Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Adams, Professor of Corporate Law & Academic Director of UNE Sydney campus, University of New England

Last August, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) launched legal proceedings against Qantas. The consumer watchdog accused the airline of selling thousands of tickets for domestic and international flights that had already been cancelled.

Today, both parties reached a settlement, avoiding a drawn out battle in court. The airline will pay A$20 million in compensation to 86,000 passengers who bought tickets on 8,000 flights that had already been cancelled. It will also pay a $100 million civil penalty.

It’s important to note this settlement is not yet finalised – it must first be approved by the Federal Court of Australia. The court will look at whether this amount is an appropriate penalty for the airline, and whether the compensation set to be paid is fair and reasonable.

In most cases, the court is willing to accept a settlement between a powerful regulator like the ACCC and a cooperating corporation. However, these final penalties are not guaranteed. In 2018, a $36 million settlement between Westpac and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) was thrown out because the court felt it was too low.

Qantas has historically been one of Australia’s most trusted brands. But in recent years, it has lost 7% of its brand value and fallen in global brand rankings. The decision to agree to this settlement goes to the heart of rebuilding trust and protecting consumers from further misleading conduct.

Read more:
Even if Qantas is fined hundreds of millions it is likely to continue to take us for granted

The airline admits to a lesser charge

The ACCC has a range of tools for tackling corporate misconduct. The ACCC Act – which underpins the regulator’s powers – aims to provide meaningful national consumer protection laws and coordinate the watchdog’s enforcement actions.

Some parts of this act cover what are known as civil breaches. These allow the regulator to impose major financial penalties, but not imprisonment. Other parts cover criminal breaches, and contain provisions to impose up to two-years imprisonment and fines of up to $50 million.

Selling tickets for flights that have already been cancelled is in clear breach of Section 18 of Australian Consumer Law for misleading and deceptive conduct. In 2019, this same section of the act was used to issue Volkswagen with a $125 million fine for misleading consumers on its vehicles’ emissions.

But this section is purely civil, which means a corporation or individual in question can only be forced to pay damages or compensation. The amount of compensation that can be ordered by the regulator is unlimited in dollar value, but restricted by the costs or damage incurred by the consumer.

This costs and damages approach is how Qantas’ $20 million compensation figure was calculated – $225 per ticket for domestic flights and $450 per international ticket. It’s important to note this compensation has to be paid on top of any new tickets or other compensation Qantas may have already supplied to affected customers.

But when it first filed the lawsuit, the ACCC accused Qantas of taking payments for goods or services it did not intend to provide. This is a far more serious criminal allegation that falls under Section 36 of Australian Consumer Law. Criminal cases are tried before a jury and require proof beyond reasonable doubt. Charges are much harder to prove than those in a civil case or even a civil penalty case, which is heard by a single judge and proven on the balance of probability.

The regulator agreed to drop this much harsher line of attack on the airline in exchange for the settlement. Still, ACCC Chair Gina Cass-Gottlieb didn’t mince words when announcing the settlement, labelling Qantas’ behaviour “egregious and unacceptable”.

In a media release, Cass-Gottlieb put the wider Australian business community on notice, saying she hoped today’s settlement would send:

an important message to companies across the economy that breaches of the Australian Consumer Law are serious and will result in material fines.

Why settle now and what happens next?

Qantas and the ACCC both understand that if this matter had been dragged into court proceedings, ticket holders may not have been compensated for a number of years. It could have also risked further reputational damage for Qantas. By agreeing to settle for the lesser charge – misleading conduct – the affected customers will be paid sooner.

The proposed remediation scheme will be handled independently by professional services firm Deloitte. But the Federal Court is unlikely to formally agree to the settlement before 1 July. Conveniently for Qantas, this will enable the airline to record the settlement as an expense in the current financial year but make the actual payments in the next one.

This settlement – if accepted by the Court – could help to rebuild Qantas’ reputation. But it will also serve as a powerful deterrent, signalling to the business community that misleading consumers will not be tolerated.

Michael Adams has received funding from the Australian Research Council for previous projects.

– ref. QANTAS has finally settled its ‘ghost flights’ lawsuit for $120 million. What’s next? – https://theconversation.com/qantas-has-finally-settled-its-ghost-flights-lawsuit-for-120-million-whats-next-229368

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cameron Shackell, Sessional Academic and Visitor, School of Information Systems, Queensland University of Technology

You might have seen viral videos of Wendy’s drive-thru customers in the United States ordering their fast food from the firm’s generative AI bot Wendy’s FreshAI. Most show a very human-like transaction punctuated with cries of amazement at how fast, accurate and polite the system is.

While the system and others like it are in their infancy, and some still rely heavily on human assistance, retailers are investing huge sums in AI to replace human workers.

Why the rush to automate? It might seem like it’s all about slashing the wage bill, and straight AI-for-human swaps are indeed happening in many roles.

But there is another force driving the tsunami of restructuring in retail. At stake is the hidden lifeblood of the 21st-century business: data.

Superhuman data harvesters

Retail employees don’t typically feed much data back into a business. Instead data flow shapes them personally, and they develop what we recognise as experience or expertise. This is one of the reasons businesses traditionally try to retain employees for long periods.

Retail AI bots, on the other hand, completely automate data collection. The bot is part of a business’s broader computer system, so the details of every customer interaction can be piped straight to a database. The data harvest can include the complete “stimulus” presented to each customer: the initial greeting, the volume, the tone, the pacing, responses to customer questions, and of course the dollar and cents outcome.

Depending on a firm’s ethical position, an AI bot can also be designed to harvest not only the customer’s words but also various “meta-facts”: male or female, young or old, thin or obese, short or tall, tattoos or no tattoos.

In fact, with video and audio recording so commonplace, there is no reason everything about an interaction can’t be captured for later breakdown and analysis by AI.

By substituting bots for humans, all the data that once ended up in employees (who, possessing the data as expertise, might demand more money to stay) can now go straight into the electronic vaults of the business.

What makes the business case for AI bots even more compelling, however, is that they can complete the loop and use the data as well as harvest it.

Dynamic “touchpoint” creators

Retailers pay a lot of attention to “touchpoints” – critical moments of contact where they can influence the customer’s perceptions and decisions.

In the past, human employees have been selected or trained to provide effective touchpoints. For example, teenagers in colourful uniforms staffing a fast food restaurant lend a certain image and vibe. And the scripts and prompts they deliver, such as “Do you want fries with that?”, come straight from a manual.

But human employees aren’t really able to model millions of past customer interactions, or weigh them against the customer standing in front of them.

Retail bots can. They can complete real-time “data loops”.

What does that mean? Using gigabyes of past data, retail bots can profile the current customer and adjust their behaviour accordingly, interact with the customer, and then feed back the data created for better performance next time. And that next time might be two seconds later at an identical outlet on the other side of the country with a similar customer.

Businesses are striving to become equations – that AI can solve

All these data loops are being closed at the cost of human jobs because full digitisation is today’s business ideal.

Why? Because a business that runs on data flowing in smooth loops is essentially an equation. And if a business is an equation, you can use (you guessed it) the latest AI to constantly tweak your retail bots and pull other levers to maximise the bottom line.

The answers AI provides to the essential question “How do we make more money?” can be extremely granular. For example, based on data from retail bots, AI might one day suggest (and test and implement) an additional 300 millisecond pause before asking overweight customers with brown eyes, “Anything else?”. And it might increase profits for reasons nobody understands.

This leaves customers in a weird place.

Data loops create a business so agile that customers feel like their minds are not just being read but anticipated. Think that’s far-fetched? You are probably already familiar with how well this works from long hours glued to algorithmic pioneers and full-equation businesses like Google, YouTube, Amazon, Facebook and TikTok.

Retailers want to use AI to get in on the action.

In fact, on the heels of its AI drive-thru data bonanza, Wendy’s recently had to hose down reports it was considering Uber-style “dynamic pricing”.

So which retail jobs will AI take first?

There’s no simple answer to this complicated question. But I can offer a guiding principle.

AI thrives on data. If your job involves a lot of data, and the data is currently not captured (people dealing with high-volume traffic, like drive-thru workers), or it doesn’t inform the way you deliver your service (drive-thru workers again, but also those dealing with complex products) – watch out. You are blocking a data loop, and you may be in the crosshairs.

If, on the other hand, you’re not a sinkhole for too much data, and a lot of data wouldn’t make a big difference to you as a touchpoint, you’re probably safe for a while. You can relax and just wait to become a victim of the regular wage-saving type of AI restructuring.

Cameron Shackell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Can I take your order – and your data? The hidden reason retailers are replacing staff with AI bots – https://theconversation.com/can-i-take-your-order-and-your-data-the-hidden-reason-retailers-are-replacing-staff-with-ai-bots-229202

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Taylor, Assistant Professor, Bond University

At the crux of the critical response to Luca Guadagnino’s new movie Challengers is one word: “sexy”.

The film charts a love triangle between three up-and-coming tennis players: Tashi (Zendaya), and her dual (and duelling) admirers. Art (Mike Faist) and Patrick (Josh O’Connor) are close friends, and vying for the attention of the same woman has its risks. Tashi tells us more than once she is “not a homewrecker” – though she seems to enjoy the power that comes with being desired.

It’s surprising that, in an age when pornography has never been so readily accessible, saucy movies can still create such a buzz. It’s perhaps even more surprising Challengers all but eschews sex entirely, yet every frame feels laden with it. The film is full of kinetic energy, but it’s not between character’s bodies.

So why is Challengers causing such a stir?

The state of play

For starters, Challengers is riding a welcome wave of rebellion.

As film expert Barry Forshaw points out, sex has been on a sharp decline in mainstream cinema in recent decades. Reasons include pressure to export to markets even more conservative than the United States (most notably China).

Hollywood has also been gravitating towards huge-budget superhero franchise films rather than mid-budget dramas that might be more likely to tell romantic stories. #MeToo has also been cited as a cultural phenomenon that has seen sex and nudity in high-grossing US film decline almost 40% since 2016.

But the tide is changing. Psychosexual thriller Saltburn (2023) and Frankenstein fantasy Poor Things (2023) generated a buzz for their sex scenes. Kristen Stewart’s performance in steamy lesbian crime thriller Love Lies Bleeding (2024) has reminded audiences what it feels like to be hot under the collar.

With this raft of films, some are speculating Hollywood’s latest era of chastity may be over.

But where these films are comparatively explicit, in Challengers, sex is illusive – it’s interrupted, elided, or happens off-screen.

So what makes a film ‘sexy’?

No, it’s not just sex. And not all film sex is sexy.

As film scholar Linda Williams points out, it’s complicated. “Sex in movies is especially volatile: it can arouse, fascinate, disgust, bore, instruct, and incite,” she writes.

Or, as Claes Bang and Elisabeth Moss’ painfully awkward encounter taught us in Ruben Östlund’s The Square (2017) – it can make us cringe. In one of the most unsexy scenes imaginable, the pair’s one night stand is deliberately choreographed to make it as unflattering (and hilarious) as possible. Östlund draws out the discomfort even after the sex is finished.

Paul Verhoeven’s Razzie Award winning romp Showgirls (1995) is also evidence there is more to “sexy” than beautiful people and a dash of desire.

As famous for its absurdity as for its explicitness, the movie about an exotic dancer’s rise to stardom in Las Vegas has all the ingredients of a sexy film.

But the finished product is more likely to elicit laughter than fireworks. In one memorable scene, Kyle MacLachlan and Elizabeth Berkley share an evening of passion in the pool so strenuous fans have playfully dubbed it “when flipper meets stripper”.

On the other hand, when the right balance is struck, a sex scene can be iconic. Some readers will recall the rumours that scene in Don’t Look Now (1973) was a little too convincing. Others may remember George Clooney and Jennifer Lopez in the sequence paying homage to it in Out of Sight (1998).

When Ryan Gosling looks at Emma Stone in Crazy Stupid Love (2011) or La La Land (2016), we believe it. When Andrew Scott holds Paul Mescal in his gaze in All Of Us Strangers (2023) or when Barry Keoghan looks at, well, anyone in Saltburn, embers ignite. It is testament to her talent as a performer that Scarlett Johansson’s smouldering voice is enough to keep us enthralled in Her (2013) even though she never appears on screen.

Chemistry is essential, but it’s hardly a paint-by-numbers exercise.

Does a film need sex to be ‘sexy’?

The response to Challengers certainly suggests not. Guadagnino, whose previous films include A Bigger Splash (2015) and Call Me By Your Name (2017), has built a reputation for sensual cinema.

Those familiar with his work will know it doesn’t take on-screen hanky-panky to make a film alluring. The camera’s caress in I Am Love (2009) is enough to make Tilda Swinton eating a prawn feel erotically charged.

With Challengers, Guadignino does for the erotic drama what The Texas Chain Saw Massacre (1974) did for horror. He promises the audience everything but knows power is in suggestion. Challengers’ achievement is in capturing the dynamics of sexual tension. It traces the power plays, negotiations, mistrust and rivalry in which an exchange of looks feels as graphic as what those looks imply.

Then, when the pressure is at fever pitch but unrealised, characters must channel it into their game. Cinematographer Sayombhu Mukdeeprom shoots tennis matches with an intimacy rivalling any sex scene. Vivid close ups, slow motion, sweat-soaked: these matches are proximate, tense – and the closest Challengers gets to letting off steam.

In an era when online pornography leaves nothing to the imagination, audiences have not lost their appetite for sexy movies. These films create cultural moments people love to feel a part of.

In the 1990s it was Sharon Stone’s famous leg-crossing in Basic Instinct. Today’s audiences have Keoghan’s scandalous bath scene in Saltburn.

Our conversations about these movies, the sex and what that sex means, are more likely to occur on TikTok than around the water cooler.

But it’s precisely because movies are fantasies we experience collectively that we continue to need them.

Alison Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The steamiest movie of the year has almost no sex in it. How did Challengers do it? – https://theconversation.com/the-steamiest-movie-of-the-year-has-almost-no-sex-in-it-how-did-challengers-do-it-229003

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jenny Stewart, Professor of Public Policy, ADFA Canberra, UNSW Sydney

For years, First Nations people have been telling governments they want to be listened to. In particular, they want more ownership of the programs and services that are supposed to help them. The Voice referendum may have failed, but the need remains.

The recent Productivity Commission review of the Closing The Gap agenda reiterated these problems, adding that despite some signs of change, very little had been done in designing and implementing programs to move away from the “business as usual” top-down approach.

If good intentions alone could bring about change, we would not be in our current predicament. As Indigenous diplomacy researcher James Blackwell noted in February, despite high-level discussions, and the provision of more money, the “reset” that is required remains elusive.

How do we get there from here? With many gaps to close across a variety of areas, it’s more important than ever to get the best outcomes for Indigenous people. Having a public service that works with them is key, but what’s standing in the way?

Read more:
The government is well behind on Closing the Gap. This is why we needed a Voice to Parliament

Barriers to change

Public service organisations are not set up to be flexible.

Government structures and processes are built around accountability. This means purposes must be defined, money assigned and acquitted according to law, and performance measured against agreed criteria. Everything must be quantifiable. If the only goal is to protect taxpayers’ dollars, it works well enough.

But the status quo has limitations when it comes to dealing with complex problems.

Indigenous issues differ from place to place, and almost always have multiple causes. Many of the young Indigenous people who break the law do so because there are few jobs where they live, they don’t have enough support to undertake and complete the education and training they need, and they don’t feel safe at home.

Addressing all these problems at once is almost impossible. But heavy-handed interventions tend to make matters worse. So, how do we make progress while still having measurable policies with clear lines of accountability?

The academic literature – and there has been a great deal of research in these areas – gives us some guidance. Official reviews, inquiries and reports, particularly where they give prominence to submissions from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, are helpful.

More importantly, the experience of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, as so many have outlined in submissions and testimony to myriad reviews, suggests what the top priorities should be. There are some common themes across their thoughts, experiences and expertise. Having reviewed much of the available literature, and in keeping with my own engagement with Indigenous people about working with bureaucracy, here are some practical suggestions.

Stop crowding out local knowledge

Submissions to the Closing the Gap review show us the kinds of difficulties that stop people getting things done. Far from being neglected, Torres Shire Council reported that on Thursday Island, the local community was suffering from an excessive state and federal agency presence, crowding out opportunities for local people to do the work.

The chair of Indigenous collaboration Empowered Communities, Ian Trust, pointed to the group’s continuing frustration with top-down service delivery that failed to meet local needs. He said:

All the power remains in the hands of the state and territory jurisdictions to determine actions to be implemented to try and meet the Closing the Gap objectives. Shared decision-making is happening at the national or jurisdictional level, rather
than at the local or regional level. No learning over time occurs to iteratively improve actions taken on the ground.

The status quo is not so much a Gordian knot as a Gordian mess. Clearly the public sector needs to fund programs designed by First Nations decision-makers, as close to the action as possible.

Read more:
New commissioner will focus on vexed issue of Indigenous children in out-of-home care

But Indigenous leaders are saying: please don’t overcomplicate matters. There is a danger that well-intentioned bureaucratic processes will further bury local initiatives in a plethora of Closing the Gap implementation plans and constant meetings.

Of course, in times of crisis, political intervention is inevitable, but it only brings about ad hoc change, as we have seen recently with the Alice Springs curfew.

Indigenous leaders themselves have urged giving more funds and encouragement to communities that are finding ways to help themselves. Listening well means following up on these leads.

Changing the make-up of the bureaucracy

The incentives and expectations for public servants currently reward controlling issues rather than providing the right support for innovative practice.

Rewarding, or at least acknowledging, leaders who genuinely listen to Indigenous people in their approach is necessary. These people then lead by example, helping create culture change in their departments over time.

This goal isn’t necessarily easy to achieve. Years of outsourcing, and a lack of credible strategies for developing and retaining staff, particularly from diverse backgrounds, has left the public service struggling for talent. The “old hands” have departed, and staying too long in one place is not for the ambitious. This hasn’t helped in tackling multifaceted social issues affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

The lack of built-up wisdom and experience can hinder the work of organisations on the ground. As Aboriginal organisation Dharriwaa Elders Group submitted to the Productivity Commission review, community engagement does not mean employing more people to engage with communities, but ensuring bureaucrats have the experience, wisdom and respect to manage contracts well. They also require the communication skills and relationships to exercise influence at higher levels when needed.

Good things take time

Systemic problems cannot speedily be fixed. Throwing money at them, in the absence of careful analysis, only makes matters worse.

As the establishment of the National Indigenous Australians Authority showed, large changes in administrative arrangements, even if well-intentioned, take years to bed down on the bureaucratic side.

Read more:
Governments are failing to share decision-making with Indigenous people, Productivity Commission finds

Having Indigenous people design and deliver the programs that affect them will take time to become standard practice. There are well-established Indigenous organisations in the health field, but in others, like housing, even registered Indigenous organisations have lacked sustained funding.

Closing the Gap targets are necessarily wide-ranging and can seem overwhelming. But more plans, more talking, and more bureaucracy won’t help.

Jenny Stewart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Australian public service is letting Indigenous people down. How do we fix it? – https://theconversation.com/the-australian-public-service-is-letting-indigenous-people-down-how-do-we-fix-it-227662

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gregory Moore, Senior Research Associate, School of Ecosystem and Forest Sciences, The University of Melbourne

Why do trees have bark? Julien, age 6, Melbourne.

This is a great question, Julien.

We are so familiar with bark on trees, that most of us just take it for granted. But bark is one of the most complex parts of a tree and has many different jobs to do. Without bark we would not have trees as we know them.

Here’s what bark does – and why it is so special.

Bark helps trees move stuff around the plant

Bark on many trees is made of two different things.

The first thing is called phloem and it is pretty complicated stuff. Its main job is to transport chemicals like sugars and hormones up, down and around the tree. In fact, phloem can move just about anything the plant needs around the tree. That’s a very good reason why trees have bark.

The second thing is called cork and in many trees, phloem and cork are mixed together. Cork helps protect the tree from harmful insects and fungi. It also helps keep certain parts of the tree from getting too hot or too cold. Like us, trees function best at just the right temperatures. So this protection is an important reason why trees have bark.

Some trees have thin smooth bark that falls off every year in great sheets and strips.

Other trees have thicker, furry or crinkly bark that is shed in bits and pieces over months or many years.

As the tree gets bigger, the bark has to be regularly replaced. It is a bit like the skin on a snake.

Bark can help a tree survive and thrive

Bark makes an excellent home for other living things, such as insects, spiders and fungi.

Some of these even help the tree survive and thrive. Bark is a good and safe place for these tree helpers to call home.

The bark can also stop the trunk of the tree from losing too much water and drying out. It can also stop too much water getting in when it rains or floods.

These are all are good reasons for trees to have bark.

Many Australian native trees have thick bark that protects the tree trunks during bushfires. The thick, hard bark on some trees can also help the tree survive the fire and sprout quickly after a bushfire.

While bark is not as strong as the wood on the inside of a tree, it still adds some strength to tree trunks.

Being more flexible than wood, bark can also move and bend in the wind with minimal damage, except in the most severe storms.

Some trees, such as yellow gum (also known as Eucalyptus leucoxylon) have a sort of “skirt” of thicker bark around their base. This “skirt” protects the lower trunks from damage, especially in fires.

Bark can be useful to people too

Some trees, like the cork oak (also known as Quercus suber) have a cork layer that can be more than 15-20cm thick. This thick layer protects these oak trees from fires too, but the cork is also harvested. People can use it to make wine bottle corks or cork building materials for homes, without harming the tree.

Some people also like to make art out of bark. Maybe if you see some bark on the ground you can take it home and look at it with a magnifying glass. You might see some interesting patterns! When you’re finished, maybe you could make a decoration or artwork out of the bark.

Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to curiouskids@theconversation.edu.au

Gregory Moore does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Curious Kids: why do trees have bark? – https://theconversation.com/curious-kids-why-do-trees-have-bark-229276

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Nasser, Senior Lecturer in Physiotherapy, University of Technology Sydney

The anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) is an important ligament in the knee. It runs from the thigh bone (femur) to the shin bone (tibia) and helps stabilise the knee joint.

Injuries to the ACL, often called a “tear” or a “rupture”, are common in sport. While a ruptured ACL has just sidelined another Matildas star, people who play sport recreationally are also at risk of this injury.

For decades, surgical repair of an ACL injury, called a reconstruction, has been the primary treatment in Australia. In fact, Australia has among the highest rates of ACL surgery in the world. Reports indicate 90% of people who rupture their ACL go under the knife.

Although surgery is common – around one million are performed worldwide each year – and seems to be the default treatment for ACL injuries in Australia, it may not be required for everyone.

What does the research say?

We know ACL ruptures can be treated using reconstructive surgery, but research continues to suggest they can also be treated with rehabilitation alone for many people.

Almost 15 years ago a randomised clinical trial published in the New England Journal of Medicine compared early surgery to rehabilitation with the option of delayed surgery in young active adults with an ACL injury. Over half of people in the rehabilitation group did not end up having surgery. After five years, knee function did not differ between treatment groups.

The findings of this initial trial have been supported by more research since. A review of three trials published in 2022 found delaying surgery and trialling rehabilitation leads to similar outcomes to early surgery.

A 2023 study followed up patients who received rehabilitation without surgery. It showed one in three had evidence of ACL healing on an MRI after two years. There was also evidence of improved knee-related quality of life in those with signs of ACL healing compared to those whose ACL did not show signs of healing.

Regardless of treatment choice the rehabilitation process following ACL rupture is lengthy. It usually involves a minimum of nine months of progressive rehabilitation performed a few days per week. The length of time for rehabilitation may be slightly shorter in those not undergoing surgery, but more research is needed in this area.

Rehabilitation starts with a physiotherapist overseeing simple exercises right through to resistance exercises and dynamic movements such as jumping, hopping and agility drills.

A person can start rehabilitation with the option of having surgery later if the knee remains unstable. A common sign of instability is the knee giving way when changing direction while running or playing sports.

To rehab and wait, or to go straight under the knife?

There are a number of reasons patients and clinicians may opt for early surgical reconstruction.

For elite athletes, a key consideration is returning to sport as soon as possible. As surgery is a well established method, athletes (such as Matilda Sam Kerr) often opt for early surgical reconstruction as this gives them a more predictable timeline for recovery.

At the same time, there are risks to consider when rushing back to sport after ACL reconstruction. Re-injury of the ACL is very common. For every month return to sport is delayed until nine months after ACL reconstruction, the rate of knee re-injury is reduced by 51%.

Historically, another reason for having early surgical reconstruction was to reduce the risk of future knee osteoarthritis, which increases following an ACL injury. But a review showed ACL reconstruction doesn’t reduce the risk of knee osteoarthritis in the long term compared with non-surgical treatment.

That said, there’s a need for more high-quality, long-term studies to give us a better understanding of how knee osteoarthritis risk is influenced by different treatments.

Rehab may not be the only non-surgical option

Last year, a study looking at 80 people fitted with a specialised knee brace for 12 weeks found 90% had evidence of ACL healing on their follow-up MRI.

People with more ACL healing on the three-month MRI reported better outcomes at 12 months, including higher rates of returning to their pre-injury level of sport and better knee function. Although promising, we now need comparative research to evaluate whether this method can achieve similar results to surgery.

What to do if you rupture your ACL

First, it’s important to seek a comprehensive medical assessment from either a sports physiotherapist, sports physician or orthopaedic surgeon. ACL injuries can also have associated injuries to surrounding ligaments and cartilage which may influence treatment decisions.

In terms of treatment, discuss with your clinician the pros and cons of management options and whether surgery is necessary. Often, patients don’t know not having surgery is an option.

Surgery appears to be necessary for some people to achieve a stable knee. But it may not be necessary in every case, so many patients may wish to try rehabilitation in the first instance where appropriate.

As always, prevention is key. Research has shown more than half of ACL injuries can be prevented by incorporating prevention strategies. This involves performing specific exercises to strengthen muscles in the legs, and improve movement control and landing technique.

Joshua Pate is the author of health-related children’s books.

Anthony Nasser and Peter Stubbs do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Surgery is the default treatment for ACL injuries in Australia. But it’s not the only way – https://theconversation.com/surgery-is-the-default-treatment-for-acl-injuries-in-australia-but-its-not-the-only-way-229114

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

I covered the May 2 United Kingdom local government elections for The Poll Bludger. The Blackpool South parliamentary byelection was also held, at which Labour overturned an 11-point Conservative margin at the 2019 general election to win by 41 points.

These local elections will be the last before the next UK general election that must be held by January 2025. Labour has about a 20-point lead in national polls, but won the local elections by a somewhat disappointing 34–25 margin over the Conservatives with 17% for the Liberal Democrats.

In 2021, the Conservatives had won the local elections by 36–29 over Labour, and most seats up were last contested in 2021. As a result, the Conservatives lost 474 councillors. Labour also won ten of the 11 mayors contested, including the London mayoralty.

The local elections and Blackpool South byelection results and national polls imply Labour should win a landslide at the general election. The current Electoral Calculus forecast is for Labour to win 472 of the 650 House of Commons seats, to just 85 Conservatives.

The Poll Bludger article also covered recent turmoil in Scotland that has led to the resignation of the first minister, and United States polls that have Donald Trump narrowly leading Joe Biden nationally, and also ahead in the swing states that will decide the Electoral College.

Australian national Redbridge and Morgan polls

A national Redbridge poll, conducted April 12–21 from a sample of 1,529, gave Labor a 52–48 lead, a 0.8-point gain for Labor since the last Redbridge poll in early February. Primary votes were 37% Coalition (down one), 33% Labor (steady), 12% Greens (down one), 7% One Nation (not previously listed) and 11% for all Others.

By 50–34, voters thought Labor was not focused on the right priorities (53–33 the last time this question was asked in December). By 45–36, voters thought Dutton and the Coalition was not ready for government (47–33 in December).

Labor led the Coalition on best to manage cost of living relief (27–23) and energy policy (28–23), but the Coalition led by 31–25 on economic management and by 32–22 on immigration.

By 68–22, voters rated the Albanese government poor on relieving cost of living pressures. By 57–26, they rated it poor on improving the healthcare system.

In the national Morgan poll conducted April 22–28 from a sample of 1,719, Labor led by 52–48, unchanged from the April 15–21 poll. Primary votes were 36.5% Coalition (up one), 31.5% Labor (up one), 14% Greens (down two), 5.5% One Nation (steady), 8% independents (up 0.5) and 4.5% others (down 0.5).

Queensland federal YouGov poll: Dutton leads as better PM

I covered a Queensland YouGov state poll on April 26 that gave the Liberal National Party a 56–44 lead. The federal part of this poll had Dutton leading Albanese as better PM by 45–37.

Note that this poll is only of Queensland. The previous national polls that asked for preferred PM had Albanese leading Dutton by 13 points in Newspoll and nine in Resolve. At the 2022 federal election, Queensland voted for the Coalition by 54.1–45.9 (and was the only state won by the Coalition).

In the state poll, voters thought the LNP would be better at handling cost of living by 35–19 over Labor.

Further Resolve questions

I previously reported on a late April federal Resolve poll for Nine newspapers. In further questions on Labor’s Future Made in Australia policy, 38% thought the government is right to offer financial assistance to start up and retain new industries, while 34% thought the government should not subsidise industries that cannot survive on their own, and should instead spend the money elsewhere.

By 42–23, voters supported providing A$1 billion to support manufacturers in Australia who can make solar panels. By 75–25, voters were not aware of the Future Made in Australia policy.

NSW Resolve poll: Labor narrowly ahead

A New South Wales state Resolve poll for The Sydney Morning Herald, conducted with the federal Resolve polls in late March and late April from a sample of over 1,000, gave the Coalition 36% of the primary vote (down two since February), Labor 33% (down one), the Greens 12% (steady), independents 14% (up two) and others 5% (steady).

Resolve usually doesn’t give a two party estimate, but The Poll Bludger estimated a Labor lead by 52–48, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since February. Incumbent Chris Minns led the Liberals’ Mark Speakman as preferred premier by 37–16 (35–16 in February). Oddly, this poll was never reported by the Sydney Morning Herald, but appears on the Resolve tracker.

Tasmanian upper house elections

Every May two or three of Tasmania’s 15 upper house seats are up for election for six-year terms. On Saturday there were two regular elections (Hobart and Prosser) and a byelection in Elwick. There are no two-candidate counts yet, with the electoral commission likely to wait until all votes are in before starting the distribution of preferences.

In Hobart, which was previously held by a retiring left-wing independent, the Greens won 36.7%, an independent 22.5%, Labor 18.7% and another independent 13.5%. Analyst Kevin Bonham has called for the Greens, and they will win their first ever upper house seat.

In Liberal-held Prosser, the Liberals led Labor by 38.6–28.5 with 12.7% for the Shooters, and I expect them to win easily. In Labor-held Elwick, independent Glenorchy mayor Bec Thomas led Labor by 33.9–28.4 with 18.9% for the Greens and 18.7% for a left-wing independent. Labor will hope preferences enable them to win.

With Hobart going to another left-winger and the Liberal almost certain to retain Prosser, the only result that could alter the upper house balance of power is in Elwick.

In the lower house, the Liberals reached an agreement with two independents on April 24 after also making a deal with the three Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN) MPs two weeks earlier. These agreements will give the Liberals an overall 19 of 35 votes from MPs on confidence and supply.

At the March 23 lower house election, the Liberals had won 14 of the 35 seats, four short of a majority. Labor had won 10 seats, the Greens five, the JLN three and independents three. But Labor conceded the day after the election and did not attempt to form a government.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. UK Tories perform badly at local elections; Labor still narrowly ahead in Australian polls – https://theconversation.com/uk-tories-perform-badly-at-local-elections-labor-still-narrowly-ahead-in-australian-polls-228871

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Mclaughlin, Adjunct Research Fellow, The University of Western Australia

It’s National Road Safety Week and it comes on the back of a year in which 1,286 people died on Australian roads. The rising road toll – up 8.2% for the year to March – included 62 children. Tragically, road deaths remain the number one killer of children in Australia.

Road deaths are not inevitable. In 2022, at least 180 cities worldwide recorded zero road deaths. More than 500 cities with populations of more than 50,000 have achieved zero road deaths multiple times.

So cities can eliminate road deaths, or greatly reduce them. At the same time, these cities are creating healthier streetscapes that people want to be active and spend time on. They have done this by taking action on several fronts to make roads safe.

Redirecting road funding

Walking and cycling infrastructure gets less than 2% of Australian transport funding. Reallocating funding from roads to walking and cycling, as for example France and Ireland have done, can increase road safety and reduce carbon emissions.

Australians want this shift in funding. Two-thirds of Australians support the idea that government should redirect road funding into walking and cycling infrastructure, according to a nationally representative survey by the Heart Foundation.

Reallocating street space

A disproportionate amount of road space is set aside for car travel and parking. For instance, across Melbourne’s busiest shopping strips footpaths are given 30% of the street space, on average, but account for almost 60% of all people using the street. Lanes for general traffic (cars, motorbikes and trucks) are also typically given around 30% of the space, but account for less than 20% of all people.

Similar results are found in cities elsewhere, from Budapest to Beijing.

Redesigning streets nudges people to drive at a safer speed. Before writing this article, we asked each other: “What would it look like if we designed our roads like footpaths, and our footpaths like roads?”

This question may seem unrealistic. But, as a design exercise, we wanted to explore what it could look like, to shine a light on footpath space.

We chose a random street, took a photo and set out to alter the image. We moved objects on the footpath – such as bins, signposts and mailboxes – to the edge of the roadway. Slightly more space was given for people walking, while still providing enough space for vehicles to operate safely within the roadway. Here’s this reimagination.

Across Paris, the Rues aux écoles initiative is reallocating street space on hundreds of “school streets” for children to play. The streets are designed to make it safe for children to play outside their school, for example, while waiting to be picked up.

Safer speed limits

The 100-plus-year experiment of cars on our streets is failing in Australia. But it’s not the cars per se, it’s the drivers speed that’s killing people. Speed and speeding are crucial factors in road safety. Australia’s 50km/h default speed limit in built-up areas is unsafe for many streets.

Globally, countries are adopting 30km/h speeds by default for side streets and urban centres, and it’s working. Reducing default speed limits to 30km/h reduces crashes, their severity and deaths.

Setting 30km/h as the default speed limit is a low-cost action that works to save lives. A majority of Australians support lower speed limits on neighbourhood streets. And, despite what drivers might fear, it has negligible impact on total journey times.

Lower speed limits make people feel safer, and that has a transformative impact. In Perth, for example, 2.8 million car trips a day are less than 5km – that’s two-thirds of all journeys. When people feel safe to walk, wheelchair or jump on their bikes for short journeys, such as popping out for milk or bread, they leave the car behind.

Swapping out these short car trips reduces congestion and carbon emissions. And it improves our health by boosting physical activity and mental well-being.

Where to start?

As researchers, we think it’s unacceptable to not act on the evidence of what works to boost road safety. We believe it’s time for urgent action. Here’s where to start:

1. zones around schools, especially reducing speed and more safe crossings
2. reallocating road funding and space to boost safety and efficiency
3. reducing speed limits in built-up areas by default.

Lower speed limits and redesigned streets should be backed up by public education campaigns and speed fines, to raise awareness of the deadly toll of speeding.

What can you do?

Be the change you want to see and become a champion of your local streets. When communities come together to call for change, it works.

Amsterdam, for example, wasn’t always a haven for walking and cycling. It took concerted community action against the high number of children dying on their roads.

Start a local group to champion safer and healthier streets in your neighbourhood. There are organisations to support you to take action, such as Better Streets.

Dr Matthew ‘Tepi’ Mclaughlin is a member of the Asia-Pacific Society for Physical Activity and the International Society for Physical Activity and Health. He is a Board Member of Better Streets and a member of the Active Transport Advisory Group of Westcycle. He has previously received research funding from the Australian government’s Medical Research Future Fund and the government of Western Australia’s Healthway. He also previously received salary support through the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course.

Chris De Gruyter receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a Fellow of the Australian Institute of Traffic Planning and Management.

– ref. Hundreds of cities have achieved zero road deaths in a year. Here’s how they did it – https://theconversation.com/hundreds-of-cities-have-achieved-zero-road-deaths-in-a-year-heres-how-they-did-it-229127

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Deanna Grant-Smith, Professor of Management, University of the Sunshine Coast

The federal government has announced a “Commonwealth Prac Payment” to support selected groups of students doing mandatory work placements.

Those who are studying to be a teacher, nurse, midwife or social worker will be eligible to receive A$319.50 per week while on placement. This amount is benchmarked to the single Austudy per week rate. Other support payments received by a student will not be affected.

The payment, which is part of the upcoming federal budget, is due to start in July 2025 and will be means-tested (the details of which are still to be worked out). It follows a recommendation from the Universities Accord final report and will be welcomed by many students facing “placement poverty” as they complete their degrees. But is it enough?

Why is a Prac Payment needed?

Unpaid work experience has become a compulsory rite of passage to paid employment in many areas of study.

This experience is thought to increase skills, knowledge, experience and students’ identity in the profession. Research also shows students believe work experience (whether paid or unpaid) builds job and social skills, helps them decide on a career path, and boosts their chances of getting a job when they graduate.

But due to their long hours and intensive nature, unpaid placements can also result in financial stress and have negative impacts on wellbeing as students juggle paid work, study obligations and unpaid work.

Being unable to afford to do mandatory unpaid work can also prevent some students from completing their degree on time or at all.

As more students are expected to undertake long or multiple unpaid placements, this also limits the types and amounts of paid work they can do while studying, making their financial and employment situation more precarious.

Does the plan go far enough?

Many degrees require students to do the equivalent of up to six months’ unpaid work.

For example, social work students are expected to complete 1,000 hours of full-time, unpaid work experience. Education students must do a minimum of 80 days. Both of these student groups will be eligible for the prac payment.

But many other degrees can require hundreds of hours of unpaid placement time but are not supported by the Commonwealth Prac Payment. This means other allied health students, such as occupational therapy students (who must complete a minimum of 1,000 unpaid hours), or speech pathology students who may be required to take a rural or remote placement, are excluded from the payment.

To enhance graduate employability, universities and other tertiary training institutions (such as TAFEs) have also expanded obligatory “work-integrated learning” into fields of study where there are no statutory or professional requirements for it. This includes areas such as urban planning, communication and creative industries, and journalism.

This means students do projects or placements with organisations outside of the university as part of their coursework.

When asked about broadening the set of courses involved, Education Minister Jason Clare told Radio National “that’s something that we’d have to look at down the track”.

Mandatory versus ‘voluntary’ unpaid work

On top of mandatory placements, it is common for students to also do other work experience on their own initiative while studying. Researchers call these “open-market internships”.

Sometimes this is billed as “voluntary” but the lines here can be very blurry. Students can see this unpaid work as necessary to develop networks and fill CVs to become more competitive for graduate jobs.

Unpaid work undertaken as part of a degree or vocational education program is lawful in Australia, but some open-market internships may not be.

Dubious arrangements include interns doing the same work as regular paid employees and undertaking work that does not predominantly involve observing or performing mock or simulated tasks.

What more is needed?

If employers and universities genuinely believe work experience is they key way students become employable graduates, they must find ways of making such experiences accessible to all students. Payment for placements and other meaningful financial support is a good place to start.

For example, earlier this year, the Queensland government announced a $5,000 cost-of-living allowance for eligible final-year nursing and midwifery students who do placements in regional, rural or remote Queensland.

But safeguarding the financial and general wellbeing of students is not just the responsibility of governments. Universities, vocational education and training providers (such as TAFEs) and employers also need to make sure the benefits of unpaid work placements are not outweighed by the costs.

We need to look at new regulations that limit how long an unpaid placement can last, and offer alternatives to an unpaid placements, such as “supervised service learning”. An example of this is the National Tax Clinic Program. Run through the Australian Taxation Office, students studying tax-related courses provide free tax advice to individuals and small businesses under the supervision of qualified professionals.

Employers also need to ensure they properly train, induct and pay graduates and students undertaking work that benefits their business.

As the Prac Payment details are worked out and evaluated, we need to make sure the government does indeed look again at the list of eligible courses, to make sure the scheme helps all students who need it.

Deanna Grant-Smith receives funding from the Australian Collaborate Education Network, World Association for Cooperative Education, and National Centre for Student Equity in Higher Education. She is a board member of the TJ Ryan Foundation and a Director of the Queensland Advisory Board of The McKell Institute.

Paula McDonald receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. What does the new Commonwealth Prac Payment mean for students? Will it do enough to end ‘placement poverty’? – https://theconversation.com/what-does-the-new-commonwealth-prac-payment-mean-for-students-will-it-do-enough-to-end-placement-poverty-229280

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nuurrianti Jalli, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies College of Arts and Sciences Department of Languages, Literature, and Communication Studies, Northern State University

Like many parts of the world, Southeast Asia has been experiencing information pollution in the public information space.

Distribution of unverified information and hoaxes is rampant. It’s particularly a problem on social media sites and text messaging apps like Whatsapp and Telegram.

Disinformation campaigns using cyber troopers to spread hateful rhetoric and hyper-partisan content have long been a part of communication artifices by political parties in the region.

And now, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Southeast Asian governments not only have to deal with the virus but also with the false information surrounding it.

In recent years, governments across Southeast Asia have introduced various measures to tackle the problem. This includes enacting stringent fake news laws and establishing government fact-checking bodies.

The region has witnessed an increasing number of independent fact-checking bodies to combat the information pollution ever since the ills of online manipulations as part of political warfare were put on full display.

However, these fact-checking agencies only gained significant public popularity since the outbreak of the COVID-19 health crisis in February 2020.

Fact-checking in Southeast Asia poses several unique challenges. This article will highlight three challenges based on my recent interactions with fact-checkers, researchers and journalists in the region.

Limited force

One of the challenges fact-checkers face is the abundance of content generated by internet users.

With a limited number of fact-checkers in the region, fact-checking all this content becomes a challenging task to complete.

Aribowo Sasmito, the co-founder of the Indonesian Anti-Slander Society (MAFINDO), told me recently many hoaxes are shared daily on the internet.

The profusion of content has made it difficult for fact-checkers to select which content to verify.

Thus, the most convenient solution is to focus on content that has gone viral on social media or text messaging apps like WhatsApp, or that is believed to be detrimental to the public.

But this raised questions among scholars and observers alike. Does that mean other misinformation is less important than the viral messages?

Another challenge journalists highlighted is time constraints on fact-checking while trying to be the first to report breaking news.

Speaking to several journalists in Southeast Asia, some raised concerns about the lack of proper documentation to prove certain people’s allegations relating to sensitive issues.

This problem is particularly prevalent when it comes to content related to local histories or political accusations.

The unavailability of documents or materials as references has made it even harder for journalists to corroborate information shared by their sources.

Various languages

The second challenge is the various languages used to create online content. This leads to fact-checkers overlooking hoaxes shared among indigenous groups who speak non-mainstream indigenous languages.

In Southeast Asia alone, at least 1,000 languages and dialects are spoken.

This has raised a legitimate concern among researchers about ensuring fact-checkers do not overlook false information shared using less popular languages, considering people in Southeast Asia are still relatively low-skilled in detecting false information.

Fact-checkers also noted that the public’s inability to understand the content in a different cultural context leads to the sharing of misinformation.

Cultural content or posts uploaded in other languages could be lost in translation and misinterpreted, with information taken out of context.

Meeko Angela Camba of VERA Files, a fact-checking agency based in the Philippines, told me fact-checkers also face problems in debunking claims with “a bit of truth in them but lacking in context, or presented in a false context”.

State pressures

Against the political backdrop in Southeast Asia, where press freedom is mostly limited, fact-checking agencies and journalists have also raised concerns about pressures applied by governments when fact-checkers’ findings are at odds with government political narratives.

For example, in countries like Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, laws like the Defamation Act, Official Secrets Act and Lèse Majesté law hinder journalists, particularly those working or affiliated with government agencies, from doing fact-checking effectively due to “fear” of offending the government.

Intimidated by the potential repercussions for verifying information that casts doubt on government political narratives, journalists and fact-checkers practicse self-censorship on certain kinds of content.

While independent fact agencies are many in the Western world, independent agencies have yet to gain traction in Southeast Asia.

In Malaysia, the Ministry of Communication and Multimedia Malaysia established Sebenarnya.my in 2017. It’s the leading “one-stop centre” to check viral content shared on the internet.

Sebenarnya.my has increased in popularity since the start of the COVID-19 outbreak.

It has worked closely with other government agencies to debunk mainly health misinformation related to COVID-19. Yet critics doubt if Sebenarnya.my would be the best platform to get fact-checked information about political content.

Recently, two new fact-checking agencies were established in Malaysia, independent agency Faqcheck.org and Mycheck under Bernama, the Malaysian National News Agency. The founding of the two new agencies could contribute to more balanced information fact-checking in the country.

MAFINDO in Indonesia has also been criticised, particularly when fact-checking political content.

Aribowo said the fact-checking agency has been accused of either supporting the government or supporting the government’s political opponents, solely for fact-checking political content.

Critics see the collaboration between MAFINDO and the Indonesian government involving the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) as discreet political support for the ruling power.

MAFINDO, however, claimed impartiality and asserted the agency is apolitical. It said it has been debunking hoaxes, even ones shared by government agencies.

Aribowo said such allegations are part and parcel of the process of fact-checking by MAFINDO and other fact-checkers and media outlets in the region.

Fact-checking agencies like MAFINDO, VERA Files and the Phillipines-based Rappler have received numerous threats, forcing the agencies to take safety precautions. This includes hiding their office address.

Nuurrianti Jalli tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Three fact-checking challenges in Southeast Asia – https://theconversation.com/three-fact-checking-challenges-in-southeast-asia-148738

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard B. (Ricky) Rood, Professor Emeritus of Climate and Space Sciences and Engineering, University of Michigan

Scenes from the Houston area looked like the aftermath of a hurricane in early May after a series of powerful storms flooded highways and neighborhoods and sent rivers over their banks north of the city.

More than 400 people had to be rescued from homes, rooftops and cars, according to The Associated Press. Huntsville registered nearly 20 inches of rain from April 29 to May 4, 2024.

Floods are complex events, and they are about more than just heavy rain. Each community has its own unique geography and climate that can exacerbate flooding. On top of those risks, extreme downpours are becoming more common as global temperatures rise.

I work with a center at the University of Michigan that helps communities turn climate knowledge into projects that can reduce the harm of future climate disasters. Flooding events like the Houston area experienced provide case studies that can help cities everywhere manage the increasing risk.

Flood risks are rising

The first thing recent floods tell us is that the climate is changing.

In the past, it might have made sense to consider a flood a rare and random event – communities could just build back. But the statistical distribution of weather events and natural disasters is shifting.

What might have been a 1-in-500-years event may become a 1-in-100-years event, on the way to becoming a 1-in-50-years event. When Hurricane Harvey hit Texas in 2017, it delivered Houston’s third 500-year flood in the span of three years.

Basic physics points to the rising risks: Global greenhouse gas emissions are increasing global average temperatures. Warming leads to increasing precipitation and more intense downpours, and increased flood potential, particularly when storms hit on already saturated ground.

Communities aren’t prepared

Recent floods are also revealing vulnerabilities in how communities are designed and managed.

Pavement is a major contributor to urban flooding, because water cannot be absorbed and it runs off quickly. The Houston area’s frequent flooding illustrates the risks. Its impervious surfaces expanded by 386 square miles between 1997 and 2017, according to data collected by Rice University. More streets, parking lots and buildings meant more standing water with fewer places for rainwater to sink in.

If the infrastructure is well designed and maintained, flood damage can be greatly reduced. However, increasingly, researchers have found that the engineering specifications for drainage pipes and other infrastructure are no longer adequate to handle the increasing severity of storms and amounts of precipitation. This can lead to roads being washed out and communities being cut off. Failures in maintaining infrastructure, such as levees and storm drains, are a common contributor to flooding.

In the Houston area, reservoirs are also an essential part of flood management, and many were at capacity from persistent rain. This forced managers to release more water when the storms hit.

For a coastal metropolis such as the Houston-Galveston area, rapidly rising sea levels can also reduce the downstream capacity to manage water. These different factors compound to increase flooding risk and highlight the need to not only move water but to find safe places to store it.

The increasing risks affect not only engineering standards, but zoning laws that govern where homes can be built and building codes that describe minimum standards for safety, as well as permitting and environmental regulations.

By addressing these issues now, communities can anticipate and avoid damage rather than only reacting when it’s too late.

Four lessons from case studies

The many effects associated with flooding show why a holistic approach to planning for climate change is necessary, and what communities can learn from one another. For example, case studies show that:

• Floods can damage resources that are essential in flood recovery, such as roads, bridges and hospitals. Considering future risks when determining where and how to build these resources enhances the ability to recover from future disasters. Jackson, Mississippi’s water treatment plant was knocked offline by flooding in 2022, leaving people without safe running water. Houston’s Texas Medical Center famously prepared to manage future flooding by installing floodgates, elevating backup generators and taking other steps after heavy damage during Tropical Storm Allison in 2001.

• Flood damage does not occur in isolation. Downpours can trigger mudslides, make sewers more vulnerable and turn manufacturing facilities into toxic contamination risks. These can become broad-scale dangers, extending far beyond individual communities.

• It is difficult for an individual or a community to take on even the technical aspects of flood preparation alone – there is too much interconnectedness. Protective measures like levees or channels might protect one neighborhood but worsen the flood risk downstream. Planners should identify the appropriate regional scale, such as the entire drainage basin of a creek or river, and form important relationships early in the planning process.

• Natural disasters and the ways communities respond to them can also amplify disparities in wealth and resources. Social justice and ethical considerations need to be brought into planning at the beginning.

Learning to manage complexity

In communities that my colleagues and I have worked with, we have found an increasing awareness of the challenges of climate change and rising flood risks.

In most cases, local officials’ initial instinct has been to protect property and persist without changing where people live. However, that might only buy time for some areas before people will have little option but to move.

When they examine their vulnerabilities, many of these communities have started to recognize the interconnectedness of zoning, storm drains and parks that can absorb runoff, for example. They also begin to see the importance of engaging regional stakeholders to avoid fragmented efforts to adapt that could worsen conditions for neighboring areas.

This is an updated version of an article originally published Aug. 25, 2022.

Richard Rood receives funding from the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration and the National Science Foundation. He is a co-principal investigator at the Great Lakes Integrated Sciences and Assessment Center at the University of Michigan.

– ref. Houston area’s flood problems offer lessons for cities trying to adapt to a changing climate – https://theconversation.com/houston-areas-flood-problems-offer-lessons-for-cities-trying-to-adapt-to-a-changing-climate-229351

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Murakami Wood, Professor of Critical Surveillance and Securities Studies, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

There is a long history of planned city building by both governments and the private sector from Brasilia to Islamabad.

More recently, two trends have come together in a new wave of visionary urban planning.

On the one hand, there are the neoliberal “special economic zone” policies that accelerated in the 1980s and which have become an almost unquestioned global economic article of faith. On the other, there is the “smart city” in which ubiquitous sensing and surveillance generate big data, from which solutions to all the problems of cities are supposed to be found.

Read more:
What is The Line, the 170km-long mirrored metropolis Saudi Arabia is building in the desert?

Now, with the fairy dust of Artificial Intelligence (AI) sprinkled on top, we have the recipe for almost every current proposal for new cities. In essence, the contemporary ideal city is a data-driven, free-market paradise.

Shifting gears

The conservative and authoritarian Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is very much aware that the end is in sight for the fossil fuel economy that underpins its sovereign and private wealth. In anticipation of the inevitable end of fossil fuels, Riyadh is actively working to shift to new sources of income so as to future proof its economy in a carbon-zero world.

Some of this transitional work has involved the extension of Saudi Arabian “soft power” into areas that are of personal interest to the kingdom’s prime minister, and de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. This is perhaps most visible through the entangling of Saudi Arabia with lucrative professional sports from golf to tennis.

However, the other bet that Saudi Arabia has been making is in cities.

Under the banner of Vision 2030, it has been investing its oil profits in dozens of eye-catching urban projects from free ports to cities built around theme parks.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia does not have much in the way of homegrown digital or technological enterprises, so Riyadh is instead investing on the principle of if we build it, they will come. Simply put, Saudi Arabia is attempting to attract foreign entrepreneurs, manufacturers, logistics companies and tourists to ease its transition to a post-oil economy.

Look upon my works

NEOM is the most ambitious of all of Bin Salman’s plans to attract foreign investment. Indeed, the name NEOM is a portmanteau of the Greek ‘neo’ and the first letter of Mohammed Bin Salman’s name.

The published plans and publicity for NEOM are a sight to behold.

NEOM will include everything in one massive development. It will have a free port and logistics hub, a seaside tourist town and even a mountain sports playground. NEOM’s centrepiece attraction is unquestionably, however, The Line.

The Line was envisioned as a 170 km linear city clad in reflective material, that would cut into the deep desert from the Red Sea like one of the swords on the Saudi flag.

The evangelical advertisements for NEOM promised freedom and multiculturalism in one of the most authoritarian and monocultural nations on Earth, as well as total surveillance and advanced AI to underpin innovation for all its residents.

An early consultancy report was even more excessive than what the actual plans became, proposing an artificial moon, fleets of drones and that 50 per cent of the “population” would be service robots.

The initial advisory board included the likes of British architect Norman Foster and the CEO of Google’s Sidewalk Labs, Dan Doctoroff. Most of the more famous advisers seem to have quietly disappeared from the project in recent years.

Scaled ambitions

Now, almost as soon as ground had been broken, it was announced that the centrepiece plan has been scrapped. The Line is no more and in its place are plans for a much smaller 2.4 km long city — a mere dash compared to The Line’s original misguided ambitions.

Was The Line all just a public relations exercise designed to generate likes and speculative foreign investment capital? In public there may have been much wonderment. However, behind the scenes the entire Line project has been nothing more than a weird, unsustainable and hubristic fantasy.

NEOM is planned to be built in one of the most geopolitically significant — and at times turbulent — areas of the world, where Saudi Arabia borders Egypt, Israel and Jordan. Perhaps even more significantly, NEOM will be built in a region where summer daytime temperatures are already heading above 50 C in our era of global heating.

Who was going to want to live at the far end of a 170-kilometre long parallel terrace from which your only means of exit was an “intelligent” train system? And how was security going to be managed for a place which promised freedom and legal systems compatible with international human rights norms in one of the most authoritarian nations in the world, both internally and externally?

How would NEOM stop Saudi dissidents from escaping to or through it? Security and surveillance have never been part of the published plans, but industry publications have revealed that Bin Salman was envisioning an entirely private police force and a specialist drone surveillance control centre for The Line.

The kingdom had already scheduled the execution of three members of the Howeitat tribe who had objected to this non-consensual development on their traditional lands.

Harsh lessons

It is currently unclear as to whether other parts of the NEOM plan will be scaled back.

Work has already started on the Red Sea tourist resort town of Sindalah and it is unlikely Bin Salman will abandon the potentially lucrative Port of NEOM. Beyond that is anyone’s guess.

Many plans for ideal cities have been impractical fantasies. But NEOM also typifies a massive and persistent failure of the imagination driven by a capitalism — blinded by fossil-fuel ideology — and unable to come to terms with the necessity of confronting the climate crisis, growing global inequality and the persistence of war and genocide.

Read more:
COP28: Why we need to break our addiction to combustion

It’s about time for wealthy corporations and nation-states with the historic and contemporary responsibility for driving the climate crisis, like Saudi Arabia, to start taking this responsibility seriously. The world should be investing in making existing cities sustainable and just at a human scale — not pouring money into speculative, unsustainable and authoritarian urban mega-projects.

David Murakami Wood receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

– ref. The scaling back of Saudi Arabia’s proposed urban mega-project sends a clear warning to other would-be utopias – https://theconversation.com/the-scaling-back-of-saudi-arabias-proposed-urban-mega-project-sends-a-clear-warning-to-other-would-be-utopias-227852

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karen Jacobsen, Henry J. Leir Chair in Global Migration, Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, Tufts University

Immigration has become a defining issue in the 2024 elections and a major challenge in many U.S. cities. Over the past several years, wars and armed conflict, violent persecution and desperate poverty have displaced millions of people worldwide and propelled the arrival in the U.S. of thousands seeking protection, mainly at the U.S.-Mexico border.

Large cities such as New York, Miami, Denver and Boston are struggling to house new arrivals and meet their basic needs. Cities are looking for ways to support these new arrivals – some for a short time, others for months, years or permanently.

I study forced migration, government responses to it, and how refugees and asylum-seekers integrate into new settings. My focus is on humanitarian arrivals – people who enter the U.S. legally as asylum-seekers, resettled refugees or under various temporary protection programs, also known as parole.

In total, the Biden administration has admitted or authorized admitting roughly 1.5 million people under these programs since 2021. Cities need help to cope with these waves of new arrivals. The good news is that with support, refugees and people receiving asylum successfully integrate into life in the U.S. and contribute more to the national economy than they cost.

Entering on humanitarian grounds

People immigrate to the United States for many reasons and receive different types of visas and treatment when they arrive. Here are the main types of humanitarian admissions:

– Humanitarian parole: The federal government can give certain groups permission to enter or remain in the U.S. if it finds “urgent humanitarian or significant public benefit reasons” for doing so. People who enter through parole programs must have an approved financial supporter in the U.S. They typically can stay for one to two years and may apply for authorization to work.

Currently, the federal government is admitting a maximum of 30,000 people per month under a parole program for immigrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela. The Biden administration has also admitted people from Afghanistan and Ukraine through other parole programs. In total, the Biden administration has admitted more than 1 million people through these programs.

– Refugees and asylees: People who can show that they have experienced persecution, or have a well-founded fear of being persecuted based on their race, religion, nationality, social affiliations or political opinion, can apply for refugee status or asylum. Asylum is granted to people who are already in the U.S. Refugee status is provided to people who are vetted abroad and approved for resettlement.

Resettled refugees and people granted asylum can apply for authorization to work in the U.S. After one year in the U.S., they are eligible to apply for legal permanent residence, also known as a green card.

For fiscal year 2024, Biden has approved a maximum of 125,000 refugee admissions. There is no limit on the number of people who may be granted asylum each year.

Applicants for asylum, however, must go before an immigration judge in the U.S., who will decide whether their fears qualify them to be allowed to remain. U.S. immigration courts are heavily backed up, with more than 2 million asylum applications pending. Asylum applicants can remain in the U.S. while their case is pending, but they cannot receive work permits for six months after they apply for asylum.

Where new immigrants settle

As has been the case since at least 2010, Texas and Florida are top U.S. destinations for migrants, along with cities in New York, Illinois and Colorado. Counties where new migrants make up more than 2% of the population include Queens, New York; Miami-Dade, Florida; and Denver, Colorado.

In cities, many humanitarian immigrants find work in the hospitality and health care industries. Others move to small towns in rural areas, where they work in long-standing migrant sectors such as meatpacking, health services and agriculture.

People who come with an intent to stay are motivated to put down roots and become part of their new communities. But becoming established can take time, and newcomers’ needs can stress city neighborhoods that are already struggling with housing and employment problems. The months immediately following their arrival is the time when refugee newcomers need support of all kinds.

Working with diaspora communities

New arrivals often move to particular towns or city neighborhoods because they know that people from their country are well established there. These residents are familiar with the new arrivals’ home language and cultures and understand their needs.

For example, there are over 40,000 Ukrainians in Rochester, New York, and about 134,000 in New York City. The U.S. also has large communities of parolees, including Haitians, Venezuelans and Cubans, and long-standing diasporas of resettled refugees and asylum recipients from many parts of the world.

I see established diasporas as a critical resource for supporting new immigrants and maximizing benefits for host communities. By working with diaspora individuals and families to support new arrivals, federal and state governments could redirect funds that are now going to hotels and shelters.

For example, Boston has struggled in recent months to house large numbers of Haitian immigrants, placing several thousand families at hotel and motel sites – an unusual and expensive practice born of necessity. An alternative might be to offer cash payments or tax breaks to some of the state’s 81,050 Haitian residents in return for housing new Haitian arrivals for a few months.

Diaspora households can offer information about navigating city bureaucracies, finding jobs and accessing banking services, in addition to the comfort of familiar food and company. These communities can be an enormous help to new immigrants as they become established and begin to contribute to the city.

Such incentives could also be aimed at non-diaspora communities and people who are willing to help newcomers. A direct community support system, with safeguards built in to protect both the refugees and their hosts, would cost a city or state much less than paying for hotel rooms.

Faster work permits

Speeding up work authorizations for new arrivals can shorten the time they need support from the government. Under federal law, most nonresident foreign nationals must obtain an employment authorization document in order to apply for jobs in the U.S.

Currently, although the Biden administration is trying to move more quickly, these applications are taking more than six months to process. Once immigrants have work permits in hand, diasporas and host neighborhoods could receive tax breaks or other economic benefits in return for helping them find work.

There are other things cities and the federal government can do to support new humanitarian arrivals. Banks could be encouraged to support refugee business, as some are already doing. For example, Re:start Financial is a neobank – a tech company that provides online banking services – based in Austin, Texas, and founded in 2021 by a group of immigrants. It allows immigrants who do not yet have permanent addresses or Social Security numbers to open free online banking accounts with nontraditional documentation from their home countries.

With adequate support, new arrivals usually find their feet and become self-reliant within a few months. Using federal and state resources to enlist host neighborhoods and diaspora communities in this process would help ensure that everyone benefits.

Karen Jacobsen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Many immigrants to the US are fleeing violence and persecution − here’s how the federal government can help cities absorb them – https://theconversation.com/many-immigrants-to-the-us-are-fleeing-violence-and-persecution-heres-how-the-federal-government-can-help-cities-absorb-them-220575

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luis Gómez Romero, Senior Lecturer in Human Rights, Constitutional Law and Legal Theory, University of Wollongong

Fifty years ago, Australian feminist Anne Summers denounced “the ideology of sexism” governing over so many women’s lives. Unfortunately, sexism is as lethal today as it was then.

Thousands have rallied across Australia in recent weeks demanding greater action against the violent deaths of women. In response, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the country not only has change its legal system, but also its culture. These changes, he said, must be pursued in the long term, “year after year.”

In Latin America, governments have been doing exactly this for years. Nearly all countries in the region have passed laws that have criminalised either femicide or feminicide (the gendered killing of women and girls).

Latin America still has some of the highest overall homicide rates in the world due to entrenched inequality, organised crime and military involvement in law enforcement. And femicides, in particular, remain high compared to other parts of the world.

However, Central and South America experienced a modest decline in female homicides yearly from 2017 to 2022, by 10% and 8% respectively. Though much work remains to be done, many hope this is a step in the right direction.

So, why has the Latin American model been successful, and what can Australia learn from it?

What exactly is femicide and feminicide?

In 1801, the English writer John Corry first used the term “femicide” to describe any murder of a woman. The concept did not evolve to its current meaning, however, until the 1970s when the feminist author Diana Russell testified about misogynist murders at the International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women in Belgium.

Inspired by the unpublished work of fellow feminist Carol Orlock, Russell redefined femicide as the killing of women by men because they are women. She framed the violent killings of women as arising from the patriarchy – femicidal violence was the most extreme form of male violence and control over the female body.

In the 1990s, Marcela Lagarde, a Mexican feminist and anthropologist, translated Russell’s concept to Spanish. In doing so, she mutated “femicide” into “feminicide” (feminicidio).

This coincided with the disturbing appearances of young women’s bodies – many showing signs of beatings, rape and mutilation – in the desert outside Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. The nature of the killings suggested the women had been punished for challenging gender stereotypes by achieving economic independence and enjoying sexual freedom.

Mexican civil servants were later found to be negligent in their investigations of the murders. The government was also indifferent to the crimes and failed to enforce policies to prevent more killings. The victims were frequently labelled as sex workers or involved in the drug trade.

In Lagarde’s view, the failure of the Mexican state to protect women’s lives made it ultimately complicit in reinforcing and normalising violence against women. She then redefined “feminicide” as a crime of the state if public officials fail to properly address gender discrimination and do not adequately punish offenders of sexual violence and other crimes.

Her work was hugely influential in the feminist movement in Latin America. It also led to the passing of the first Mexican law criminalising femicide in 2007. Today, the terms femicide and feminicide are used interchangeably in Latin American and international human rights law.

A societal change in Mexico

In Latin American countries, femicide is considered a hate crime that specifically requires a human rights based approach to enforcement.

In 2009, for example, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found Mexico in violation of women’s rights to life and non-discrimination for failing to prevent, investigate, prosecute and punish femicides in Ciudad Juárez. The government was required not only to implement stronger measures to prevent similar crimes from occurring, but also to offer the victims reparations.

This was not aimed purely at restitution for the victims. The ruling was also intended to begin rectifying the discrimination and systemic violence that has enabled countless other men to commit femicide in the country.

After the ruling, the Mexican government undertook a major institutional overhaul to align its laws and policies with its obligations to protect the rights of women under United Nations treaties and international law.

In doing this, Mexico adopted a broad gender-based perspective to all of its laws, examining the inequalities and discrimination women encounter in their everyday lives.

For example, in several cities, catcalling and other forms of public harassment have been outlawed. Public officials are required to undergo training to ensure they effectively apply gender equality in their work and policies.

The courts also have a legal duty to consider a gender perspective in deciding cases. Gender parity in government bodies is also ensured through a strict quota system at the federal and state level. Both leading candidates in next month’s presidential election are women – a first for anywhere in North America.

How other countries are following suit

Thanks to the work of activists, the criminalisation of femicide has spread from Mexico to other Latin American countries.

After femicide was defined as a distinct crime in Argentina in 2012, it sparked a grassroots feminist movement called “Ni Una Menos” (Not One Woman Less). Several years later, the discovery of a 14-year-old pregnant girl’s body in the patio of her boyfriend’s family home prompted nationwide protests. Argentina then created a national register of femicides that also includes trans women.

Responding to activists’ calls for further action, the Argentine Congress passed the Micaela Act (“Ley Micaela”) in 2019, which requires all levels of government to train officials on violence against women. The act was named after Micaela García, a “Ni Una Menos” member who was raped and killed in 2017.

The movement also called for a stronger gender perspective on media coverage of femicides and gender issues more broadly. As a result, the daily newspaper, Clarín, became the first mainstream news outlet in Argentina to create the role of gender editor.

“Ni Una Menos” has since grown into a regional movement. In Mexico, it inspired the musician Vivir Quintana to compose Canción sin Miedo (Fearless Song) to raise awareness of femicides in Mexico.

These ideas are starting to spread beyond Latin America, too. Last year, the European Institute for Gender Equality recommended the adoption of femicide as a distinct crime to respond to gender-based violence in European Union countries. So far, only two countries have such a crime: Cyprus and Malta.

This concept, developed in the Global South, could provide hope now to Australian women – a shared path of sorority toward a life free from the fear of gender-based violence.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What Australia can learn from Latin America when it comes to tackling violence against women – https://theconversation.com/what-australia-can-learn-from-latin-america-when-it-comes-to-tackling-violence-against-women-228988

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Breadon, Program Director, Health and Aged Care, Grattan Institute

Sugary drinks cause weight gain and increase the risk of a range of diseases, including diabetes.

The evidence shows that well-designed taxes can reduce sugary drink sales, cause people to choose healthier options and get manufacturers to reduce the sugar in their drinks. And although these taxes haven’t been around long, there are already signs that they are making people healthier.

It’s time for Australia to catch up to the rest of the world and introduce a tax on sugary drinks. As our new Grattan Institute report shows, doing so could mean the average Australian drinks almost 700 grams less sugar each year.

Sugary drinks are making us sick

The share of adults in Australia who are obese has tripled since 1980, from 10% to more than 30%, and diabetes is our fastest-growing chronic condition. The costs for the health system and economy are measured in the billions of dollars each year. But the biggest costs are borne by individuals and their families in the form of illness, suffering and early death.

Sugary drinks are a big part of the problem. The more of them we drink, the greater our risk of gaining weight, developing type 2 diabetes, and suffering poor oral health.

These drinks have no real nutrients, but they do have a lot of sugar. The average Australian consumes 1.3 times the maximum recommended amount of sugar each day. Sugary drinks are responsible for more than one-quarter of our daily sugar intake, more than any other major type of food.

You might be shocked by how much sugar you’re drinking. Many 375ml cans of soft drink contain eight to 12 teaspoons of sugar, nearly the entire daily recommended limit for an adult. Many 600ml bottles blow our entire daily sugar budget, and then some.

The picture is even worse for disadvantaged Australians, who are more likely to have diabetes and obesity, and who also consume the most sugary drinks.

Sugary drink taxes work

Fortunately, there’s a proven way to reduce the damage sugary drinks cause.

More than 100 countries have a sugary drinks tax, covering most of the world’s population. Research shows these taxes lead to higher prices and fewer purchases.

Some taxes are specifically designed to encourage manufacturers to change their recipes and cut the sugar in their drinks. Under these “tiered taxes”, there is no tax on drinks with a small amount of sugar, but the tax steps up two or three times as the amount of sugar rises. That gives manufacturers a strong incentive to add less sugar, so they reduce their exposure to the tax or avoid paying it altogether.

This is the best result from a sugary drinks tax. It means drinks get healthier, while the tax is kept to a minimum.

In countries with tiered taxes, manufacturers have slashed the sugar in their drinks. In the United Kingdom, the share of products above the tax threshold decreased dramatically. In 2015, more than half (52%) of products in the UK were above the tax threshold of 5 grams of sugar per 100ml. Four years later, when the tax was in place, that share had plunged to 15%. The number of products with the most sugar – more than 8 grams per 100ml – declined the most, falling from 38% to just 7%.

The Australian drinks market today looks similar to the UK’s before the tax was introduced.

Health benefits take longer to appear, but there are already promising signs that the taxes are working. Obesity among primary school-age girls has fallen in the UK and Mexico.

Oral health has also improved, with studies reporting fewer children going to hospital to get their teeth removed in the UK, and reduced dental decay in Mexico and Philadelphia.

One study from the United States found big reductions in gestational diabetes in cities with a sugary drinks tax.

The tax Australia should introduce

Like successful taxes overseas, Australia should introduce a sugary drink tax that targets drinks with the most sugar:

• drinks with 8 grams or more of sugar per 100ml should face a $0.60 per litre tax
• drinks with 5–8 grams should be taxed at $0.40 per litre
• drinks with less than 5 grams of sugar should be tax-free.

This means a 250ml Coke, which has nearly 11 grams of sugar per 100ml, would cost $0.15 more. But of course consumers could avoid the tax by choosing a sugar-free soft drink, or a bottle of water.

Grattan Institute modelling shows that under this tiered tax, Australians would drink about 275 million litres fewer sugary drinks each year, or the volume of 110 Olympic swimming pools.

The tax is about health, but government budgets also benefit. If it was introduced today, it would raise about half a billion dollars in the first year.

Vested interests such as the beverages industry have fiercely resisted sugary drink taxes around the world, issuing disingenuous warnings about the risks to poor people, the sugar industry and drinks manufacturers.

But our new report shows sugary drink taxes have been introduced smoothly overseas, and none of these concerns should hold Australia back.

We certainly can’t rely on industry pledges to voluntarily reduce sugar. They have been weak and misleading, and failed to stick.

It will take many policies and interventions to turn back the tide of obesity and chronic disease in Australia, but a sugary drinks tax should be part of the solution. It’s a policy that works, it’s easy to implement, and most Australians support it.

The federal government should show it’s serious about tackling Australia’s biggest health problems and take this small step towards a healthier future.

Peter Breadon’s employer, Grattan Institute, has been supported in its work by government, corporates, and philanthropic gifts. A full list of supporting organisations is published at www.grattan.edu.au.

Jessica Geraghty does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A tax on sugary drinks can make us healthier. It’s time for Australia to introduce one – https://theconversation.com/a-tax-on-sugary-drinks-can-make-us-healthier-its-time-for-australia-to-introduce-one-228906

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jose Antonio Lara-Hernandez, Senior Researcher in Architecture, Auckland University of Technology

The COVID-19 pandemic and the hybrid work patterns it fostered have changed the way we think about office space, and central business districts in general. While fears of urban centre “ghost towns” may have been premature, many cities around the world still face dilemmas over how best to adapt.

New Zealand is feeling this pressure too. Office vacancy rates, while dropping slightly, have remained above 12%. At the same time, there is demand for high-quality, modern spaces that fit new work and collaboration models.

This isn’t an entirely new phenomenon. Throughout history, cities and buildings have been designed with specific functions in mind. As environmental and social needs change, however, these designs struggle to meet contemporary demands.

So, what can be done with the empty buildings and unleased floors scattered through cities everywhere? In our new book, Architectural Exaptation: When Function Follows Form, we examine the process by which existing structures or features are re-imagined and re-utilised.

In architecture, the concept of “exaptation” refers to this adapting of buildings and structures for new uses. It is becoming increasingly relevant as a transformative response to sustainable and resilient urban development.

The benefits of adapting

Exaptation in architecture requires us to view built environments not just as physical spaces, but as complex living systems that can adapt and transform.

Reusing and repurposing existing structures also helps reduce waste, CO₂ emissions and energy use, supporting more sustainable urban growth. At the same time, by reusing rather than rebuilding, the historical and cultural fabric of cities is preserved, as well as their inhabitants’ sense of identity.

A famous example is Venice, which has continuously adapted its historic structures to meet modern needs, while maintaining their unique character.

Sometimes seen as a static relic of the past, Venice is in fact a dynamic example of how urban spaces can evolve. The city’s ability to repurpose spaces and structures – turning palazzos into museums or residential buildings into boutique hotels – demonstrates architectural exaptation in practice.

The Highline in New York provides another good example. Rather than demolish an old elevated railway, it was repurposed as a pedestrian walkway, becoming a now iconic public space.

The social life of cities

The notion and application of architectural exaptation also has profound implications for the way we approach urban planning and development. In particular, it challenges the linear thinking and conventional growth models behind building new structures.

Encouraging the creative reuse of existing structures not only reduces resource use, it also embeds a layer of history and culture that enriches the urban experience.

The concept goes beyond the physical to encompass the social and cultural dimensions of city life. By fostering built environments that adapt to the needs of their communities, cities can become more inclusive and responsive to their inhabitants’ needs.

This also aligns with the idea of the “15-minute city”, which aims to fulfil the daily needs of residents within a short walk or bike ride – not unlike a medieval city or town, in that sense.

A paradigm shift

There are economic and logistical challenges with implementation, of course, including structural capacity. Some older buildings may require upgrades to meet required standards for their intended new function.

Building codes and regulations in some places are complex, which may not always align with the intended reuse. Moreover, depending on the infrastructure requirements of the new building’s use – power, plumbing, heating and ventilation systems – upgrades and compatibility work can be needed.

In some heritage buildings, the sensitivity of the architect in balancing preservation and modernisation becomes a key factor. And sometimes it is simply cheaper to build from scratch than to adapt.

But the main challenge is deeper still: encouraging a paradigm shift away from a conventional development model towards a more sustainable one.

To achieve that, building codes and regulations will need adjusting to be more flexible. Economic stimulus packages and financial and tax incentives will underpin any real shift to a new approach.

From Venice to Auckland

A city need not be as ancient and unique as Venice for this to work. Take Auckland, for example, where architectural exaptation could be applied to transform its moribund centre from a “dormitory” CBD into a vibrant and lively precinct.

Auckland’s remaining historic buildings have the potential for adaptive reuse and the incorporation of arts and culture into everyday spaces. This would foster a more dynamic environment, even after business hours. The Britomart precinct is a good example of this already happening.

More than that, given the challenges presented by climate change, architectural exaptation provides a blueprint for making cities more resilient, sustainable and flexible. This goes beyond architectural theory and is a call to action. It urges architects, planners and city dwellers to rethink the role of the built environment.

By learning from the adaptive strategies of the past, we can forge a future where our cities are not only sustainable, but also vibrant and culturally rich centres of human life.

Jose Antonio Lara-Hernandez does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. As New Zealand CBDs evolve post-pandemic, repurposing old or empty spaces should be on the drawing board – https://theconversation.com/as-new-zealand-cbds-evolve-post-pandemic-repurposing-old-or-empty-spaces-should-be-on-the-drawing-board-228880

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer, International Studies, University of South Australia

Opposition leader Peter Dutton argues Australia needs nuclear power to achieve net zero emissions by 2050.

But nuclear power is not feasible for Australia. It is too slow, too expensive and inappropriate for our energy needs.

As a result, plans to build nuclear power plants, big or small, are completely unrealistic.

What’s more, insisting that nuclear power is the only answer to Australia’s net zero commitments is a classic move from the playbook of those who oppose urgent action on climate change.

The climate obstruction playbook

These obstructionist tactics have played out over the 15 years I’ve spent teaching international and environmental politics while researching topics such as energy security and climate justice.

I developed an interest in the evolving strategies of climate change deniers in Australia, and regularly teach this in my environmental politics course. Since Dutton became opposition leader, I’ve included new strategies related to nuclear energy.

Fossil fuel industries and associated right-wing think-tanks, such as the Heritage Foundation in the United States and the Institute of Public Affairs in Australia, have long sought to undermine the science of climate change. Their strategies and tactics are similar to those once used by tobacco companies to undermine links between smoking and lung cancer.

Books such as Merchants of Doubt (2010), and the associated film (2014), documented tactics to “discredit the science, disseminate false information, spread confusion and promote doubt”.

Denying the science of climate change, or downplaying its significance, is an article of faith for many conservatives. While mainstream conservatives in Europe have traditionally agreed with urgent action on climate change, it is increasingly an issue that polarises views between progressive and conservative parties.

In the US, where the climate wars are reminiscent of those in Australia, a large majority of Republicans argue in favour of increasing fossil fuel production over renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar.

But mounting scientific evidence, along with Australia’s international obligations to reduce emissions and people’s personal experience of extreme events such as the 2019–20 Black Summer bushfires, has made outright climate denial largely indefensible for a mainstream political party in this country.

This shift in the Australian electorate has required various shifts in strategy by those who deny either the science of climate change or the urgency of climate action. They have followed what I argue are the six stages of climate obstruction, moving from one stage to the next as the last proved untenable. The latest stage is active support for large-scale nuclear power.

Stage 1: climate change is not happening (arsonists cause bushfires, not climate change)

Stage 2: climate change is happening but is not human-induced (solar activity causes climate change, not humans)

Stage 3: Australia’s emissions are too small to make a difference, so why should we try?

Stage 4: climate change is happening and human-induced but there are other more pressing priorities (the “coal is good for humanity” argument)

Stage 5: nuclear small modular reactors are the only viable path to net zero (these reactors are an example of a “burgeoning nuclear industry” in the US)

Stage 6: if small nuclear reactors turn out not to be viable, large nuclear reactors are the only path to net zero.

But why nuclear?

The point of all these arguments is to delay the rollout of renewable energy technologies such as wind and solar. Delaying renewables would require extensions in the life of coal-fired and other fossil-fuelled power stations while other technologies are brought online.

In New South Wales, the government is negotiating with Origin Energy to provide subsidies to keep Eraring power station – Australia’s largest coal-fired power station – open for a further four years beyond 2025. Estimates suggest this could cost A$600 million over four years ($150 million a year) for just two of its four units.

This is largely due to the long delays for renewable energy project approvals in NSW compared with elsewhere in the country. But keeping the Eraring power station open would further crowd out, and undermine, private investment that would otherwise drive the transition to renewable energy.

Delaying renewables also feeds into the culture wars. Suggestions that the last election could mark the end of the climate wars have proven premature, to say the least.

The latest shift – from small modular reactors to large-scale nuclear – came after the cancellation in November of the NuScale project in Idaho. This, the only small modular reactor approved in the US, was terminated before construction began after it became increasingly clear the power produced would be too expensive.

Now this technology has been partially sidelined with the Coalition pivoting to large-scale nuclear in more recent policy announcements.

Research has demonstrated people concerned about climate change generally tend to have a dim view of nuclear power. Even in countries with existing nuclear industries, the strategy of promoting nuclear energy has been used over the past few decades to delay investment in renewables. Nuclear advocates then extract vast subsidies and other taxpayer funds from governments rather than addressing climate change.

The Coalition made no progress towards a nuclear power industry during its nine years in government. Its vociferous backing for a nuclear industry has only emerged since it has been in opposition.

This tactic nevertheless seems to be bearing fruit, in political terms at least. A recent Guardian Essential Poll found more people thought renewables were more expensive than nuclear, when most objective reports suggest nuclear is at least three times more expensive than renewables.

Nuclear power also produces high-level radioactive waste. Given Australia’s inability to develop a permanent radioactive waste storage facility for even intermediate level waste, a high-level waste facility seems unlikely to built anytime soon.

Aside from the obvious facts that building nuclear power plants will take too long, be too expensive and fail to meet Australia’s future energy needs, the policy has failed to garner support from state-based Liberal leaders. In Queensland – Australia’s most conservative state and Dutton’s home turf – LNP Leader David Crisafulli is categorically opposing the nuclear push. So there is no realistic chance nuclear power plants will ever be built in Australia.

But for climate obstructionists that is not the point. Their aim is to delay, if possible indefinitely, the impending closures of Australia’s fossil fuel power stations and undermine investment in the renewable energy industry.

Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Nuclear power makes no sense for Australia – but it’s a useful diversion from real climate action – https://theconversation.com/nuclear-power-makes-no-sense-for-australia-but-its-a-useful-diversion-from-real-climate-action-226838

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dale Boccabella, Associate Professor of Taxation Law, UNSW Sydney

There’s a good reason your local volunteer-run netball club doesn’t pay tax. In Australia, various nonprofit organisations are exempt from paying income tax, including those that do charitable work, such as churches.

These exemptions or concessions can also extend to other taxes, including fringe benefits tax, state and local government property taxes and payroll taxes.

The traditional justification for granting these concessions is that charitable activities benefit society. They contribute to the wellbeing of the community in a variety of non-religious ways.

For example, charities offer welfare, health care and education services that the government would generally otherwise provide due to their obvious public benefits. The tax exemption, which allows a charity to retain all the funds it raises, provides the financial support required to relieve the government of this burden.

The nonprofit sector is often called the third sector of society, the other two being government and for-profit businesses. But in Australia, this third sector is quite large. Some grassroots organisations have only a tiny footprint, but other nonprofits are very large. And many of these bigger entities – including some “megachurches” – run huge commercial enterprises. These are often indistinguishable from comparable business activities in the for-profit sector.

So why doesn’t this revenue get taxed? And should we really give all nonprofits the same tax exemptions?

Why don’t churches pay tax?

The primary aim of a church is to advance or promote its religion. This itself counts as a charitable purpose under the 2013 Charities Act. However, section five of that act requires a church to have only charitable purposes – any other purposes must be incidental to or in aid of these.

Viewed alone, the conduct of a church with an extensive commercial enterprise – which could include selling merchandise, or holding concerts and conferences – is not a charitable purpose.

But Australian case law and an ATO ruling both support the idea that carrying on business-like activities can be incidental to or in aid of a charitable purpose. This could be the case, for example, if a large church’s commercial activities were to help give effect to its charitable purposes.

Because of this, under Australia’s current income tax law, a church that is running a large commercial enterprise is able to retain its exemption from income tax on the profits from these activities.

There are various public policy concerns with this. First, the lost tax revenue is likely to be significant, although the government’s annual tax expenditure statement does not currently provide an estimate of the amount of tax revenue lost.

And second, the tax exemption may give rise to unfairness. A for-profit business competing with a church in a relevant industry may be at a competitive disadvantage – despite similar business activities, the for-profit entity pays income tax but the church does not. This competitive disadvantage may be reflected in lower prices for customers of the church business.

What about taxing their employees?

Churches that run extensive enterprises are likely to have many employees. Generally, all the normal Australian tax rules apply to the way these employees are paid – for example, employees pay income tax on these wages. Distributing profits to members would go against the usual rules of the church, and this prohibition is required anyway for an organisation to qualify as a charity.

Some churches may be criticised for paying their founders or leaders “excessive” wages, but these are still taxed in the same way as normal salaries.

It’s important to consider fringe benefit tax – which employers have to pay on certain benefits they provide to employees. Aside from some qualifications, all the usual fringe benefit tax rules apply to non-wage benefits provided to employees of a church.

Just like their commercial (and taxable) counterparts, the payment for “luxury” travel and accommodation for church leaders and employees when on church business will not generate a fringe benefits taxable amount for the church.

One qualification, though, is that a church is likely to be a rebatable employer under the fringe benefit tax regime. This means it can obtain some tax relief on benefits provided to each employee, up to a cap.

We may need to rethink blanket tax exemptions for charities

Back in an age where nonprofits were mainly small and focused on addressing the needs of people failed by the market, the income tax exemption for such charities appeared appropriate.

But in the modern era, some charities – including some churches – operate huge business enterprises and collect rent on extensive property holdings.

Many are now questioning whether we should continue offering them an uncapped exemption from income tax, especially where there are questions surrounding how appropriately these profits are used.

Debates about solutions to the problem have focused on various arguments. However, more data may be needed on the way charities apply their profits to a charitable purpose, particularly those involved in substantial commercial activities.

An all-or-nothing rule exempting the whole charitable sector may no longer be fit for purpose if it fails to take into account the very different circumstances of different nonprofits.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Australian churches collectively raise billions of dollars a year – why aren’t they taxed? – https://theconversation.com/australian-churches-collectively-raise-billions-of-dollars-a-year-why-arent-they-taxed-228901

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marina Deller, Casual Academic, Creative Writing and English Literature, Flinders University

Comedy is opening up spaces for silences to be broken and trauma stories to be told.

In 2018, Hannah Gadsby started a revolution with Nanette, asking audiences to rethink what comedy was for. In the hour-long stand-up act, which touched on their life and experiences growing up in Tasmania, Gadsby offered a mandate to comedians to tell truths and, if needed, to seek reparation for trauma.

Other comedians have followed suit. Bo Burnham’s excellent TV special Inside (2021), filmed during the COVID pandemic, is a dark experimental comedy exploring mental health and isolation through songs, stand-up and social commentary.

Stand-up comedy has always been autobiographical, but now a new generation of comedians are adapting their lives (or versions of them) into scripted series. Mae Martin’s Feel Good (2020–21) and Richard Gadd’s Baby Reindeer (2024) offer us particularly potent examples of when trauma and comedy intersect – “traumedy” – and how comedians are using autofiction to explore these dark stories.

The autofictional self

Autofiction represents real events from the author’s life, but blends in fictional elements. The fiction might be useful for creative or narrative effect, or for protecting identities.

In Feel Good, Martin plays a version of themselves, also named Mae. They face and process addiction, realising their severe mental health issues and addiction are results of grooming and abuse they suffered as a queer teenager in the Toronto comedy scene. They build a romantic relationship with George (Charlotte Ritchie), a young woman who is not yet “out” to her loved ones.

Despite its often dark subject matter, Feel Good is awkwardly hilarious and effortlessly charming. Humour is found in Mae’s interactions with eccentric side characters: their sponsor who “teaches meditation to dogs”, a hat-wearing oddball housemate, and Mae’s well-meaning but unfiltered mother.

Episodes also frequently feature Mae’s unique brand of stand-up. In the first episode they joke, “I feel like I’m full of birds… like pelicans? Like very greasy pelicans in my chest.” The only person in the audience to laugh is George.

Baby Reindeer is a thriller set across bars and comedy clubs of London and at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival. Aspiring comedian Donny (a version of Gadd) is being stalked by Martha (Jessica Gunning) while he processes previous sexual abuse inflicted by a trusted mentor from the comedy world. It is a chilling and deeply compelling account of layered trauma.

Aspects of the comedy are overtly funny. Martha’s character, with her crude sexual humour and misspellings, and the seemingly hapless Donny’s ill-received “anti-comedy” (featuring weird props and crass blue humour) provide laugh-out-loud moments. The comedic tone provides structure for Gadd’s exploration of traumatic memories.

The power of uncomfortable truths

There is strength in both Martin and Gadd’s honesty. Working with autofictional characters, they could choose to present idealised selves. Instead they chose flawed portrayals.

In Baby Reindeer, Donny lies frequently about his identity and motivations. He exposes the people he loves to danger. In Feel Good, Mae lies, steals and runs from problems.

They are categorically not perfect victims.

There is power in illuminating how traumatised individuals can make confusing or seemingly irrational choices.

At the end of Baby Reindeer, Donny visits his former mentor and makes an unexpected choice. On this controversial scene, Gadd told GQ Magazine he wanted to show

an element of abuse that hadn’t been seen before […] the deeply entrenched, negative, psychological effects of attachment you can sometimes have with your abuser.

This is similar to the ending of Feel Good, when Mae tearfully confronts their abuser Scott (John Ross Bowie). Mae and Scott end up saying they love each other – and Mae also vows never to see him again.

Though presented within broadly comedic shows, these scenes are unflinching portrayals of traumatised individuals. They resist relying on humour to break the tension. Jokes come before and after, but rarely during, true moments of horror and heartbreak.

The contrast provided by this approach may give audiences emotional whiplash, further emphasising the complex landscape of trauma.

Scholars from psychology and literature and humour studies have considered the ways in which humour might be restorative for both the artist and the audience.

Autofictional traumedies experiment with the potential and limits of comedic representations of trauma.

The ethics of traumedy and audience input

Martin told The Guardian strangers approach them on the street and ask “intimate questions”.

“They feel like they really know me. And the mad thing is they kind of do,” they said.

Social media were dominated by viewers noting their distress and tears while watching Baby Reindeer.

This distress could be a form of vicarious trauma, deep empathy or relatability. Creators of these works bear some responsibility for pre-empting and managing such audience reactions: Baby Reindeer provides viewers with content warnings and links to support services.

This collision of comedy and trauma is as complex in dark comedy clubs as it is on our home televisions. While comedians and viewers are not sharing a physical space such as a comedy club – which might have an urgency and a sense of not being able to escape for the audience – comedians are instead inside viewers’ homes.

While the television format allows audiences to consume traumatic stories at their own pace, many viewers have noted it still feels hard to look away or switch off. Indeed, many struggle to leave the comedians and their story after the screen goes dark – as the internet sleuths seeking Martha have demonstrated.

Where to from here?

Comedians are, by trade, good storytellers. By highlighting the comedy industry as a volatile and transformative setting Martin and Gadd use both real and televised stages as places of interrogation, confession and redemption.

During a self-destructive period in the second season of Feel Good, the Mae character asks their audience, “Do you want to talk about my personal despair?” The audience cheer in response.

Autofictional traumadies are sites of experimentation and we – writers, audiences and researchers alike – are learning as we go.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Real comedy, real trauma: how Baby Reindeer and Feel Good are forging a new television genre – https://theconversation.com/real-comedy-real-trauma-how-baby-reindeer-and-feel-good-are-forging-a-new-television-genre-228413

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

A new Commonwealth Prac Payment will provide students with $319.50 a week when they are on clinical and professional placements.

The payment will be means tested and start from July 1 next year, which will be after the next election. Those eligible will include people studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work. No cost for the measure was immediately available – the government said that would be in next week’s budget

The money is to help students who often have to give up work to undertake their placements and so are left out of pocket. The government’s Universities Accord report recommended the issue should be addressed, as did the Women’s Economic Equality Taskforce.

Education Minister Jason Clare at the weekend announced a rejig of the indexation arrangements for HELP and related student loans, which will benefit three million people, wiping out some $3 billion in debt.

As well as advancing the Accord agenda, the spending has an eye to the youth vote.

The government says the new Prac Payment will assist about 68,000 eligible higher education students and more than 5,000 VET students each year. The payment is benchmarked to the single Austudy rate.

The payment will be in addition to other income support a student might receive.

Placements are particularly a feature of feminised areas of study and work, and the government is also linking the measure to its gender equality strategy, Working for Women.

Clare said: “Placement poverty is a real thing. I have met students who told me they can afford to go to uni, but they can’t afford to do the prac.

“Some students say prac means they have to give up their part-time job, and that they don’t have the money to pay the bills.”

Minister for Skills and Training Brendan O’Connor said: “This is an additional payment to support nursing TAFE students who have extra costs such as uniforms, travel, temporary accommodation or child care, during mandatory clinical placements”.

BUDGET REVENUE UPGRADE WILL BE $25 BILLION

Tax receipt upgrades, excluding GST, in next week’s budget are set to be about $25 billion over the forward estimates. This is vastly less than the $129 billion average upgrade in the last three budgets.

These figures came from the government as Finance Minister Katy Gallagher repeatedly refused to say whether the budget would be contractionary.

She told the ABC it “will have a focus on inflation in the short term and growth in the long term over the forward estimates”.

While there will be a surplus this financial year, the government says the position for the following years is likely to be weaker compared with the budget update late last year. This is because of smaller revenue upgrades, spending pressures and government investment to drive growth.

The smaller upgrade is the result of weakness in the global economy, the slowing domestic economy, the labour market softening, and lower commodity prices.

The government plans to bank about 95% of the revenue upgrade in 2023-24, as part of its effort to contain inflation. But it indicates less will be banked in later years.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers said: “While our big focus in the near term remains easing inflation and helping relieve cost-of-living strains, it’s critical to also make room for urgent and unfunded priorities and invest in the future drivers of economic growth in the years ahead.

“That’s why the May budget will be carefully calibrated to the economic circumstances, striking the right balance between getting inflation under control, easing cost-of-living pressures, supporting sustainable growth and building fiscal buffers in an uncertain global environment.”

One significant cost in later years will be the government’s controversial Future Made in Australia program.

Gallagher said finding savings was harder in Labor’s third budget.

“I think we should be looking at […] not only the aggregate spending, but the quality and composition of that spending. There’s a lot of spending that we’re having to do for terminating programs or legacy issues that haven’t been funded or, you know, unavoidable spending.

“You will see some savings, you’ll see some reprioritisation with existing expenditure.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Students on social work, nursing and teaching placements to get weekly $319.50 means tested Prac Payment from July next year – https://theconversation.com/students-on-social-work-nursing-and-teaching-placements-to-get-weekly-319-50-means-tested-prac-payment-from-july-next-year-229356

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Norton, Professor in the Practice of Higher Education Policy, Australian National University

Every year on June 1, student debt in Australia is indexed to inflation. In 2023, high inflation pushed the indexation rate to 7.1%, the highest since 1990.

This year, if there is no policy change, student debt balances will be increased by 4.7%.

After sustained community pressure to change the way debts are indexed, the federal government has announced plans to help students, apprentices and trainees.

How will student debts change?

This announcement is part of the 2024 federal budget on May 14. It has two components.

First, indexation for student loans will be based on whichever is lower: the Consumer Price Index (CPI), which measures inflation, or the Wage Price Index (WPI), which measures hourly wage rates in the same job.

Second, in a surprise move, the government will backdate the new system to 2023. The government estimates about A$3 billion in indexation debt will be cancelled, helping about 3 million Australians.

The WPI was lower than the CPI in 2023, so the 2023 indexation rate would be cut retrospectively from 7.1% to 3.2%. Based on Australian Taxation Office data, a person with average debt levels in 2023 would see their debt cut by about $800.

The change will apply to higher education HELP loans, vocational education VET Student Loans and Australian Apprenticeship Support Loans. The Student Start-up Loan and a predecessor income support loan are also expected to be covered.

The changes will need to go through parliament.

Is this a good idea?

While several “lower of two indicators” indexation systems have been suggested, the idea of choosing the lower of the CPI or WPI comes from the Universities Accord final report. This was the government’s wide-ranging higher education policy review released in February.

The accord report argued a WPI cap

will ensure that the indexation of HELP debts no longer outstrips the growth in wages and the servicing capacity of debtors does not go backwards overall.

But while the government’s proposal will ease the financial pain of 2023 indexation, the WPI is not the best long-term alternative to the CPI.

It still leaves uncertainty about how high future indexation could go, including for June 1 2024.

The fine print

Student loan indexation uses a strange formula that includes CPI data from the two years prior to each March quarter. The government’s 3.2% figure for 2023 WPI indexation uses the same two-year indexation calculation as is currently used for the CPI.

The March quarter WPI data needed to calculate June 1 2024 indexation is not released until May 15. Until then, we do not have an exact WPI indexation rate for 2024. But if the WPI increases at a similar rate in the March 2024 quarter as it did in the second half of 2023, the WPI rate will be around 4.3%.

As 4.3% is lower than the CPI rate of 4.7%, the WPI rate would prevail under the government’s new policy.

A 4.3% WPI indexation would be more beneficial than the current system for those with student debt. But 4.3% would still be the highest indexation level since a GST-driven 5.3% in 2001 (after last year’s 7.1% is cut to 3.2%).

When would WPI lower indexation?

On top of these complexities, the WPI has only been lower than the CPI four times since 2000.

All four of those cases reflected unusual circumstances. Early this century, the then new 10% GST caused inflation to increase. Overseas conflicts and post-lockdown imbalances in demand and supply have triggered the current inflationary spike.

The WPI is likely to be below the CPI early in an inflationary period. Workers respond to inflation with demands for higher wages, but effects are delayed. Salaries and wages are typically revisited on set schedules, such as the annual minimum wage case, yearly employer pay reviews and multi-year enterprise agreements. These wage-setting practices create a time lag between the CPI and WPI.

But during periods of prolonged inflation, compensating wage increases plus real wage growth cause the WPI to catch up with and overtake the CPI.

This happened (by the smallest of margins) in the December 2023 quarter of this financial year. Compared with a year earlier, the WPI was up 4.2% and the CPI 4.1%.

The case for a maximum rate

As the government’s indexation policy moves through parliament, amendments could give borrowers more certainty. This includes the possibility of introducing a fixed maximum indexation rate to reduce the risk of student debt blowing out.

I have previously proposed indexation should be the lower of the CPI or 4%.

Any indexation system that uses the lower of two variable indexation rates runs the risk both will be high for significant periods of time. A maximum indexation rate does not.

People considering taking out a student loan, or estimating how long repaying their current loan will take, could be reassured indexation will never be more than 4% and will usually be less.

Welcome news but the bigger problem remains

Retrospective lowering of indexation will be welcome news for the 3 million Australians with student debt.

From a government perspective, their 2023 indexation revenue will still be above the 2.5% indexation average between 2000 and 2021. So in this way, it is a good compromise between competing considerations.

But the government’s fix for 2023 leaves students vulnerable to times when the CPI and the WPI are both high.

Replacing the WPI with a fixed maximum indexation rate would mean the goverment’s student loan indexation policy solves future problems as well as past ones.

Andrew Norton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The good news is the government plans to cancel $3 billion in student debt. The bad news is indexation will still be high – https://theconversation.com/the-good-news-is-the-government-plans-to-cancel-3-billion-in-student-debt-the-bad-news-is-indexation-will-still-be-high-229284

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Changes in the May 14 budget will cut the student debt of more than three million people, wiping more than $3 billion from what people owe.

The government will cap the HELP indexation rate to be the lower of either the Consumer Price Index (CPI) or the Wages Price Index (WPI), backdated from June 1 last year. At present the indexation is based on the CPI.

The new indexation arrangement will be backdated to all HELP, VET Student Loan, Australian Apprenticeship Support and other student support loan accounts operating on June 1 last year.

The government’s recent Universities Accord report pointed to the need for reform of the student debt arrangements, and recommended rejigging indexation, although it did not go as far as backdating.

The report said: “Australians should not be deterred from higher education because of the increased burden of student loans”.

People with these debts were hit hard by high inflation, with a jump in last year’s CPI indexation rate of 7.1%. The 2023 indexation rate based on the Wage Price Index would have been 3.2%

Someone with an average HELP debt of $26,5000 will have about $1,200 wiped from their outstanding HELP loans this year.

Some 525,302 Australians owe between $20,000 and $30,000.

The change will need legislation.

Education Minister Jason Clare said: “The Universities Accord recommended indexing HELP loans to whatever is lower out of CPI and WPI.

“We are doing this, and going further. We will backdate this reform to last year. This will wipe out what happened last year and make sure it never happens again.”

The Minister for Skills and Training Brendan O’Connor said: “This continues our work to ease cost of living pressures for more apprentices, trainees and students, and reduce and remove financial barriers to education and training.

“By backdating this reform to last year, we’re making sure that apprentices, trainees and students affected by last year’s jump in indexation get this important cost-of-living relief.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Albanese government to wipe $3 billion in student debt, benefitting three million people – https://theconversation.com/albanese-government-to-wipe-3-billion-in-student-debt-benefitting-three-million-people-229285

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicola Henry, Professor & Australian Research Council Future Fellow, Social and Global Studies Centre, RMIT University

Following an emergency meeting of the National Cabinet this week, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has announced a raft of measures to tackle the problem of gender-based violence.

Among these is a program to help women leave their abusive partners, an “age assurance” trial to prevent children accessing pornography and other age-inappropriate material, and a “counter-influencer” program to tackle extreme misogynistic online content.

The latter is a relatively new measure when it comes to curbing Australia’s gender-based violence problem. According to Albanese, it will:

specifically include a counter-influencing campaign in online spaces where violent and misogynistic content thrives, to directly challenge the material in the spaces it’s being viewed.

Research shows technology-facilitated abuse is both prevalent and pernicious. But what do we know about the specific impacts of being exposed to misogynistic content online? And is an online solution the best way to address the problem?

Attitudes and behaviours

According to the latest Personal Safety Survey:

• 1 in 4 Australian women have experienced violence by an intimate partner or family member since the age of 15, compared with 1 in 8 men
• 1 in 5 women have experienced sexual violence since the age of 15, compared with 1 in 16 men
• 1 in 5 women have experienced stalking since the age of 15, compared with 1 in 15 men.

These statistics, alongside the tragic deaths of too many women by their intimate partners or ex-partners, demonstrate that addressing men’s violence against women (as well as other at-risk groups) must be a national priority – and everyone’s responsibility.

The causes of gender-based violence are complex and multifaceted and experts recognise there is no one cause. A key driver is problematic attitudes, beliefs and norms. According to Our Watch, these include attitudes that condone violence against women, support for rigid gender roles, tolerance of disrespect and aggression towards women, and limitations placed on women’s economic freedom and decision-making.

In addition to attitudes, risk factors for gender-based violence may include adverse childhood experiences, previous exposure to family violence, alcohol or drug abuse, mental health issues, poverty and unemployment.

Exposure to online content

There’s long been debate about the impacts of watching pornography, especially violent pornography. Recent Australian research found the average age of first exposure to porn is 13.2 years for boys and 14.1 years for girls.

In the United Kingdom, researchers found 1 in 8 titles on mainstream porn sites “describe acts that would fall under the most widely used policy definition of sexual violence”. But they also acknowledge the impacts of porn on sexist attitudes and behaviours remains unclear.

Some experts warn against blaming porn and suggest we should cast a wider net when examining problematic societal attitudes towards sex, gender and bodies. Discussions have turned to other parts of the internet, and in particular to the “manosphere”.

One recent study focused on Australian schools found a resurgence in boys’ sexist behaviours towards women teachers and girl peers. The authors argue “manfluencers”, especially Andrew Tate, are the key drivers of this.

The Centre for Countering Digital Hate identified more than 100 TikTok accounts that were frequently promoting Tate’s content in 2022. These accounts had some 5.7 million followers and 250 million views. Some of the content included statements along the lines of “women should take some degree of responsibility for rape” and “virgins are the only acceptable thing to marry”.

After this week’s meeting, Minister for Social Services Amanda Rishworth said platforms have a role to play in countering the spread of harmful content:

They have a fundamental responsibility to step up and do more. The content that digital platforms service through algorithms and systems, particularly to young Australians, has an impact in reinforcing harmful and outdated gender norms.

But one major concern is platforms themselves are recommending this content to users. Algorithmic recommendation systems, such as YouTube’s “up next” feature and TikTok’s “for you” page, are integral to increasing engagement and maximising advertising revenue. Influencers such as Tate can generate millions of dollars in revenue from platforms. This may result in commercial interests being prioritised over responsibility and user safety.

We all have a role to play

Details about the government’s proposed counter-influencer program are yet to be revealed. Albanese said the campaign

[…] is intended to counter the corrosive influence of online content targeted at young adults that condones violence against women. It will raise awareness about a proliferation of misogynistic influencers and content, and encourage conversations within families about the damaging impact of the material.

There’s no quick fix to addressing the problem of gender-based violence, but respectful relationships education should be the priority. Our focus should be on implementing best-practice measures to prevent both online and offline violence from occurring in the first place.

Research shows school-based and university-based respectful relationship training can create lasting attitude and behavioural changes. Such training includes teaching people, especially men, to deal with romantic rejection.

One example is Victoria’s Respectful Relationships education program. This is a form of primary prevention that aims to embed cultures of respect and gender equality across schools.

Social media isn’t the cause of men’s violence against women. The manosphere and its extreme misogyny “didn’t manifest spontaneously”. It’s not new but a product of our society. It just happens there’s more visibility to these voices, which are now being amplified by technology.

It’s also not helpful to discuss the growth of Tate and his ilk without also considering the loneliness crisis, which young people – and particularly young men – face disproportionately.

To achieve change, we need to counter problematic attitudes and address gender inequality in everyday life.

We need better resources for parents and caregivers, and more research on the perpetrators and supporters of violence against women. Important discussions can start once we understand why young men with problematic attitudes became that way.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call 1800RESPECT on 1800 737 732 or visit the eSafety Commissioner’s website for helpful online safety resources. If in immediate danger, call 000.

Nicola Henry receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC), Google, and the Victorian Attorney General’s Office. She is also a member of the Australian eSafety Commissioner’s Expert Advisory Group.

Alice Witt has received funding from Google.

– ref. Figures like Andrew Tate may help spread misogyny. But they’re amplifying – not causing – the problem – https://theconversation.com/figures-like-andrew-tate-may-help-spread-misogyny-but-theyre-amplifying-not-causing-the-problem-229128

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Hall, Lecturer, Media & Cultural Studies, Edith Cowan University

A longstanding feud between TikTok and Universal Music Group seems to have finally reached an end, with both parties signing a deal that will see Universal-backed music returned to the social media platform.

Universal first removed its artists’ work from TikTok about three months ago, restricting access to tunes from household names such as Billie Eilish, Adele, Harry Styles, Drake, Kendrick Lamar, Kanye West and Post Malone.

Taylor Swift was initially included this group, but reinstated her offerings ahead of the release of The Tortured Poets Department. Unlike most artists signed with Universal, Swift struck a unique deal that lets her control where her music is played.

While the dust may have finally settled, the Universal music drought left millions of TikTok users with a less than optimal experience for months – and may have put up an unnecessary barrier for Universal’s smaller artists.

The events have also shone a light on just how codependent the music and social media industries are, and how important compromise will be moving forward.

The beef (and resolution) explained

The previous agreement that granted TikTok users access to Universal’s catalogue lasted until January 31, and was worth A$170 million per year for Universal (about 1% of its yearly revenue).

Talks to enter a new agreement reportedly turned hostile, leading to Universal pulling the plug.

In an open letter published on January 30 “to the artist and songwriter community”, Universal said it was concerned about “appropriate compensation” for artists and songwriters, and protecting artists from the harmful effects of AI, among other things.

Universal claimed:

As our negotiations continued, TikTok attempted to bully us into accepting a deal worth less than the previous deal, far less than fair market value and not reflective of their exponential growth.

Universal knows its music is a key part of TikTok users’ experience. It likely wanted a deal that reflected its market dominance, such as one linked to instances of use and a cut of advertising revenue, rather than a lump sum payment.

TikTok offered its own framing on the matter:

Despite Universal’s false narrative and rhetoric, the fact is they have chosen to walk away from the powerful support of a platform with well over a billion users that serves as a free promotional and discovery vehicle for their talent.

In a recent statement, the companies said the new deal would deliver improved pay terms for Universal’s artists – but stopped short of publicly providing any financial terms or dollar amounts. TikTok also said it would commit to removing unauthorised music generated by artificial intelligence, a growing concern for the music industry.

Music from Universal’s artists is expected to return to the platform in one to two weeks, with muted videos regaining their audio.

Universal’s upper hand

It’s not surprising Universal came out of negotiations with a better deal than it previously had. TikTok is famed for its dance and music-related content, and likely couldn’t afford to go on without access to Universal’s catalogue.

In early 2023, TikTok ran a “trial” restricting some users’ access to major-label music in Australia. The result was a drop in both users and activity.

Past court rulings also suggested the deck would be weighted in Universal’s favour. For instance, one ruling in Germany found that, under European Union regulations, TikTok was liable for unlicensed content appearing on its platform.

A continued boycott from Universal could have proven a nightmare for TikTok, since Universal is the biggest of the big three music publishers (alongside Warner and Sony). It also owns a glut of relatively smaller or “independent” labels, including Capitol, Def Jam, EMI, Island, Polydor and Virgin.

A co-dependant relationship

At the same time, it’s naive to suggest the only benefit Universal gets from TikTok using its music is through the revenue TikTok pays. This would ignore the vast influence TikTok also has on the music industry.

One TikTok trend from this year was inspired by a scene from the Oscar-nominated film Saltburn, where the protagonist dances to Sophie Ellis-Bextor’s 2001 hit Murder on the Dancefloor. Because of TikTok, a song only ever heard at your mate’s wedding temporarily became the epicentre of youth culture.

This is just one example of how TikTok can deliver wins for both parties. That’s not even considering how many Universal artists frequently use TikTok to engage with their fans.

Universal and TikTok win, so who lost?

Even if a deal had not been reached, it would be hard to see either Universal (which made A$17.5 billion in 2022) or TikTok (which made A$14.5 billion) as “victims” or “losers”.

It’s also fair to say Universal’s roughly three-month boycott didn’t hurt any of its headline artists. It was likely the smaller artists, who see close to nothing of the money TikTok pays Universal, would have suffered the most. Beyond that, it was TikTok users who paid the price.

One Rolling Stone article noted the case of Cody Fry, whose track Things You Said was going viral on Douyin (mainland China’s wing of TikTok). But just as he was planning to capitalise on the exposure, his music was pulled.

The same events, in different context, produce different narratives. Legacy artists such as Taylor Swift are “exploited” by TikTok, while emerging artists are “promoted”.

Both corporations have their own case (and money) to make in such squabbles, while the small fry get left behind. Yet the fact that Billboard now publishes a TikTok top 50 chart stands as evidence these two industries need each other.

If they care about listeners and budding talent, they ought to both bend a little to avoid another drought.

James Hall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Universal’s music is returning to TikTok, ending a spat that hurt fans more than anyone – https://theconversation.com/universals-music-is-returning-to-tiktok-ending-a-spat-that-hurt-fans-more-than-anyone-223324

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Siobhan O’Dean, Postdoctoral Research Associate, The Matilda Centre for Research in Mental Health and Substance Use, University of Sydney

After several highly publicised alleged murders of women in Australia, the Albanese government this week pledged more than A$925 million over five years to address men’s violence towards women. This includes up to $5,000 to support those escaping violent relationships.

However, to reduce and prevent gender-based and intimate partner violence we also need to address the root causes and contributors. These include alcohol and other drugs, trauma and mental health issues.

Why is this crucial?

The World Health Organization estimates 30% of women globally have experienced intimate partner violence, gender-based violence or both. In Australia, 27% of women have experienced intimate partner violence by a co-habiting partner; almost 40% of Australian children are exposed to domestic violence.

By gender-based violence we mean violence or intentionally harmful behaviour directed at someone due to their gender. But intimate partner violence specifically refers to violence and abuse occurring between current (or former) romantic partners. Domestic violence can extend beyond intimate partners, to include other family members.

These statistics highlight the urgent need to address not just the aftermath of such violence, but also its roots, including the experiences and behaviours of perpetrators.

What’s the link with mental health, trauma and drugs?

The relationships between mental illness, drug use, traumatic experiences and violence are complex.

When we look specifically at the link between mental illness and violence, most people with mental illness will not become violent. But there is evidence people with serious mental illness can be more likely to become violent.

The use of alcohol and other drugs also increases the risk of domestic violence, including intimate partner violence.

About one in three intimate partner violence incidents involve alcohol. These are more likely to result in physical injury and hospitalisation. The risk of perpetrating violence is even higher for people with mental ill health who are also using alcohol or other drugs.

It’s also important to consider traumatic experiences. Most people who experience trauma do not commit violent acts, but there are high rates of trauma among people who become violent.

For example, experiences of childhood trauma (such as witnessing physical abuse) can increase the risk of perpetrating domestic violence as an adult.

Early traumatic experiences can affect the brain and body’s stress response, leading to heightened fear and perception of threat, and difficulty regulating emotions. This can result in aggressive responses when faced with conflict or stress.

This response to stress increases the risk of alcohol and drug problems, developing PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder), and increases the risk of perpetrating intimate partner violence.

How can we address these overlapping issues?

We can reduce intimate partner violence by addressing these overlapping issues and tackling the root causes and contributors.

The early intervention and treatment of mental illness, trauma (including PTSD), and alcohol and other drug use, could help reduce violence. So extra investment for these are needed. We also need more investment to prevent mental health issues, and preventing alcohol and drug use disorders from developing in the first place.

Preventing trauma from occuring and supporting those exposed is crucial to end what can often become a vicious cycle of intergenerational trauma and violence.
Safe and supportive environments and relationships can protect children against mental health problems or further violence as they grow up and engage in their own intimate relationships.

We also need to acknowledge the widespread impact of trauma and its effects on mental health, drug use and violence. This needs to be integrated into policies and practices to reduce re-traumatising individuals.

How about programs for perpetrators?

Most existing standard intervention programs for perpetrators do not consider the links between trauma, mental health and perpetrating intimate partner violence. Such programs tend to have little or mixed effects on the behaviour of perpetrators.

But we could improve these programs with a coordinated approach including treating mental illness, drug use and trauma at the same time.

Such “multicomponent” programs show promise in meaningfully reducing violent behaviour. However, we need more rigorous and large-scale evaluations of how well they work.

What needs to happen next?

Supporting victim-survivors and improving interventions for perpetrators are both needed. However, intervening once violence has occurred is arguably too late.

We need to direct our efforts towards broader, holistic approaches to prevent and reduce intimate partner violence, including addressing the underlying contributors to violence we’ve outlined.

We also need to look more widely at preventing intimate partner violence and gendered violence.

We need developmentally appropriate education and skills-based programs for adolescents to prevent the emergence of unhealthy relationship patterns before they become established.

We also need to address the social determinants of health that contribute to violence. This includes improving access to affordable housing, employment opportunities and accessible health-care support and treatment options.

All these will be critical if we are to break the cycle of intimate partner violence and improve outcomes for victim-survivors.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14. In an emergency, call 000.

Steph Kershaw receives funding from the Australian government Department of Health and Aged Care

Lucinda Grummitt and Siobhan O’Dean do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. To tackle gendered violence, we also need to look at drugs, trauma and mental health – https://theconversation.com/to-tackle-gendered-violence-we-also-need-to-look-at-drugs-trauma-and-mental-health-229182

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard de Grijs, Professor of Astrophysics, Macquarie University

All systems are “go” for tonight’s launch of China’s next step in a carefully planned lunar exploration program. Placed on top of a powerful Long March 5 rocket, the Chang’e 6 mission is due to lift off from the Wenchang Space Launch Site on southern Hainan Island at 7:30pm AEST.

It aims to deliver several “firsts” in the increasingly crowded and competitive arena of Moon exploration.

Chang’e 6 will be only the second mission to land on the lunar far side, after Chang’e 4 successfully touched down first in 2019.

It’s the latest mission in China’s successful and long-running lunar exploration program, aimed at proving new technological advances with each mission. And this time, it’s also an inspiring feat of international collaboration.

What’s on the far side of the Moon?

The spacecraft was originally built as a backup for the previous mission – Chang’e 5 – which successfully brought back 1.73 kilograms of lunar regolith (soil) from the Moon’s near side in 2020.

However, the Chang’e 6 mission parameters are more ambitious and scientifically more highly anticipated. It is also a complicated mission. Its four separate spacecraft must work in close coordination to successfully return up to 2kg of regolith from the Moon’s far side.

From our vantage point on Earth, the Moon’s far side is never visible. The Earth-Moon system is tidally locked: even though both rotate, we always face the same half of the Moon.

When the Soviet Union’s Luna 3 probe returned the first images of the Moon’s far side in 1959, they showed a heavily cratered surface. It’s quite different from that of the familiar near side.

This pockmarked appearance, combined with samples returned by NASA’s Apollo missions, offered some support for the popular “Late Heavy Bombardment” theory. Although this theory is not universally accepted, its proponents suggest that large numbers of meteorites and asteroids may have impacted the Solar System’s rocky planets (and their moons) at an early stage of their formation.

Chang’e 6 aims to collect samples from the oldest lunar impact crater, the South Pole-Aitken basin. Many recent missions to the Moon have targeted the lunar south polar region. This was, in part, driven by the discovery of water ice in the area’s dark craters and its potential exploitation for future lunar bases.

With this imminent sample return, we are now getting tantalisingly close to learning what the lunar far side is made of and its age. It would provide more detail than ever before. This could help us really understand the early history of the Solar System and whether the Late Heavy Bombardment theory needs a rethink.

Science without borders

Any specimens retrieved will be shared with the international community for in-depth analysis, just like the Chang’e 5 samples and data from China’s other space science missions – including its recent high-resolution Moon atlas.

In the current era of increased geopolitical tensions, the Chang’e 6 mission is a rare example of constructive international collaboration. The probe carries instruments contributed by France, Italy, Pakistan and Sweden. The Swedish payload was developed with funding from the European Space Agency (ESA).

This may seem surprising given the current state of world affairs. But ESA and the Chinese Academy of Sciences share a history of joint space missions, although relations have withered somewhat in recent years.

A refreshing development

From a scientific perspective, Chang’e 6’s international engagement is a refreshing development. Scientists are driven by universal principles underpinning the scientific approach. We place great value on collaborative efforts, irrespective of one’s national origin. Science doesn’t know borders.

With space missions being just one example, Chinese scientists are rapidly gaining ground and increasingly leading global scientific achievements. Chinese prowess in science and technology has now reached levels that can no longer be ignored by international collaborators and competitors alike.

Yet real-world constraints in an increasingly geopolitically fraught environment do affect our work as scientists, influencing what can be shared between colleagues internationally, and must be factored into our practical decision making.

It’s important to strike a careful balance between protecting national interests and the free flow of ideas that may ultimately lead to scientific breakthroughs.

Not every scientific exchange reaches a level that warrants triggering national security or foreign interference alerts. To paraphrase the Australian government’s foreign relations policy, “collaborate where we can; exercise restraint where we must”. The Change’6 mission is an excellent example of this kind of productive international partnership.

Between 2010 and 2018, Richard held a senior academic appointment at Peking University. He continues to collaborate with Chinese scientists and students on astrophysics and space science-related projects.

– ref. China’s new Moon mission is about to launch, and it’s a rare example of countries working together – https://theconversation.com/chinas-new-moon-mission-is-about-to-launch-and-its-a-rare-example-of-countries-working-together-229122

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Political Historian and Administrator Officer, Australian Historical Association, Australian National University

Australia has had its fair share of public record-keeping controversies in recent years. Some have been mere farce, as in the case of two formerly government-owned filing cabinets (containing classified documents) sold at auction in Canberra in 2018.

The recent (and more grievous) failure of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to transfer 14 documents about Australia’s involvement in the 2003 Iraq War to the National Archives of Australia might also fit in this category.

Other cases have raised thorny questions about ownership and access to the contentious corners of our national past. Academic and author Jenny Hocking’s successful litigation to secure the release of former governor-general Sir John Kerr’s correspondence with Buckingham Palace has led to new interpretations of the 1975 dismissal of the Whitlam government. It also represents a significant victory against a transnational network of royal secrecy.

Big questions about record-keeping and ownership remain. How does Australia manage the records of its former political leaders? Who donates, collects, preserves and governs these repositories?

Our new research article examines Australia’s ad hoc, discretionary governance of politicians’ papers. These records matter, not just for researchers but also for the Australian public’s understanding of politics, past and future.

Who owns politicians’ papers?

In theory, records created by ministers in their executive capacity are Commonwealth property. This means they should be transferred to the National Archives of Australia when leaving office. In practice, political offices contain a bewildering mixture of Commonwealth and “personal records” (the latter encompassing nearly everything that is not part of their ministerial duties).

As they leave office, ministers and prime ministers have often gathered documents into boxes and departed with them. Some have used these records to furnish a tell-all memoir. In other cases, ministerial advisers have taken custody of their employer’s records in the interim, storing them until a more permanent home could be arranged.

Before the 1980s, the National Library of Australia and the fledgling Commonwealth Archives office competed for control of politicians’ papers. Relations between the institutions “were often frosty”. Wily politicians such as former prime minister Billy McMahon knew how to extract from that situation maximum personal control over their records.

In 1983, a new Archives Act provided for the Australian Archives (later National Archives of Australia) to ensure the “proper management” of and “public access to” Commonwealth records. The act, alongside the Freedom of Information Act, was intended to ensure greater transparency in public administration.

The rise of prime ministerial libraries changed the landscape again. Since the 1990s, these have been established in collaboration with Australian universities in honour of Alfred Deakin, John Curtin, Robert Menzies, Gough Whitlam, Malcolm Fraser, Bob Hawke and John Howard. (Not all contain original papers of the relevant prime minister.)

Some have welcomed these institutions and their valuable contributions to record-keeping in the “public interest”. Others have criticised what can seem an avowedly American influence on Australian political culture.

Consulting the political past

Ownership of political records is one thing, accessibility another entirely. While all of the institutions that house political records have vast record-keeping expertise, problems with acquisition and transparency remain.

Notwithstanding the legal requirement to deposit official material with the archives, politicians don’t always make for punctual depositors. In October 2018, for example, the archives advised a Senate committee that former prime ministers Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull had not yet deposited their official diaries with the archives.

Delaying deposit makes records more vulnerable to accidental destruction. Former prime minister Paul Keating reportedly lost “the Australian equivalent of a presidential library” when a fire damaged his storage container in Sydney in 2003.

The story is even more complex for personal papers. Discretionary instruments of deposit govern these personal records. Individuals can impose long closure periods or stipulate extra caveats on access.

In theory, these restrictions can’t apply to official records. However, our inquiries show personal and official papers are often inextricably mixed. This could lead to these extra restrictions being imposed on official records.

Those restrictions can sometimes be formidable. An FOI request revealed Fraser sent his personal papers to the Australian Archives in 1983 on the condition that he or his wife would determine access. After their death “access may be granted to serious students of history [who have] an established professional standing and reputation”.

Ironically, it was Fraser himself who removed those papers 20 years later. He sent them to an eponymous centre at the University of Melbourne for greater accessibility, winning something of a “coup” against the archives in the process.

Institutional priorities also matter. The “records of former governors-general and prime ministers” are the archives’ first acquisition priorities for personal papers. This inherently favours an “official” view of the political past and deprioritises the women, Indigenous, independent and minor-party MPs.

Prime ministerial libraries have been a blessing for many researchers. These are smaller and often more responsive institutions staffed by some of the best archivists, embedded in the intellectual life of their respective communities.

But problems can sometimes emerge when researchers imagine they are dealing with a complete body of records, not realising the archives, usually, still retain the official documents that complement the personal collections. Further, prime ministerial centres can feed a perception of politics in which individual leadership matters above all else, and larger systems and processes are of secondary importance.

Where to from here?

Clearly, records that are truly personal must be treated as such. But so much of the primary record of Australia’s political history has been managed in an ad hoc, discretionary way. What steps might be taken to protect the Australian public’s right to know its own past?

First, the Archives Act could be amended to strengthen Commonwealth ownership of materials created in and received by ministerial offices. This should include documents created by political staffers. Currently, advisers are restrained from destroying official documents. It is unclear, though, how many documents escape the official departmental document registration systems.

Second, we need greater transparency around the instruments of deposit and access restrictions that govern personal collections. It is one thing to protect a document, but another thing entirely to conceal its existence.

Finally, the Archives Act would benefit from amendments that would prevent unreasonable access restrictions on political records, even if they are contained in personal collections.

These institutions are tasked with preserving Australia’s collective memory. Excessive restrictions make life harder for researchers and archivists alike. They are also fundamentally undemocratic.

Dr Joshua Black holds a Palace Letters Fellowship with the Whitlam Institute at Western Sydney University.

Daniel Casey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Access to documents about Australia’s political history is fraught and inadequate. It needs to change – https://theconversation.com/access-to-documents-about-australias-political-history-is-fraught-and-inadequate-it-needs-to-change-228290

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Waller, Associate Professor, University of Technology Sydney

Domestic violence is a significant personal, community and social issue attracting much attention.

After several recent horrific cases, media discussion, calls for a royal commission to end the violence and public rallies, Australia is saying “enough is enough”.

Domestic violence can be fatal and repercussions can last for years. Yet domestic violence is one of the most under-reported crimes locally and internationally, and the least likely to end in conviction.

Violence against women takes a profound and long-term toll on women’s health, wellbeing and their economic security, and negatively impacts families, communities and society at large.

Using marketing campaigns to tackle the issue

Over the past 40 years, government bodies and community organisations have attempted to tackle this problem through social marketing campaigns worldwide.

These campaigns aim to raise awareness of the issue and ultimately prevent domestic violence.

Some have received coveted awards, such as the Salvation Army South Africa campaign “Why is it so hard to see black and blue”. But others have been criticised and even banned for their violent images, like the UK Women’s Aid campaign “The Cut” featuring actress Keira Knightley, which showed violent physical abuse.

‘Stop it at the Start’ – a campaign for respect

In April 2016, the Australian government launched a national campaign “Stop it at the Start”.

This prevention campaign was jointly funded by all state and territory governments to reduce violence against women and children.

It aimed to help break the cycle of violence by encouraging adults to reflect on their attitudes and have conversations about respect with young people, addressing how violence against women starts with disrespect.

One part of the campaign encouraged community members to “unmute yourself” – to stand up to disrespectful behaviours and support those who are experiencing abuse.

The campaign’s latest phase centres on the notion of “bring up respect”, which encourages parents and other influencers of young people to positively role model and create education around respectful behaviour.

How effective are these campaigns for preventing violence?

Since “Stop it at the Start” was a prevention campaign, we examined ABS data to understand its impact in preventing domestic violence.

Reports released in 2012, 2016 and 2021 showed the number of women who had experienced physical and/or sexual violence by a cohabiting partner since age 15 increased from 5% (467,300) to 23% (2.3 million) during this period.

We also examined the average word search of “domestic violence” using data obtained from Google Trends, which showed an overall increase in average search interest by 29.1% from 2012 to 2022.

This may indicate an increased awareness of domestic violence in the broader population. However, the increasing number of reported cases during the same time period suggests domestic violence campaigns, on their own, may be ineffective in reducing or preventing violence against women, although they may help increase awareness of the problem.

How effective are past campaigns?

This raises an important question of how campaigns send a message to prevent gendered violence.

To assess this, we searched various platforms such as YouTube and AdsoftheWorld and industry media, including 120 print and 25 video advertisements on YouTube. We were interested in understanding who the perceived target audience of the advertising was and its messaging.

In reviewing the advertisements, we found older examples showed a higher degree of violence by perpetrators, sometimes extremely graphic.

This type of “shock advertising” aims to get the viewer’s attention.

Shock advertising has been used in public health and safety campaigns for many years to scare people about HIV/AIDS prevention, for example.

However, research has found the use of violence in shock advertising overpowers key messages and audiences can become desensitised.

More recent campaigns appear to have moved away from shock messages to try to send the message to the broader community.

Our research team reviewed the advertising messages and created a perceptual mind map based on the (1) target of the message (perpetrator or community) and (2) the degree of violence (non-violent or graphic).

Positioning of domestic violence advertising images

We observed messaging change depending on the target audience – shocking for awareness/understanding of the issue to the perpetrator, and educating the issue/supporting the survivor to the community.

However, we identified a major gap in the messaging – the survivor.

Targeting victims and survivors

There appears to be movement from violent, shock advertisements to campaigns aimed at the community to support victim-survivors.

But few campaigns have identified the strength and empowerment needed for survivors to take action, although the NSW government’s recent campaign “it’s not love, it’s coercive control” is a start.

Domestic violence is a complex problem and more work is needed to prevent violence. In doing the same thing over and over in campaigns, there is a risk of “outsourcing” this important preventative work to future generations, as others have recently argued.

We need to also focus on more immediate actions to prevent violence in the short-term.

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call 1800RESPECT on 1800 737 732. In immediate danger, call 000.

This work was undertaken as part of a UTS Social Impact Grant to assist a DV organisation.

Sonika Singh volunteers for Survivor Vision Australia.
This work was undertaken as part of a UTS Social Impact Grant to assist a DV organisation.

– ref. How effective are domestic violence advertising campaigns for preventing violence against women? – https://theconversation.com/how-effective-are-domestic-violence-advertising-campaigns-for-preventing-violence-against-women-228900