moment for the fashion industry – one which she has single-handedly changed forever.
Fashion mag fever
Fashion magazines as we know them today were first formalised in the 19th century. They helped establish the “trickle down theory” of fashion, wherein trends were traditionally dictated by certain industry elites, including major magazine editors.
In Australia, getting your hands on a monthly issue meant rare exposure to the latest European or American fashion trends.
Vogue itself was established in New York in 1892 by businessman Arthur Baldwin Turnure. The magazine targeted the city’s elite class, initially covering various aspects of high-society life. In 1909, Vogue was acquired by Condé Nast. From then, the magazine increasingly cemented itself as a cornerstone of the fashion publishing.
Cover of a 1921 edition of Vogue. Wikimedia, CC BY
The period following the second world war particularly opened the doors to mass fashion consumerism and an expanding fashion magazine culture.
Wintour came on as editor of Vogue in 1988, at which point the magazine became less conservative, and more culturally significant.
Not afraid to break the mould
Fashion publishing changed as a result of Wintour’s bold editorial choices – especially when it came to the magazine’s covers. Her choices both reflected, and dictated, shifts in fashion culture.
Wintour’s first cover at Vogue, published in 1988, mixed couture garments (Christian Lacroix) with mainstream brands (stonewashed Guess jeans) – something which had never been done before. It was also the first time a Vogue cover had featured jeans at all – perfectly setting the scene for a long career spent pushing the magazine into new domains.
Wintour also pioneered the centring of celebrities (rather than just models) within fashion discourse. And while she leveraged big names such as Beyonce, Madonna, Nicole Kidman, Kate Moss, Michelle Obama and Oprah Winfrey, she also featured rising stars as cover models – often helping propel their careers in the process.
Wintour’s legacy at Vogue involved elevating fashion from a frivolous runway to a powerful industry, which is not scared to make a statement. Nowhere is this truer than at the Met Gala, which is held each year to celebrate the opening of a new fashion exhibit at the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Costume Institute.
The event started as a simple fundraiser for the Met in 1948, before being linked to a fashion exhibit for the first time in 1974.
Wintour took over its organisation in 1995. Her focus on securing exclusive celebrity guests helped propel it to the prestigious event it is today.
This year’s theme for the event was Superfine: Tailoring Black Style. In a time where the US faces great political instability, Wintour was celebrated for her role in helping elevate Black history through the event.
Not without controversy
However, while her cultural influence can’t be doubted, Wintour’s legacy at American Vogue is not without fault.
Notably, her ongoing feud with animal rights organisation PETA – due to the her unwavering support for fur – has bubbled in the background since the heydays of the anti-fur movement.
Wintour has been targeted directly by anti-fur activists, both physically (she was hit with a tofu cream pie in 2005 while leaving a Chloe show) and through numerous protests.
This issue was never resolved. Vogue has continued to showcase and feature fur clothing, even as the social license for using animal materials starts to run out.
Fashion continues to grow increasingly political. How magazines such as Vogue will engage with this shift remains to be seen.
A changing media landscape
The rise of fashion blogging in recent decades has led to a wave of fashion influencers, with throngs of followers, who are challenging the unidirectional “trickle-down” structure of the fashion industry.
Today, social media platforms have overtaken traditional media influence both within and outside of fashion. And with this, the power of fashion editors such as Wintour is diminishing significantly.
Many words will flow regarding Wintour’s departure as editor-in-chief, but nowhere near as many as what she oversaw at the helm of the world’s biggest fashion magazine.
Rachel Lamarche-Beauchesne has been affiliated with the Animal Justice Party.
Jye Marshall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Australian-Lebanese journalist and commentator Antoinette Lattouf’s unfair dismissal case win against the public broadcaster ABC in the Federal Court on Wednesday is a victory for all those who seek to tell the truth.
It is a breath of fresh air, after almost two years of lies and uncritical reporting about Israel’s genocide from the ABC and commercial media companies.
Lattouf was unfairly sacked in December 2023 for posting on her social media a Human Rights Watch report that detailed Israel’s deliberate starvation of Palestinians in Gaza.
Justice Darryl Rangiah found that Lattouf had been sacked for her political opinions, given no opportunity to respond to misconduct allegations and that the ABC breached its Enterprise Agreement and section 772 of the Fair Work Act.
The Federal Court also found that ABC executives — then-chief content officer Chris Oliver-Taylor, editor-in-chief David Anderson and board chair Ita Buttrose — had sacked Lattouf in response to a pro-Israel lobby pressure campaign.
The coordinated email campaign from Zionist groups accused Lattouf of being “antisemitic” for condemning Israel’s genocide and ethnic cleansing of Gaza.
The judge awarded Lattouf A$70,000 in damages, based on findings that her sacking caused “great distress”, and more than $1 million in legal fees.
‘No Lebanese’ claim Lattouf had alleged that her race or ethnicity had played a part in her sacking, which the ABC had initially responded to by claiming there was no such thing as a “Lebanese, Arab or Middle Eastern Race”, before backtracking.
The court found that this did not play a part in the decision to sack Lattouf.
The ABC’s own reporting of the ruling said “the ABC has damaged its reputation, and public perceptions around its ideals, integrity and independence”.
Outside the court, Lattouf said: “It is now June 2025 and Palestinian children are still being starved. We see their images every day, emaciated, skeletal, scavenging through the rubble for scraps.
“This unspeakable suffering is not accidental, it is engineered. Deliberately starving and killing children is a war crime.
“Today, the court has found that punishing someone for sharing facts about these war crimes is also illegal. I was punished for my political opinion.”
Palestine solidarity groups and democratic rights supporters have celebrated Lattouf’s victory.
An ‘eternal shame’ Palestine Action Group Sydney said: “It is to the eternal shame of our national broadcaster that it sacked a journalist because she opposed the genocide in Gaza.
“There should be a full inquiry into the systematic pro-Israel bias at the ABC, which for 21 months has acted as a propaganda wing of the Israeli military.”
Racial justice organisation Democracy in Colour said the ruling “exposes the systematic silencing taking place in Australian media institutions in regards to Palestine”.
Democracy in Colour chairperson Jamal Hakim said Lattouf was punished for “speaking truth to power”.
“When the ABC capitulated to pressure from the pro-Israel lobby . . . they didn’t just betray Antoinette — they betrayed their own editorial standards and the Australian public who deserve to know the truth about Israel’s human rights abuses.”
Noura Mansour, national director for Democracy in Colour, said the ABC had been “consistently shutting down valid criticism of the state of Israel” and suppressing the voices of people of colour and Palestinians. She said the national broadcaster had “worked to manufacture consent for the Israeli-US backed genocide”.
Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance chief executive Erin Madeley said: “Instead of defending its journalists, ABC management chose to appease powerful voices . . . they failed in their duty to push back against outside interference, racism and bullying.”
Win for ‘journalistic integrity’ Australian Greens leader Larissa Waters said the ruling was a win for “journalistic integrity and freedom of speech” and that “no one should be punished for speaking out about Gaza”.
Green Left editor Pip Hinman said the ruling was an “important victory for those who stand on the side of truth and justice”.
“It is more important than ever in an increasingly polarised world that journalists speak up and report the truth without fear of reprisal from the rich and powerful.
“Traditional and new media have the reach to shape public opinion. They have had a clear pro-Israel bias, despite international human rights agencies providing horrific data on Israel’s genocide in Gaza.
“Meanwhile, tens of thousands of people around Australia continue to call for an end to the genocide in Gaza in protests every week. But the ABC and corporate media have largely ignored this movement of people from all walks of life. Disturbingly, the corporate media has gone along with some political leaders who claim this anti-war movement is antisemitic.
“As thousands continue to march every week for an end to the genocide in Gaza, the ABC and corporate media organisations have continued to push the lie that the Palestine solidarity movement, and indeed any criticism of Israel, is antisemitic.
“Green Left also hails those courageous mostly young journalists in Gaza, some 200 of whom have been killed by Israel since October 2023.
“Their livestreaming of Israel’s genocide cut through corporate media and political leaders’ lies and today makes it even harder for them to whitewash Israel’s crimes and Western complicity.
“Green Left congratulates Lattouf on her victory. We are proud to stand with the movement for justice and peace in Palestine, which played a part in her victory against the ABC management’s bias.”
Within the storytelling of Western politics and punditry there exists a fictional type of mental illness which only affects people the US empire doesn’t like.
If Iran gets a nuclear weapon, its crazy lunatic government will flip out and nuke us all.
Watch out for Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis, those guys are a bunch of maniacal antisemites who want to attack Israelis just because they’re Jewish.
“The stories of the Western empire ask us to believe that everyone who finds themselves in the imperial crosshairs is an irrational actor whose loony behavior can only be attributed to some uncontrollable defect within their own minds, or who will soon snap and do something nutty if they are not contained by force.”
Oh no, Putin is invading Ukraine completely unprovoked because he’s a madman who hates freedom and won’t stop until he’s conquered all of Europe.
China is building up its military because the megalomaniacal Xi Jinping wants to take over the world; all those US military bases surrounding China are just a defensive measure to contain Beijing’s insanity.
Assad just went nuts one day and started slaughtering his own people out of nowhere.
Gaddafi is a sexual sadist who’s giving Viagra to his troops to help them commit mass rapes in Libya.
The fictional mental illness that only affects enemies of the Western empire Video: Caitlin Johnstone
So crazy Saddam Hussein is so crazy and evil he’s trying to obtain weapons of mass destruction to give Americans another 9/11.
The North Koreans used to be far too insane to be allowed to have nuclear weapons because they’d nuke San Francisco immediately, but after they obtained nuclear weapons they were miraculously cured of this rare psychological disorder.
The stories of the Western empire ask us to believe that everyone who finds themselves in the imperial crosshairs is an irrational actor whose loony behavior can only be attributed to some uncontrollable defect within their own minds, or who will soon snap and do something nutty if they are not contained by force.
One antagonist who never appears in these fairy tales of the Western empire is the Western empire itself. In the storytelling of the empire, there is no globe-spanning power structure which is constantly inflicting violence and destruction upon populations around the world while seeking to crush any nation who disobeys its dictates.
It’s just a bunch of irrational psychos, seeking nuclear weapons and becoming aggressively militaristic for no other reason than because they are crazy, while the totally normal alliance led by a totally normal country in North America innocently responds to their crazy behavior.
That’s the story. In real life, the most aggressive and unreasonable actor on the world stage by far is the empire-like power structure that is loosely centralised around Washington DC. Nobody else is constantly waging wars of aggression around the world. Nobody else is circling the planet with hundreds of military bases for the purpose of global domination. Nobody else has spent the 21st century killing millions of people and deliberately targeting civilians with starvation sanctions in countries on the other side of the planet.
Only the US-centralised empire has been doing these things.
Vicious imperial power But we are asked to believe that this vicious imperial power structure is the only rational actor on earth, and that those who resist its aggressions are the crazy ones.
And you are told that if you can’t see this, then you’re crazy too. You’re a crackpot. A conspiracy theorist. A paranoid nutball whose voice should be marginalised and whose ideas should be dismissed with a scoff.
You are crazy if you don’t believe what the world’s craziest power structure says about its enemies being crazy.
It is gaslighting on a global scale. It is madness, and that is why this civilisation has gone mad.
Let’s hope someone finds a way to protect the world from the insanity of the Western empire.
Around midday on June 13 last year, my colleagues and I were scanning the skies when we thought we had discovered a strange and exciting new object in space. Using a huge radio telescope, we spotted a blindingly fast flash of radio waves that appeared to be coming from somewhere inside our galaxy.
After a year of research and analysis, we have finally pinned down the source of the signal – and it was even closer to home than we had ever expected.
A surprise in the desert
Our instrument was located at Inyarrimanha Ilgari Bundara – also known as the Murchison Radio-astronomy Observatory – in remote Western Australia, where the sky above the red desert plains is vast and sublime.
We were using a new detector at the radio telescope known as the Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder – or ASKAP – to search for rare flickering signals from distant galaxies called fast radio bursts.
We detected a burst. Surprisingly, it showed no evidence of a time delay between high and low frequencies – a phenomenon known as “dispersion”.
This meant it must have originated within a few hundred light years of Earth. In other words, it must have come from inside our galaxy – unlike other fast radio bursts which have come from billions of light years away.
A problem emerges
Fast radio bursts are the brightest radio flashes in the Universe, emitting 30 years’ worth of the Sun’s energy in less than a millisecond – and we only have hints of how they are produced.
Some theories suggest they are produced by “magnetars” – the highly magnetised cores of massive, dead stars – or arise from cosmic collisions between these dead stellar remnants. Regardless of how they occur, fast radio bursts are also a precise instrument for mapping out the so-called “missing matter” in our Universe.
When we went back over our recordings to take a closer a look at the radio burst, we had a surprise: the signal seemed to have disappeared. Two months of trial and error went by, until the problem was found.
ASKAP is composed of 36 antennas, which can be combined to act like one gigantic zoom lens six kilometres across. Just like a zoom lens on a camera, if you try to take a picture of something too close, it comes out blurry. Only by removing some of the antennas from the analysis – artificially reducing the size of our “lens” – did we finally make an image of the burst.
We weren’t excited by this – in fact, we were disappointed. No astronomical signal could be close enough to cause this blurring.
This meant it was probably just radio-frequency “interference” – an astronomer’s term for human-made signals that corrupt our data.
It’s the kind of junk data we’d normally throw away.
Yet the burst had us intrigued. For one thing, this burst was fast. The fastest known fast radio burst lasted about 10 millionths of a second. This burst consisted of an extremely bright pulse lasting a few billionths of a second, and two dimmer after-pulses, for a total duration of 30 nanoseconds.
So where did this amazingly short, bright burst come from?
The radio burst we detected, lasting merely 30 nanoseconds. Clancy W. James
A zombie in space?
We already knew the direction it came from, and we were able to use the blurriness in the image to estimate a distance of 4,500 km. And there was only one thing in that direction, at that distance, at that time – a derelict 60-year-old satellite called Relay 2.
Relay 2 was one of the first ever telecommunications satellites. Launched by the United States in 1964, it was operated until 1965, and its onboard systems had failed by 1967.
But this was no zombie. No system on board Relay 2 had ever been able to produce a nanosecond burst of radio waves, even when it was alive.
We think the most likely cause was an “electrostatic discharge”. As satellites are exposed to electrically charged gases in space known as plasmas, they can become charged – just like when your feet rub on carpet. And that accumulated charge can suddenly discharge, with the resulting spark causing a flash of radio waves.
Electrostatic discharges are common, and are known to cause damage to spacecraft. Yet all known electrostatic discharges last thousands of times longer than our signal, and occur most commonly when the Earth’s magnetosphere is highly active. And our magnetosphere was unusually quiet at the time of the signal.
According to our calculations, a 22 micro-gram micrometeoroid travelling at 20km per second or more and hitting Relay 2 would have been able to produce such a strong flash of radio waves. But we estimate the chance the nanosecond burst we detected was caused by such an event to be about 1%.
Plenty more sparks in the sky
Ultimately, we can’t be certain why we saw this signal from Relay 2. What we do know, however, is how to see more of them. When looking at 13.8 millisecond timescales – the equivalent of keeping the camera shutter open for longer – this signal was washed out, and barely detectable even to a powerful radio telescope such as ASKAP.
But if we had searched at 13.8 nanoseconds, any old radio antenna would have easily seen it. It shows us that monitoring satellites for electrostatic discharges with ground-based radio antennas is possible. And with the number of satellites in orbit growing rapidly, finding new ways to monitor them is more important than ever.
But did our team eventually find new astronomical signals? You bet we did. And there are no doubt plenty more to be found.
Clancy William James receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Theobald, Postdoctoral researcher, Institute for Ethics and Society, University of Notre Dame Australia
From 2015 to 2018, I spent 15 months doing researchwork in Mashhad, Iran’s second-largest city. As an anthropologist, I was interested in everyday life in Iran outside the capital Tehran. I was also interested in understanding whether the ambitions of the 1979 Revolution lived on among “ordinary” Iranians, not just political elites.
I first lived on a university campus, where I learned Persian, and later with Iranian families. I conducted hundreds of interviews with people who had a broad spectrum of political, social and religious views. They included opponents of the Islamic Republic, supporters, and many who were in between.
What these interviews revealed to me was both the diversity of opinion and experience in Iran, and the difficulty of making uniform statements about what Iranians believe.
Measuring the depth of antipathy for the regime
When Israel’s strikes on Iran began on June 13, killing many top military commanders, many news outlets – both international and those run by the Iranian diaspora – featured images of Iranians cheering the deaths of these hated regime figures.
Friends from my fieldwork also pointed to these celebrations, while not always agreeing with them. Many feared the impact of a larger conflict between Iran and Israel.
Trying to put these sentiments in context, many analysts have pointed to a 2019 survey by the GAMAAN Institute, an independent organisation based in the Netherlands that tracks Iranian public opinion. This survey showed 79% of Iranians living in the country would vote against the Islamic Republic if a free referendum were held on its rule.
Viewing these examples as an indicator of the lack of support for the Islamic Republic is not wrong. But when used as factoids in news reports, they become detached from the complexities of life in Iran. This can discourage us from asking deeper questions about the relationships between ideology and pragmatism, support and opposition to the regime, and state and society.
A more nuanced view
The news reporting on Iran has encouraged a tendency to see the Iranian state as homogeneous, highly ideological and radically separate from the population.
But where do we draw the line between the state and the people? There is no easy answer to this.
When I lived in Iran, many of the people who took part in my research were state employees – teachers at state institutions, university lecturers, administrative workers. Many of them had strong and diverse views about the legacy of the revolution and the future of the country.
They sometimes pointed to state discourse they agreed with, for example Iran’s right to national self-determination, free from foreign influence. They also disagreed with much, such as the slogans of “death to America”.
This ambivalence was evident in one of my Persian teachers. An employee of the state, she refused to attend the annual parades celebrating the anniversary of the revolution. “We have warm feelings towards America,” she said. On the other hand, she happily attended protests, also organised by the government, in favour of Palestinian liberation.
Or take the young government worker I met in Mashhad: “We want to be independent of other countries, but not like this.”
In a narrower sense, discussions about the “state” may refer more to organisations like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Basij, the paramilitary force within the IRGC that has cracked down harshly on dissent in recent decades. Both are often understood as being deeply ideologically committed.
Said Golkar, a US-based Iranian academic and author, for instance, calls Iran a “captive society”. Rather than having a civil society, he believes Iranians are trapped by the feared Basij, who maintain control through their presence in many institutions like universities and schools.
Again, this view is not wrong. But even among the Basij and Revolutionary Guard, it can be difficult to gauge just how ideological and homogeneous these organisations truly are.
For a start, the IRGC relies on both ideologically selected supporters, as well as conscripts, to fill its ranks. They are also not always ideologically uniform, as the US-based anthropologist Narges Bajoghli, who worked with pro-state filmmakers in Tehran, has noted.
As part of my research, I also interviewed members of the Basij, which, unlike the IRGC proper, is a wholly volunteer organisation.
Even though ideological commitment was certainly an important factor for some of the Basij members I met, there were also pragmatic reasons to join. These included access to better jobs, scholarships and social mobility. Sometimes, factors overlapped. But participation did not always equate to a singular or sustained commitment to revolutionary values.
For example, Sāsān, a friend I made attending discussion groups in Mashhad, was quick to note that time spent in the Basij “reduced your [compulsory] military service”.
This isn’t to suggest there are not ideologically committed people in Iran. They clearly exist, and many are ready to use violence. Some of those who join these institutions for pragmatic reasons use violence, too.
Looking in between
In addition, Iran is an ethnically diverse country. It has a population of 92 million people, a bare majority of whom are Persians. Other minorities include Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Baloch, Turkmen and others.
It is also religiously diverse. While there is a sizeable, nominally Shi’a majority, there are also large Sunni communities (about 10-15% of the population) and smaller communities of Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, Baha’is and other religions.
Often overlooked, there are also important differences in class and social strata in Iran, too.
One of the things I noticed about state propaganda was that it flattened this diversity. James Barry, an Australian scholar of Iran, noticed a similar phenomenon.
State propaganda made it seem like there was one voice in the country. Protests could be dismissed out of hand because they did not represent the “authentic” view of Iranians. Foreign agitators supported protests. Iranians supported the Islamic Republic.
Since leaving Iran, I have followed many voices of Iranians in the diaspora. Opposition groups are loud on social media, especially the monarchists who support Reza Pahlavi, the son of the deposed Shah.
In following these groups, I have noticed a similar tendency to speak as though they represent the voice of all Iranians. Iranians support the shah. Or Iranians support Maryam Rajavi, leader of a Paris-based opposition group.
Both within Iran, and in the diaspora, the regime, too, is sometimes held to be the imposition of a foreign conspiracy. This allows the Islamic Republic and the complex relations it has created to be dismissed out of hand. Once again, such a view flattens diversity.
Over the past few years, political identities and societal divisions seem to have become harder and clearer. This means there is an increasing perception among many Iranians of a gulf between the state and Iranian society. This is the case both inside Iran, and especially in the Iranian diaspora.
Decades of intermittent protests and civil disobedience across the country also show that for many, the current system no longer represents the hopes and aspirations of many people. This is especially the case for the youth, who make up a large percentage of the population.
I am not an Iranian, and I strongly believe it is up to Iranians to determine their own futures. I also do not aim to excuse the Islamic Republic – it is brutal and tyrannical. But its brutality should not let us shy away from asking complex questions.
If the regime did fall tomorrow, Iran’s diversity means there is little unanimity of opinion as to what should come next. And if a more pluralist form of politics is to emerge, it must encompass the whole of Iran’s diversity, without assuming a uniform position.
It, too, will have to wrestle with the difficult questions and sometimes ambivalent relations the Islamic Republic has created.
Simon Theobald received funding from the Australian National University during his research.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 27, 2025.
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Cats at 40: a dazzling cast – stuck in an outdated show Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karen Cummings, Lecturer in Singing, University of Sydney The star of the 40th anniversary production of Cats – which premiered at the Theatre Royal Sydney last week – is the performing ensemble. Some ensemble scenes, such as The Jellicle Ball, offered the same joy and exhilaration as
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Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Koplin, Evidence and Translation Lead, National Allergy Centre of Excellence; Chief Investigator, Centre of Food Allergy Research; Associate Professor and Group Leader, Childhood Allergy & Epidemiology Group, Child Health Research Centre, The University of Queensland
With the school holidays approaching, many families will be travelling, including on planes interstate and overseas. But travel can pose unique challenges for people with serious food allergies.
Research shows air travel is a significant source of anxiety for people living with or caring for someone with a food allergy. In a global survey of 4,704 people with food allergies and their caregivers published in 2024, 98% said having a food allergy adds anxiety to air travel.
Fortunately, there are things you can do to help keep yourself or children with food allergies safe in the skies.
What are the concerns about plane travel with allergies?
Reassuringly, documented allergic reactions during flights are very rare. A 2023 review that combined data from 17 studies estimated about seven in every 10 million passengers had an allergic reaction while flying.
While many people have more mild food allergies, some are at risk of anaphylaxis (a life-threatening allergic reaction) and need to carry adrenaline with them at all times in the form of an EpiPen or Anapen. The review found reports of severe reactions needing adrenaline were even rarer – about eight cases per 100 million passengers.
In fact, this study concluded people were less likely to experience an allergic reaction on a plane than in their everyday lives. However, some of this might be due to the precautions passengers with food allergies already take.
People with food allergies are sometimes worried about food particles travelling in the air of the plane cabin and causing a reaction.
Thankfully, research has shown this risk is very low. It’s difficult for food proteins (the part of the food that causes the allergic reaction) to become airborne. And if they do, air filters fitted on large commercial planes can remove any airborne food particles quickly from the cabin air.
Peanuts are one of the foods commonly associated with anaphylaxis. Studies that have tested opening and shaking containers containing peanuts and de-shelling peanuts found peanut proteins were only detected directly above the container, at a low level, and for a short period of time.
Other studies have found airborne peanut was not detected when eating peanuts in a confined space. And studies found no severe reactions among people with peanut allergy when peanut butter or peanuts were held close to their face or kept in a bowl close by in a small room.
A bigger risk for reactions is the food protein ending up on a seat or tray table. However, casual contact with food crumbs or smears is highly unlikely to cause a severe allergic reaction. This type of contact can cause mild to moderate skin reactions that can be treated with antihistamines if needed.
Staying safe on a plane with allergies
For people at risk of anaphylaxis:
take your adrenaline in your hand luggage (not your checked baggage). Store it under the seat in front of you or in the seat pocket so it’s in easy reach
carry a travel plan and action plan for anaphylaxis, completed and signed by a medical professional, or similar documentation, showing the traveller’s food allergy status and what to do in an emergency. (Templates of these plans are available via the Australasian Society of Clinical Immunology and Allergy)
let the flight crew know you have an allergy and indicate the location of your adrenaline and anaphylaxis action plan. This is particularly important for people travelling alone, since anaphylaxis can be mistaken for other non-allergic symptoms, which could lead to a delay in receiving adrenaline.
For people with food allergies generally:
let the airline know you have a food allergy and ask about their food and medication policies when booking or before travelling
take allergy-safe food from home. Airlines don’t guarantee allergy-safe food will be available, and not all food supplied on a plane will have an ingredient label (but check liquid restrictions and be aware of potential restrictions on taking fresh food across borders)
wipe down surfaces such as the seat, armrests and tray table with wet wipes when boarding. You can request early boarding from airlines to do this
wash your hands before eating (wet wipes and handwashing with soap are more effective than plain water or hand sanitiser)
you may choose to sit a child with food allergy away from areas where food or drink will be passed over the top of them (for example, next to a window or between family members). Tell passengers sitting next to your child about their allergy so they don’t offer to share food or drink
if you think you’re experiencing an allergic reaction, let the flight crew know immediately.
If you’re travelling, you could wipe down surfaces around you at the end of the flight. Remove rubbish from seatbacks and other areas around your seat and aisle before disembarking.
Also, ask about allergies before offering to share any food with your neighbours during the flight (and check with parents before offering anything to their children).
Airlines, meanwhile, should have clear policies relating to food allergies easily available and consistently applied by ground staff and cabin crew, such as allowing early boarding on request.
The patient support organisation Allergy & Anaphylaxis Australia has a Food Allergy Travel Hub with advice on how to stay safe when travelling with food allergies.
Jennifer Koplin receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. She is a member of the Executive Committee for the National Allergy Centre of Excellence (NACE), which is supported by funding from the Australian government.
Christopher Warren receives institutional research funding from the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease, Food Allergy Research and Education, Genentech Inc, and The United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Desalegn Markos Shifti is supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)-funded Centre for Food Allergy Research (CFAR) Postdoctoral Funding.
The star of the 40th anniversary production of Cats – which premiered at the Theatre Royal Sydney last week – is the performing ensemble.
Some ensemble scenes, such as The Jellicle Ball, offered the same joy and exhilaration as the original 1985 production. In these moments of song and dance, the invisible connection between the performers’ hearts, voices and bodies, and those in the audience, is truly felt. There is still magic here.
Yet, 40 years on, it’s clear other aspects of the show have become too tired for modern audiences.
Comfort for frightening times
By today’s standards, Cats is a modest show where the biggest investment is in the extraordinary performers and performances.
But back in 1985, when it first premiered in Australia, Andrew Lloyd Webber’s musical was at the forefront of a wave of mega-musicals that swept the world. A review published in the Los Angeles Times that year called it “one of the most imaginative and eye-catching musicals of the century”.
Cats ran for decades, all around the world. On the West End it ran for 21 years and 8,949 performances. On Broadway, it replaced A Chorus Line as the longest-running musical, playing for 18 years.
First performed in London in 1981, the show is based on a set of poems from T.S. Eliot’s Old Possum’s Book of Practical Cats (1939). Some may know the poems from their primary school elocution classes (we both did).
Eliot wrote Old Possum’s Book of Practical Cats in the period between the two world wars, when the world was teetering on the edge of fascism. It spoke to an audience that was probably eager to escape from its frightening reality.
Commitment lifts the show
In the musical, the cats move between songs and ensembles that describe the characteristics of each individual. The musical styles include rock, classical, pop, jazz, musical hall, blues and everything in between. Each cat has a specific musical and movement language.
The committed and exuberant performers lift the show. Gabryel Thomas, who plays Grizabella, brings new life and intense musicality in her singing of the iconic song Memory.
Axel Alverez performs the role of Mr. Mistoffelees with exuberance and charisma. And Todd McKenney’s charming and nuanced characterisation of Bustopher Jones makes him an audience favourite.
The cameo roles feature strong performances by well-known music theatre performers, such as Lucy Maunder as Jellylorum, along with some newer faces, such as Claudia Hastings as White Cat.
Gabriyel Thomas plays the outcast glamour cat Grizabella. Daniel Boud
Stagnation or reinvention?
In this re-launch, the score, direction and choreography are almost identical to what we saw back in 1985.
The dancing and choreography are the heart and soul of the show, just as they were back then. For those who appreciate performance, this alone will make Cats worth seeing.
Yet, the quality of the performances couldn’t completely make up for the tired and largely unchanged musical score. The 80s style synthesisers and guitars, and reduced orchestration, are oddly nostalgic, but in an unsatisfying way.
Nostalgia is big business, and no doubt this production taps into this. As music journalist Peter C Baker wrote in an article last year:
More and more of what we’re offered […] feels motivated by the logic that what people want, or can most easily be sold, is what they already liked before.
At the same time, there’s much discussion these days about reinterpretations of classic musicals and opera – which are often a gamble.
In the 2024 re-imagined New York production of Cats, Cats: The Jellicle Ball, the gamble paid off. The Jellicle Ball was set in a queer ballroom culture where competitive performers rehearse on a catwalk.
The show premiered to wide acclaim, with some reviewers saying Cats finally made sense. As reviewer Jeanine T. Abraham put it:
The ballroom version takes this story into the twenty-first century with flavor, sass, and reverence for the Black Queer Ballroom community who created this joyous form out of so much pain and trauma.
This positive reception was far removed from the very badly reviewed 2019 feature film starring James Corden.
Cats is a musical that has always been controversial – both celebrated and derided, depending on who you ask.
What makes a show spectacular?
Since around the mid 1980s, audiences have become acclimatised to the spectacular. Whether it’s Wicked, the Olympic ceremonies, or Kendrick Lamar’s Superbowl halftime show, we’ve come to expect spectacle and jaw-dropping visual effects. But Cats is not that kind of show.
Rather, it deals with the idea of community, and of a world where particular kinds of difference are accepted and others are rejected. The narcissistic elderly male cats are revered, while the glamour cat Grizabella is an outcast. A utopian ending brings reconciliation for all.
Cats is a musical that defied expectations. Many initially predicted it would flop, and the song Memory was the only real hit. Yet it enjoyed enormous success.
In 2025, the show leans heavily on its 30 or so performers who still manage to transport us to another world, despite the dated music and lack of story. The success of future interpretations will likely come down to how well those gaps can be filled.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
How do you measure climate change? One way is by recording temperatures in different places over a long period of time. While this works well, natural variation can make it harder to see longer-term trends.
But another approach can give us a very clear sense of what’s going on: track how much heat enters Earth’s atmosphere and how much heat leaves. This is Earth’s energy budget, and it’s now well and truly out of balance.
Our recent research found this imbalance has more than doubled over the last 20 years. Other researchers have come to the same conclusions. This imbalance is now substantially more than climate models have suggested.
In the mid-2000s, the energy imbalance was about 0.6 watts per square metre (W/m2) on average. In recent years, the average was about 1.3 W/m2. This means the rate at which energy is accumulating near the planet’s surface has doubled.
These findings suggest climate change might well accelerate in the coming years. Worse still, this worrying imbalance is emerging even as funding uncertainty in the United States threatens our ability to track the flows of heat.
Energy in, energy out
Earth’s energy budget functions a bit like your bank account, where money comes in and money goes out. If you reduce your spending, you’ll build up cash in your account. Here, energy is the currency.
Life on Earth depends on a balance between heat coming in from the Sun and heat leaving. This balance is tipping to one side.
Solar energy hits Earth and warms it. The atmosphere’s heat-trapping greenhouse gases keep some of this energy.
But the burning of coal, oil and gas has now added more than two trillion tonnes of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases to the atmosphere. These trap more and more heat, preventing it from leaving.
Some of this extra heat is warming the land or melting sea ice, glaciers and ice sheets. But this is a tiny fraction. Fully 90% has gone into the oceans due to their huge heat capacity.
Earth naturally sheds heat in several ways. One way is by reflecting incoming heat off of clouds, snow and ice and back out to space. Infrared radiation is also emitted back to space.
From the beginning of human civilisation up until just a century ago, the average surface temperature was about 14°C. The accumulating energy imbalance has now pushed average temperatures 1.3-1.5°C higher.
Ice and reflective clouds reflect heat back to space. As the Earth heats up, most trapped heat goes into the oceans but some melts ice and heats the land and air. Pictured: Icebergs from the Jacobshavn glacier in Greenland, the largest outside Antarctica. Ashley Cooper/Getty
Tracking faster than the models
Scientists keep track of the energy budget in two ways.
First, we can directly measure the heat coming from the Sun and going back out to space, using the sensitive radiometers on monitoring satellites. This dataset and its predecessors date back to the late 1980s.
Second, we can accurately track the build-up of heat in the oceans and atmosphere by taking temperature readings. Thousands of robotic floats have monitored temperatures in the world’s oceans since the 1990s.
Both methods show the energy imbalance has grown rapidly.
The doubling of the energy imbalance has come as a shock, because the sophisticated climate models we use largely didn’t predict such a large and rapid change.
Typically, the models forecast less than half of the change we’re seeing in the real world.
Why has it changed so fast?
We don’t yet have a full explanation. But new research suggests changes in clouds is a big factor.
Clouds have a cooling effect overall. But the area covered by highly reflective white clouds has shrunk, while the area of jumbled, less reflective clouds has grown.
It isn’t clear why the clouds are changing. One possible factor could be the consequences of successful efforts to reduce sulfur in shipping fuel from 2020, as burning the dirtier fuel may have had a brightening effect on clouds. However, the accelerating energy budget imbalance began before this change.
Natural fluctuations in the climate system such as the Pacific Decadal Oscillation might also be playing a role. Finally – and most worryingly – the cloud changes might be part of a trend caused by global warming itself, that is, a positive feedback on climate change.
Dense blankets of white clouds reflect the most heat. But the area covered by these clouds is shrinking. Adhivaswut/Shutterstock
What does this mean?
These findings suggest recent extremely hot years are not one-offs but may reflect a strengthening of warming over the coming decade or longer.
This will mean a higher chance of more intense climate impacts from searing heatwaves, droughts and extreme rains on land, and more intense and long lasting marine heatwaves.
This imbalance may lead to worse longer-term consequences. New research shows the only climate models coming close to simulating real world measurements are those with a higher “climate sensitivity”. That means these models predict more severe warming beyond the next few decades in scenarios where emissions are not rapidly reduced.
We don’t know yet whether other factors are at play, however. It’s still too early to definitively say we are on a high-sensitivity trajectory.
Our eyes in the sky
We’ve known the solution for a long time: stop the routine burning of fossil fuels and phase out human activities causing emissions such as deforestation.
Keeping accurate records over long periods of time is essential if we are to spot unexpected changes.
Satellites, in particular, are our advance warning system, telling us about heat storage changes roughly a decade before other methods.
But funding cuts and drastic priority shifts in the United States may threaten essential satellite climate monitoring.
Steven Sherwood receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Mindaroo Foundation.
Benoit Meyssignac receives funding from the European Commission, the European Space Agency and the French National Space Agency.
Thorsten Mauritsen receives funding from the European Research Council, the European Space Agency, the Swedish Research Council, the Swedish National Space Agency and the Bolin Centre for Climate Research.
Each year, the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) reviews its pricing rules to ensure services funded under the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) remain sustainable.
This year’s annual pricing review outlines changes that will take effect from July 1 2025.
Among the updates are changes to therapy pricing, travel reimbursement, and rural loadings. The NDIA says this will bring NDIS pricing in line with other government schemes and private health insurance.
But what do these changes mean for people outside the big cities?
adjusted therapy support rates, including a $10 per hour reduction for physiotherapists to $183.99 per hour.
travel reimbursement for therapists will be halved (from 100% to 50% of the hourly rate during any time spent travelling)
price loadings for some rural and remote areas will be removed.
The NDIA justifies these decisions with a dataset that includes the average of hourly rates from Medicare, private health claims, and 13 other government programs.
Why pricing comparisons don’t always translate to rural services
While these comparisons might make sense for metropolitan clinics, they do not capture the realities of service delivery in rural and remote areas.
For example, allied health professionals such as physiotherapists, occupational therapists, and speech pathologists in cities can see multiple clients in a row at one location (although this isn’t always realistic or best practice in cities either).
In contrast, rural and remote providers may drive hundreds of kilometres between appointments. Much of their time, including travel, planning, and follow-up, is essential but often unbilled.
So while $193.99 (soon $183.99) per hour for physiotherapy might look generous, it does not reflect what is left after factoring in travel and unpaid care coordination.
Disabilities are complex and often lifelong, so clinical support is time-consuming. However, that is something clinicians are passionate about – therapists so often squirm at the thought of billing our clients for anything other than direct clinical services.
The NDIA’s own data confirm most therapy providers are small operators. In fact, 90% are unregistered, and many serve fewer than five participants.
The result is a fragile “market”, particularly in towns with limited infrastructure. If pricing makes it unviable for local clinicians to offer services, the only remaining options may involve families travelling long distances or forgoing support entirely. This has knock-on effects for local economies and contributes to professional burnout and workforce shortages.
What this means for rural families
For families living in towns with limited services, travel is not optional. It is a lifeline. If providers cannot afford to travel, many people with disability simply go without.
Telepractice can be used in some clinical situations, but not all. The most effective kind of telepractice also includes support from local clinicians and coworkers, and ideally a mix of in-person and online consultations.
One family I worked with during my PhD research lived four hours from the nearest regional centre. After an 18-month wait, their child’s therapy appointment was cancelled twice due to workforce shortages. They eventually paid privately for a service in another state.
This story is not unusual. Many families said they did not necessarily want more funding; they just wanted support delivered in ways that worked for them. Being able to access help locally allowed their children to remain part of the school community and reduced pressure on carers already juggling other responsibilities. Clinicians, communities, and families are continuing to tell very similar stories.
It is essential clinicians are able to travel to meet with NDIS clients in regional areas. Shutterstock
Is there a better way?
My research found rural families preferred flexible models that blended telepractice with local capacity-building. These hybrid approaches worked well when supported by policy that allowed for coordination, community involvement, and some in-person time. They were not luxury add-ons. They were what made services possible.
There is also a long-term benefit in supporting local service ecosystems. When therapists can build relationships within a community, they are more likely to stay, collaborate with other professionals, and mentor early-career clinicians.
This helps reduce churn and provides continuity of care. However, with travel reimbursement and rural loadings cut, sustaining these models becomes more difficult.
What happens next?
The NDIA’s strategy includes a shift toward “differentiated pricing”, which could eventually support more tailored approaches. The Department of Social Services has also promised to offer “foundational supports” outside the NDIS, but it is currently unclear what the nature of these supports will be. Right now, though, rural communities are being asked to absorb the reduced funding and limited flexibility. Without further adjustment, these changes risk widening the gap between metropolitan and non-metropolitan service access.
A single national price does not guarantee equal access. Equity comes from recognising and responding to different contexts. For rural and remote Australians living with disability, that recognition is long overdue.
Until then, it will be up to 7 million rural Australians to make it work for themselves in places where resources are already stretched thin.
I am a co-founder of Umbo Pty Ltd (an NDIS therapy provider which provides telepractice services)
Umpires’ decisions often upset sports fans, especially during a close contest.
At most games, spectators boo loudly, coaches throw their hands up in frustration and players can yell or even physically intimidate officials.
It seems abusing umpires is acceptable. But why? It’s certainly not something generally tolerated in other workplaces.
Without umpires, games simply couldn’t go ahead.
That’s why we sought to shed light on the situation by researching what it’s really like to be an Australian rules umpire.
Not for the faint-hearted
Umpires (also called referees or match officials) apply the rules of their respective sports to ensure fair and safe competitions for all players.
They participate in training and accreditation programs to learn rules and apply them based on the demands of the game.
They need to be physically fit and position themselves appropriately around the playing field.
But many sport organisations are struggling to provide enough qualified officials at grassroots levels. Between 1993 and 2010, there was a 28% decline in active sport officials in Australia.
Football Australia, soccer’s governing body here, boasts 11,000 officials but estimates around 4,200 leave their roles every year.
In many sports, teenagers are increasingly stepping in to umpire junior and senior games to back-fill shortages.
However, Australian rules football appears to be defying this trend – the number of community umpires surpassed 20,000 for the first time in 2024. This is an 18% increase in umpire registrations compared to 2023, largely driven by a 31% rise in registrations by women and girls.
Despite these record numbers, the Australian Football League (AFL), and many sports organisations including Rugby Australia and the A-League, are worried about retaining officials.
Our research focused particularly on what was happening in Australian rules football.
Abuse and even death threats
We surveyed 356 umpires across all levels of Australian rules football competition to examine their experiences of abuse.
Almost half reported receiving regular verbal abuse (name-calling, insults, swearing and threats). Worryingly, 21% said they had experienced physical abuse (pushing, hitting, or assault).
As one state-level umpire remarked:
Over time, you end up developing a thick skin.
Encouragingly, most umpires knew the process to officially report any abuse received, with more than half indicating they had formally reported at least one incident of abuse.
While many felt supported through the reporting process, only 62% were satisfied with the outcome.
As one state-league umpire recalled:
I was assaulted two years ago by a spectator. Lucky I was bigger than him. I was disappointed he only got a one-year suspension from attending games.
Further, a senior community football umpire commented:
I was threatened with my life this year and the league did nothing about it.
What can be done?
Many respondents commented on the need to support young umpires to have positive experiences.
One potential strategy is to make it clearer when officials are underage.
As one example, Netball Victoria provides a green band or scrunchie to any umpire under the age of 18 to promote respect from players, coaches and spectators.
Other codes could look to implement similar strategies.
Most of our responding umpires called for the introduction of tougher penalties in games and through tribunal systems.
Some called for clubs to be fined or spectators banned for repeated incidents of abuse.
Additionally, umpires felt clubs needed to take greater responsibility for the actions of players, coaches and spectators.
One umpire told us:
Cultural change needs to come from within clubs because top-down campaigns encouraging respect don’t change hearts and minds.
This could be in the form of creating a positive club culture and zero-tolerance abuse policies.
In our research, umpires said it was crucial that governing bodies communicated both the level of evidence required to report abuse, and how tribunals worked.
As younger officials may not know the process, having this information embedded in umpire training may help umpires feel more supported in reporting abuse.
Equally, appropriate penalties must be handed down to ensure umpires have faith in the reporting system.
While the number of Australian rules football umpires has increased in recent years, these numbers can also decrease quickly.
If we want to retain umpires for the medium and long-term, we need governing bodies such as the AFL to address the frequency and severity with which umpire abuse occurs.
As one umpire commented:
Cases of abuse need to have consequences, not just a slap on the wrist. Why would anyone want to go out and be abused for two hours?
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Parker, Adjunct Fellow, Naval Studies at UNSW Canberra, and Expert Associate, National Security College, Australian National University
After lobbying by US President Donald Trump, NATO leaders have promised to boost annual defence spending to 5% of their countries’ gross domestic product (GDP) by 2035.
United in the face of profound security threats and challenges, in particular the long-term threat posed by Russia to Euro-Atlantic security and the persistent threat of terrorism, allies commit to invest 5% of GDP annually on core defence requirements as well as defence-and security-related spending by 2035.
This development comes at a tricky time for the Albanese government. It has so far batted away suggestions Australia should increase its defence spending from current levels of around 2% of gross domestic product (GDP), or almost A$59 billion per year (and projected to reach 2.33% of GDP by 2033–34). Trump has called on Australia to increase this to about 3.5%.
With this NATO agreement, global security deteriorating and defence capability gaps obvious, pressure is mounting on the Australian government to increase defence spending further.
Pressure from Trump
A long‑time critic of NATO, Trump and his key officials have castigated NATO’s readiness and spending.
Meanwhile, Russia’s war on Ukraine, now in its fourth year, and a spate of suspected Russian sabotage across Europe have sharpened concerns about allied preparedness.
Against this backdrop, the NATO summit saw Trump publicly reaffirms US commitment to the alliance, and European members pledged to lift defence spending.
What exactly did NATO promise and why?
The headlines say NATO members agreed to increase annual defence spending to 5% of GDP by 2035.
In fact, the actual agreement is more nuanced.
The summit communique, notably shorter than in previous years, broke the pledge down into two parts.
The first is 3.5% of GDP on what is considered traditional defence spending: ships, tanks, bullets, people and so on.
The second part – the remaining 1.5% of GDP – is to
Exactly what strategic resilience initiatives this money will be spent on is up to the individual member nation.
It might be tempting to paint NATO’s commitment to increased defence spending as evidence of European NATO partners bowing to US political pressure.
But it’s more than that. It is a direct response to the increased threat posed by Russia to Europe, and perhaps an insurance policy against any doubts European NATO partners may have about the US reliability and enduring commitment to the 76-year-old alliance between the US and Europe.
However, not all countries are keen on the defence spending commitment, with notable reservations from Spain and Belgium.
These two countries are yet to meet NATO’s 2014 commitment to spend 2% of GDP on defence.
What’s all this mean for Australia?
The commitment to hike NATO defence spending will have an indirect impact on Australia’s own beleaguered defence spending debate.
As mentioned, Australia’s main strategic ally – the US – has pressured Australia to hike defence spending to 3.5% of GDP, up from around 2.02% of GDP this financial year (which the government projects will reach 2.33% by 2033–34).
Australia is not the only Indo-Pacific partner being pushed to spend more on defence. Japan is too.
This is consistent with US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth’s Shangri-La speech in May, when he urged Asian allies to step up on defence spending, pointing to Europe as the model.
The NATO announcement will likely embolden the US to apply greater pressure on the Australia to increase defence spending.
Trump’s strategy towards NATO has clearly been to sow ambiguity in the minds of European countries as to the US’ commitment to NATO, to get them to come to the table on defence spending.
This may well be a future Australia faces, too. It could mean a bumpy road ahead for Australia and its most crucial alliance partner.
Where to from here?
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has said Australia will determine its own level of defence spending, and that arbitrary GDP limits are unhelpful. Defence spending, he argues, should be based on capability needs, not demands from allies.
And he is right, to a point.
That said, allies have a right to have an expectation all parties in the alliance are holding up their end of the bargain.
Australian defence spending should be based on the capabilities it needs to resource its stated defence strategy and defend its core interests. Currently, in my view, Australia’s defence capability does not match its current strategy.
There are clear gaps in Australia’s defence capabilities, including:
its aged naval capability
a lack of mine warfare, replenishment and survey capabilities
a limited ability to protect critical infrastructure against missile attack
space capabilities.
These are key risks, at the moment of possibly most significant strategic circumstances since the second world war.
In the event of a major crisis or conflict in the region, Australia would not presently be able to defend itself for a prolonged period. To address this requires structural reform and defence investment.
In response to this week’s NATO announcement, Defence Minister Richard Marles said:
We have gone about the business of not chasing a number, but thinking about what is our capability need, and then resourcing it.
During the election campaign both the prime minister and defence minister left the door open to increasing defence spending.
The real unknown is how long it will take to make it happen, and how much damage it may do in the meantime to Australia’s relationship with the US and overall defence-preparedness.
Jennifer Parker is affiliated with UNSW Canberra and ANU’s National Security College.
Children’s play is essential for their cognitive, physical and social development. But in cities, spaces to play are usually separated, often literally fenced off, from the rest of urban life.
In our new study, we compare children’s use of such spaces in Auckland, New Zealand, and Venice, Italy. Our findings present a paradox: playgrounds built for safety can stifle creativity and mobility, while self-organising open spaces offer rich opportunities to explore and belong.
In Auckland, places such as Taumata Reserve are a testimony to contemporary playground design – grassy, shaded, equipped with slides and swings, and buffered from traffic. Such places are an oasis cherished by caregivers for the sense of perceived safety they provide.
Yet during our observations, we noted how these spaces function not necessarily as an oasis or a point for social encounter, but rather as isolated refuge islands, disconnected from the city’s everyday life. Children’s independent mobility and opportunities for diverse play activities remained limited and predefined.
Children in urban spaces in Venice are free to find their own spontaneous activities. Antonio Lara-Hernandez, CC BY-SA
Contrast this with Venice’s Santa Croce neighbourhood. Car-free streets and piazzas, such as Campo San Giacomo dell’Orio above, pulsate with life. We saw children play ball, draw on pavements, chase each other and even water plants. These spaces are shared inter-generational stages.
To compare children’s experience, we measured the diversity of activities (a proxy for creativity). Auckland’s Taumata Reserve scored just 1.46. In contrast, Venice scored 2.33, with more than 2,600 spontaneous acts in the streets, reflecting a child-led play culture.
Why this matters
Play is not a luxury. It is a fundamental necessity of life to understand, navigate and adapt to the complexities of the world.
From a deterministic perspective, contemporary Western cultures (such as in Europe and New Zealand) prescribe diverse benefits of play. This includes learning and developing resilience, spatial awareness and social skills.
In Auckland, safety is the focus. While inclusion for children with special needs is understandable, it may inadvertently limit the collective capacity for vital and formative developmental experiences at the neighbourhood scale.
Global research shows declining children’s mobility, linked to car dependency and adult-controlled routines. This reduces children’s activity radius, constrains confidence and diminishes connection to place. For one of us, a father of two, watching his daughters navigate parks underscores this: children need to be able to learn risk competency.
Venice is a cultural model we can draw lessons from. Its pedestrian streets let children roam, climb statues and play hide-and-seek on bridges. This exposure to risks builds judgement, adaptability and agency. It also makes children co-creators of urban life.
Children in Venice’s car-free piazza San Giacomo dell’Orio play ball, draw on pavements and chase each other. Authors provided, CC BY-SA
Our study uses what we call “temporary appropriation” – when children use spaces in unplanned, creative ways – and a design framework called SPIRAL, which draws from individual experiences and cultural narratives to build public spaces.
Auckland’s rules and fences curb this; Venice’s human-scale design invites it.
Venice’s conditions foster risk competency in children and caregivers, strengthening community bonds through a culture of care. Auckland’s spaces for play are spatially fragmented, limiting social encounters and the risk-taking skills vital for development.
Auckland’s playgrounds tend to be separated and limit the development of risk-taking skills. Shutterstock/Mary Star
From a New Zealand perspective, it is also essential to recognise the significance of place-based belonging from a Māori worldview. Concepts such as whakapapa (genealogy), whenua (land) and whanaungatanga (relational ties) emphasise deep, inter-generational connections to place.
In this view, play is not merely recreation but a cultural expression; a way for children to experience turangawaewae (a place to stand).
What other cities can learn
From our research, we can draw lessons for how urban spaces might be reimagined to better support children’s wellbeing and autonomy. This includes:
Designing public spaces with natural elements, “risky art”, loose parts and creative equipment for open-ended play that balances safety without compromising opportunities for discovery and risk-taking
reclaiming streets so that all people and animals can have positive adventures
prioritising policies for car-free or traffic-calmed areas across neighbourhoods and in proximity to social places (schools, libraries, shops, parks) to contribute to a culture where safety is a collective responsibility and a commitment towards a stronger social cohesion
proactively involving children in urban design through place-making and temporary appropriation; it is their right to be heard and listened to through the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
and collaboratively modifying the environment over time.
We envision cities where children roam freely, invent and experience deeper and authentic belonging. Venice proves that shared public spaces help children enrich and shape cities, as much as the rest of the population does.
Safe playgrounds are only a starting point. For healthy, regenerative and vibrant cities to work, we need to realise that children should have agency to shape the complex assemblage that cities really are. Let’s build urban futures where children don’t just play, but can have positive adventures.
The choices we make today matter. We can either feed the fear or meet the cultural challenge together by embracing the positive adventures of life, with a sense of collective wellbeing, care and stewardship.
Jose Antonio Lara-Hernandez received funding for the Horizon 2020 CRUNCH project and was a member of the curatorial team of the Italian Pavilion for the Venice Biennale 2021. He is a senior member of City Space Architecture and the International Society of City and Regional Planners.
Gregor Mews has previously served as a founding director of the Australian Institute of Play and currently serves as a council board member of City Space Architecture as well as a member of the International Society of City and Regional Planners.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Olver, Adjunct Professsor, School of Psychology, Faculty of Health and Medical Sciences, University of Adelaide
From July, eligible Australians will be screened for lung cancer as part of the nation’s first new cancer screening program for almost 20 years.
The program aims to detect lung cancer early, before symptoms emerge and cancer spreads. This early detection and treatment is predicted to save lives.
Why lung cancer?
Lung cancer is Australia’s fifth most diagnosed cancer but causes the greatest number of cancer deaths.
It’s more common in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, rural and remote Australians, and lower income groups than in the general population.
Overall, less than one in five patients with lung cancer will survive five years. But for those diagnosed when the cancer is small and has not spread, two-thirds of people survive five years.
Who is eligible?
The lung cancer screening program only targets people at higher risk of lung cancer, based on their smoking history and their age. This is different to a population-wide screening program, such as screening for bowel cancer, which is based on age alone.
The lung cancer program screens people 50-70 years old with no signs or symptoms of lung cancer such as breathlessness, a persisting cough, coughing up blood, chest pain, becoming very tired or losing weight.
To be eligible, current smokers must also have a history of at least 30 “pack years”. To calculate this you multiply the number of packets (of 20 cigarettes) you smoke a day by the number of years you’ve been smoking them.
For instance, if you smoke one packet (20 cigarettes) a day for a year that is one pack year. Smoking two packets a day for six months (half a year) is also a pack year.
People who have quit smoking in the past ten years but have accumulated 30 or more pack years before quitting are also eligible.
Ask your GP or health worker if you are eligible. If you are, you will be referred for a low-dose computed tomography (CT) scan. This uses much lower doses of x-rays than a regular CT but is enough to find nodules in the lung. These are small lumps which could be clumps of cancer cells, inflammatory cells or scarring from old infections.
Imaging involves lying on a table for 10-15 minutes while the scanner takes images of your chest. So people must also be able to lie flat in a scanner to be part of the program.
After the scan, the results are sent to you, your GP and the National Cancer Screening Register. You’ll be contacted if the scan is normal and will then be reminded in two years’ time to screen again.
If your scan has findings that need to be followed, you will be sent back to your GP who may arrange a further scan in three to 12 months.
If lung cancer is suspected, you will be referred to a lung specialist for further tests.
What are the benefits and risks?
Internationaltrials show screening people at high risk of lung cancer reduces their chance of dying prematurely from it, and the benefits outweigh any harm.
The risks of radiation exposure are minimised by using low-dose CT screening.
The other greatest risk is a false positive. This is where the imaging suggests cancer, but further tests rule it out. This varies across studies from almost one in ten to one in two of those having their first scan. If imaging suggests cancer, this usually requires a repeat scan. But about one in 100 of those whose imaging suggests cancer but were later found not to have it have invasive biopsies. This involves taking a sample of the nodule to see if it contains cancerous cells.
Some people will be diagnosed with a cancer that will never cause a problem in their lifetime, for instance because it is slow growing or they are likely to die of other illnesses first. This so-called overdiagnosis varies from none to two-thirds of lung cancers diagnosed, depending on the study.
The Australian government has earmarked A$264 million over four years to screen for lung cancer, and $101 million a year after that.
The initial GP consultation will be free if your GP bulk bills, or if not you may be charged an out-of-pocket fee for the consultation. This may be a barrier to the uptake of screening. Subsequent investigations and consultations will be billed as usual.
There will be no cost for the low-dose CT scans.
What should I do?
If you are 50-70 and a heavy smoker see your GP about screening for lung cancer. But the greater gain in terms of reducing your risk of lung cancer is to also give up smoking.
If you’ve already given up smoking, you’ve already reduced your risk of lung cancer. However, since lung cancer can take several years to develop or show on a CT scan, see your GP if you were once a heavy smoker but have quit in the past ten years to see if you are eligible for screening.
This is the first article in our ‘Finding lung cancer’ series, which explores Australia’s first new cancer screening program in almost 20 years.
More information about the program is available. If you need support to quit smoking, call Quitline on 13 78 48.
Ian Olver receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew B. Watkins, Associate research scientist, School of Earth, Atmopshere & Environment, Monash University
Andrew Watkins
How often do you mow your lawn in winter? That may seem like an odd way to start a conversation about drought. But the answer helps explain why our current drought has not broken, despite recent rain – and why spring lamb may be more expensive this year.
Southern Australia has been short of rain for 16 months. Western Victoria, the agricultural regions of South Australia (including Adelaide) and even parts of western Tasmania are suffering record dry conditions. Those rainfall measurements began in 1900 (126 years ago).
Large parts of southeastern Australia have experienced the lowest rainfall on record over the past 16 months. Serious deficiency means among the driest 10% of such periods on record, Severe deficiency means among the driest 5%. Bureau of Meteorology
Fewer and less intense rain-bearing weather systems have been crossing the southern coastline since February 2024, compared to normal. Put simply, the land has not received enough big dumps of rain.
But June has finally brought rain to some drought-affected regions. There’s even an emerald green tinge to the fields in certain agricultural areas. But it’s now too cold for plants to really grow fast, meaning farmers will be carting hay and buying extra feed for livestock until the weather warms in spring.
Lambs in the Adelaide Hills have little to eat without extra feed. Saskia Jones
Too little, too late
This month, some areas received good rainfall – including places near Melbourne and, to a lesser degree, Adelaide. City people may be forgiven for thinking the drought has broken and farmers are rejoicing. But drought is not that simple.
Unfortunately, the rainfall was inconsistent, especially further inland. The coastal deluge in parts of southern Australia in early June didn’t extend far north. Traditionally, the start of the winter crop-growing season is marked by 25mm of rain over three days – a so-called “autumn break”. But many areas didn’t receive the break this year.
The lack of rain (meteorological drought) compounded the lack of water in the soil for crops and pasture (agricultural drought). Parts of Western Australia, SA, Victoria, Tasmania and southern New South Wales had little moisture left in their soils. So some rain is quickly soaked up as it drains into deeper soils.
In late May and early June, and again this week, there have been winter dust storms in SA. Such dust storms are a bad sign of how dry the ground has become.
Some regions no longer have enough water to fill rivers and dams (hydrological drought). Water restrictions have been introduced in parts of southwest Victoria and Tasmania. The bureau’s streamflow forecast does not look promising.
The landscape near Mortlake in western Victoria was still dry in late May. Typically the autumn break (first post-summer rain event of more than 25 mm) occurs here by early May. Andrew Watkins
A green drought
Remember that lawn mowing analogy? The winter chill has already set in across the south. This means it’s simply too cold for any vigorous new grass growth, and why you are not mowing your lawn very often at the moment.
Cool temperatures, rather than just low rainfall, also limit pasture growth. While from a distance the rain has added an emerald sheen to some of the landscape, it’s often just a green tinge. Up close, it’s clear there is very limited new growth.
Rather than abundant and vigorous new shoots, there’s just a little bit of green returning to surviving grasses. This means there’s very limited feed for livestock. To make matters worse, sometimes the green comes from better-adapted winter weeds.
There will be a lot of hay carting, regardless of rainfall, until spring when the soils start to warm up once again and new growth returns. This all adds up to fewer stock kept in paddocks or a big extra cost in time and money for farmers – and ultimately, a more expensive spring lamb barbecue.
Is this climate change?
Southern Australia (southern WA, SA, Tasmania, Victoria and southern NSW) used to experience almost weekly rain events in autumn and early winter. Cold fronts and deep low-pressure systems rolling in from the west brought the bulk of the rainfall.
Now there is a far more sporadic pattern in these regions. Rainfall in the April to October crop and pasture growing season has declined by around 10–20% since the middle of last century. The strongest drying trend is evident during the crucial months between April and July.
Further reductions in southern growing season rainfall are expected by the end of this century, especially in southwestern Australia. Southeastern regions, including southern Victoria, parts of SA and northern Tasmania, also show a consistent drying trend, with a greater time spent in drought every decade.
Drought is complex. Just because it’s raining doesn’t always mean it has rained enough, or at the right time, or in the right place. To make matters worse, a green drought can even deceive us into thinking everything is fine.
Breaking the meteorological drought will require consistent rainfall over several months. Breaking the agricultural drought will also require more warmth in the soils. Outlooks suggest we may have to wait for spring.
This article includes scientific contributions from David Jones and Pandora Hope from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology.
Ailie Gallant receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the National Environmental Science Program Climate Systems Hub.
Pallavi Goswami works at Monash University. She receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program, Climate Systems Hub.
Andrew B. Watkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Bloomberg, Adjunct Senior Fellow, Te Kura Ngahere-New Zealand School of Forestry, University of Canterbury
The biggest environmental problems for commercial plantation forestry in New Zealand’s steep hill country are discharges of slash (woody debris left behind after logging) and sediment from clear-fell harvests.
During the past 15 years, there have been 15 convictions of forestry companies for slash and sediment discharges into rivers, on land and along the coastline.
Such discharges are meant to be controlled by the National Environmental Standards for Commercial Forestry, which set environmental rules for forestry activities such as logging roads and clear-fell harvesting. The standards are part of the Resource Management Act (RMA), which the government is reforming.
We believe the proposed changes fail to address the core reasons for slash and sediment discharges.
We recently analysed five convictions of forestry companies under the RMA for illegal discharges. Based on this analysis, which has been accepted for publication in the New Zealand Journal of Forestry, we argue that the standards should set limits to the size and location of clear-felling areas on erosion-susceptible land.
Why the courts convicted 5 forestry companies
In the aftermath of destructive storms in the Gisborne district during June 2018, five forestry companies were convicted for breaches of the RMA for discharges of slash and sediment from their clear-fell harvesting operations. These discharges resulted from landslides and collapsed earthworks (including roads).
There has been a lot of criticism of forestry’s performance during these storms and subsequent events such as Cyclone Gabrielle. However, little attention has been given to why the courts decided to convict the forestry companies for breaches of the RMA.
The courts’ decisions clearly explain why the sediment and slash discharges happened, why the forestry companies were at fault, and what can be done to prevent these discharges in future on erosion-prone land.
New Zealand’s plantation forest land is ranked for its susceptibility to erosion using a four-colour scale, from green (low) to red (very high). Because of the high erosion susceptibility, additional RMA permissions (consents) for earthworks and harvesting are required on red-ranked areas.
This map shows areas with the highest and lowest susceptibility to erosion. David Palmer/Te Uru Rākau, CC BY-SA
New Zealand-wide, only 7% of plantation forests are on red land. A further 17% are on orange (high susceptibility) land. But in the Gisborne district, 55% of commercial forests are on red land. This is why trying to manage erosion is such a problem in Gisborne’s forests.
Key findings from the forestry cases
In all five cases, the convicted companies had consents from the Gisborne District Council to build logging roads and clear-fell large areas covering hundreds or even thousands of hectares.
A significant part of the sediment and slash discharges originated from landslides that were primed to occur after the large-scale clear-fell harvests. But since the harvests were lawful, these landslides were not relevant to the decision to convict.
Instead, all convictions were for compliance failures where logging roads and log storage areas collapsed or slash was not properly disposed of, even though these only partly contributed to the collective sediment and slash discharges downstream.
The court concluded that:
Clear-fell harvesting on land highly susceptible to erosion required absolute compliance with resource consent conditions. Failures to correctly build roads or manage slash contributed to slash and sediment discharges downstream.
Even with absolute compliance, clear-felling on such land was still risky. This was because a significant portion of the discharges were due to the lawful activity of cutting down trees and removing them, leaving the land vulnerable to landslides and other erosion.
The second conclusion is critical. It means that even if forestry companies are fully compliant with the standards and consents, slash and sediment discharges can still happen after clear-felling. And if this happens, councils can require companies to clean up these discharges and prevent them from happening again.
This is not a hypothetical scenario. Recently, the Gisborne District Council successfully applied to the Environment Court for enforcement orders requiring clean-up of slash deposits and remediation of harvesting sites. If the forestry companies fail to comply, they can be held in contempt of court.
A typical scale of clear-felling affected by the June 2018 storms. Murry Cave/Gisborne District Council, CC BY-SA
Regulations are not just red tape
This illustrates a major problem with the standards that applies to erosion-susceptible forest land everywhere in New Zealand, not just in the Gisborne district. Regulations are not just “red tape”. They provide certainty to businesses that as long as they are compliant, their activities should be free from legal prosecution and enforcement.
The courts’ decisions and council enforcement actions show that forestry companies can face considerable legal risk, even if compliant with regulatory requirements for earthworks and harvesting.
Clear-felled forests on erosion-prone land are one bad rainstorm away from disaster. But with well planned, careful harvesting of small forest areas, this risk can be kept at a tolerable level.
However, the standards and the proposed amendments do not require small clear-fell areas on erosion-prone land. If this shortcoming is not fixed, communities and ecosystems will continue to bear the brunt of the discharges from large-scale clear-fell harvests.
To solve this problem, the standards must proactively limit the size and location of clear-felling areas on erosion-prone land. This will address the main cause of catastrophic slash and sediment discharges from forests, protecting communities and ecosystems. And it will enable forestry companies to plan their harvests with greater confidence that they will not be subject to legal action.
Mark Bloomberg receives funding from the government’s Envirolink fund and from local authorities and forestry companies. He is a member of the NZ Institute of Forestry and the NZ Society of Soil Science.
Steve Urlich does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Albanese government devoted time and energy in its first term to developing a wellbeing agenda for the economy and society.
It was a passion project of Treasurer Jim Chalmers, who wanted better ways to measure national welfare beyond traditional economic indicators such as growth, jobs and inflation.
Chalmers developed the Measuring What Matters framework to try to better align economic, social and environmental goals as
part of a deliberate effort to put people and progress, fairness and opportunity at the very core of our thinking about our economy and our society.
As Labor settles into its second term, what has happened to its wellbeing agenda? And how much was a poor consultation process to blame for it apparently falling by the wayside?
Measuring What Matters
Measuring What Matters was badged as a wellbeing framework to improve the lives of Australians and help better inform policy-making across all levels of government.
There was also a standalone indicator on life satisfaction.
The data is updated annually by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, with the Treasury due to report on outcomes every three years.
The first Measuring What Matters statement in 2023 showed improvements across some indicators, such as life expectancy, job opportunities and accepting diversity. But it also revealed higher rates of chronic illness and problems with housing affordability.
The fanfare surrounding the release has since fizzled, and wellbeing is now seldom mentioned.
Furthermore, there is little evidence insights have been taken up by the government. The Australian National Audit Office recently noted the challenge of embedding Measuring What Matters in policy, as well as the absence of any evaluation work to gauge its effectiveness.
The wellbeing agenda appears to have been sidelined for two reasons: an insufficient consultation process to properly develop the framework, and the cost-of-living crisis.
Poor consultation
Wellbeing frameworks have high potential to impact policy. But they need to be developed and implemented in the right way.
One crucial factor is adequate community engagement, which would have helped ensure accurate representation of what people truly value in terms of wellbeing. Done properly, it could also have secured buy-in from the community, depoliticised the initiative, and even strengthened democracy.
But adequate time was not taken to get the consultation process right, with the government in a rush to release Measuring What Matters. Announced in the October 2022 Budget, two consultation phases were undertaken.
The first, mainly with technical experts, took three months. The second, which sought feedback from individuals and community groups, was even shorter. It was over in just one month.
Measuring What Matters was released shortly after, in July 2023.
Our research, recently published in the Australian Journal of Social Issues, analysed the public consultation phase. We found it was inadequate across four areas.
Comprehensiveness: the timeframe for phase two was too short to allow organisations and communities to meaningfully engage.
Reach: there was limited engagement with the general public.
Transparency: the community was not informed how feedback would be incorporated in the framework and no consultation report was published.
Genuineness: while some feedback was incorporated in the framework, key topics raised in the consultation were not acted on, including greater involvement of First Nations people.
Greater community engagement would have ensured the framework, and any policy it produced, better reflected what Australians value for their wellbeing. It would have also promoted people’s ownership of the framework, helping to foster greater understanding and support for the initiative.
Although Measuring What Matters is now established, it is not too late to realise proper community engagement.
Taboo subject
The other factor to run interference was the cost-of-living crisis, which dominated the government’s first term.
We can draw some inspiration from an alliance of countries, including New Zealand, Scotland, Finland, Iceland and Wales, which have at various times put people’s wellbeing at the forefront of policy development and evaluation.
Perhaps if the Albanese government had leaned in to its own wellbeing framework to help navigate the cost-of-living crisis, people may have fared better.
The agenda’s future?
The Albanese government’s large majority gives it space to revitalise its wellbeing framework.
Undertaking a national conversation, similar to the one rolled out in Wales, would help build grassroots support and ensure it truly “measures what matters” to people.
A stronger Measuring What Matters would not only provide the electorate with a clear indication the government is listening, but would also help ensure policy improves people’s lives in a meaningful way.
Kate Sollis is a consultant to the Wellbeing Government initiative at the Centre for Policy Development and President of the Bega Valley Data Collective. She was previously employed at the Australian Bureau of Statistics
Paul Campbell is a research fellow, whose work is supported by the ANU-Australian Capital Territory (ACT) Government Wellbeing Framework research partnership. He was previously employed by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.
Nicholas Drake does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robyn J. Whitaker, Associate Professor, New Testament, & Director of The Wesley Centre for Theology, Ethics, and Public Policy, University of Divinity
Wars are often waged in the name of religion. So what do key texts from Christianity, Islam and Judaism say about the justification for war?
We asked three experts for their views.
The Bible
Robyn J. Whitaker, University of Divinity
The Bible presents war as an inevitable reality of human life. This is captured in the cry of the Teacher in Ecclesiastes:
for everything there is a season […] a time for war and a time for peace.
In this sense, the Bible reflects the experiences of the authors and communities who shaped the texts over more than a thousand years as they experienced both victory and defeat as a small nation among the large empires of the ancient near east.
When it comes to God’s role in war, we cannot shirk from the problematic violence associated with the divine. At times, God orders the Hebrew people to go to war and enact horrendous violence. Deuteronomy 20 is a good example of this: God’s people are sent to war with the blessing of the priest but told to first offer terms of peace. If peace terms are accepted, the town is enslaved. Certain enemies, however, are decreed worthy of total annihilation, and the Hebrew army is commanded to destroy anyone and anything that doesn’t produce food.
On other occasions, war is interpreted as a tool, a punishment where God uses foreign nations against the Hebrew people because they have gone astray (Judges 2:14). You can also find an underlying ethic to treat the captives of war justly. Moses commands that women captured in war are to be treated as wives, not slaves (Deuteronomy 21), and in 2 Chronicles, captives are allowed to return home.
In contrast to war as divinely authorised, many of the Hebrew prophets express hope in a time where God will bring peace and people will “neither learn war any more” (Micah 3:4) but rather turn their weapons into tools for agriculture (Isaiah 2:4).
War is viewed as a result of human sinfulness, something that God will ultimately transform into peace. And that peace (Hebrew: shalom) is more than an absence of war. It is about human flourishing and unity between peoples and God.
Most of the New Testament was written during the first century CE, when Jews and emerging Christians were a minority within the Roman Empire. The military power of Rome is harshly critiqued as evil in resistance texts such as the Book of Revelation. Many early Christians refused to fight in the Roman army.
In this context, Jesus says nothing specific about war but generally rejects violence. When Jesus’s disciple Peter seeks to defend him with a sword, Jesus tells him to put away his sword because a sword only leads to more violence (Matthew 26:52). This is consistent with Jesus’s other teachings such as “blessed are the peacemakers” or his commands to “turn the other cheek” when struck or to “love your enemies”.
The reality is that we find various war ideologies in the Bible’s pages. If you want to find a justification for war in the Bible, you can. If you want to find a justification for peace or pacifism, that is there too. Later Christians would develop ideas of “just war” and pacifism based on biblical ideas, but these are developments rather than explicit within the Bible.
For Christians, Jesus’s teaching provides an ethical framework for interpreting earlier war texts through the lens of love for enemies. This counterpoint to divine violence and war points readers back to the prophets, whose hopeful visions imagine a world where violence and suffering are no more and peace is possible.
The Quran
Mehmet Ozalp, Charles Sturt University
Islam and Muslims emerged onto the world stage in the hostile environment of the seventh century. In response to major challenges, including warfare, Islam introduced pioneering legal and ethical reforms. The Quran and the Prophet Muhammad’s example laid out clear legal and ethical guidelines for the conduct of war, well before similar frameworks appeared in other societies.
Islam did this by defining a new term, “jihad” rather than the usual Arabic word for war, “harb”. While harb refers broadly to warfare, jihad was defined within Islamic teachings as a legal, morally justified struggle, which includes but is not limited to armed conflict. In the context of warfare, jihad refers specifically to fighting in a just cause under clear legal and ethical guidelines, rather than belligerent or aggressive warfare.
Between 610-622, Prophet Muhammad practised active non-violence in the face of the constant suffering, persecution and economic embargo he and his followers endured in Mecca, despite insistent approaches by his followers to take up arms. This showed that armed struggle cannot be taken up within the members of the same society, as this would lead to anarchy.
After leaving his home town to escape persecution, he established a pluralistic and multi-faith society in Medina. He took active steps to sign treaties with neighbouring tribes. Despite following a deliberate strategy of peace and diplomacy, the hostile Meccans and allied tribes attacked the Muslims in Medina. Engaging these attackers in an armed struggle was unavoidable.
The permission to fight was given to Muslims by the Quran verses 22:39-40:
The believers against whom war is waged are given permission to fight in response, for they have been wronged. Surely, God has full power to help them to victory. Those who have been driven from their homeland against all right, for no other reason than that they say, “Our Lord is God” […]
This passage not only permits armed struggle but also offers a moral justification for just war. It means war is clearly just when defensive — while aggression is unjust and condemned. Elsewhere, the Quran emphasises this point:
If they withdraw from you and do not fight against you, and offer you peace, then God allows you no way (to war) against them.
Verse 22:39 outlines two ethical justifications for warfare. The first is when people are driven from their homes (and land) – in other words, through occupation by a foreign power. The second is when people are attacked because of their beliefs to the point of violent persecution and attack.
Importantly, verse 22:40 includes churches, monasteries and synagogues. If believers in God do not defend themselves, all places of worship would be destroyed, so this is to be prevented by force if necessary.
The Quran does not allow for aggression, since “God loves not the aggressors” (2:190). It also provides detailed regulations on who is to fight and who is exempted (9:91); when hostilities must cease (2:193); and prisoners should be treated humanely and with fairness (47:4).
Verses such as 2:294 emphasise that warfare and any response to violence and aggression must be proportional and within limits:
Whoever attacks you, attack them in like manner as they attacked you. Nevertheless, fear God and remain within the bounds.
In the event of unavoidable war, every opportunity to end it must be pursued:
But if the enemy inclines towards peace, then you must also incline towards peace and trust in God.
The aim of military action is to end hostilities and remove the reason for warfare, not to humiliate or annihilate the enemy.
Military jihad cannot be pursued for personal ambition or to further nationalistic or ethnic disputes. Muslims cannot wage war on nations that have no hostility towards them (60:8). But if there is open hostility and attack, Muslims have a right to defend themselves.
The Prophet and the early caliphs specifically warned military leaders and all combatants that they must not act treacherously or engage in indiscriminate killing and pillage. He said:
Do not kill women, children, the elderly, or the sick. Do not destroy palm trees or burn houses.
Because of these teachings, Muslims have had legal and ethical guidelines throughout much of history to help limit human suffering caused by war.
The Torah
Suzanne D. Rutland, University of Sydney
Judaism is not a pacifist religion, but in its traditions it values peace above all else, and prayers for peace are central to Jewish liturgy. At the same time, there is a recognition of the need to fight defensive wars, but only within certain boundaries.
In the Torah, the Five Books of Moses, the recognition of the need for war is clear. Throughout their journeying in the desert, the Israelites (Children of Israel) fight various battles. At the same time, in Deuteronomy, the Israelites are instructed (chapter 12, verse 10):
When you go forth against your enemies and are in camp, then you should keep yourself from every evil thing.
The story of Amalek is the symbol of ultimate evil in Jewish tradition. Scholars argue this is because his army attacked the Israelites from the rear – killing defenceless women and children.
The Torah also stresses that army service is compulsory. Yet, Deuteronomy elaborates four categories of people who are exempt:
someone who has built a home but has not yet dedicated it
someone who has planted a vineyard but has not yet eaten of its fruit
someone who is engaged or in his first year of marriage
someone who is afraid, in case he influences other soldiers with his fear.
Judaism is not a pacifist religion, but in its traditions it values peace above all else. Shutterstock
It is important to point out that the disdain of war is so strong that King David was not permitted to build the temple in Jerusalem because of his military career. His son, Solomon, was allocated this task, but no iron was to be used in the building because this represented war and violence, while the temple was to represent peace, the ideal virtue.
The vision of peace for all humanity is further developed in the prophetic writings and the concept of the Messiah. This is seen particularly in the writings of the prophet Isiah, who envisaged an age when, as he describes in his idyllic vision:
they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.
The Mishnah, the first part of the Talmud, raises the concept of an “obligatory war” (milhemet mizvah). This encompasses the biblical wars against the seven nations said to inhabit the Promised Land, the war against Amalek, and the Jewish nation’s defensive wars. It is, accordingly, a clearly defined and recognisable class.
Not so the second category, “permitted war” (milhemet reshut), which is more open-ended and, as scholar Avi Ravitsky writes, “could relate to a preemptive war”.
After the Talmudic period, which ended in the 7th century, this debate became theoretical, since Jews living in Palestine and the diaspora no longer had an army. This was largely the case from the time of the defeat of the Bar Kokhba Rebellion against the Romans (132–135 CE), apart from a few small Jewish kingdoms in Arabia.
However, with the return of the early Zionist pioneers to the Land of Israel in the late 19th and 20th century, the rabbinic debates of what constitutes an obligatory, defensive war and what is a permitted war, as well as the characteristics of a forbidden war has reignited. This is a subject of deep concern and controversy for both academics and rabbis today.
Robyn J. Whitaker is affiliated with The Wesley Centre for Theology, Ethics, and Public Policy.
Mehmet Ozalp is affiliated with Islamic Sciences and Research Academy
Suzanne Rutland has received an Australian Research Council grant for her research on the Australian Jewry and funding from the Pratt Foundation, as well as an Australian Prime Ministers Centre (APMC) fellowship for her research on Soviet Jewry and Australia. She is also involved with numerous NGOs, including the Australian Jewish Historical Society (patron), the Australian Association for Jewish Studies (past president and committee member), and the Australian government’s expert delegation to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. In addition, she is a board member of the Freilich Project for the Study of Bigotry at ANU; she is on an academic advisory committee at the Sydney Jewish Museum; she is the director of the Australian Academic Alliance Against Antisemitism; and she is an Australian board member for Boys Town Jerusalem and a board member of Better Balance Futures for faith communities These roles are all undertaken in an honorary capacity. She is also writing the history of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry in an honorary capacity.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Harrison, Director, Master of Business Administration Program (MBA); Co-Director, Better Consumption Lab, Deakin University
It’s quite unsettling to discover something so central to our cultural rituals – the “slop” in the Aussie mantra of “Slip! Slop! Slap!” – can no longer be trusted.
We’ve never really had to scrutinise sunscreen. We slop it on because Sid the Seagull (in his role as spokesbird for the Cancer Council) told us to. We’ve learned about sun protection factors (SPF) and made choices to protect ourselves. We do it because it works.
Or so we thought.
Consumer group Choice recently tested 20 sunscreen brands and found only four met their labelled SPF claims. The findings have shaken consumers’ trust in the brands that make these products, and perhaps, in the institutions responsible for regulating them.
Trust is the silent architecture of our lives that makes everything from catching a bus to undergoing surgery feel possible. Indeed, we are born into trust. From infancy, we are wired to trust, first in our caregivers, then later in life in the cues and symbols such as endorsements, SPF ratings, brands or rankings that help us navigate a complex world.
The original Sid the Seagull video from the Cancer Council.
The role of power in trust relationships
Trust, and its erosion in public life, has become such a critical issue that the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission has made it a focus of Friday’s Consumer Congress, titled “Who can we trust? Regulating in an environment of declining consumer trust”.
Something that is often missed in discussions around trust is that it is also a social arrangement, shaped by power and vulnerability. Trust is nearly always asymmetric; those with the least power are usually required to place their trust first and most fully.
The powerful rarely have to reciprocate that vulnerability. They hold the information, set the rules and shape the narrative. When things go wrong, the powerful often walk away relatively unscathed, while the vulnerable are left to navigate complex complaints or refund systems.
Increasingly, we are told to be savvy, to read the fine print and to “do the research”.
But putting the responsibility on the individual reframes structural failures as personal shortcomings. It places the burden of vigilance and scrutiny on people who lack the time or expertise to meaningfully assess risk.
A breach of faith
The issue is compounded by a wider trend across many businesses that have misread their relationship with consumers. Much of our trust in brands is automatic.
We are more inclined to trust claims from familiar or warm-sounding sources, with research showing warmth comes first. People tend to judge others and institutions by their perceived warmth before considering their competence. So a brand that feels benevolent often earns our trust before we assess its actual performance.
Qantas, a brand that built its entire identity around the idea that it was “us”, trashed our trust when it began acting like a transactional retail business, rather than one built on relationships.
Management and the board failed to grasp they had been given something rare: a kind of cultural endearment underpinned by trust and perceived reciprocity that made Australians feel personally invested in its success.
While Qantas does retain market share, the erosion of this emotional bond means many customers are more willing to try its competitors. It will struggle to rebuild that trust simply with price deals or heartstring-tugging ad campaigns.
One of Qantas’ ad campaigns with an emotional appeal to customers.
The response matters
For organisations such as the Cancer Council, whose trustworthiness is built on moral authority, the response to failure matters deeply. Its decision to acknowledge the findings and commit to retesting was more than public relations. It was an act of relational repair.
In contrast, some of the other corporate brands in the survey responded by disputing Choice’s methodology. That reveals an outdated corporate reflex – one that attacks the messenger rather than engaging with the message. This defensive posture reflects a mindset shaped more by legal risk and brand control than by public accountability or ethical responsibility.
Still, individual responses are not enough. We need systems designed with human limits in mind. Trust cannot be sustained if it is constantly tested by complexity, misinformation and opaque accountability.
Consumer bodies such as Choice provide a public service by filling the gap between what people assume and what they can verify. But more broadly, businesses and regulators must treat trust as a relationship, not a marketing goal.
The system needs to prevent harm, not deal with the fallout
Rebuilding trust means putting people at the centre of consumer regulation. A human-centred system does not treat people as problems to be managed. It treats them as participants in a shared moral project. It requires systems grounded in evidence, designed around real human behaviour and focused on preventing harm rather than managing fallout.
One way to do this is through collaborative regulation. This approach brings together consumer representatives, regulators, behavioural experts and industry to design rules and standards that reflect how people actually behave (as opposed to how we hope they behave). This reduces asymmetries of power, and ensures trust is earned and maintained over time.
This collaborative approach has been successfully adopted in local government and health. But it only works when collaboration is approached in good faith by all parties, not just a “tick-the-box” exercise.
Of course, this approach runs counter to a legal system that tends to prioritise the system over the people it serves, and process over outcomes. But the goal shouldn’t be to force better ideas into outdated frameworks. Instead, we should design systems that lead to better outcomes for everyone.
Paul Harrison has received research funding from ASIC, the Consumer Action Law Centre, ACCAN, Victorian Health Association, and the Therapeutic Goods Administration.
In less than a decade, Korean TV dramas (K-dramas) have transmuted from a regional industry to a global phenomenon – partly a consequence of the rise of streaming giants.
But foreign audiences may not realise the K-dramas they’ve seen on Netflix don’t accurately represent the broader Korean TV landscape, which is much wider and richer than these select offerings.
At the same time, there are many challenges in bringing this wide array of content to the rest of the world.
The rise of hallyu
Korean media was transformed during the 1990s. The end of military dictatorship led to the gradual relaxation of censorship.
Satellite media also allowed the export of K-dramas and films to the rest of East Asia, and parts of Southeast Asia. Some of the first K-dramas to become popular overseas included What Is Love (1991–92) and Star in My Heart (1997). They initiated what would later become known as the Korean wave, or hallyu.
The hallyu expansion continued with Winter Sonata (2003), which attracted viewers in Japan, Malaysia and Indonesia. Dae Jang Geum/Jewel in the Palace (2005) resonated strongly in Chinese-speaking regions, and was ultimately exported to more than 80 countries.
A breakthrough occurred in 2016. Netflix entered South Korea and began investing in Korean productions, beginning with Kingdom (2019–21) and Love Alarm (2019–21).
In 2021, the global hit Squid Game was released simultaneously in 190 countries.
But Netflix only scratches the surface
Last year, only 20% of new K-drama releases were available on Western streaming platforms. This means global discussions about K-dramas are based on a limited subgroup of content promoted to viewers outside South Korea.
Moreover, foreign viewers will generally evaluate this content based on Western conceptions of culture and narrative. They may, for instance, have Western preferences for genre and themes, or may disregard locally-specific contexts.
This is partly why Korean and foreign audiences can end up with very different ideas of what “Korean” television is.
Genres
When a K-drama is classified as a sageuk (historical drama) but also incorporates elements of fantasy, mythology, romance, melodrama, crime fiction and/or comedy, foreign audiences may dismiss it as “genre-confused”. Or, they may praise it for its “genre-blending”.
But the drama may not have been created with much attention to genre at all. The highly inventive world-building of pre-Netflix dramas such as Arang and the Magistrate (2012) and Guardian: The Lonely and Great God (2016) prominently feature all the aforementioned genres.
While foreign viewers may think visual media begins with readily identifiable genres, many K-dramas aren’t produced on this premise.
Themes
Western viewers (and other viewers watching through a Western lens) might assume “liberal” themes such as systemic injustice, women’s rights and collusion in politics entered K-dramas as a result of Western influence. But this is a misconception.
The emergence of such themes can be attributed to various changes in Korean society, including the easing of censorship, rapid modernisation, and the imposition ofneoliberal economics by the International Monetary Fund in 1997.
Although gender disparities still exist in South Korea, economic uncertainty and modernisation have prompted a deconstruction of patriarchal value systems. Female-centred K-dramas have been around since at least the mid-2000s, with women’s independence as a recurring theme in more recent dramas.
Local contexts
A major barrier to exporting K-dramas is the cultural specificity of certain elements, such as Confucian values, hierarchical family dynamics, gender codes, and Korean speech codes.
The global success of a K-drama comes down to how well its culturally-specific elements can be adapted for different contexts and audiences.
In some cases, these elements may be minimised, or entirely missed, by foreign viewers.
For example, in Squid Game, the words spoken by the killer doll in the first game are subtitled as “green light, red light”. What the doll actually says is “mugunghwa-kkochi pieot-seumnida”, which is also what the game is called in Korean.
This translates to “the mugunghwa (Rose of Saron) has bloomed”, with mugunghwa being South Korea’s national flower.
These words, in this context, are meant to ironically redefine South Korea as a site of hopelessness and death. But the subtitles erase this double meaning.
It’s also difficult for subtitles to reflect nuanced Korean honorific systems of address. As such, foreign viewers remain largely oblivious to the subtle power dynamics at play between characters.
All of this leads to a kind of cultural “flattening”, shifting foreign viewers’ focus to so-called universal themes.
A case study for global success
Nevertheless, foreign viewers can still engage with many culturally-specific elements in K-dramas, which can also serve as cultural literacy.
The hugely successful series Extraordinary Attorney Woo (2022) explores the personal and professional challenges faced by an autistic lawyer.
Director Yoo In-sik described the series as distinctly Korean in both its humour and the legal system it portrays, and said he didn’t anticipate its widespread popularity.
Following success in South Korea, the series was acquired by Netflix and quickly entered the top 10 most popular non-English language shows.
The global appeal can be attributed to its sensitive portrayal of the protagonist, the problem-solving theme across episodes, and what Yoo describes as a kind and considerate tone. Viewers who resonate with these qualities may not even need to engage with the Korean elements.
Many K-dramas that achieve global success also feature elements typically considered “Western”, such as zombies.
While the overall number of zombie-themed productions is low, series and films such as Kingdom (2019–21), All of Us Are Dead (2022), Alive (2020) and Train to Busan (2016) have helped put Korean content on the map.
One potential effect of the zombie popularity may be the displacement of Korean mythological characters, such as fox spirits, or gumiho, which have traditionally held significant narrative space.
Shin Min-ah and Lee Seung-gi star in the acclaimed romantic comedy series My Girlfriend is a Gumiho (2010). IMDB
Local production under threat
The influence of streaming giants such as Netflix is impacting South Korea’s local production systems.
The early vision of low-cost, high-return projects such as Squid Game is rapidly diminishing.
Meanwhile, Netflix is exploring other locations, such as Japan, where dramas can be produced for about half the price of those in Korea. If this continues, the rise of Korean content may slow down.
Sung-Ae Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A West Papuan independence movement leader has warned the Melanesian Spearhead Group after its 23rd leaders summit in Suva, Fiji, to not give in to a “neocolonial trade in betrayal and abandonment” over West Papua.
While endorsing and acknowledging the “unconditional support” of Melanesian people to the West Papuan cause for decolonisation, OPM chair and commander Jeffrey P Bomanak spoke against “surrendering” to Indonesia which was carrying out a policy of “bank cheque diplomacy” in a bid to destroy solidarity.
Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka took over the chairmanship of the MSG this week from his Vanuatu counterpart Jotham Napat and vowed to build on the hard work and success that had been laid before it.
He said he would not take the responsibility of chairmanship lightly, especially as they were confronted with an increasingly fragmented global landscape that demanded more from them.
PNG Prime Minister James Marape called on MSG member states to put West Papua and Kanaky New Caledonia back on the agenda for full MSG membership.
Marape said that while high-level dialogue with Indonesia over West Papua and France about New Caledonia must continue, it was culturally “un-Melanesian” not to give them a seat at the table.
West Papua currently holds observer status in the MSG, which includes Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji — and Indonesia as an associate member.
PNG ‘subtle shift’ PNG recognises the West Papuan region as five provinces of Indonesia, making Marape’s remarks in Suva a “subtle shift that may unsettle Jakarta”, reports Gorethy Kenneth in the PNG Post-Courier.
West Papuans have waged a long-standing Melanesian struggle for independence from Indonesia since 1969.
The MSG resolved to send separate letters of concern to the French and Indonesian presidents.
The OPM letter warning the MSG. Image: Screenshot APR
In a statement, Bomanak thanked the Melanesians of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of Kanaky New Caledonia for “unconditionally support[ing] your West Papuan brothers and sisters, subjected to dispossession, enslavement, genocide, ethnocide, infanticide, and ethnic cleansing, [as] the noblest of acts.”
“We will never forget these Melanesian brothers and sisters who remain faithfully loyal to our cultural identity no matter how many decades is our war of liberation and no matter how many bags of gold and silver Indonesia offers for the betrayal of ancestral kinship.
“When the late [Vanuatu Prime Minister] Father Walter Lini declared, ‘Melanesia is not free unless West Papua is free,”’ he was setting the benchmark for leadership and loyalty across the entire group of Melanesian nations.
“Father Lini was not talking about a timeframe of five months, or five years, or five decades.
“Father Lini was talking about an illegal invasion and military occupation of West Papua by a barbaric nation wanting West Papua’s gold and forests and willing to exterminate all of us for this wealth.
‘Noble declaration’ “That this noble declaration of kinship and loyalty now has a commercial value that can be bought and sold like a commodity by those without Father Lini’s courage and leadership, and betrayed for cheap materialism, is an act of historic infamy that will be recorded by Melanesian historians and taught in all our nations’ universities long after West Papua is liberated.”
OPM leader Jeffrey Bomanak . . . his letter warns against surrendering to Indonesian control. Image: OPM
Bomanak was condemning the decision of the MSG to regard the “West Papua problem” as an internal issue for Indonesia.
“The illegal occupation of West Papua and the genocide of West Papuans is not an internal issue to be solved by the barbaric occupier.
“Indonesia’s position as an associate member of MSG is a form of colonial corruption of the Melanesian people.
“We will continue to fight without MSG because the struggle for independence and sovereignty is our fundamental right of the Papuan people’s granted by God.
“Every member of MSG can recommend to the United Nations that West Papua deserves the same right of liberation and nation-state sovereignty that was achieved without compromise by Timor-Leste — the other nation illegally invaded by Indonesia and also subjected to genocide.”
Bomanak said the MSG’s remarks stood in stark contrast to Father Lini’s solidarity with West Papua and were “tantamount to sharing in the destruction of West Papua”.
‘Blood money’ It was also collaborating in the “extermination of West Papuans for economic benefit, for Batik Largesse. Blood money!”
The Papua ‘problem’ was not a human rights problem but a problem of the Papuan people’s political right for independence and sovereignty based on international law and the right to self-determination.
It was an international problem that had not been resolved.
“In fact, to say it is simply a ‘problem’ ignores the fate of the genocide of 500,000 victims.”
Bomanak said MSG leaders should make clear recommendations to the Indonesian government to resolve the “Papua problem” at the international level based on UN procedures and involving the demilitarisation of West Papua with all Indonesian defence and security forces “leaving the land they invaded and unlawfully occupied.”
Indonesia’s position as an associate member in the MSG was a systematic new colonialisation by Indonesia in the home of the Melanesian people.
Indonesia well understood the weaknesses of each Melanesian leader and “carries out bank cheque diplomacy accordingly to destroy the solidarity so profoundly declared by the late Father Walter Lini.”
“No surrender!”
MSG leaders in Suva . . . Jeremy Manele (Solomon Islands, from left), James Marape (PNG), Sitiveni Rabuka (Fiji), Jotham Napat (Vanuatu), and Roch Wamytan (FLNKS spokesperson). Image: PNG Post-Courier
Next week will be the 40th anniversary of the Hawke government’s tax summit. Dominated by then treasurer Paul Keating’s unsuccessful bid to win support for a consumption tax, it was the public centrepiece of an extraordinary political and policy story.
That story was about the possibilities for, but constraints on, bold reform; how a determined treasurer can muster a formidable department to push for change, and the way the ambitions of a minister can clash with the pragmatism of a prime minister.
Ken Henry, later secretary of the treasury, was then part of what they dubbed the “treasury tax reform bunker”. He kept a timesheet, averaging 100 hours work a week for a three-month period. Officials brought sleeping bags and their small children (Henry’s were aged three and five) into the office.
Before the summit, the government produced a comprehensive draft white paper. Keating battled to keep the conflicting interests “in the cart” for his blueprint. But the four-day summit, attended by business, unions, premiers and community groups, was inevitably divided by stakeholders’ self-interests. In particular, the unions couldn’t wear Keating’s consumption tax, and Bob Hawke kyboshed it unceremoniously. Keating, who had to settle for a more limited but still very significant set of reforms, was furious with Hawke, and it left a fracture in their relationship.
Jim Chalmers was aged seven in 1985. But he’s a student of Keating (he did his PhD on his prime ministership) and you can be sure he’s boned up on what went right and wrong in that tax reform exercise. Now he is preparing for the government’s August 19-21 “roundtable” and his own bid at major tax reform.
The roundtable, as first announced, focused on “productivity”, and that will be central. But Chalmers has taken to calling it an “economic reform” roundtable – its brief also includes budget sustainability and resilience – and he is effectively putting tax reform close to its heart, or at least letting others do so. After all, a fit-for-purpose tax system is one key to improving productivity.
The roundtable (for which invitations to business and the union movement are now going out, with more to follow) is nothing like on the scale, in size (the 1985 summit had about 160 attendees, the roundtable will have about 25) or preparation, of the elaborate 1985 conference.
And crucially, while that summit was the culmination of a process, Chalmers is using the roundtable to kick off a process.
Chalmers is lowering expectations in regard to specific outcomes from the summit on tax. While those might be obtainable on some productivity issues, on tax he is likely to look for broad support for a direction of reform. For instance, is there a general appetite for reshaping the tax system towards lower personal and company tax, offset by higher taxes on certain investments and savings? `
Most tax experts argue Australia’s system is too skewed towards taxing income rather than spending. This leads to calls to increase or broaden the GST, financing cuts to personal income tax.
Chalmers has been a long-term opponent of changing the GST, but he says he is not ruling the GST out for discussion at the roundtable. (That’s a contrast to when Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, commissioning Henry to lead a major tax review, excluded the GST from its terms of reference.)
Almost certainly, however, it would not be possible to get “consensus” from business and unions for GST changes. Not least of the constraints is that compensating the losers in such a change is very expensive and there is not the money to do so these days.
That immediately limits the extent of reform.
Henry tells The Conversation’s podcast that if he were designing a tax reform package “I’d be looking at opportunities to broaden the GST and maybe to increase the rate as well”.
But “I do think it is possible to achieve major tax reform […] without necessarily increasing the [GST] rate or extending the base”.
Henry’s (non-GST) wish list includes getting rid of the remaining state transaction taxes, such as stamp duty on property conveyancing.
Notably, he argues for extracting more revenue from taxing natural resources and land, and also from taxing pollution from various sources. “We’re going to need to tax those things more heavily if we’re going to relieve the tax burden on young workers through lower personal income tax and introducing tax indexation.”
Henry is particularly focused on the unfair burden at present put on these younger taxpayers. He has come around to the idea of income tax indexation as one means of assisting them.
A system more geared to younger workers raises immediate questions about the present generous treatment of superannuants. Chalmers is already caught in that hornets’ nest with his proposed changes for those with balances more than $3 million.
To what extent will the roundtable tax debate revive the issues of negative gearing and the capital gains tax discount? The government hosed down before the election the prospect of any changes to negative gearing this term. Chalmers, however, had work done on this last term and he would likely favour reining it in. But would this be a bridge too far for the prime minister?
Indeed, where will Anthony Albanese’s limits be when it comes to reform? Would he only support changes that had strong consensus? And how far would he feel constrained in going beyond what he considers he has a mandate for?
If Chalmers stays serious about the tax push, it is going to take many months of intense work. It can’t be rushed, but nor can it be delayed. If it ran for much over a year it would likely find the government’s political capital had been eroded. The size of its capital store can appear deceptive because so much of it is thanks to Peter Dutton and Donald Trump.
In 2022, the Liberals boycotted Labor’s jobs and skills summit (although Nationals leader David Littlepround attended). This time, shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien has accepted Chalmers’ invitation and will participate in the roundtable.
It will be a tricky gig for O’Brien, new to this shadow portfolio. He has to avoid being too negative, but nor can he endorse things the opposition might later reject. The Coalition will not have a tax policy against which to judge what’s said.
The occasion will be a chance for O’Brien to make contacts and get more insight into stakeholders’ views on the key economic debates, much wider than just tax.
Importantly, however, O’Brien will need to remember judgements will be being made about him by other participants in the room. Business in particular will be seeking to get a fix on whether opposition leader Sussan Ley’s declarations about wanting to be constructive where possible are fair dinkum.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A sample of refined gold recovered from mining and e-waste recycling trials.Justin Chalker
In 2022, humans produced an estimated 62 million tonnes of electronic waste – enough to fill more than 1.5 million garbage trucks. This was up 82% from 2010 and is expected to rise to 82 million tonnes in 2030.
This e-waste includes old laptops and phones, which contain precious materials such as gold. Less than one quarter of it is properly collected and recycled. But a new technique colleagues and I have developed to safely and sustainably extract gold from e-waste could help change that.
Our new gold-extraction technique, which we describe in a new paper published today in Nature Sustainability, could also make small-scale gold mining less poisonous for people – and the planet.
Soaring global demand
Gold has long played a crucial role in human life. It has been a form of currency and a medium for art and fashion for centuries. Gold is also essential in modern industries including the electronics, chemical manufacture and aerospace sectors.
Deforestation and use of toxic chemicals are two such problems. In formal, large-scale mining, highly toxic cyanide is widely used to extract gold from ore. While cyanide can be degraded, its use can cause harm to wildlife, and tailings dams which store the toxic byproducts of mining operations pose a risk to the wider environment.
In small-scale and artisanal mining, mercury is used extensively to extract gold. In this practice, the gold reacts with mercury to form a dense amalgam that can be easily isolated. The gold is then recovered by heating the amalgam to vaporise the mercury.
Small-scale and artisanal mining is the largest source of mercury pollution on Earth, and the mercury emissions are dangerous to the miners and pollute the environment. New methods are required to reduce the impacts of gold mining.
Our interdisciplinary team of scientists and engineers has developed a new technique to extract gold from ore and e-waste. The aim was to provide a safer alternative to mercury and cyanide and reduce the health and environmental impacts of gold mining.
Many techniques have previously been reported for extracting gold from ore or e-waste, including mercury- and cyanide-free methods. However, many of these methods are limited in rate, yield, scale and cost. Often these methods also consider only one step in the entire gold recovery process, and recycling and waste management is often neglected.
In contrast, our approach considered sustainability throughout the whole process of gold extraction, recovery and refining. Our new leaching technology uses a chemical commonly used in water sanitation and pool chlorination: trichloroisocyanuric acid.
When this widely available and low-cost chemical is activated with salt water, it can react with gold and convert it into a water-soluble form.
To recover the gold from the solution, we invented a sulphur-rich polymer sorbent. Polymer sorbents isolate a certain substance from a liquid or gas, and ours is made by joining a key building block (a monomer) together through a chain reaction.
Our polymer sorbent is interesting because it is derived from elemental sulphur: a low-cost and highly abundant feedstock. The petroleum sector generates more sulphur than it can use or sell, so our polymer synthesis is a new use for this underused resource.
Our polymer could selectively bind and remove gold from the solution, even when many other types of metals were present in the mixture.
The simple leaching and recovery methods were demonstrated on ore, circuit boards from obsolete computers and scientific waste. Importantly, we also developed methods to regenerate and recycle both the leaching chemical and the polymer sorbent. We also established methods to purify and recycle the water used in the process.
In developing the recyclable polymer sorbent, we invented some exciting new chemistry to make the polymer using light, and then “un-make” the sorbent after it bound gold. This recycling method converted the polymer back to its original monomer building block and separated it from the gold.
The recovered monomer could then be re-made into the gold-binding polymer: an important demonstration of how the process is aligned with a circular economy.
A long and complex road ahead
In future work, we plan to collaborate with industry, government and not-for-profit groups to test our method in small-scale mining operations. Our long-term aim is to provide a robust and safe method for extracting gold, eliminating the need for highly toxic chemicals such as cyanide and mercury.
There will be many challenges to overcome including scaling up the production of the polymer sorbent and the chemical recycling processes. For uptake, we also need to ensure that the rate, yield and cost are competitive with more traditional methods of gold mining. Our preliminary results are encouraging. But there is still a long and complex road ahead before our new techniques replace cyanide and mercury.
They typically operate in remote and rural regions with few other economic opportunities. Our goal is to support these miners economically while offering safer alternatives to mercury. Likewise, the rise of “urban mining” and e-waste recycling would benefit from safer and operationally simple methods for precious metal recovery.
Success in recovering gold from e-waste will also reduce the need for primary mining and therefore lessen its environmental impact.
Justin M. Chalker is an inventor on patents associated with the gold leaching and recovery technology. Both patents are wholly owned by Flinders University. This research was supported financially by the Australian Research Council and Flinders University. He has an ongoing collaboration with Mercury Free Mining and Adelaide Control Engineering: organisations that supported the developments and trials reported in this study.
In August, the Albanese government will hold an economic “roundtable” that will discuss productivity, budget sustainability and resilience. Australia’s tax system will be one of the central issues, and stakeholders are gearing up with their varying arguments for changes.
Ken Henry, a former secretary of the Treasury, has been part of the tax debates of the past 40 years. He was a treasury official working on tax at the time of the Hawke government’s 1985 tax summit and led the major review of the tax system commissioned by the Rudd government.
Henry is a passionate advocate of bold tax reform, especially reform that tackled intergenerational inequity, and he joins the podcast to discuss the issues.
Looking forward to the roundtable, Henry outlines some of the many changes that he thinks should be considered,
Firstly we’ve got to get rid of the remaining transactions taxes like stamp duty on property conveyancing and so on […] that alone means there has to be a commonwealth-state exercise.
Secondly, we’ve got to extract more revenue from the taxation of natural resources and also land.
Thirdly, we’ve got to get more revenue from the taxation of environmental externalities. In the tax review published in 2010, we were developing that at the same time as the Treasury and other departments were developing the Rudd government’s carbon pollution reduction scheme. We thought that there was going to be quite a significant carbon price in Australia. We don’t have it today – we should.
Henry wants a tax system that does not disadvantage younger people who are in the workforce; he says the present “lazy” reliance on bracket creep to “bring the budget back to anything approaching balance is doing enormous damage to younger people in particular”.
On reform generally, Henry says he’s “disappointed” that more hasn’t been done on the recommendations from his review.
I’m very disappointed, but I guess one would expect me to be very disappointed. And he laments Australia’s “abysmal” productivity performance over the last quarter century.
When I then reflect on what’s happened to Australia’s productivity performance, I mean we were saying in 2002 that we really should aim to get the productivity growth rate up from 1.75% to 2.25% a year and in fact if you look back now over the first 25 years of this century right what we actually achieved was only three quarters of one percent a year. That productivity performance is just abysmal.
To put it in terms that everybody will understand, had we achieved the two and a quarter percent a year rather than three quarters of a percent a year, the average wage and salary earner in Australia, their income would be 45% higher today than it is. This is not small stuff, this is huge stuff.
Despite backing significant reform, Chalmers has been a long-term opponent of GST reform, although not ruling it out completely. Henry says all options should be left on the table,
It would be better not to constrain the reform process by ruling the GST out and that was a shame for those of us who worked on the Rudd government’s tax review […] that the terms of reference that we were given said that you’re not to make any recommendations concerning the GST.
Those who are having a good hard look at how to restructure the Australian taxation system should not have one hand tied behind their backs. Having said that, I do think it’s possible to achieve major reform of the Australian taxation system without necessarily increasing the rate or extending the base of the GST.
On Chalmers’ plan to tax unrealised capital gains on big superannuation balances, while not directly opposed, Henry says there are other ways to make the system fairer,
I’m not opposed to it. It’s just that I think there are other ways of increasing the taxation that applies to high superannuation balances and improving the intergenerational equity of the superannuation system. In the tax review that the Rudd government Commissioned, which I led, which was published in 2010, we spent quite a lot of time detailing how we thought the taxation arrangements applying to superannuation could be improved.
The thing that stands out is this big difference between the taxation of superannuation fund earnings in the so-called accumulation phase and the treatment that they get in the so-called pension phase, So […] these poor young workers, struggling, see the earnings on their accumulating superannuation balance as being taxed at 15%, whilst those who have big superannuation balances and are in the retirement, the earnings in their superannuation funds are completely tax-exempt, And that just seems rather weird.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Coriolanus is one of Shakespeare’s least performed plays; perhaps because the hero is so pugnacious and classist, impressive in his strident vehemence, but lacking the vulnerability of a Macbeth or Othello.
Set in the turbulent early Roman Republic (490s BC) – about 450 years before Caesar’s death – the play follows the glorious rise of Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus, a terrifying war machine on the battlefield who could carve his way through enemy regiments.
According to one site, the play has not been professionally staged outside the United Kingdom since 2000. This is only the second time Bell Shakespeare has performed Coriolanus, with their other production staged 29 years ago, in 1996.
Directed by Peter Evans and starring Hazem Shammas, this Coriolanus delivers Shakespeare’s most consciously political play with an explosive energy that charts the hero’s psychological downfall.
Published as a tragedy in the 1623 First Folio, Coriolanus can loosely be described as a history play. But it is more commonly recognised as one of Shakespeare’s Roman plays, alongside Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, and Titus Andronicus.
War and exile
Renamed “Coriolanus” after the town he most recently conquered (Corioli), occupied by the arch enemies of Rome (the Volsci), Coriolanus is a devoted son to his fiercely ambitious “tiger mum” Volumnia (Brigid Zengeni).
Shakespeare was never shy about the feats of his warrior protagonists, describing Coriolanus’ ability as a war machine most memorably as:
His sword, Death’s stamp,
Where it did mark, it took; from face to foot
He was a thing of blood, whose every motion
Was timed with dying cries. Alone he entered
The mortal gate o’ th’ city, which he painted
With shunless destiny; aidless came off
And with a sudden reinforcement struck
Corioles like a planet.
But Coriolanus, who was brought up to win every contest, is also an upper-class patrician, dismissively scornful of the common people’s plebeian rights in the burgeoning Roman Republic.
Hazem Shammas as Coriolanus is a force to be reckoned with. Brett Boardman/Bell Shakespeare
Coriolanus’s absolute refusal to flatter the plebeians – and so refusing their political influence – ignites a brutal conflict between populism and elitism that results in the people’s sway.
Coriolanus is exiled from Rome, the very homeland he fought so valiantly to protect.
Incensed, Coriolanus joins forces with Rome’s greatest enemy, the Volscian Aufidius (Anthony Taufa) and marches against Rome. This forces Coriolanus to confront his own loyalties to his formidable mother and to doting wife Virgilia (Suzannah McDonald), with tragic consequences.
Wonderful performances
Evans has loosely set this production in Europe in the mid-1990s, following the fall of the Berlin Wall, though this creates a vibe more than a direct correlation to events.
Evans also designed the set, making dynamic use of a traverse stage that forces audiences to see each other across the divide. This enhances the sense of a sprawling populous while prompting reflections on our own political milieu. Audiences are told as they enter whether they will sit on the “plebeian” or “patrician” side: a fun ploy, but perhaps unnecessary.
Stealing the show is a wonderful performance by Peter Carroll as Menenius, a sagely Roman senator who uses his charm and political tact to mediate between the patricians and the plebeians. Carroll brings great irony to the role, using eye-rolls and tutting even as he attends dutifully to the new political expectations of the tribunes.
Peter Carroll as Menenius steals the show in a wonderful performance. Brett Boardman/Bell Shakespeare
The tribunes Sicinius (Matilda Ridgway) and Brutus (Marco Chiappi) are performed as shabbier left-wing agitators pitched against the conservative patricians in formal dark suits (costumes by Ella Butler). This makes familiar the political and class tensions, and the layers and dramatic dimensions explored by Shakespeare.
Zengeni brings tremendous heart to Coriolanus’s mother, Volumnia. She is especially good at applying a tiger mother’s pressure of unrelenting standards. There is no doubt that the shining elitism of her son was roughly forged by her sharp expectations.
Shammas as Coriolanus is a force to be reckoned with. His rigid athleticism perfectly suits the superman heroics of this Roman warrior. His unabashed gesticulations are a welcome contribution to the sense of the lines he delivers.
The shabby dress of the tribunes pitches them against the conservative patricians in formal dark suits. Brett Boardman/Bell Shakespeare
Following a scene that ends with one of Coriolanus’s unleashed tirades against the plebeians, Shammas’ performance is so dynamic, and his invective so rigorously conveyed, it seems to remain on stage after he exits.
A timeless tale
There is some reluctance to physically depict the pitched battle of Corioli, which falls a bit flat and misses an opportunity to heighten the dramatic stakes. But this production does very well to animate the complex political and familial drivers that compel Coriolanus toward his inevitable end.
As President Trump drops f-bombs because his real bombs did not make people do his bidding, this rare Shakespeare play becomes timeless.
There has always been need to explore the tragic consequences of leaders who subjectively refuse the offers of diplomacy. Bell Shakespeare’s choice of scheduling war plays this season offers countless ways to reflect on our own world, and the populations of real people connected to the decisions of those in power.
Coriolanus is at the The Neilson Nutshell, Sydney, until July 19, then touring to Melbourne.
Kirk Dodd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
For many New Zealanders, the Australian magpie is a familiar, if sometimes vexing, sight. Introduced from Australia in the 1860s, magpies are known for their territorial dive-bombing during nesting season, which has cemented their reputation as an unwelcome import.
But our new research reveals a fascinating twist in this narrative.
For more than two decades, we have been unearthing fossils from sites near St Bathans in Central Otago. These sites, once at the bottom of a large prehistoric lake, offer the only significant insight into Aotearoa New Zealand’s land vertebrates from about 16 to 19 million years ago.
This unique window into the past has recently revealed fossils belonging to an ancient relative of the Australian magpie. This discovery suggests magpies have a much deeper connection to Aotearoa than previously thought, challenging common perceptions about their “Aussie immigrant” status.
Together with fossils of other songbirds from St Bathans, these discoveries reshape our understanding of what it means for a species to be “native”. They paint a picture of a dynamic, ever-changing land, rather than a static pre-human ecosystem.
An ancient relative
We named the species we describe in our research the St Bathans currawong (Miostrepera canora). It lived in New Zealand about 19 to 16 million years ago during the Early Miocene.
This bird, roughly the same size as today’s Australian magpie, was a cracticine – a group of songbirds that includes modern currawongs, magpies and butcherbirds. Its discovery challenges the very notion of what is “native” or “introduced” on a geological timescale.
We often regard magpies as an undesirable Australian species that lacks a place in the New Zealand ecosystem. However, its close relatives did live here in the past, and likely did so until a cooling climate limited their habitat near the end of the Miocene, about five million years ago.
The pied currawong is native to eastern Australia and Lord Howe Island. It is one of three currawong species in the genus Strepera and closely related to butcherbirds and Australian magpies. D. Gordon E. Robertson, CC BY-SA
The presence of this ancient magpie ancestor strongly suggests an over-water dispersal event from Australia to Zealandia early in the evolution of the magpie-currawong group.
We propose this colonisation was likely helped by a diverse subtropical or warm-temperate flora then present in New Zealand. This vegetation created a hospitable environment for species arriving from across the Tasman.
Currawongs eat a wide variety of fruits, insects and small animals. New Zealand’s Miocene flora included many fruit-bearing trees, of which puriri and taraire are two survivors, and offered abundant food.
New Zealand’s ever-shifting ecosystems
Our research at the St Bathans fossil sites reveals a past far from a static, unchanging paradise prior to human arrival.
We know from numerous pollen studies that New Zealand’s forests were changing continuously for millions of years. This continual reworking of the composition and distribution of forests challenges the common conservation aim to return New Zealand to a pre-human ecological state.
Indeed, during the Miocene, New Zealand’s forests would have been unrecognisable to modern eyes. They boasted numerous eucalypts, laurels and casuarinas – plants more typical of Australian forests in Queensland today. This rich floral diversity supported a broader range of fauna, including the newly described currawong, illustrating how different ancient Aotearoa was.
Authors Vanesa De Pietri and Trevor Worthy excavating fossils at the St Bathans site in Central Otago. Paul Scofield, CC BY-SA
A symphony of ancient songbirds
Further research by our team on other fossil songbirds (of the bird order passeriformes) from St Bathans paints an even richer picture of ancient avian life.
Our analysis of the diversity of tiny leg bones indicates the Early Miocene New Zealand bush had significantly more kinds of songbirds than it did just before human arrival.
Our studies demonstrate the presence of potentially up to 17 different songbirds in the Early Miocene fauna. This ancient choir included species varying in size from a large honeyeater (of the bird family Meliphagidae), which was bigger than today’s tūī, to a tiny New Zealand wren. Several different families are also represented.
These findings suggest Zealandia had a far greater diversity of songbirds during the Early Miocene than in the Holocene (past 11,000 years).
The legacy of Miocene climate cooling
Why did these diverse ancient songbirds, including the St Bathans currawong, disappear?
Research points to a dramatic global climate shift. Starting around 13 million years ago, during the later part of the Middle Miocene, New Zealand experienced a period of rapid cooling. This profound climatic change triggered a drastic loss in floral diversity throughout the Middle and Late Miocene.
Many plants that thrived in warmer climates went extinct. This loss of plant life had devastating cascading effects on birds. The disappearance of numerous fruiting trees meant the decline and eventual local extinction of birds such as currawongs and certain pigeons that relied on these food sources.
Lower habitat complexity and fewer kinds of food led to a significant decrease in the number of songbird species.
The story of the St Bathans currawong and the rich songbird diversity of ancient New Zealand serves as a powerful reminder that ecosystems are not static. They are constantly evolving, shaped by climatic shifts, geological events and dispersal across the ocean.
Understanding this deep history allows us to view concepts such as “native” and “introduced” with more nuance. We then appreciate that the biodiversity we have today is but one snapshot in a long, dynamic and ever-unfolding story.
Change is to be expected and ongoing, as seen in the newest of New Zealand’s native birds – the barn owl and Australian wood duck – which self-introduced in the past decade.
Vanesa De Pietri receives funding from the the Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.
Paul Scofield receives funding from the Royal Society of New Zealand.
Trevor H. Worthy received funding from the ARC for this project several years ago.
The Australian Recording Industry Association (ARIA), the organisation responsible for collating and publishing Australia’s music charts, has just announced the biggest overhaul of its methods in more than a decade.
From September, the ARIA charts will be divided according to the release date of entries. Anything older than two years will be moved into a new “ARIA on replay” chart, with the exception of some music re-entering the charts after more than a decade.
The stated aim of the reforms is to better connect Australian audiences with new, and particularly Australian, music. They are part of a series of interventions from different groups aimed at solving the nation’s ongoing music “crisis”.
Why is this happening?
ARIA is responding to two related trends through implementing this new chart system.
The first is that the charts are increasingly dominated by old “catalogue” music. Creative Australia reports the ARIA’s Top 100 charts went from having almost 100% new singles (less than two years old) in 2018, to 70% new singles in 2024.
This is related to a fundamental change in what is being counted.
In 2014, ARIA expanded its sources from point-of-sale data (such as CD sales and iTunes downloads) to include plays on streaming services (such as Spotify and YouTube), which are now the most popular means of music consumption.
People will typically buy a physical/iTunes single or album once. But they might listen to a song on Spotify hundreds of times, and each of these listens count as far as the ARIA charts are concerned.
This explains the resurgence of old releases that find new audiences through media (such as Stranger Things boosting Kate Bush’s Running Up That Hill), as well as perennial favourites that never seem to be dislodged (Fleetwood Mac’s Rumours album has been in the ARIA Top 50 albums chart for more than 400 weeks).
The second trend is the decline of Australian music in the charts. Research shows the ARIA’s singles and albums charts have become more homogeneous in recent decades, rather than more diversified.
Artists from North America and the United Kingdom are dominating Australian charts more than ever. Many of them sit in the charts for extended periods, at the expense of homegrown talent.
How streaming platforms changed the game
A major challenge for artists on streaming platforms is discoverability, or visibility.
Decisions made by platform-employed playlist curators and AI algorithms aren’t well understood, and are hard to influence. Yet they make a huge difference to how many people will encounter a piece of music.
The inclusion of streaming data in the ARIA charts back in 2014 was presented as a way to more accurately assess what people were listening to.
It can be seen as a response to the overarching narrative of a “crisis” plaguing the Australian music industry – one which extends to existential challenges for live music, and the careers of musicians and other industry workers.
The ARIA’s decision to put their finger on the scales of chart success shows how pressing this crisis narrative has become.
What difference will it make?
Even if Australian artists are better represented in future ARIA charts, material challenges will remain.
Actual sales and streams may remain relatively low. Even with millions of streams, the value returned to artists is often too small to maintain a living.
For most artists, a sustainable music career requires that visibility be translated into other revenue sources, such as live performances, merchandise sales, and media licensing deals.
That said, ARIA’s aim of increasing discoverability for local acts seems likely to have some pay-off. Acts with their names in the new charts will enjoy extra visibility and prestige. If even a small number of opportunities arise from this, it could make a big difference to them, the local industries surrounding them, and the local audiences that will discover them.
ARIA’s intervention is part of a patchwork of responses from industry, government, and communities to Australia’s music woes. Another recent response came from a New South Wales government scheme which will reward overseas headliners (through reduced venue fees) for including an Australian opening act in their show.
State and federal governments are also investing in local music development and export. The surprising exception to this is previous trailblazer Victoria, which recently cut almost all contemporary music funding.
ARIA’s new approach is emphasising the message that Australian music should be valued. Tracking how this approach plays out – as well as which Australian artists benefit – will help ensure a healthy music ecosystem in the future.
Catherine Strong has received funding from the Victorian Music Development Office.
Ben Green receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australasian Performing Right Association.
As the world watches the US–Iran situation with concern, the ripple effect from these events are reaching global oil supply chains – and exposing their fragility.
If Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz as it is considering, it would restrict the global oil trade and trigger energy chaos.
Petrol in some Australian cities could hit A$2.50 a litre according to some economists. As global instability worsens, other experts warn price spikes are increasingly likely.
What would happen next? There is a precedent: the oil shocks of the 1970s, when oil prices quadrupled. The shock drove rapid change, from more efficient cars to sudden interest in alternative energy sources. This time, motorists would likely switch to electric vehicles.
If this crisis continues or if another one flares up, it could mark a turning point in Australia’s long dependence on foreign oil.
What would an oil shock mean?
Australia currently imports 80% of its liquid fuels, the highest level on record. If the flow of oil stopped, we would have about 50 days worth in storage before we ran out.
Our cars, buses, trucks and planes run overwhelmingly on petrol and diesel. Almost three-quarters (74%) of these liquid fuels are used in transport, with road transport accounting for more than half (54%) of all liquid fuels. Australia is highly exposed to global supply shocks.
The best available option to reduce dependence on oil imports is to electrify transport.
How does Australia compare on EVs?
EV uptake in Australia continues to lag behind global leaders. In 2024, EVs accounted for 9.65% of new car sales in Australia, up from 8.45% in 2023.
In the first quarter of 2025, EVs were 6.3% of new car sales, a decline from 7.4% in the final quarter of 2024.
Norway remains the global leader, with battery-electric passenger cars making up 88.9% of sales in 2024. The United Kingdom also saw significant growth – EVs hit almost 20% of new car registrations in 2024.
In China, EVs made up 40.9% of new car sales in 2024. The 12.87 million cars sold represent three-quarters of total EV sales worldwide.
One reason for Australia’s sluggishness is a lack of reliable public chargers. While charging infrastructure is expanding, large parts of regional Australia still lack reliable access to EV charging.
Until recently, Australia’s fuel efficiency standards were among the weakest in the OECD. Earlier this year, the government’s new standards came into force. These are expected to boost EV uptake.
Could global tensions trigger faster action?
If history is any guide, oil shocks lead to long-term change.
When global oil prices quadrupled in 1973–74, many nations were forced to reconsider where they got their energy. A few years later, the 1979 Iranian Revolution caused another major supply disruption, sending oil prices soaring and pushing much of the world into recession.
Huge increases in oil prices drove people to look for alternatives during the 1970s oil shocks. Everett Collection/Shutterstock
Much more recently, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine pushed the European Union to face up to its reliance on Russian gas and find alternatives by importing gas from different countries and accelerating the clean energy shift.
Clearly, energy shocks can be catalysts for long-term structural change in how we produce and consume energy.
The new crisis could do the same, but only if policy catches up.
If fuel prices shot up and stayed there, consumer behaviour would begin to shift. People would drive less and seek alternate forms of transport. Over time, more would look for better ways to get around.
Cutting oil dependency through electrification isn’t just good for the climate. It’s also a hedge against future price shocks and supply disruptions.
Transport is now Australia’s third-largest source of greenhouse gas emissions. Now that emissions are falling in the electricity sector, transport will be the highest emitting sector emissions source as soon as 2030.
Building a cleaner transport system also means building a more resilient one. Charging EVs on locally produced renewable power cuts our exposure to global oil markets. So do biofuels, better public transport and smarter urban planning.
Improving domestic energy resilience isn’t just about climate targets. It’s about economic stability and national security. Clean local energy sources reduce vulnerability to events beyond our control.
What can we learn from China?
China offers a compelling case study. The nation of 1.4 billion faces real oil security challenges. In response, Beijing has spent the past decade building a domestic clean energy ecosystem to reduce oil dependency and cut emissions.
This is now bearing fruit. Last year, China’s oil imports had the first sustained fall in nearly two decades. Crude oil imports fell 1.5%, while oil refinery activity also fell due to lower demand.
China’s rapid uptake of EVs has clear energy security benefits. pim pic/Shutterstock
China’s rapid shift to EVs and clean energy shows how long-term planning and targeted investment can pay off on climate and energy security.
What we do next matters
The rolling crises of 2025 present Australian policymakers a rare alignment of interests. What’s good for the climate, for consumers and for national security may now be the same thing.
Real change will require more than sustained high petrol prices. It demands political will, targeted investment and a long-term vision for clean, resilient transport.
Doing nothing has a real cost – not just in what we pay at the service station, but in how vulnerable we remain to events a long way away.
Hussein Dia receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the iMOVE Australia Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, and Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 26, 2025.
‘Do not eat’: what’s in those little desiccant sachets and how do they work? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kamil Zuber, Senior Industry Research Fellow, Future Industries Institute, University of South Australia towfiqu ahamed/Getty Images When you buy a new electronic appliance, shoes, medicines or even some food items, you often find a small paper sachet with the warning: “silica gel, do not eat”. What exactly
Iran accuses US over ‘torpedoed diplomacy’ – passes bill to halt UN nuclear watchdog cooperation BEARING WITNESS: By Cole Martin in occupied Bethlehem Kia ora koutou, I’m a Kiwi journo in occupied Bethlehem, here’s a brief summary of today’s events across the Palestinian and Israeli territories from on the ground. At least 79 killed and 391 injured by Israeli forces in Gaza over the last 24 hours, including 33 killed
Parenthood or podium? It’s time Australian athletes had the support to choose both Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jasmine Titova, PhD Candidate, CQUniversity Australia When tennis legend Serena Williams retired in 2022, she stated: If I were a guy, I wouldn’t be writing this because I’d be out there playing and winning while my wife was doing the physical labour of expanding our family. Many
Papua New Guinea police blame overrun system for prison breakouts By Margot Staunton, RNZ Pacific senior journalist Police in Papua New Guinea say the country’s overrun courts and prisons are behind mass breakouts from police custody. Chief Superintendent Clement Dala made the comment after 13 detainees escaped on Tuesday in Simbu Province, including eight who were facing murder charges. Dala said an auxiliary policeman who
Stable public housing in the first year of life boosts children’s wellbeing years down the track – new research Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jaimie Monk, Research Fellow, Motu Economic and Public Policy Research Phil Walter/Getty Images New Zealand’s unaffordable housing market means low-income families face big constraints on their accommodation options. This involves often accepting housing that is insecure, cold, damp or in unsuitable neighbourhoods. But little is known about
Yes, Victoria’s efforts to wean households off gas have been dialled back. But it’s still real progress Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University MirageC/Getty On the question of gas, Victoria’s government faces pressure from many directions. The Bass Strait wells supplying Australia’s most gas-dependent state are running dry. Gas prices shot up in 2020 and have stayed high.
Remote cave discovery shows ancient voyagers brought rice across 2,300km of Pacific Ocean Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hsiao-chun Hung, Senior Research Fellow, School of Culture, History & Language, Australian National University Ritidian beach, Guam. Hsiao-chun Hung In a new study published today in Science Advances, my colleagues and I have uncovered the earliest evidence of rice in the Pacific Islands – at an ancient
500,000 Australians live with mental illness but don’t qualify for the NDIS. A damning new report says they need more support Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sebastian Rosenberg, Associate Professor, Health Research Institute, University of Canberra, and Brain and Mind Centre, University of Sydney stellalevi/Getty Half a million Australians are living with moderate to severe mental illness, but they don’t qualify for the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) and cannot access the support
‘I’m not going to give up’: how to help more disadvantaged young people go to uni and TAFE Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lucas Walsh, Professor and Director of the Centre for Youth Policy and Education Practice, Monash University Oliver Rossi/ Getty Images On Wednesday, Education Minister Jason Clare hailed an increase in the numbers of Australians starting a university degree. In 2024, there was a 3.7% increase in Australian
New climate reporting rules start on July 1. Many companies are not ready for the change Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Baird, Senior Lecturer , University of Tasmania PaeGAG/Shutterstock A new financial year starts on July 1. For Australia’s large companies, that means new rules on climate-related disclosures come into force. These requirements are the culmination of years of planning to ensure companies disclose climate-related risks and
Whose story is being told — and why? 4 questions museum visitors should ask themselves this school holidays Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Olli Hellmann, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Waikato The winter school holidays will mean families across Aotearoa New Zealand will be looking for indoor activities to entertain children. With millions of visitors each year, museums focused on the country’s history will inevitably play host to
Philly psychology students map out local landmarks and hidden destinations where they feel happiest Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eric Zillmer, Professor of Neuropsychology, Drexel University Rittenhouse Square Park in Center City made it onto the Philly Happiness Map. Matthew Lovette/Jumping Rocks/Universal Images Group via Getty Images What makes you happy? Perhaps a good night’s sleep, or a wonderful meal with friends? I am the director
Macron invites all New Caledonia stakeholders for Paris talks By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk French President Emmanuel Macron has sent a formal invitation to “all New Caledonia stakeholders” for talks in Paris on the French Pacific territory’s political and economic future to be held on July 2. The confirmation came on Thursday in the form of a letter sent individually
Opposition starts on challenge of crafting (yet another) energy policy Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The opposition is commencing the challenging task of framing a new energy policy, including deciding whether to stick by its commitment to net zero emissions by 2050. Liberal leader Sussan Ley, appearing at the National Press Club, announced a Coalition
Election flows reveal nearly 90% of Greens preferenced Labor ahead of Coalition Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne Minor party preference flows for the federal election have been released, with Labor winning Greens preferences by 88.2–11.8, while the Coalition won One Nation preferences by 74.5–24.5.
Australia’s native bees struggled after the Black Summer fires – but a world-first solution brought them buzzing back Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kit Prendergast, Postdoctoral Researcher, Pollination Ecology, University of Southern Queensland Kit Prendergast (@bee.babette_performer) After a devastating bushfire, efforts to help nature recover typically focus on vertebrates and plants. Yet extreme fires can threaten insects, too. After the Black Summer fires of 2019–20, I embarked on world-first research
Wild swings in the oil price make the Reserve Bank’s job harder Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Head, Canberra School of Government, University of Canberra It looks, at least for now, as though tensions in the Middle East are easing somewhat. It appears much less likely Iran will try to close the Strait of Hormuz, through which flows about a fifth of
When you buy a new electronic appliance, shoes, medicines or even some food items, you often find a small paper sachet with the warning: “silica gel, do not eat”.
What exactly is it, is it toxic, and can you use it for anything?
The importance of desiccants
That little sachet is a desiccant – a type of material that removes excess moisture from the air.
It’s important during the transport and storage of a wide range of products because we can’t always control the environment. Humid conditions can cause damage through corrosion, decay, the growth of mould and microorganisms.
This is why manufacturers include sachets with desiccants to make sure you receive the goods in pristine condition.
The most common desiccant is silica gel. The small, hard and translucent beads are made of silicon dioxide (like most sands or quartz) – a hydrophilic or water-loving material. Importantly, the beads are porous on the nano-scale, with pore sizes only 15 times larger than the radius of their atoms.
These pores have a capillary effect, meaning they condense and draw moisture into the bead similar to how trees transport water through the channelled structures in wood.
In addition, sponge-like porosity makes their surface area very large. A single gram of silica gel can have an area of up to 700 square metres – almost four tennis courts – making them exceptionally efficient at capturing and storing water.
Is silica gel toxic?
The “do not eat” warning is easily the most prominent text on silica gel sachets.
According to health professionals, most silica beads found in these sachets are non-toxic and don’t present the same risk as silica dust, for example. They mainly pose a choking hazard, which is good enough reason to keep them away from children and pets.
However, if silica gel is accidentally ingested, it’s still recommended to contact health professionals to determine the best course of action.
Some variants of silica gel contain a moisture-sensitive dye. One particular variant, based on cobalt chloride, is blue when the desiccant is dry and turns pink when saturated with moisture. While the dye is toxic, in desiccant pellets it is present only in a small amount – approximately 1% of the total weight.
Indicating silica gel with cobalt chloride – ‘fresh’ on the left, ‘used’ on the right. Reza Rio/Shutterstock
Desiccants come in other forms, too
Apart from silica gel, a number of other materials are used as moisture absorbers and desiccants. These are zeolites, activated alumina and activated carbon – materials engineered to be highly porous.
Another desiccant type you’ll often see in moisture absorbers for larger areas like pantries or wardrobes is calcium chloride. It typically comes in a box filled with powder or crystals found in most hardware stores, and is a type of salt.
Kitchen salt – sodium chloride – attracts water and easily becomes lumpy. Calcium chloride works in the same way, but has an even stronger hygroscopic effect and “traps” the water through a hydration reaction. Once the salt is saturated, you’ll see liquid separating in the container.
Closet and pantry dehumidifiers like this one typically contain calcium chloride which binds water. Healthy Happy/Shutterstock
I found something that doesn’t seem to be silica gel – what is it?
Some food items such as tortilla wraps, noodles, beef jerky, and some medicines and vitamins contain slightly different sachets, labelled “oxygen absorbers”.
These small packets don’t contain desiccants. Instead, they have chemical compounds that “scavenge” or bond oxygen.
Their purpose is similar to desiccants – they extend the shelf life of food products and sensitive chemicals such as medicines. But they do so by directly preventing oxidation. When some foods are exposed to oxygen, their chemical composition changes and can lead to decay (apples turning brown when cut is an example of oxidation).
There is a whole range of compounds used as oxygen absorbers. These chemicals have a stronger affinity to oxygen than the protected substance. They range from simple compounds such as iron which “rusts” by using up oxygen, to more complex such as plastic films that work when exposed to light.
Some of the sachets in your products are oxygen absorbers, not desiccants – but they may look similar. Sergio Yoneda/Shutterstock
Can I reuse a desiccant?
Although desiccants and dehumidifiers are considered disposable, you can relatively easily reuse them.
To “recharge” or dehydrate silica gel, you can place it in an oven at approximately 115–125°C for 2–3 hours, although you shouldn’t do this if it’s in a plastic sachet that could melt in the heat.
After dehydration, silica gel sachets may be useful for drying small electronic items (like your phone after you accidentally dropped it into water), keeping your camera dry, or preventing your family photos and old films from sticking to each other.
Kamil Zuber does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Pregnancy and having a baby can be a special time. And families want to feel safe and trust their maternity care.
But when we reviewed the evidence, we found many Indigenous families globally face unfair treatment during pregnancy and birth. This can include racism, neglecting cultural aspects of their care, or using health care poorly designed to accommodate their needs.
We found similar themes in research involving more than 1,400 Indigenous women, Elders, fathers, family members and health workers from locations including Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United States, Greenland and Sápmi (parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia).
Many Indigenous families felt disrespected. They said hospital staff often didn’t understand their cultures or give them basic rights during their maternity care, such as being listened to, included in decision-making, or giving informed consent.
As a result, some families felt hesitant to seek care in mainstream hospitals. As one Indigenous woman told us during recent Australian research submitted for publication:
I’m dreading birthing in such a system.
But there are alternatives.
What can hospitals do?
There is a clear need to improve birthing services and cultural safety in mainstream hospitals with a focus on respecting the beliefs, practices and traditions of all families, including Indigenous ones.
For example, many Indigenous families view childbirth as a communal event with extended family support. But hospital policies that limit the number of support people often disregard these important cultural practices.
Indigenous families also need to get the type of health care they trust and feel comfortable with. Ideally this might involve staff with sound cultural knowledge and who can support families clinically in a culturally safe way.
Aboriginal patient liaison officers are sometimes available in hospitals or health services. But there are not often enough, they have to service entire facilities, and they provide cultural support not clinical patient care.
Indigenous families may also want to access a specific type of care. One example is “continuity of care”, where the same midwife or a small team of midwives, supports the family through the whole pregnancy. Ideally, these midwives should be Indigenous or, if not, be trained in supporting Indigenous families with respect and understanding.
What is ‘birthing on Country’?
For Indigenous women living in rural and remote areas, being sent away from home to give birth in a city hospital can be really hard.
Sometimes women and families are evacuated from their home communities and have to stay for weeks or months in temporary accommodation in the city, both before and after birth, or if their baby is born pre-term and needs extra care. This temporary accommodation can be far from the hospital.
All this takes place in unknown cities and towns, without family support, and sometimes away from their other children cared for by the community back home.
This makes it harder for mums who need extra support, and can get in the way of starting breastfeeding and bonding with their baby.
Again, there is an alternative. For many Indigenous families, giving birth is not just about having a baby. It’s also a spiritual and cultural event that strengthens their identity and connection to Country. A “birthing on Country” model of care, which respects Indigenous traditions and knowledge, reinforces that.
This is midwife-led care designed for and with Indigenous communities. It doesn’t mean you have to birth in rural and remote spaces, but it is a model of care that focuses on culture, and can also be implemented in the city.
Ideally, families would see the same midwife or team of midwives and use the “birthing on Country” model.
What else can we do?
Maternity services can be led by Indigenous people, which many women prefer. But Indigenous staff make up about 3.1% of the Australian health workforce.
So it is crucial to engage non-Indigenous staff in building relationships and to support Indigenous families in their right to receive culturally safe care.
This can start with better training for staff, not only to understand and respond to an Indigenous person’s individual needs, but to know when and how to speak up, call out or report racist or disrespectful behaviour.
This is everyone’s problem
A health system you can trust should be safe for everyone. If some people feel unsafe or face discrimination when getting care, this not only affects them, it affects everyone.
For instance, when Indigenous women avoid or delay going to the hospital because of past bad experiences or discrimination, it can lead to health problems that could have been prevented.
This not only harms the women, it puts more pressure on the public health system, which affects us all.
By talking about these issues, we hope all Australians begin to care about the safety of all women during pregnancy and birth.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
BEARING WITNESS:By Cole Martin in occupied Bethlehem
Kia ora koutou,
I’m a Kiwi journo in occupied Bethlehem, here’s a brief summary of today’s events across the Palestinian and Israeli territories from on the ground.
At least 79 killed and 391 injured by Israeli forces in Gaza over the last 24 hours, including 33 killed and 267 injured while seeking aid at the US-Israel “humanitarian” centres.
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Three killed and 7 injured by settler pogrom on the town of Kafr Malik, northeast of Ramallah; setting fire to houses and cars, and protected by soldiers. Israeli forces shot and killed 15-year-old Rayan Houshia west of Jenin as they retreated from resistance fighters, after using a civilian home as military barracks; also invading several towns across the West Bank, firing teargas into al-Fawar refugee camp south of Hebron, sound-bombs near the Jenin Grand Mosque in the north, and arresting several Palestinians.
Al Quds/Jerusalem’s old city faced low visitor numbers even after restrictions were lifted by the Israeli occupation. Jerusalem Governate reported 623 homes and facilities demolished by Israel since October 2023.
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Palestinian political prisoner Amar Yasser Al-Amour was released after 2.5 years without charge or trial in Israeli prisons. Thousands remain detained illegally in this way. Another freed prisoner Fares Bassam Hanani mourned his mother who passed away while he was imprisoned. Mohammad al-Ghushi, also freed, was taken to hospital to have his kidney removed due to torture and medical neglect he faced in Israeli prisons.
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The unexpected ceasefire between Israel, America, and Iran appears to be holding for now. Iranian officials say the US “torpedoed diplomacy” and have passed a bill to halt cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA.
Cole Martin is an independent New Zealand photojournalist based in the Middle East and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.
When tennis legend Serena Williams retired in 2022, she stated:
If I were a guy, I wouldn’t be writing this because I’d be out there playing and winning while my wife was doing the physical labour of expanding our family.
Many elite athletes end their sporting careers prematurely to have children, with the physical burden of pregnancy one of many barriers.
Despite these barriers, a growing number of elite athletes are proving motherhood and elite sport are compatible and even complementary – but they need better support.
Responding to this need, the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) today announced new recommendations in this space, which are the most comprehensive of their kind globally.
Just seven years out from Brisbane 2032 Olympics and Paralympics, this clearer new policy could give confidence to countless Australian athletes who are determined to become parents as well as striving for the podium.
The push for more support
Women can train safely during and after pregnancy but it is often practical challenges – like a lack of contract security, ranking and categorisation protection and limited access to parenting facilities – that prevent them from continuing in their sport.
In Australia, Olympic sprint kayaker Alyce Wood, marathon runner Genevieve Gregson and water polo player Keesja Gofers have gone on to reach personal bests and career-highs after having children. These athletes have highlighted the challenges and gaps they faced along the way, despite organisational support for athlete mums improving in recent years.
Alongside others athlete mums, they are now advocating for better support systems.
This call to action has become increasingly urgent as women’s sport experiences unprecedented growth through increased visibility, investment and professionalisation.
Research driving change
Our CQUniversity research team partnered with the AIS and the Queensland Academy of Sport to develop national evidence-based recommendations to guide sporting organisations in how to support pregnant and parenting athletes.
Underpinning these recommendations was a comprehensive series of studies spanning four years.
Our research found elite athletes encounter more than 30 unique barriers during these critical windows, including:
challenges planning pregnancy around sporting competitions
the physical impacts of pregnancy and childbirth
training considerations
the logistics and cost of caring for an infant while travelling.
Central to these findings was sporting organisations’ lack of pregnancy and parenting policies.
A subsequent review found only 22 out of 104 (21%) national sporting organisations had at least one policy detailing support for pregnant and parenting athletes.
Listening to athletes and staff
To better understand the gaps, our research team met with more than 60 elite women athletes, support staff (like coaches and health professionals) and organisational staff across 25 sports.
We investigated the experiences and needs of elite athlete mothers and those planning children.
We discovered the vast majority were unhappy with the level of pregnancy and parenting support provided by sporting organisations.
They cited a lack of clear frameworks and women’s health education, prevailing stigma, discrimination and limited access to parenting facilities as key barriers.
As one athlete shared:
No one ever talks about it [starting a family] in my environment. It feels like a taboo topic because it’s kind of expected that it’s something you think about after sport. Like, your priority should be training and performing.
Another athlete described:
I’ve got a lot of friends who have also tried [returning after children] and have just not wanted to return because of the environment and lack of [organisational] support […] you have to go back to club level and then work your way back up to state and national level without any help or support.
This input helped shape the AIS recommendations, which are the most comprehensive of their kind globally.
They comprise of 19 policy recommendations and 89 practice recommendations (practical, actionable steps for sporting organisations to follow).
The guide is also the first to include a suite of resources including pregnancy and return-to-sport plan templates, checklists, frameworks and helpful resources to support implementation.
With the adoption of these recommendations, athletes will be able to:
disclose pregnancy on their own terms (excluding required medical clearances and safety precautions)
develop and regularly review a comprehensive, individualised plan guiding them through preconception, pregnancy, postpartum and parenting, in collaboration with relevant staff
take time away from their sport during preconception, pregnancy and postpartum without facing financial or ranking/categorisation implications
have continued access to facilities, services and relevant professionals during preconception, pregnancy and postpartum
maintain their preferred level of engagement with the sporting organisation while taking parenting leave.
Sporting organisations adopting the recommendations should:
implement accessible pregnancy policies
educate athletes and staff on reproductive health
provide essential parenting facilities like designated breastfeeding and childcare spaces.
The recommendations mark a significant step forward for women’s sport, directly addressing longstanding barriers. They will ensure women athletes receive the same basic rights and privileges standard for parents in most Australian workplaces.
Jasmine Titova received funding from the Australian Institute of Sport and the Australian Government’s Research Training Program.
Melanie Hayman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Police in Papua New Guinea say the country’s overrun courts and prisons are behind mass breakouts from police custody.
Chief Superintendent Clement Dala made the comment after 13 detainees escaped on Tuesday in Simbu Province, including eight who were facing murder charges.
Dala said an auxiliary policeman who had the keys to a holding cell at Kundiawa Police Station is also on the run.
Police are investigating a claim by local media that he is the partner of a female escapee who was facing trial for murder.
Six police officers on duty at the time have been suspended for 21 days while investigations continue.
“The auxiliary officer is not a recognised police officer and should not have had the key, but it appears he was helping the sole police officer on cell duties,” said Dala, who is the acting assistant commissioner for three Highlands provinces.
Dala said it appeared the auxiliary officer wandered off for a meal and left the cell door open at the entrance to the police station.
“He may have played a role in assisting the escapees, but we are still trying to find out exactly what happened.”
‘Probably hiding somewhere’ “If we find it was deliberate then he will definitely be arrested. He is probably hiding somewhere nearby and we’ll get to him as soon as we can,” he said.
As of yesterday, none of the escapees had been caught. Police are relying on community leaders to encourage them to surrender.
But this could take a month or longer and police fear some could reoffend.
He said the police have previously been told not to use auxiliary officers in any official capacity as they were community liaison officers.
“This is a symptom of our severe staff shortages, but I have reissued an instruction banning them from frontline duties,” he said.
Dala said PNG’s courts and prisons were completely overrun, and this was the main reason detainees in police custody escape.
Up to 200 people on remand He said on any given day there could be up to 200 people on remand in police cells under his command and many brought in weapons and drugs.
“We have different cells for different remandees, but if we are overcrowded we have to keep prisoners in the main corridor, especially those who have committed minor crimes,” he said.
Dala said some remand prisoners were being kept in police holding cells for more than a month.
He said the police had faced a lack of political will to deal with severe staff shortages, a lack of training across the force and outdated infrastructure.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.