Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerry H. Robinson, Distinguished Professor in Sociology, School of Social Sciences, Western Sydney University

Unwanted sexual attention and behaviour are a persistent problem in many workplace cultures. But the workplace sexual harassment of LGBTQ employees is often overlooked.

Sexual harassment is generally understood through heterosexuality, in which male bosses target female employees with unwanted sexualised behaviours. This perspective of workplace sexual harassment has been enshrined in film, from 1980’s 9 to 5 to 2019’s Bombshell.

Broad population studies show LGBTQ people experience sexual harassment in the workplace and at education and training institutions at disproportionately higher rates than heterosexual women.

But there is limited understanding of how LGBTQ young people experience workplace sexual harassment. We conducted a landmark study funded by ANROWS of more than 1,000 LGBTQ young people aged between 14 and 30. We found more than three quarters had experienced sexual harassment at work.

Alarming statistics

Our study shows 77% of LGBTQ young people have experienced workplace sexual harassment. This sexual harassment occurred across all employment sectors.

The most common sectors were:

• accommodation and food services

• retail trade

• administration and support services

• financial and insurance services.

Sexual harassment was primarily perpetrated by men, typically older than those they harassed, and who acted alone.

Co-workers at the same employment level perpetrated 46% of this behaviour. Clients or customers of the workplace were the perpetrators in 31% of cases.

Threats to ‘fix’ through sexual violence

Many LGBTQ young people were targeted for their gender or sexual diversity.

Common forms of harassment included unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit comments, intrusive questions about identities, bodies, and sex lives, and unwelcome sexual jokes about being LGBTQ.

Disturbingly, threats to use sexual violence to “fix” young people’s gender and sexuality diversity were reported by 30% of those who experienced workplace sexual harassment. These threats were more common for young women and trans masculine young people. Trans masculine refers to those presumed female at birth and whose gender identity or expression is masculine.

A higher proportion of trans young people (80%) experienced workplace sexual harassment than their cisgender peers (74%).

LGBTQ young people were often uncertain if their workplace sexual harassment experiences were, in fact, sexual harassment. This was due to stereotypes of workplace sexual harassment as a heterosexual woman’s experience.

Unawareness and lack of understanding of how sexual harassment intersects with homophobia, biphobia and transphobia contributed to this uncertainty. This lack of awareness and understanding also prevailed among co-workers and workplace managers.

Harassment compounded by age and disability

The younger a person was, the more likely they were to have been sexually harassed at work. Young people have less experience in workplace relations and are often employed in casual and low-paid positions with limited job security.

They often believe they have little choice but to tolerate workplace sexual harassment. This is due to concerns about employer expectations and fears of losing their jobs and tips.

LGBTQ young people with more than one marginalised identity were more vulnerable to workplace sexual harassment.

Among LGBTQ young people with a disability, 83% reported experiencing workplace sexual harassment. This was significantly higher than those without a disability.

In our study, a 15-year-old sexuality-diverse survey participant reported:

Jokes were often made that because I had mobility issues, my old co-worker could do whatever if they took my walking stick away, and I wouldn’t be able to do anything.

Stereotypes related to LGBTQ young people’s ethnicity also contributed to the type of workplace sexual harassment they experienced. In our study, Amanda was viewed by her perpetrator as “a small Asian girl” and subjected to stereotypes that he could “be creepy towards her, and she’ll be submissive because that’s what they’re all like”.

Cultures that discourage reporting

Sexual harassment of LGBTQ young people especially occurs in workplaces in which homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are tolerated without intervention.

These workplaces generally failed to actively implement measures to address or prevent workplace sexual harassment. Environments that normalise prejudice, discrimination and harassment discourage reporting these incidents.

In our study, Blair reported witnessing homophobia and experiencing biphobia in their office workplace. Lesbian coworkers were told:

Well, you just haven’t been with the right man.

And Blair, who identified as bisexual, was told:

Just choose […] you either like girls or you like guys […] you can’t have it all.

Notably, 75% of LGBTQ young people did not report the sexual harassment they experienced at work. Most LGBTQ young people who did report were dissatisfied with the process and outcomes.

Workplace sexual harassment reporting pathways were generally viewed as unsafe, unsupportive and lacking in confidentiality. They also failed to enforce consequences for perpetrators of the behaviour.

Doing serious harm

Workplace sexual harassment had serious mental health, wellbeing, career and financial impacts on LGBTQ young people.

For 80% of those surveyed, workplace sexual harassment negatively affected their mental health. As a result of this harassment, 42% experienced negative feelings about their LGBTQ identities.

More than half of young people reported that workplace sexual harassment was harmful to their careers.

22% reported financial consequences, including a cut in shifts, being fired and choosing to leave their jobs because staying was unsafe.

What can be done?

Employers must take a positive and proactive approach to workplace sexual harassment and adhere to relevant legislation.

They also need to deal more effectively with discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, disability and age. Workplace sexual harassment prevention policies, training and strategies for change need to include LGBTQ young people’s experiences to ensure their specific circumstances are addressed.

These policies, training and strategies need to discuss how homophobia, biphobia and transphobia influence workplace sexual harassment of LGBTQ young people.

Confidential, supportive reporting pathways sensitive to LGBTQ young people’s needs are crucial. These are all positive steps to making workplaces safer, more inclusive and supportive for LGBTQ young people. They are also positive steps for all employees.

Kerry H. Robinson received funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS).
Kerry H. Robinson has received funding through Australian Research Council grants.
Kerry H. Robinson is a member of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

Cristyn Davies receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS), the Australian Research Council, and the Medical Research Future Fund. Dr Davies reports voluntarily being President of the Australian Association for Adolescent Health; co-chair of the Human Rights Council of Australia; co-chair of the Child and Youth Special Interest Group for the Public Health Association of Australia; an ambassador to Twenty10 Incorporating the Gay and Lesbian Counselling Service of New South Wales; and co-chair of the research committee for the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health. Dr Davies is a member of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

Emma F Jackson and Kimberley Allison do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. New research: 77% of LGBTQ young people have faced workplace sexual harassment – https://theconversation.com/new-research-77-of-lgbtq-young-people-have-faced-workplace-sexual-harassment-244735

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marcelo Rodriguez Ferrere, Associate Professor of Law, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Claims of “judicial activism” are nothing new. Ever since the term was coined by US historian Arthur Schlesinger in 1947, it has been regularly invoked in the United States to describe judges perceived to be going beyond their constitutional role.

In the United Kingdom, the Daily Mail took it a step further in 2018 and labelled three judges “Enemies of the People” in a headline about the legal complexities of Brexit.

In New Zealand, the term seems to have first appeared in the early 1980s and has cropped up fairly regularly ever since to describe judges who have allegedly strayed beyond their responsibilities to interpret and apply the law.

Critics argue such “activist” judges are usurping the sovereignty of parliament as the only lawmaker in our constitutional system. But more recently the rhetoric has been taken up a notch.

Claims of radicalism

This year, Minister of Regional Development Shane Jones described one judge as a “communist” (Jones said the comment was taken out of context), and said some recent judicial decisions were “beginning to show elements of totalitarianism”.

Others have argued for legislative change. Lawyer Gary Judd KC has called on parliament to “assert its constitutional sovereignty to counter a campaign of judicial activism, starting with preventing tikanga Māori from becoming a compulsory subject for law students”.

ACT Party leader David Seymour has justified the Treaty Principles Bill as necessary because “activist judges and bureaucrats” had “twisted the meaning of our founding document to give different groups of people different rights”.

But perhaps the most thorough and extensively researched claim of judicial activism comes from the New Zealand Initiative think tank. In its recently released report, Who Makes the Law? Reining in the Supreme Court, author Roger Partridge argues that:

in recent cases, the Supreme Court has been actively stepping out of its lane, blurring the traditional separation between the roles of judges and Parliament. This shift represents a significant departure from the Court’s proper constitutional function.

Specifically, the report argues, the Supreme Court has begun “stretching or even ignoring statutory language” and taking a “radical new approach” to the common law (that is, the law built over time from judicial decisions, rather than acts of parliament).

The report makes several recommendations for reform, including amending legislation to restrict the way courts can engage in their interpretative role. It also suggests reforming the judicial appointments process so that future candidates must
commit to a list of what the report deems “orthodox judicial constitutional principles”.

Without such reform, the report argues, “we will see an ongoing erosion of the foundations of our legal system”.

Parliament remains supreme

But not everyone agrees the Supreme Court has taken a “radical new approach”. As the legal scholar Paul McHugh argued in 2008, jurisprudence (case law) surrounding the principles of the te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi has been “cautious and conservative”.

Taking that line, then, it can be argued more recent development of jurisprudence simply builds on that conservative tradition of the common law. Chief Justice Helen Winkelmann has described this process as “picking up the threads”, which simultaneously brings

stability through the doctrine of precedent, while also allowing for the injection of new ideas and for the creation of new responses as required.

Parliament is the supreme lawmaker in our constitutional system. But, by weaving these “threads” of common law, judges also act as lawmakers alongside parliament. Unlike parliament, however, they are constrained by the need to follow precedent (only departing from it when justified).

This is why any development of the common law is necessarily cautious, slow and incremental. Given this structural conservatism, there is some irony that claims of judicial activism come largely from conservative voices.

The suggestion the courts are a hotbed of radical activism also brings to mind the observation of former US Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy:

An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don’t like.

Politicising the courts

If recent Supreme Court decisions contain new approaches and ideas, they are still part of the same common law system that allowed a former chief justice to declare in 1877 that the Treaty of Waitangi was “worthless” and a “simple nullity”.

Or, to take another example, the system that allowed a judge of the Court of Appeal to opine in 1997 that the inability of same-sex couples to marry did not amount to discrimination.

Cries of judicial activism did not follow those decisions. They were not described as political statements. Indeed, in the case of same-sex marriage, parliament eventually disagreed and changed the law in 2013.

Parliament remains supreme. It can simply amend legislation in response to Supreme Court judgements it doesn’t like. That is entirely appropriate, and an instance of what is termed “dialogue” between two branches of government.

There is nothing wrong with disagreeing with decisions of the Supreme Court (I have built a career out of it). But it’s another thing to argue the court should not have the capacity to make those decisions in the first place.

To legislate against that capacity would undermine the constitutional foundation of an independent judiciary by risking its politicisation. That would be far more radical than the Supreme Court and the inherently conservative common law.

Marcelo Rodriguez Ferrere does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is ‘judicial activism’ skewing Treaty law – or are court critics the real radicals? – https://theconversation.com/is-judicial-activism-skewing-treaty-law-or-are-court-critics-the-real-radicals-244926

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kyllie Cripps, Director Monash Indigenous Studies Centre, CI ARC Centre of Excellence for the Elimination of Violence against Women (CEVAW), School of Philosophical, Historical & International Studies (SOPHIS), School of Social Sciences (SOSS), Faculty of Arts, Monash University

Recently, a landmark coronial inquiry into the deaths of four Indigenous women from domestic and family violence in the Northern Territory released its findings after a year-long investigation.

The coroner aimed to understand the systemic responses to an “epidemic of violence that is our national shame”, to then propose improvements to prevent future deaths.

This is not the first inquiry of its kind in the NT. This raises questions of what will be different this time and what actions will be taken.

Simultaneously, the government released its response to the Senate Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous women and children. Mentioned quietly amid a flurry of end-of-year bills, it said little of substance that will help save Indigenous women’s lives.

In a year when domestic and family violence has often been at the centre of public discussion, there’s still a lack of political appetite to help Indigenous women.

Coronial constraints

Judge Elisabeth Armitage delivered 35 recommendations to guide efforts in preventing future deaths from domestic violence in the NT. These were all informed by evidence presented during the inquiry.

However, while these recommendations will be submitted to the attorney-general and relevant agencies under the Coroner’s Act, there’s nothing to guarantee they’ll be implemented.

The agencies must report back to the coroner within three months on their response to the recommendations. But as with all coronial inquests, whether or not they’re enacted is up to the government.

Understanding the limitations of the Coroner’s Act is crucial. There have been myriad previous recommendations in the NT and across the country that have seen inconsistent follow-through and a lack of accountability in tracking their effectiveness in preventing deaths over time.

Anticipating this outcome, Armitage announced she would conduct a second major inquiry into domestic, family and sexual violence in August 2025. It will investigate eight deaths, allegedly related to domestic violence, since June 2024 in the NT. It will further be an opportunity, she said, to assess progress in implementing her recommendations from this inquest.

No new action

At the same time, the federal government responded to the murdered and missing Indigenous women and children senate inquiry. It “noted” the recommendations.

It was a disappointing re-announcement of a commitment of $4.4 billion in “new” funding to gender-based violence. This was previously announced in response to a rapid review that included $3.9 billion to support frontline legal assistance services.

The latter has already been widely critiqued as not being “new” funding but anticipated expenditure to maintain existing services.

They also reiterated that they released the first ever Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan to support the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children. The action plan also included a $194 million investment.

An inaugural National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Family Safety Plan also has government support. To be launched in 2025, it would be informed by the work of the Senate inquiry.

Amid all this, there is nothing mentioned about any new funding commitments for Indigenous women and children in response to the inquiry.

Indeed, Greens Senator Dorinda Cox, who helped to establish the inquiry, expressed disappointment that the government has only addressed two of the ten recommendations.

With 12 Indigenous women having lost their lives to violence nationally between June and early November 2024, the pressing question remains: where is the national outrage? Moreover, where is the action?

Sceptism instead of support

Despite there being ready engagement and attention to domestic violence deaths generally by the Australian public, the deaths of Indigenous women are rarely seen in the national headlines.

The profound impact of death on families and communities is also unseen. Some communities suffer more than others.

Although some may grow weary of this issue, we can’t look away. The statistics reveal Indigenous women are seven times more likely than non-Indigenous women to be killed by a violent partner.

The ramifications of these deaths extend beyond loss of life. They affect children, leading to further systemic failures that have historically let down Indigenous women.

As families are left to cope with their loss, they often receive minimal support for their specific needs. In their grief, they typically form support groups with others who have faced similar tragedies, while navigating police and court systems.

Often, these systems didn’t protect their loved ones.

While victim services for those who have lost a loved one to murder exist, their support is limited and they are not culturally grounded to Indigenous communities. This can force families to seek help from nonspecialist services or forgo assistance altogether.

Our research highlights that the systems designed to protect vulnerable people respond inadequately to Indigenous women. Cripps (one of the authors of this piece) reviewed the cases of 151 Indigenous women lost to intimate partner violence. Through coronial data she found, like Judge Armitage, that many of these deaths are entirely preventable.

Soon to be released research by Longbottom (also an author of this piece) identified multiple systemic failures that contribute to reduced support, which in turn puts the lives of Indigenous women at increased risk. These include lack of training, inconsistent application of domestic violence guidelines and delayed service responses.

Significant delays from emergency personnel compound the issue further. Responses to calls for help are incorrectly downgraded to welfare checks, even when an active protection order exists.

During the NT inquiry, it was revealed that police records frequently included notations suggesting a woman “may make false allegations”. Armitage highlighted that such remarks not only undermine the credibility of the victims, but also adversely affect the urgency and effectiveness of subsequent police responses.

This pattern of behaviour reflects a broader issue within the system that often prioritises scepticism over immediate support for women in risky and vulnerable situations.

Follow the evidence

Our research highlights the importance of Indigenous communities leading response development. Families’ stories enhance these responses, while Indigenous experts provide supporting evidence, and services ensure effective operational support.

Carceral measures, such as increased policing, are ineffective. This underscores the need for a place-based, culturally grounded approach that connects with Indigenous communities, not punishes them.

Aligning with the NT coroner’s findings, our research emphasises the urgent need for systemic reform.

However, we believe the coroner’s recommendations, along with those from the Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous women, do not sufficiently address the existing issues. Governments often can and do selectively choose the recommendations they are going to implement, despite evidence to do otherwise.

Read more:
Indigenous women are most affected by domestic violence but have struggled to be heard. It’s time we listened

Responding to domestic and family is complex. Preventing deaths demands sustainable, evidence-based reforms that are both accountable and adaptable to local situations.

These reforms must be shaped by the voices of those with direct experience, ensuring their insights guide policies and interventions. It’s crucial that systems are open to scrutiny and feedback, continuously evolving to meet the needs of those affected.

Everyone has a responsibility to act. Our women’s lives are at stake and we must commit to creating a society where they are protected and valued. Inaction is not an option.

Kyllie Cripps’ research is supported by funding from the Australian Research Council, Centre for Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW).

Marlene Longbottom is a DAATSIA Fellow funded by the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Indigenous women are dying violent, preventable deaths. Endless inquiries won’t help unless we act – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-women-are-dying-violent-preventable-deaths-endless-inquiries-wont-help-unless-we-act-244815

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeannie Marie Paterson, Professor of Law, The University of Melbourne

Have you ever spotted what looked like a great deal on a website, added it to your “basket” and proceeded to checkout – only to find extra fees added on at the last minute?

It’s frustratingly common when making airline, hotel and many other kinds of bookings to see an advertised price get ratcheted up at checkout with additional fees – perhaps “shipping insurance”, “resort fees” or just “taxes”.

The practice is known as “drip pricing” and it can distort consumer decision-making and affect competition. Nonetheless, there is no specific ban on this conduct in Australia.

Some companies have, however, effectively been prosecuted for it under the Australian Consumer Law, which contains some strict rules about misleading consumers through advertising.

Many of us have already begun booking flights, hotels and more as we head into the summer holiday season. Here’s what the law says about companies changing prices in the lead-up to checkout, and how you can protect yourself as a consumer.

Read more:
Why prices are so high – 8 ways retail pricing algorithms gouge consumers

What’s wrong with drip pricing?

The tactic that underpins drip pricing is to draw a customer in with an attractive “headline” price but then add in other fees as the customer approaches the checkout.

It’s reasonable to ask whether there’s anything wrong with this practice: after all, the customer still sees the final price at checkout. Why might that be seen as misleading conduct under Australian Consumer Law?

The reasons lie in views about consumer buying behaviour and the nature of the statutory prohibition.

Typically, the closer a consumer gets to a sale, the less likely they are to pull out or even fully notice any additional fees.

They may then end up paying more than they intended and also have lost the opportunity to deal with other suppliers of the same product at a better price.

In the relevant section of Australian Consumer Law, there’s no requirement of an intention to mislead. It’s also not necessarily relevant that the true pricing situation is eventually revealed to the consumer or that it’s in the “fine print”.

Thus, in the eyes of the law, it can be enough that consumers were enticed by an attractive headline price.

Price surprises

This legal position is well illustrated by a case settled by the High Court in 2013, after the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) took on telecom provider TPG Internet in 2010, alleging misleading conduct.

In this case, TPG had been advertising broadband internet services for $29.99 per month.

But on reading the fine print, you’d have discovered this deal was only available with a landline service costing an additional $30 per month.

The case moved up through Australia’s court system, but ultimately, the High Court majority held that the telco had engaged in misleading conduct.

The High Court recognised that the very point of advertising is to draw consumers into “the marketing web”. It is therefore not enough to disclose the true (higher) price only at the point the transaction is concluded.

TPG was fined $2 million in this case. Since then, the maximum penalties have increased, now the higher of:

• $50 million
• three times the value obtained from the contravention, or
  (if the benefit can not be determined)
• 30% of the business’s adjusted turnover during the breach period.

Dynamic pricing

Other pricing complaints have been in the news recently, including concerns about point-of-sale dynamic pricing.

Basically, this means using an algorithm that adjusts ticket prices in response to demand, as consumers wait in a virtual purchasing queue.

Recent media reporting has centred on concerns about the use of point-of-sale dynamic pricing in the events ticketing industry.

A form of dynamic pricing is used by hotels and airlines. They increase prices seasonally and according to demand. But these “dynamic” prices are clearly visible to consumers as they start looking for a deal. Some bodies even publish helpful tables of likely prices at different times.

The kind of dynamic pricing that happens at the very point consumers are waiting to buy is very different and arguably creates an “unfair surprise”.

Whether these kinds of practices also fall within the category of misleading conduct remains to be seen.

But it is arguable that consumers could reasonably expect the real-time movement of prices to be disclosed upfront.

Earlier this year, the government announced plans to address both drip pricing and dynamic pricing as part of a broader ban on unfair trading practices.

Read more:
Albanese government promises to ban ‘dodgy’ trading practices

What can consumers do?

While all this law reform and litigation is playing out, here are some things you can do to avoid pricing shock.

1. Slow down. One of the strategies that online markets often rely on is “scarcity signalling” – those clocks or numbers you see counting down as you move through a website.

The very purpose of these is to make a consumer rush – which can mean failing to notice those additional fees that may make the buy not a good deal.

2. Take screen shots as you progress. Remember what it is you thought you were getting. Doing this also provides a basis for lodging a complaint if the headline and actual price don’t match up.

3. Check. Take a close look at the final bill before pressing pay.

4. Report. Tell your local Fair Trading Office or the ACCC if the advertised deal and the final price don’t meet up.

A recent action taken by the ACCC against Woolworths and Coles alleging “illusory” discounts was launched because of consumer tip-offs.

Jeannie Marie Paterson has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council and undertaken research for ASIC.

– ref. Booking a summer holiday deal? Beware ‘drip pricing’ and other tactics to make you pay more than you planned – https://theconversation.com/booking-a-summer-holiday-deal-beware-drip-pricing-and-other-tactics-to-make-you-pay-more-than-you-planned-244825

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chari Larsson, Senior Lecturer of Art History, Griffith University

QAGOMA’s Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art opened over the weekend with a flurry of artist talks, panel discussions and performances.

With more than 70 artists and artistic projects from Australia, the Pacific and Asia, the triennial is a warm celebration of the diversity of the region’s artistic practices.

Unlike thematically organised exhibitions, the triennial’s curatorial focus has remained remarkably consistent since its inception in 1993. Its focus has always been surveying the most exciting and original art of our region.

One of the risks of this strategy is the challenge of remaining fresh and innovative. The solution to this is twofold.

First, the decision in the 1990s not to appoint a freelance artistic director resulted in the opportunity to develop the authority of knowledge in-house.

Now led by Tarun Nagesh, the curatorial team wields a formidable depth of expertise. This is further strengthened with curatorial partnerships in countries throughout the region. As a result, the connections with individual practitioners demonstrate an authenticity that can often go awry in large-scale exhibitions.

Second, the triennial has never been isolated from broader social and political conversations. As a result, this year sees key concerns emerge such as labour migration, resource extraction, and expressions of home and community.

Untold stories

Consider, for example, Sancintya Mohini Simpson’s extraordinary nine panel painting kūlī / khulā (2024).

Extending horizontally across the gallery walls, the delicate handmade wasli paper depicts miniature figures in a landscape.

Simpson is simultaneously entering into a long history of miniature painting, as well as investigating gaps in the historical archive of the practice of indentured labour and forced migration.

Simpson’s research is deeply personal and investigates intergenerational trauma. She is a descendant of bonded labourers sent from South India to South Africa to work on colonial sugar plantations in the late 1800s and early 1900s.

Simpson is focused on giving visibility to the women’s histories: their labour, lives and relationships.

Tully Arnot’s ceramic birds are easily overlooked. Mischievously installed in unexpected spaces, the birds are perched on sticks, twittering and contributing to the ambient soundscape.

There is a darker side to Arnot’s Bird Song (2024): the tweets are drawn from data and translated into sound through electronics and pumps. The work is a mediation on mass extinction.

She asks: will the artificial be the last mode of interaction with animals?

Local communities

One highly engaging seven-channel video installation is by Mumbai-based artists’ collective CAMP.

Using a remote-controlled pan-tilt-zoom camera, the film was created entirely from a CCTV camera located on the 35th floor of a building in south Mumbai.

Each screen gives a distinct view of the individual camera movements, as the camera’s mechanical gaze slowly surveys the scene.

CAMP have long been interested in the technological possibilities offered by CCTV. At one point in the video, the spectator’s assumed anonymity is disrupted by a group of people engaging directly with the camera.

The toll of resource extraction on local communities and the environment in northern Vietnam is the subject of Lê Giang’s extraordinary gem paintings.

Emerging out of the gloom in a darkened gallery space, the paintings appear like shimmering stones.

The popularity of precious and semi-precious stones such as ruby and sapphire has led to deforestation, the pollution of waterways and human rights abuses in northern Vietnam, where the mines are located. This in turn has led to the call for sustainable gemstone mining practices.

The artisanal practice of gem painting involves taking the impure leftovers from gem-mining, and crushing to create a fine, glittering powder. The powder is sprinkled onto Perspex, fixed with glue and transformed into sparkling paintings.

Lê Giang worked with local gem painters to create a series of landscapes that pay homage to this regional vernacular practice. They also deliver a sharp rebuke to the environmental costs borne by an insatiable appetite for luxury goods.

Now is the time for collaboration

Of particular note is the richness and depth of the film programming at GOMA’s Australian Cinémathèque.

This commenced with a film series dedicated to Malaysian-born, film director Tsai Ming-liang and will continue over the exhibition’s duration with a thematic selection of science fiction films from across Asia and the Pacific.

Crucially, with the cost of living crisis, the triennial is free, making QAGOMA an attractive destination for families and younger visitors over the upcoming summer months. This is bolstered by comprehensive children’s programming.

This decades-long investment in local communities has paid off. When I quiz incoming undergraduates at the commencement of each academic teaching year, they frequently cite their formative artistic memories and art experiences being shaped by the triennial.

As the region readies itself for a Trump presidency and the distinct possibility of trade and economic instability, the triennial’s embodiment of soft regional diplomacy comes acutely into view. Now is the time for collaboration and respectful discourse.

Chari Larsson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art brings us the most exciting and original art of our region – https://theconversation.com/the-asia-pacific-triennial-of-contemporary-art-brings-us-the-most-exciting-and-original-art-of-our-region-242296

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niamh Chapman, Senior Research Fellow, Hypertension and Patient Engagement, University of Sydney

Measuring your blood pressure at home means you can take readings over several days to get a better picture of your health, instead of one-off measurements at the doctor’s clinic.

It’s important you follow specific steps to get an accurate reading.

But our study found most Australians do not measure their blood pressure correctly at home and very few were told the steps to follow.

We have created resources to help people measure their blood pressure at home, understand their readings and take action with their health-care team.

High blood pressure is a big issue

High blood pressure is a major health problem in Australia and globally.

One in three Australian adults have high blood pressure, also called hypertension. This is when your blood pressure is at or above 140/90mmHg (mmHg refers to millimetres of mercury, a standard measurement of blood pressure).

High blood pressure is the leading contributor to preventable health issues and early death among Australians because it is the main risk factor for heart disease, stroke, dementia and kidney disease.

Why measuring blood pressure is important

High blood pressure often has no symptoms. So the only way to know if you have it is to measure it.

You may also need to check if your blood pressure has lowered after starting medication or if you’re making changes to your lifestyle, such as doing more exercise, giving up smoking or reducing salt intake. Low blood pressure (hypotension) can also be an issue.

But blood pressure changes based on how we are feeling, what we’ve eaten or the activities we have just been doing.

These normal responses mean our blood pressure can change from minute to minute and hour to hour. This is why there are specific, recommended steps to follow to reliably measure your blood pressure and to be able to compare readings taken days, months and years apart.

Mistakes are common

We surveyed and interviewed 350 people (who were all measuring their blood pressure at home) from around Australia to find out how Australians measure blood pressure at home and if they receive any education to help them know what to do.

Our study found no one followed all of the specific, recommended steps to measure their blood pressure. Instead they said they measured their blood pressure at different times of the day after doing different things.

We found most people measured their blood pressure while sitting down (90%) and with the cuff on their bare arm (77%), which is the right thing to do.

While 58% of people took two blood pressure measures each time, which is correct, only 40% used the average of the two blood pressure readings. Very few (15%) measured their blood pressure over several days in both the morning and evening.

Only half of the people in our study used a blood pressure device that had been clinically validated. This means the device has been tested for accuracy by the manufacturer according to international standards, not just safety.

Consultation and communication

Regardless of whether or not a doctor had recommended they measure their blood pressure at home, most people (78%) reported their blood pressure readings to their doctor.

These findings tell us doctors often use home blood pressure readings to help diagnose and manage high blood pressure. This emphasises how important it is to ensure people measure blood pressure correctly.

Many people were measuring their blood pressure a few times a week or month. But most guidelines recommend blood pressure only needs to be measured at home: every day over a week, every six months; and ideally before you see your doctor and after you start or change blood pressure medication.

Measuring blood pressure at home can bring peace of mind, which many study participants described. But measuring your blood pressure too often may create unnecessary stress, potentially leading to higher blood pressure readings.

Instead, it’s better to agree with your doctor how often you should measure your blood pressure and to follow the recommended steps each time to make sure your readings are as accurate and useful as possible.

Support for blood pressure measurement

We found few people had received any education or guidance from health-care professionals about how to measure their blood pressure at home.

Instead, many study participants looked for information online to help them know what their blood pressure numbers meant and changes they could make to lower their blood pressure. They were less interested in learning how to measure accurately.

So we have worked with people who measure and manage their blood pressure at home to create a simple guide to help you choose a blood pressure device, measure your blood pressure accurately, understand your blood pressure readings and take action to control your blood pressure.

For more information about managing your blood pressure at home, see our resources. You can also check if your blood pressure device has been tested for accuracy.

Niamh Chapman receives funding from the National Heart Foundation of Australia, as a Postdoctoral Research Fellowship 2023-2024. She is affiliated with the Australian Hypertension Taskforce as co-chair of the Patient Activation and Engagement working group and Hypertension Australia as member of the Advocacy and Society Liaison Committee.

Dean Picone receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, as an Emerging Leader fellow level 1, from a NSW Health Elite Postdoctoral Researcher Grant and the Royal Hobart Hospital Research Foundation. He is a member of the Hypertension Australia Clinical Council and member of the Australian Hypertension Taskforce working groups for awareness and screening of high blood pressure. He has previously acted as a consultant to the Pan American Health Organization on blood pressure measurement.

Eleanor Clapham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Many people don’t measure their blood pressure properly at home – here’s how to get accurate readings – https://theconversation.com/many-people-dont-measure-their-blood-pressure-properly-at-home-heres-how-to-get-accurate-readings-244161

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Toby Murray, Associate Professor of Cybersecurity, School of Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne

When federal parliament passed legislation last week which will ban under 16s from social media, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese celebrated. Posting on X, he said: “We’re doing everything we can to keep our kids safe”.

Part of that commitment involves launching a trial of age assurance technologies to determine the best way of enforcing the social media ban for under 16s and preventing young people under 18 from accessing online pornography sites.

The trial will be run by a consortium led by a British company called the Age Check Certification Scheme. It has previously tested software for Australian troops in Afghanistan.

The trial, which the government says is a “key plank” of its online safety agenda, will kick off next year. According to the project plan, it will explore “how different methods perform in verifying a user’s age without compromising their
personal data”. In turn, this will help Australia “establish best practices and potential regulatory frameworks for age assurance”.

The trial will involve about 1,100 Australians of varying ages and cultural backgrounds. According to the project plan, it will test three main technology options.

So what exactly are these options – and what does the evidence say about their effectiveness?

Age assurance technologies

The trial will assess the following three technology options.

Age verification – using a person’s identity credentials, such as a digital ID or an uploaded driver’s license or passport. With this information, it is able to verify a person’s stated date of birth – and therefore, whether they are over or under an age threshold.

Age estimation – analysing a person’s biological or behavioural features known to change with age, such as examining a photo of their face or recordings of their voice. According to the project plan, these systems sometimes “employ machine learning and artificial intelligence and may be subject to configuration settings or age buffers to avoid false positives based on inherent performance errors”.

Age inference – which involves using known details of a person’s life circumstances to infer they are an adult, for example, because they are married, have a credit card or mortgage or because they have a government (.gov.au) email address.

Reliability concerns

These three technologies differ in terms of their reliability, how they can go wrong, and their potential unintended consequences when widely deployed.

Age verification based on identity credentials (whether a digital ID or an uploaded driver’s license or other physical documents) is likely to be most reliable – as long as the person supplying the credential actually owns it. What protections will prevent a 14-year-old from uploading their parent’s birth certificate remain unclear.

One option could involve requiring people to take a live photo of their face in real time and to upload that photo alongside verified photo ID. Facial recognition technology might then verify that the same person supplying the credential is pictured in it, by checking whether the face in the real-time photo matches the one in the ID.

However, as anyone who knows how easy it is to fake a live Snapchat picture will tell you, it can be difficult to prove whether a photo was taken live. Therefore, this kind of checking needs to be very carefully implemented to be effective against savvy and motivated teenagers.

Age estimation technology is also likely to include estimating somebody’s age based on (purportedly) real-time photo or video of their face. Even ignoring the difficulties of determining whether a photo or video was taken live, this kind of technology is known to be imperfect.

Previous evaluation has shown that on average it is accurate within only 3.7 years of somebody’s true age. More concerning, it performs worse on tweens and teens than it does on adults over 20. So age estimation may fail precisely when it is most needed.

We should expect similar challenges with age inference. However, it is also likely to exclude many people including young adults who still live with their parents and therefore don’t have evidence such as rental agreements or credit cards.

Privacy concerns

The age assurance trial includes evaluating the privacy implications of each technology option. However, it’s unclear how well Australians understand these risks.

This is something that will be much harder for the trial to evaluate. Polling from 2024 suggests most people are in favour of age assurance to prevent children and teens accessing social media or pornography online.

However, attitudes may shift next year when platforms deploy these technologies to enforce the impending ban.

Ultimately, no matter which technology is deployed, it remains to be seen how many Australians will be happy to identify themselves (whether with a digital or traditional ID, a photo of their face, or by their bank records) to access social media or adult content online.

Toby Murray has previously received research funding from Facebook and Google. He is Director of the Defence Science Institute, which receives State and Commonwealth government funding.

– ref. How can Australia actually keep young people off social media and porn sites? A new trial will test 3 options – https://theconversation.com/how-can-australia-actually-keep-young-people-off-social-media-and-porn-sites-a-new-trial-will-test-3-options-245021

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natasha Hurley-Walker, Radio Astronomer, Curtin University

Slowly repeating bursts of intense radio waves from space have puzzled astronomers since they were discovered in 2022.

In new research, we have for the first time tracked one of these pulsating signals back to its source: a common kind of lightweight star called a red dwarf, likely in a binary orbit with a white dwarf, the core of another star that exploded long ago.

A slowly pulsing mystery

In 2022, our team made an amazing discovery: periodic radio pulsations that repeated every 18 minutes, emanating from space. The pulses outshone everything nearby, flashed brilliantly for three months, then disappeared.

We know some repeating radio signals come from a kind of neutron star called a radio pulsar, which spins rapidly (typically once a second or faster), beaming out radio waves like a lighthouse. The trouble is, our current theories say a pulsar spinning only once every 18 minutes should not produce radio waves.

So we thought our 2022 discovery could point to new and exciting physics – or help explain exactly how pulsars emit radiation, which despite 50 years of research is still not understood very well.

More slowly blinking radio sources have been discovered since then. There are now about ten known “long-period radio transients”.

However, just finding more hasn’t been enough to solve the mystery.

Searching the outskirts of the galaxy

Until now, every one of these sources has been found deep in the heart of the Milky Way.

This makes it very hard to figure out what kind of star or object produces the radio waves, because there are thousands of stars in a small area. Any one of them could be responsible for the signal, or none of them.

So, we started a campaign to scan the skies with the Murchison Widefield Array radio telescope in Western Australia, which can observe 1,000 square degrees of the sky every minute. An undergraduate student at Curtin University, Csanád Horváth, processed data covering half of the sky, looking for these elusive signals in more sparsely populated regions of the Milky Way.

And sure enough, we found a new source! Dubbed GLEAM-X J0704-37, it produces minute-long pulses of radio waves, just like other long-period radio transients. However, these pulses repeat only once every 2.9 hours, making it the slowest long-period radio transient found so far.

Where are the radio waves coming from?

We performed follow-up observations with the MeerKAT telescope in South Africa, the most sensitive radio telescope in the southern hemisphere. These pinpointed the location of the radio waves precisely: they were coming from a red dwarf star. These stars are incredibly common, making up 70% of the stars in the Milky Way, but they are so faint that not a single one is visible to the naked eye.

Combining historical observations from the Murchison Widefield Array and new MeerKAT monitoring data, we found that the pulses arrive a little earlier and a little later in a repeating pattern. This probably indicates that the radio emitter isn’t the red dwarf itself, but rather an unseen object in a binary orbit with it.

Based on previous studies of the evolution of stars, we think this invisible radio emitter is most likely to be a white dwarf, which is the final endpoint of small to medium-sized stars like our own Sun. If it were a neutron star or a black hole, the explosion that created it would have been so large it should have disrupted the orbit.

It takes two to tango

So how do a red dwarf and a white dwarf generate a radio signal?

The red dwarf probably produces a stellar wind of charged particles, just like our Sun does. When the wind hits the white dwarf’s magnetic field, it would be accelerated, producing radio waves.

This could be similar to how the Sun’s stellar wind interacts with Earth’s magnetic field to produce beautiful aurora, and also low-frequency radio waves.

We already know of a few systems like this, such as AR Scorpii, where variations in the brightness of the red dwarf imply that the companion white dwarf is hitting it with a powerful beam of radio waves every two minutes. None of these systems are as bright or as slow as the long-period radio transients, but maybe as we find more examples, we will work out a unifying physical model that explains all of them.

On the other hand, there may be many different kinds of system that can produce long-period radio pulsations.

Either way, we’ve learned the power of expecting the unexpected – and we’ll keep scanning the skies to solve this cosmic mystery.

Natasha Hurley-Walker is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project number FT190100231) funded by the Australian Government.

– ref. Astronomers have pinpointed the origin of mysterious repeating radio bursts from space – https://theconversation.com/astronomers-have-pinpointed-the-origin-of-mysterious-repeating-radio-bursts-from-space-244920

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University

Imagine a city where everyone can afford a safe home, reach work or school without long, stressful commutes, and enjoy green parks and clean air.

This is Anthony Albanese’s decade-long vision for Australia’s cities after last week’s release of the new National Urban Policy (NUP).

As Transport and Infrastructure Minister in 2011, he introduced Our Cities, Our Future. Then in 2021, as opposition leader, he pledged a new urban framework.

The new NUP now sets the course for transforming Australia’s cities.

However, as our cities grow, so do the complexities they face: a housing crisis, locking out households, heavier traffic, and rising temperatures caused by climate changes.

These challenges can disproportionately affect low-income and vulnerable communities, especially in our outer suburbs.

The new NUP aims to address all of that, but the big question remains: does it go far enough to build the cities we need for the future?

What is the National Urban Policy?

This policy is Australia’s road map for sustainable city development. It guides collaboration between the federal government, states, territories and local communities to shape future cities to be liveable and productive.

The policy focuses on three key pillars:

1. Liveable and equitable cities: this is to ensure the basic human rights everyone should have access to, like affordable housing, public transport, and essential services like healthcare and education.

2. Productive and innovative cities: this will support jobs, industries and infrastructure to drive economic growth.

3. Sustainable and resilient cities: this will protect the environments in Australian cities to develop urban areas for climate change impacts like floods and heatwaves.

A key element of the policy is its commitment to ensuring strong collaboration with First Nations, Aboriginal and Indigenous communities, acknowledging their connection to the land and integrating their knowledge into urban planing of the future cities.

What does this policy mean for everyday people?

If the new policy delivers on its promise, here is how daily life could be affected for Australians.

Affordable housing: With the ambitious goal of delivering 1.2 million homes by 2029, the government aims to ease the housing crunch. More social housing and making homes closer to jobs and schools are top priorities.

Improved public transport: The government is planning to support public transport upgrades for faster, more reliable and greener commute choices like bike paths.

More green spaces: The government is also keen to boost Australians’ physical and mental health by providing more parks, shaded streets and green rooftops to reduce urban heat. This also aligns with broader climate, health, and wellbeing strategies, and includes heading towards net zero Australia.

Inclusive communities: Ensuring opportunities and services are available to everyone, including First Nations people, elders and those with disabilities, and providing job opportunities closer to home.

Can the policy address Australia’s critical challenges?

Our cities face enormous challenges and the new policy aims to tackle many of them (the housing crisis, climate issues and social inclusion).

But addressing them requires more than a list of goals – it demands bold actions and long-term commitments.

This is an area Western Sydney University has researched in its newly released report looking at international best practices in infrastructure funding.

It highlights how fragmented, short-term funding systems worsen these challenges.

It advocates for long-term, stable funding streams, collaboration, and community-driven approaches and principles successfully embedded in other countries.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and United Nations Habitat’s Global State of National Policy report also provides a comprehensive overview of strategies used by other countries to tackle similar issues.

Other developed countries like Singapore, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States have addressed many of the gaps we have noted through their approaches, including long-term funding models, coordination and clear sustainability goals.

Gaps in the new policy

While the new NUP sets a strong vision, it leaves several critical gaps:

Long-term funding is crucial: The policy leans heavily on short-term budgets and competitive grants, which prioritise projects based on competition, not community need. This leaves many communities and stakeholders with inadequate infrastructure.

An example of this is the short-term, limited support for modular and prefabricated systems as a solution to the housing crisis. A multi-decade funding commitment is essential to allow councils to plan effectively.

Collaboration across government levels is essential: The siloed approach between local councils and state governments impedes effective action. The Commonwealth must take a more proactive role in aligning projects and addressing fragmentation.

Clear timelines and accountability: When will these goals be achieved? The policy lacks clear deadlines and measurable targets to track progress. An ongoing evaluation framework is essential to ensure projects are executed efficiently and build trust among communities.

Embracing digital trasnformation: Many developed countries are using emerging technologies like digital twins and AI to improve their urban planning. Australia’s new policy could adopt similar approach to make smarter, data-driven decisions, though this is not clearly outlined in the current framework.

Infrastructure funding models need overhaul: Australia’s current infrastructure funding system is considered by some as fragmented, inconsistent and poorly coordinated, driven more by short-term political cycles than a by a long-term strategy. The NUP must address this critical gap.

Investment in green construction: The policy overlooks the role of financial institutions in driving sustainable urban development. Green mortgages, green bonds, and incentives for energy-efficient construction, like those in the UK and Europe, could help bridge the gap between affordability and sustainability while ensuring climate resilience in future housing strategies.

More support for vulnerable groups: While inclusivity is mentioned in the new policy, there is room for more specific strategies to support migrants, international students, refugees, single parent families and those from asylum-seeking backgrounds.

Overall, the new NUP is a positive and welcomed step forward.

For success, it must be shaped by meaningful collaboration between policymakers, planners, communities and researchers, drawing on global successes to ensure long-term impact. Only then can the government achieve its ambitious vision.

Dr. Ehsan Noroozinejad has received competitive funding from national and international organisations to support research addressing the housing and climate crises.

Nicky Morrison receives funding from all tiers of governments and works with the National Growth Area Alliance.

– ref. Cheaper housing and better transport? What you need to know about Australia’s new National Urban Policy – https://theconversation.com/cheaper-housing-and-better-transport-what-you-need-to-know-about-australias-new-national-urban-policy-244947

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national YouGov poll, conducted November 15–21 from a sample of 1,515, had a 50–50 tie, unchanged from the previous YouGov poll in September. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down one), 30% Labor (steady), 13% Greens (down one), 9% One Nation (up two) and 10% for all Others (steady).

Albanese’s net approval was up two to -20, with 56% dissatisfied and 36% satisfied. Dutton’s net approval was up two to -8. Albanese led Dutton by an unchanged 42–39 as better PM.

By 77–23, respondents supported the proposed social media ban for children under 16, a large increase in support from 61% in August.

In a separate YouGov poll that was conducted in late October, by 59–41 voters opposed replacing King Charles with an Australian president as head of state. Now 43% (up eight since September 2023) say Australia should remain a constitutional monarchy after the king passes away.

Most royals were regarded far more positively than Australia’s politicians. Of prominent politicians, Lidia Thorpe was at -45, Adam Bandt at -14, Pauline Hanson at -13, Tanya Plibersek at -4, Penny Wong at +2 and Jacqui Lambie at +7.

This YouGov poll and other polls in this article suggest little movement in the last two weeks, and it’s still roughly tied at 50–50. However, the improvement in economic sentiment may help the government.

Essential poll: Labor regains lead

A national Essential poll, conducted November 13–17 from a sample of 1,206, gave Labor a 48–47 lead including undecided, (49–47 to the Coalition in early November). Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up one), 30% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (up one), 7% One Nation (down two), 2% UAP (steady), 8% for all Others (steady) and 5% undecided (steady).

Albanese’s net approval was down one since October to -5, with 48% disapproving and 43% approving. Dutton’s net approval fell five points to +1, indicating the October sample was pro-Dutton.

By 48–35, respondents thought Australia was on the wrong track, but this was a big drop for wrong track since October (a 52–30 lead). In Essential’s monthly tracking of this question, it’s wrong track’s worst net position since May 2023.

The Guardian reported that for the first time since October 2023, more said they were financially comfortable (51%) than said they were struggling (49%). Better perceptions of the economy should help Labor.

On addressing climate change, 37% (down one since March) thought Australia is doing enough, 33% (down two) not doing enough and 19% (up one) doing too much.

Freshwater poll: Coalition’s primary slips

A national Freshwater poll for The Financial Review, conducted November 15–17 from a sample of 1,046, gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, unchanged from October. Primary votes were 40% Coalition (down one), 30% Labor (steady), 14% Greens (up one) and 16% for all Others.

The primary vote movements suggest a one-point gain for Labor after preferences. Rounding explains why Labor didn’t gain.

Albanese’s net approval dropped three points to -17, with 50% unfavourable and 33% favourable. Dutton’s net approval dropped two points to -4. Albanese maintained a one-point lead as preferred PM by 43–42.

Cost of living was the top issue, with 77% saying it was important, up five points since October. The Coalition’s lead over Labor on this issue dropped two points to 12. The Coalition’s lead on economic management was up a point to 17.

By 47–36, respondents favoured Dutton over Albanese for being best to negotiate with Trump in Australia’s best interests.

On the effects of Trump’s election, by 55–28 voters thought the world would be less safe rather than safer. By 60–10, they thought the world would be less likely rather than more likely to achieve the net zero by 2050 emissions reduction target. By 42–27, they thought the Australian economy would be weaker rather than stronger.

Morgan, DemosAU and Redbridge polls

A national Morgan poll, conducted November 11–17 from a sample of 1,675, gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, a 0.5-point gain for the Coalition since the November 4–10 Morgan poll.

In the November 18–24 Morgan poll (1,663 sampled), Labor regained the lead by 51–49, a two-point gain for Labor since November 11–17.

Primary votes were 37% Coalition (down two), 31.5% Labor (up 2.5), 12.5% Greens (down one), 6.5% One Nation (steady), 8.5% independents (up one) and 4% others (down 0.5).

The headline figure uses respondent preferences. By 2022 election preference flows, Labor led by 51.5–48.5, a 1.5-point gain for Labor. By this measure, the November 11–17 poll was the worst Morgan poll for Labor since August.

A national poll by new pollster DemosAU, conducted November 19–21 from a sample of 1,038, had a 50–50 tie, from primary votes of 38% Coalition, 32% Labor, 12% Greens, 7% One Nation and 11% for all Others. This poll used online methods.

A national Redbridge poll
, conducted November 6–13 from a sample of 2,011, had a 50–50 tie, a 0.5-point gain for the Coalition since an August Redbridge poll. Primary votes were 39% Coalition (up one), 34% Labor (up one), 11% Greens (down one) and 16% for all Others (down one).

By 61–11, voters thought Albanese had given Qantas preferential treatment over Qatar Airways. On the Greens, 38% used one of two negative statements to describe them and 29% used one of three positive statements, with 14% opting for “the Greens are a party of protest and disruption”.

Irish election and US near-final results

I’ve been following the counting in Friday’s Irish election for The Poll Bludger. A conservative governing coalition of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and some others is the likely outcome, with support for the left-wing Sinn Féin and the Greens slumping since 2020.

In near-final results from the November 5 US election, Donald Trump won the national popular vote by 49.8–48.3 over Kamala Harris. Republicans won the House of Representatives by a narrow 220 seats to 215 for Democrats and the Senate by 53–47. Recent European elections were also covered.

Labor gains in Tasmanian EMRS poll

A Tasmanian EMRS poll, conducted November 5–14 from a sample of 1,000, gave the Liberals 35% (down one since August), Labor 31% (up four), the Greens 14% (steady), the Jacqui Lambie Network 6% (down two), independents 11% (down one) and others 3% (steady).

Tasmania uses a proportional system, so a two-party estimate isn’t applicable. Incumbent Liberal Jeremy Rockliff led Labor’s Dean Winter as preferred premier by 43–37 (45–30 in August).

In a new question on leaders’ favourability, Rockliff was at +15 (37% favourable, 22% unfavourable), while Winter was at +14 (25% favourable, 11% unfavourable).

SA Black byelection final result

Labor gained Black from the Liberals in South Australia at the November 16 byelection by a 59.9–40.1 margin, a 12.6% swing to Labor since the 2022 SA state election. Primary votes were 47.9% Labor (up 9.7%), 34.1% Liberals (down 16.0%), 13.1% Greens (up 1.3%) and 5.0% Australian Families (new).

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Under-16 social media ban supported by 77% as economic sentiment lifts – https://theconversation.com/under-16-social-media-ban-supported-by-77-as-economic-sentiment-lifts-243917

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanne Enticott, Associate Professor, Monash Centre for Health Research and Implementation, Monash University

Australian pride in our universal health system is partly derived from our belief that services should be most available to those who most need them. Logically, this should apply just as much to mental health as to other parts of the health system.

But our new research finds Australia’s mental health care system is not equitable in this way.

While Australians living in the most disadvantaged areas experience the highest levels of mental distress, they appear to have the least access to mental health services.

Mental health disparities

To understand levels of mental distress across the population, we looked at data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). The ABS has classified levels of mental distress according to the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10).

Using this information, and demographic data from the Census, we calculated 29% of working age Australian adults in the lowest income households experience elevated mental distress. This is compared to around 11% in the highest income households.

About 6% of working age adults experience “very high” mental distress, indicating serious distress and very likely a mental disorder. Our analysis showed around 14% in the lowest income households reach this threshold, compared to only 2% in the highest income households.

This clear link between mental distress and socioeconomic disadvantage exists both in Australia and globally.

Mapping inequity

We first examined federally funded Medicare mental health services, largely provided under the Better Access initiative, to establish how equitably – or not – these are distributed. These services are delivered by GPs, psychiatrists, psychologists and allied health-care professionals (social workers and occupational therapists).

Better Access showed some strong initial results in lifting overall access to mental health services in 2006–10. However, more recent data suggest this has plateaued.

We calculated the total number of Medicare-subsidised services provided in a year, and divided this by the number of people with the most need for those services. We defined this group in our study as those with “very high” mental distress according to the K10 scale. This gave us an average number of services available per person. For our calculations we assumed all services were accessed by those in most need of care.

In 2019, if all people with the most need had equal access to mental health care, on average, each person would receive 12 services. The map below highlights regions where the average is higher (darker shades) or lower (lighter shades). It shows significant inequity and service gaps.

Traditionally, comparing mental health service use between areas has been challenging due to differing levels of need for care. So as part of our research, we created something called an equity indicator.

The equity indicator allows us to compare apples with apples, focusing on a key group – those most in need of mental health services. Essentially, we can take an area with wealthy residents and another area with a poorer population and compare them to see how those most in need are accessing services.

We found the equity indicator was six for Medicare-subsidised mental health care in 2019. This means, among those in most need of care, people living in the poorest areas received six times fewer Medicare-subsidised mental health services compared with those living in the richest areas.

Looking back to 2015, the indicator was five. So inequity has increased with time.

Community mental health services

We then looked at public community mental health services. These are mostly public hospital outpatient services, and some other community services not funded by Medicare. We wanted to understand whether poorer Australians are accessing these services, evening out Medicare’s apparent inequity.

When we included these services into our calculations, the equity indicator did drop from six to three. In other words, people with the greatest need for care living in the poorest areas received three times fewer mental health services (community services and Medicare-subsidised services) compared with those in the richest areas.

In 2015, the equity indicator was 2.6, again demonstrating inequity is increasing.

How can we bridge the gap?

Rates of mental distress and demand for mental health services vary across socioeconomic areas. But our analysis paints a picture of a two-tiered mental health-care system, where the “poor” are more reliant on public community mental health services while everyone else uses Medicare.

People with the greatest need for mental health care living in the poorest areas might access fewer Medicare mental health services for a number of reasons. For example, out-of-pocket costs are increasing, which is likely to create financial barriers for many. There’s also a lack of services in a large number of rural areas, many of which are relatively disadvantaged areas.

While community mental health services appear to be partially mitigating the socioeconomic disparity in Medicare-subsidised mental health services, the two service types cannot be viewed as equal or comparable.

Medicare services are largely provided to people with less severe mental health-care needs. Conversely, public community mental health services typically treat people facing serious or complex mental illness in times of acute distress.

Community mental health services are increasingly stretched and not a replacement for Medicare-subsidised mental health care in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas.

Improving access to Medicare mental health services might even help to prevent some of these more acute episodes, potentially alleviating some of the pressure on community mental health services.

A big part of the problem is these two programs were not designed to complement each other or work together. They operate separately, mostly for different clients, rather than as part of an overall “stepped care” model.

We need to properly configure these larger elements of our mental health service jigsaw into a more contiguous design, making it less likely people will fall through dangerous cracks.

This can be achieved through better and more coordinated planning between federal and state mental health services, and funding research to better understand who actually accesses current services.

Joanne Enticott received funding from a grant awarded by Equity Trustees and Monash Partners.

Graham Meadows is a member of the Australian Labor Party.

Sebastian Rosenberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. For richer, but not for poorer: how Australia’s mental health system fails those most in need – https://theconversation.com/for-richer-but-not-for-poorer-how-australias-mental-health-system-fails-those-most-in-need-243370

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Dempsey, Associate Professor in Natural Resources Engineering, University of Canterbury

Historically, gas in New Zealand traded below NZ$10 per gigajoule. When prices hit $50 per gigajoule in August this year, anyone with gas to sell could have made a lot of money.

But there clearly wasn’t much gas around. In the end, the big generators Genesis and Contact had to buy gas off Methanex to keep the lights on.

How did this happen? It’s tempting to blame the previous government’s ban on offshore oil and gas exploration. The current government has indeed listed the gas shortage as a reason for its plan to reverse the ban.

But diving into gas statistics held by the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) suggests this probably wasn’t the case.

Although the ban was introduced in 2018, companies had already halted most offshore exploration two years prior. And even if a new discovery had been made around 2018, it would probably have taken too long to develop to be ready for 2024.

Why New Zealand ran low on gas

When the 2018 ban was announced, only one offshore permit had been granted during each of the previous two years. As MBIE statistics show, this was quite a drop compared to the period between 2012 and 2016, with an average of six permits per year.

Exploration drilling was down, too. During 2013 and 2014, 40 wells were drilled, but only five between 2015 and 2018. Had any major gas fields turned up, those companies would have been entitled to develop them regardless of the ban – but that didn’t happen.

Past experience in New Zealand shows offshore developments take a long time. The fastest was Pohokura, a major field in North Taranaki, which took six years from discovery to gas flowing. If exploration permits had been obtained in 2018 and successful discoveries made during a subsequent drilling campaign, it most likely wouldn’t have translated to available gas in 2024.

In January 2024, MBIE estimated New Zealand had about 8.5 years worth of gas reserves (1,300 petajoules) at 2023 rates of consumption. There’s certainly gas left, but it can’t all be accessed when needed.

Gas fields are like ATMs – you can only take out so much each day regardless of how much you have in the bank. The flow of gas has been squeezed in recent years by poor production at Pohokura and was compounded in mid-2024 by higher demand from electricity generators when hydro lakes were running low.

If New Zealand had another large offshore gas field, this arguably wouldn’t have happened. But it’s not at all obvious we would have had that capacity in 2024 even without the exploration ban.

Risky investment

Nevertheless, the ban did have some major impacts on New Zealand.

It broadcast a message of urgency and intent to tackle emissions from the fossil fuel industry. Denmark followed suit with their own ban in 2020 and Ireland in 2021. France has been more reticent, proposing a future ban from 2040 but allowing new exploration until then.

The ban also sent signals to large multinational energy companies that New Zealand is a risky place to invest. The fossil fuel industry is rightly uncertain about its future role in New Zealand. Some will see this as a good outcome in pursuit of climate goals. But how far does the uncertainty spread and what might it mean?

The spectre of political intervention creates an investment risk for companies. This is because the large capital works these companies undertake are often debt-funded over a decade or more. Hence, companies need to be confident in their future freedom to operate.

Emissions Trading Scheme distortions

In 2021, the Climate Change Commission released draft advice implying that, due to its high emissions, the Far North’s Ngāwhā geothermal power station would need to close.

The suggested closure was removed in the final advice, and Ngāwhā emissions have since been eliminated. In 2022, in the face of high carbon charges under New Zealand’s Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), engineers worked out how to capture and inject carbon dioxide back underground.

The case of Ngāwhā is an ETS success story. Economic pressure was applied to a large emitter and, faced with going out of business, it changed its practices.

A feature of the ETS is its general ambivalence about where emissions come from. One tonne of carbon dioxide produced using natural gas to generate electricity in winter is charged the same as one tonne of carbon dioxide produced when driving freight across the country.

In theory, the market decides which activities can afford to continue and which should die out. In reality, however, the ETS is distorted because it grants free allocations to high-emmiting industries which would otherwise face trade disadvantages. Last week, the government also removed agricultural emissions from the ETS.

This is not to say that other policies aren’t useful in shoring up the deficiencies of emission pricing. But the effectiveness of the exploration ban is debatable. Offshore interest seemed to have already largely subsided and its lack of cross-party support ensured it was shortlived.

On the other hand, the political message it broadcast to major energy players may ultimately ensure its enduring legacy, by dissuading future gas investment.

Structurally, the challenges of 2024 remain. Declining gas reserves must be divided between electricity generators and exporter industries, and the hydro system is vulnerable to similar climate fluctuations.

On a more positive note, utility solar and grid-scale batteries continue their relentless expansion. Of the 22 renewable projects applying for fast-track consent, ten are solar farms.

David Dempsey receives funding from MBIE to research underground hydrogen storage and atmospheric carbon dioxide removal.

– ref. NZ’s gas shortage was not caused by the offshore exploration ban – but it was still a flawed policy – https://theconversation.com/nzs-gas-shortage-was-not-caused-by-the-offshore-exploration-ban-but-it-was-still-a-flawed-policy-242013

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jamie Pittock, Professor, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University

Some A$13 billion in taxpayer dollars and 30 years of policy reform have failed to arrest the devastating decline in the health of Australia’s most important river system, the Murray-Darling Basin, new research shows.

The four-year study released today involved 12 scientists from Australia’s leading universities, and draws on data from 1980 to 2023. It is the most comprehensive report card to date on government policies to protect the Murray-Darling.

We found expensive and contentious reforms, including the once-vaunted Murray-Darling Basin Plan, have mostly failed to improve outcomes for people and nature along the river system.

The result is deeply alarming for a natural asset so fundamental to Australia’s environmental, cultural and economic wellbeing. Here, we outline our findings, and present a plan to turn this situation around.

A river system in peril

The Murray-Darling river system starts in southern Queensland, winds through New South Wales and Victoria and reaches the sea near Adelaide in South Australia.

Historically, state governments have allowed too much water to be taken from the system, primarily to irrigate crops. This has caused extensive environmental damage such as toxic blue-green algae blooms, dramatic falls in bird and fish populations and undrinkable town water supplies, to name just a few.

The damage has been exacerbated by invasive species, climate change, dams that block water flows, and bush clearing which makes water running into rivers more salty.

What’s more, colonisation dispossessed the nearly 50 Indigenous nations in the basin. They now collectively have rights over less than 0.2% of surface water in the river system.

Government reform to improve the health of the basin dates back more than three decades. In 1994, Australian governments agreed to cap further licenses to extract water from the Murray-Darling. In 2008, Prime Minister John Howard’s “once and for all” reform, known as the Water Act, became law. It aimed to reallocate water from irrigation to the environment.

The reform is largely being implemented through the $13 billion Murray Darling Basin Plan enacted in 2012. The historic deal between state and federal governments was supposed to rein in the water extracted by farmers and make sure the environment got the water it needed.

Almost $8 billion was spent implementing the plan to June 2023. But has this massive taxpayer investment delivered the promised benefits for people and nature? Our new findings suggest the answer is largely no.

Applying expert eyes

When the basin plan was adopted, governments cut funding to the independent audit which monitored the river system’s environmental health. It was replaced with far less effective monitoring systems.

The new systems did not set clear targets to be achieved, or assess real-world outcomes for people and the environment. For example, a government might measure the timing and frequency of water flowing at specific river locations, rather than the numbers of threatened fish species across the basin.

The indicators are also complex
and monitored by government agencies and their consultants, so the results are not independent.

For this study, we developed our own monitoring system. It involved 27 indicators of success across the themes of Indigenous, environmental and social wellbeing, economic performance and compliance with water laws. We used publicly available data spanning more than 40 years.

The study released today reports our essential findings.

What we found

Troublingly, we found that after more than a decade of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, 74% of success indicators were not met. This means there was either no improvement or worsening conditions.

In particular, only two of 12 environmental indicators were met.

Among our findings were:

• flows required to achieve environmental outcomes were not met at 65% of river gauge sites assessed

• water returned to rivers is not effectively used to restore the environment. For example, 79% of Commonwealth environmental water releases from 2014–19 stayed in river channels rather than spilling out to rejuvenate floodplain wetlands

• the abundance of waterbirds is declining and the incidence of very large fish-kill events is increasing, as witnessed at Menindee Lakes, NSW, twice in the past decade

• Indigenous rights over water are declining as a percentage of surface water, and water flows to Indigenous-controlled wetlands has not increased. This grossly inadequate situation prevents Indigenous Peoples from managing water on Country, harming their health and wellbeing

• the basic human right to access adequate, safe drinking water is not being met in many towns, including predominantly Indigenous communities such as Wilcannia, NSW.

The findings are not all negative. We found irrigation communities are not necessarily suffering economically from federal government buy-backs of water entitlements. For example, the period of most water buybacks coincided with marked increases in profits for irrigated farms.

The finding is contrary to claims in several studies, including one commissioned by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority.

Two environmental indicators show an upward trend. Populations of large-bodied freshwater fish are improving, coinciding with the end of commercial fishing. Pleasingly, nitrogen and phosphorus concentrations in the Murray River have fallen.

What does all this mean?

So what can we learn from these failures to ensure the Murray-Darling river system is brought back to health?

In 2023, the federal Labor government enacted the “Restoring Our Rivers” laws, to increase the return of water to the environment. This was a very important step, but there’s a long way to go.

The Murray-Darling Basin Plan is due for review in 2026. Clearly, monitoring to date has been inadequate. Our paper outlines ways to fix this, so real outcomes are achieved.

Among our suggestions, river ecosystems could be mapped to ensure Australia meets its international obligation this decade to restore 30% of inland water ecosystems and include 30% of these ecosystems in protected areas.

And those responsible for implementing the basin plan, primarily state and federal government agencies, should be held accountable when targets are not met.

Urgent reform is needed to ensure Australian taxpayers get a return on their investment. We must ensure the Murray-Darling basin and the communities that rely on it can prosper in the decades ahead.

Jamie Pittock is a member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists. He has roles on a number of government advisory committees and non-governmental environmental organisations involved in natural resources management.
This article is based on an academic paper led by Dr Matt Colloff and involving 10 other co-authors.

– ref. A $13 billion, 30-year flop: landmark study reveals stark failure to halt Murray-Darling River decline – https://theconversation.com/a-13-billion-30-year-flop-landmark-study-reveals-stark-failure-to-halt-murray-darling-river-decline-244296

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rayan Merkbawi, Lecturer, UTS Business School, University of Technology Sydney

One of the Albanese government’s top priorities in education is to see more Australians graduating from university.

It has set a target of 80% of the workforce having a university degree or TAFE qualification by 2050, up from 60% today.

A key part of this will be raising participation rates for people from underrepresented backgrounds. Australians from low socioeconomic backgrounds make up 25% of the population, but only represent 17% undergraduate enrolments in higher education.

Immigrant families often face socioeconomic disadvantages that can effect their children’s opportunities in education. As well as lower incomes, they can have fewer resources and supports.

In our project, we looked at Punchbowl Boys’ High School in Sydney’s western suburbs, where 98% of students come from a non-English speaking background.

We interviewed parents to better understand the challenges they face and how to help them. This is because research tells us families are an important source of motivation and support for young people making post-school plans.

Our research

We interviewed parents from 23 families with immigrant backgrounds. They all had students in years 9 to 12. Most of the parents supported the idea of their children going on to further study. As one parent told us:

I push education for my kids because I want them to get somewhere.

But they also reported many obstacles when supporting their children to go to university.

‘If they could explain’

More than 50% of Australians were either born overseas or have a parent born overseas.

This means they may not have first-hand knowledge or experience of the final years of school, or the options for study and training post-school.

Some parents in our study said they were not familiar with how the higher education system works. They were also unsure about alternative pathways to enrol in university. Many parents told us they would like more specific guidance on the application process.

If they [teachers at the school] could explain how our children are going to finish school, and when we can expect they’re going to receive these emails then they would know when to accept or decline.

Others wanted more guidance on student loans, possible challenges and the “avenues [students] can go down”.

The language barrier

Language was also a “big barrier” mentioned by parents. This made it hard for parents to engage with the school and ask for help. One told us:

when I go to schools, and I want to talk to the schools, I don’t have the strong language ability to confront the school with whatever is concerning me.

Another parent talked about the difficulty of going to parent–teacher interviews:

I went to the parents’ meeting with the teacher, each teacher, one by one, and just reading his mark, not asking or not suggesting a way to improve himself. Okay, I didn’t ask them to be honest, but I felt, like, lost. Like, what should I do?

‘Strugging a lot’

Parents talked about how they often lacked help and security in their lives as they were trying to support their children:

We’re renting, we’re moving, moving too much in one year, we lived in three houses, and that was painful.

They also talked about a lack of family support:

we don’t have a lot of family around here.

Financial challenges also meant there were limited resources to help pave the way to university. They talked about not being able to afford “more tutoring” or other families they knew having to cut back on tutoring.

Some families relied on the children working after school instead of studying, noting if they were “struggling a lot,” then they “need that child to work”.

There was also an overwhelming concern about the eventual cost of a university education. Some interviewees said their child going would depend on getting a scholarship, while others worried about the eventual HELP debt:

we see university as something like that’s going to become a debt for a child later on.

‘A cultural gap’

Parents reported on how cultural differences could make it difficult to engage with their children over education and their aspirations in life. As one parent said:

It’s bit of cultural gap, I think, because the culture of this country and concern in our country is different […] the children, they feel that they are free to do whatever they like, whatever they want, and that the parents cannot stop them.

Parents also raised generational differences – they felt young people lack aspiration and are distracted by technology. As one parent said:

they’re simply controlled by it, and they’re just consumed by it, and they lose interest in other parts of life.

What can we do differently?

Previous research suggests students from migrant families can give up on further study if they don’t have support from their families. This support relies on their families understanding the complexities of the school and university systems – and all the options available to young people.

Our study suggests schools, universities and governments can do several things differently to encourage more students from migrant backgrounds to study at university. These include:

• education programs for parents: these could teach immigrant parents about Year 12 exams, ATARs, university pathways and the long-term benefits of higher education. This could be done through information sessions at school or online resources distributed by the school.

• more school-university partnerships: collaborations between schools and universities can provide early exposure and support, through campus visits and mentoring programs. This can help demystify higher education for students and their families.

• language support: enhancing language support programs already offered by education department trained staff – and making sure they start from the early years of school – is crucial to better involve parents in their children’s schooling.

• financial support: to ease financial pressures on migrant families, universities could expand their equity scholarships to specifically target students from these communities. Financial literacy programs could help families understand and access existing supports, provide guidance on government assistance and long-term financial planning for education.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘I felt lost’: immigrant parents want more support to help their children go to uni – https://theconversation.com/i-felt-lost-immigrant-parents-want-more-support-to-help-their-children-go-to-uni-244817

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stuart Richards, Senior Lecturer in Screen Studies, University of South Australia

The so-called silliest time of the year is here. But for many it can also be a stressful time. Whether you’re frantically planning for Christmas and/or New Year celebrations – or steeling yourself ahead of some longer-than-ideal interactions with the relatives – you’re going to want to let off some steam.

We can help on that front. This month’s pickings include an unashamedly gory horror flick, a captivating limited series starring Cate Blanchett, and a colourful new season of Drag Race exploring drag culture down under. Sit back and enjoy!

The Diplomat, season two

Netflix

The Diplomat is clearly a show for those of us who like political drama untroubled by reality. Its basic premise – that a scrappy career officer can be plucked out of the field, named US ambassador to London, and arrive there within 24 hours – sets the scene for a thriller that James Bond himself could have concocted.

Not only is Kate (Keri Russell) an odd choice as the ambassador, she comes with a husband (Rufus Sewell) who is himself a former ambassador and determined to advance them both. As Kate wants both a divorce and hot sex with her husband, this provides a subplot that wouldn’t be out of place in Bridgerton.

The story revolves around an attack on a British ship in the Persian Gulf, and over the two seasons a growing list of suspects are revealed – each one pared back to reveal yet more improbable events. But it allows the wonderful Alison Janney (from West Wing) to appear as Vice President, with apparently the sort of clout Dick Cheney exercised for George W Bush.

Even Australia gets a cameo role, with references to the submarine deal and the delight of the Anglosphere leaders in pissing off the French. And in Trump’s America, Kate is probably overqualified for her role.

– Dennis Altman

What We Do In The Shadows, season 6

Binge

Celebrated mockumentary What We Do in the Shadows has always had a degree of circularity. Across five seasons, the Staten Island vampires – Nadja, Laszlo, Nandor the Relentless and energy vampire Colin Robinson – have bounced in and out of different hobbies and odd fascinations. Meanwhile, put-upon, low-status “familiar” Guillermo unsuccessfully explored various ways to advance his life. In season five he briefly fulfils his dreams of becoming a vampire proper: a disappointing experience.

In the sixth and final season, all are looking for purpose. Guillermo has quit and is looking to break his codependent relationship with Nandor, and the vampires are reevaluating their choices after realising how little they’ve achieved, given their failure to conquer anything beyond their street and half of Ashley Street.

This dissatisfaction prompts Laszlo to revisit his ambitions as a mad scientist, while pushing the remaining characters out into the workforce. Guillermo moves up the ladder quickly at a consultancy, perhaps finding a new master–familiar relationship with his obnoxious finance bro boss, both helped and hindered by the others. It’s an inspired and funny conceit that refreshes and expands the show’s world, while challenging the characters, their relationships and their worst excesses in unexpected ways.

This season also foregrounds the absurd, disruptive presence of the mockumentary camera crew to great and hilarious effect. After a strong run, the show successfully bows out on its own terms – a rare feat.

– Erin Harrington

Disclaimer

Apple TV

Disclaimer is television at its very best. Based on Renée Knight’s 2015 novel, and directed by five-time Academy Award winning Mexican director Alfonso Cuarón, it stars Cate Blanchett, Kevin Kline, Sacha Baron Cohen and Kodi Smit-McPhee.

A famous journalist, Catherine Ravenscroft (Blanchett), discovers she is the character of a novel anonymously sent to her. It reveals her darkest secret and has devastating and life-changing consequences when it emerges.

Billed as a thriller, this seven-part limited series is structured with voiceover, adding depth, character conflict and motivation. Cuarón has used this technique distinctively and evocatively before in other productions such as his acclaimed film Y Tu Mamá También (2001).

Apple TV released episodes weekly so the show couldn’t be binged – which suits its complex production. The first episode unwinds slowly to reveal the background from different viewpoints. There is an ominous atmosphere of flashbacks – even in the highly explicit sex scenes between Jonathan (Louis Partridge) and the young Catherine (played by Leila George).

It’s a high-quality production photographed in an evocative filmic style by Cuarón’s frequent collaborator, three-time Academy Award-winning cinematographer Emmanuel Lubezki.

– Lisa French

RuPaul’s Drag Race Down Under, season four

Stan

RuPaul’s Drag Race is a global phenomenon. There have been 16 seasons of the US series, several all-star spin-offs and numerous international versions.

Now, Drag Race Down Under has returned for a fourth season and there are some refreshing changes to the format. RuPaul hasn’t returned as host, with Michelle Visage instead taking the lead. Her rapport with the queens feels genuine and her status as the primary judge is a milestone for cisgender women in drag culture.

Rhys Nicholson has returned as a judge and it’s fantastic to have an Australian comedian who captures the “down under” sense of humour. Other fantastic additions to the rotating judging panel this year are former Drag Race Down Under winners Isis Avis Loren, Spankie Jackzon and Kita Mean – which means local drag knowledge is always featured on the judging panel.

In fact, the cast of this season is perhaps the strongest Down Under has seen. Lazy Susan, Vybe, Mandy Moobs, Max Drag Queen and Brenda Bressed have all demonstrated a strong presence on the show and their performances are consistently impressive.

Lazy Susan’s runways have been particularly strong. In one runway, her use of an electric headdress that projected futurist faces saw her go viral. It’s wonderful to see Australian drag humour being celebrated by the Drag Race juggernaut.

– Stuart Richards

Read more:
Michelle Visage is now hosting Drag Race Down Under. It’s a milestone for cis women in drag

Ready or Not

Netflix

(Spoiler alert)

The 2019 American horror film Ready or Not, recently released on Netflix, is an occasionally amusing satire about the predatory super-rich, and all the metaphorical and literal backstabbing that goes on behind manor doors.

Girl-power protagonist Grace (Samara Weaving) looks and sounds like a privileged, blonde supermodel. But we’re led to believe she is a former foster child from the wrong side of the tracks, about to marry into the sinister Le Domas family dynasty and fortune.

The early scenes offer the slow-build, viewing pleasures of a lavish poolside wedding, followed by a deliciously dysfunctional family dinner with sneaky, old-money eccentrics. Finally, Grace realises it is she who is about to be served up and sacrificed for the amusement of her new family.

It’s downhill from there, however. The plot collapses into a predictable hunt-and-slash horror (think Scream with more upmarket interiors). The film tries too hard to be clever and progressive in a way that comes across as campy and derivative.

An ending in which the demonic in-laws implode as the Sun rises (expect buckets of blood) is so ridiculous it tips over into horror comedy. And the final scene of a dishevelled Grace smoking on the steps while the terrible place burns up behind her reminded me a lot of Heathers (1988) – another, better satire.

– Susan Hopkins

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Aussie drag, career vampires and a bloody game of hide and seek: what we’re watching in December – https://theconversation.com/aussie-drag-career-vampires-and-a-bloody-game-of-hide-and-seek-what-were-watching-in-december-244643

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sally Hurst, Adjunct Fellow – Faculty of Science and Engineering, Macquarie University

A lot of things scientists study are part of Country – the lands, waters and skies to which First Nations peoples are connected. In Australia, there has to date been little respect for the significance or value of cultural knowledge in scientific practice.

Here is how one of us (Steve Ahoy, Anaiwan Elder and cultural knowledge holder) puts his perspective:

Everything is Country. To Aboriginal people, fossils are artefacts. We don’t see or distinguish between our artefacts and a fossil. Our artefacts come from Mother Earth; a fossil comes from Mother Earth. I come from the Earth. I walk the Earth. I die, I go back to the Earth. The Earth can continue without us. We can’t continue without the Earth.

In our new research, we explored four grassroots initiatives promoting First Nations cultural knowledge alongside Western scientific knowledge. These initiatives show these two perspectives can complement one another and together create a rich tapestry of knowledge about the past.

Institutional distrust

In Australia, especially on land that does not have exclusive Native Title claim, it is not common practice for Earth scientists to consult with local First Nations communities to seek permission before extracting materials such as fossils, rocks or minerals. Archaeologists are required to consult with First Nations communities, but the developers they advise often have no obligation to change their actions in response to the consultation.

Museums have traditionally been warehouses for both natural and cultural heritage collections. However, a history of colonial collecting practices has led to deep-rooted distrust in these institutions among First Nations communities.

As Ahoy puts it:

In my experience, I have never seen a museum freely engage with our community and say ‘Hey, we’ve got your stuff, do you want it back?’ It’s always us having to go through the authorities to […] force the return of our cultural heritage.

Grassroots initiatives represent more trusted ways to protect and communicate about heritage.

1. Found a Fossil project

Fossils and First Nations artefacts are different in their formation, preservation and significance. However, both can be found across the vast Australian landscape, and members of the general public often uncover these objects.

Legislation surrounding the protection of fossils and First Nations artefacts varies across land types and differs in each state and territory in Australia. Information about these rules can be vague, confusing and difficult to find (if it exists at all).

This situation has led to many serious misunderstandings, especially propagation of myths about land reclamation – the idea that if you find Aboriginal cultural heritage on your property, your land could be taken away. (Ironically, removal from their land was exactly what many First Nations communities have historically faced.)

In 2021, one of us (Sally Hurst) started a project called Found a Fossil to understand what members of the Australian public might do if they discovered something, and to raise awareness of heritage protection in an accessible way.

The project surveyed members of the public about their knowledge and created a guide for what to do it if you find a fossil or artefact, in consultation with First Nations peoples, palaeontologists and archaeologists.

The project is the first of its kind in Australia. It acknowledges and promotes the deep connection between natural and cultural heritage, and the need to protect it into the future.

2. Museum of Stone Tools

The Museum of Stone Tools is a digital, open-access collection of 3D models of artefacts. As an online repository, the museum allows in-depth exploration and knowledge sharing, without issues associated with managing physical collections.

The platform has allowed universities and physical museums, students, archaeologists and First Nations groups to use these digital objects for cultural training, education and managing heritage, even when an object has been returned to Country.

3. Broome dinosaur trackways

In Western Australia, on what former premier Colin Barnett once called “an unremarkable beach” near Broome in the state’s north, thousands of dinosaur footprints are preserved in rocks exposed by shifting sands.

The tracks have been a part of Dreaming stories of the peoples of the West Coast Saltwater Sun Down law and cultural group, traditionally known as Goolarabooloo, for thousands of years. Some of the tracks left by three-toed feet, for example, are associated with a creator-being known as Marala, or the “Emu-man”.

In 2015, after several years of collaborative research between palaeontologists from the University of Queensland and Goolarabooloo traditional custodians, the Dinosaur Coast Management Group was established. This is a not-for-profit collective comprising knowledge holders and other members of the Indigenous community along with professional, Western-trained palaeontologists and local dinosaur track enthusiasts.

The main purpose of the group is to inform the public about the significance of the coastline and its dinosaur tracks. The group also works with local interest groups to devise strategies to protect the area from impacts associated with greater numbers of visitors and coastal development. At the same time, the group works to create job opportunities for people in Broome, through educational activities and guided tours for visitors.

4. Rola[STONE] documentary

The documentary Rola[STONE] explores the connections between geology, landscape and cultural knowledge on Anaiwan Country around Armidale, New South Wales. One of us (geoscientist Marissa Betts), in collaboration with Anaiwan Elders, directed the film. It shows how the landscape can be read through a scientific lens and through the Dreaming stories of those who have deep connections to Country.

Valuing layers of knowledge

These case studies show the potential of positive engagement with First Nations peoples, communities and knowledge. They show there are myriad ways to dovetail multiple and different perspectives to promote mutual, two-way benefits.

In Ahoy’s words:

We want people to work with us, instead of us being forced to work with them. Building transparent, educational partnerships is the only way we can guarantee the free two-way flow of information.

Scientists and others working in Western institutions have the opportunity to create meaningful collaborations with First Nations peoples to promote their voices, and share cultural knowledge for the benefit of both parties. In this way we can weave together not just a rich story of the past, but of our future.

Sally Hurst created and works for the Found a Fossil project.

Marissa Betts directed the documentary Rola［STONE］ discussed in this article.

Steve Ahoy featured in the documentary Rola［STONE］ discussed in this article.

– ref. ‘Everything is Country’: these 4 projects blend First Nations knowledge and science to rewrite our understanding of the past – https://theconversation.com/everything-is-country-these-4-projects-blend-first-nations-knowledge-and-science-to-rewrite-our-understanding-of-the-past-243578

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Mendelssohn, Honorary Senior Fellow, School of Culture and Communication. Editor in chief, Design and Art of Australia Online, The University of Melbourne

In 1974, when a local Sydney newspaper wrote on the success of two local artists, they were introduced using their husband’s names. Ruth Faerber, who has died aged 102, was named as “Mrs Hans (Ruth) Faerber of Castle Cove”.

This was later expanded to indicate the “housewife, mother of two is the wife of Hans Faerber, a design engineer”, before describing her prizewinning work and noting she was also the art critic of the Jewish Times.

Ever polite, always elegant, Faerber never vocally contested such categorisations. However, from girlhood until her extreme old age, she was first and foremost an artist.

A young interest in art

Ruth Levy was born in the Sydney suburb of Woollahra, on October 9 1922. After a less than pleasant experience at Sydney Girls High with an art teacher she later described as an “absolute whacko”, she became a boarding student at Ravenswood.

Here, she was inspired by her teacher Gladys Gibbons and introduced to printmaking as an art. When Ruth told her father she wanted to leave school and be an artist, he agreed on the condition that “you’ve got to be able earn your own living”.

She enrolled at Peter Dodd’s Commercial Art School. Dodd’s friends included the radical modernists Frank and Margel Hinder, recently arrived from the United States, giving the students a surprisingly radical art education.

Two years later, as the impact of World War II led to young women being encouraged to take the jobs of departed men, the 17-year-old worked as a junior commercial artist.

At the Market Printery she was introduced to photogravure printing and made her first experimental etching.

Ruth continued her studies at East Sydney Technical College. In 1944 she enrolled in Desiderius Orban’s Rowe Street Studio. The refugee Hungarian artist taught that rules were to be broken, that artists must experiment, and to have faith in her creativity.

These were lessons she never forgot.

Making a life as an artist

In 1946, Ruth married Hans Faerber, a young design engineer who had escaped from Germany in 1938.

Despite postwar cultural pressures prescribing that women should solely devote themselves to their families, Ruth continued to paint, turning the garage into her studio and running children’s art classes from home. She wanted to learn printmaking but in Sydney this was not possible: the only lithography course was limited to printing apprentices, and only men were eligible to apply.

In 1961 Joy Ewart donated her lithography press to create Sydney’s first public access print workshop at the Willoughby Arts Centre. Faerber became one of its most active participants.

In 1963, the year of her first solo exhibition, the family moved to a house on Sydney’s north shore. Her new studio was built into the base of the cliff. To provide safe access without the bother of planning permission, Hans removed the floor of the broom cupboard and placed a ladder down to the studio.

Faerber’s ability to disappear into a cupboard straight after dinner did sometimes disconcert her children and visitors, but it gave her time to make art as she worked through the night.

Continual experiments

By 1968 her prints had been acquired by the National Gallery of Victoria and the Art Gallery of NSW, but she knew she needed to learn more.

She received a scholarship for New York City’s Pratt Center. In New York, she saw Rauschenberg’s Experiments in Art & Technology and remembered Orban’s dictum to constantly experiment. She started to use spray paint as a medium and to incorporate photographic images in her work. One print includes a newspaper photograph of Leonard Cohen, made after she saw him perform.

Her return to Australia saw continual experiments. She also began to write, becoming the art critic for the Australian Jewish News. Her reviews were characterised by a generosity of spirit, especially noticing artists at the beginning of their careers. Women and printmakers were favoured subjects.

One of the most significant costs for printmakers is the cost of imported handmade paper. In 1980, Faerber was invited to attend the first hand paper-making workshop at the Tasmanian School of Art’s Jabberwock Mill.

There she realised the possibilities of paper as a medium rather than as a surface.

She abandoned standard shapes. Her experiments with paper became irregular, then sculptural. Paper began to be made with different materials, including tapioca flour and cold tea. She found if she sprayed a paper sculpture with the kind of aerosol paint designed for cars, she could simulate an impression of aged stone.

While she kept a close eye on the latest technical developments, her best tools of trade were sometimes found in the home. Electric frying pans, food processors and a microwave oven were repurposed to make art. An ironing board with a mesh base was used as a press for making paper. She had a long fascination with archaeological sites, realising how fragile civilisations and human life may be.

As she became physically frail, Faerber changed her practice towards making digital prints, seeing how far she could stretch the new media to her ends.

Joanna Mendelssohn has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council

– ref. Australian printmaker Ruth Faerber has died aged 102. She never stopped making art – https://theconversation.com/australian-printmaker-ruth-faerber-has-died-aged-102-she-never-stopped-making-art-230119

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Greste, Professor of Journalism and Communications, Macquarie University

Earlier this year, the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor (INSLM), Jake Blight, compared the sheer volume of Australia’s secrecy laws to works of literature.

“You’d be looking at about 3,000-plus pages. That’s about the same as the complete works of William Shakespeare, War and Peace, and the three volumes of the Lord of the Rings – added together,” he told the ABC.

Of course, secrecy laws are necessary in an increasingly dangerous world. And since the September 11 2001 attacks, Australia has passed more than any other country on Earth – more than 90 by a 2021 count (though the number is now closer to 100).

But as Blight went on to point out, when these laws also smother the transparency that legitimate whistleblowing and investigative journalism bring to a democracy, they can wind up damaging the very system they are designed to protect.

That is why Attorney General Mark Dreyfus’ announcement this week that he has accepted six of the INSLM’s 15 recommendations to reform Australia’s secrecy laws in full, and six others in part, is an important break from the direction of travel.

When classified information causes harm

In Blight’s review of the secrecy offences in the Criminal Code, some of those making submissions (including my own organisation, the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom) argued that many of the laws are inconsistent with the rule of law and human rights principles.

Critics also argue the laws unnecessarily penalise legitimate whistleblowing and criminalise the very journalists, lawyers and activist groups that are essential to the effective functioning of our democracy.

As it stands, the law makes it an offence to “deal with” classified information – a phrase so broad that a journalist or lawyer cannot open an envelope containing a classified document without risking prison. The government has agreed that merely receiving information should not be an offence alone.

The law also assumes that if a document is stamped “classified”, it would be harmful if it were released. It is what the law describes as “deemed” harm.

Instead, the government has agreed that what matters is the actual harm that might be caused if a document is released, rather than the stamp at the top of it.

In his review, Blight agreed the current system of classifying documents depended on secret policies and anonymous public servants rather than the courts. He said, however, that should not form the basis for criminal prosecutions that could send people to prison for years.

He told journalists on Wednesday:

My concern is in taking a policy document and trying to enshrine it in the criminal law. Criminal laws need much more precision than a policy like that can provide.

‘The most extreme secrets’

Dreyfus also agreed to invite the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to revise the policy to consider press freedom when the office is dealing with journalists or publishers in cases involving classified documents.

But the government did not go as far as Blight had asked, particularly with regard to narrowing the scope of what is considered harmful information about intelligence agencies.

Currently, it is an offence to publish any information from an intelligence agency. Blight had recommended it be restricted to information about the data they handle, their operations, capabilities, technologies, methods and sources.

While Dreyfus agreed the scope of protected information is broad, he said Blight’s recommendation would “remove protections from categories of information which would cause harm if disclosed”.

Blight called that decision “unfortunate”.

Many of our intelligence agencies now do important work, but actually isn’t intelligence work, and I think our laws need to be tailored to that. Extreme secrecy should be focused only on the most extreme secrets.

Government lacking action

Broadly, though, Blight and other groups, including the Human Rights Law Centre and the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom, have welcomed the government’s response as an important step towards improving transparency and press freedom.

But accepting the recommendations is not the same as implementing them. The government has a record of promising improvements in transparency, but falling short in terms of passing legislation.

In 2020, the parliament’s intelligence and security committee published a report into the impact of the law enforcement and intelligence agencies on the freedom of the press.

The report included 16 recommendations, and both the government and the opposition accepted 15 of them. Dreyfus, who was the shadow attorney general at the time, went even further. He described the recommendations as “the bare minimum”.

So far, five years on, only one has been implemented.

Peter Greste is Professor of Journalism at Macquarie University and the Executive Director for the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom. The AJF made both written and oral submissions to the INSLM inquiry into secrecy laws. He was also a researcher on a University of Queensland project between 2018 and 2021 that studied the intersection of press freedom and national security.

– ref. The government agrees Australia’s secrecy laws need to change. Now comes the hard part – taking action – https://theconversation.com/the-government-agrees-australias-secrecy-laws-need-to-change-now-comes-the-hard-part-taking-action-244823

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa French, Professor & Dean, School of Media and Communication, RMIT University

The Future & Other Fictions, ACMI’s flagship summer exhibition, explores where storytelling imagines and rethinks the future.

It is an original show co-curated by ACMI’s Amanda Haskard (Gunai/Kurnai) and Chelsey O’Brien, in collaboration with director, featured artist and futurist Liam Young.

Featuring the work of 19 creatives, it brings together an impressive 180 works, showcasing film, videogames, screen-based art, costumes, paraphernalia from movies, video essays, textiles, fashion activism and new commissioned works.

The future, according to Young, “rushes over us like water”. It doesn’t just “happen to us” – “we can all be active participants in shaping and defining it”.

At the opening he described the exhibition as a “call to arms”, challenging visitors to imagine or be empowered to shape a more optimistic world. Young’s analogy with water is present throughout the exhibition.

Moving through the maze

The first part of the exhibition has a video essay that offers a provocative history of future worlds as seen on screen. As you explore, you encounter popular items from Marvel Studios’ Black Panther: Wakanda Forever (2022) to a miniature from Blade Runner 2049 (2017).

As visitors move through, the set design wraps around us, directing us – a bit like a maze drawing one forward.

Birth of Dawn, by Queensland-based artist Hannah Brontë, uses the pregnant form and water to represent the embodiment of her Country.

This work is mesmerising and tranquil. The experience includes the smell of an earthy blue gum scent, which I identified as suggesting the earth sweating. The exhibition label for this work observes “there is nothing more science fiction than nature itself”.

Another commission, After the End, is designed and directed by Young and written and narrated by Ngarrindjeri, Narungga, Kaurna and Noongar actor Natasha Wanganeen.

It is described in the publicity as reimagining “a world in which fossil fuel production has ceased, and communities return to rebuild the landscape”.

Much of the work evokes the sensation of floating in water. I found it utterly hypnotic. Viewers can recline on bean bags and let the experience gently wash over them.

Other works have this same imagining of speculative (hypothetical) futures, resistance and rebellion, including the idea Indigenous people reclaim sovereignty and Country.

Nigerian-born United States artist Olalekan Jeyifous’s Shanty Megastructures imagines “Anarchonauts”: an advanced and empowered African identity who turn neglected spaces into innovation and sustainability centres.

These works remind the viewer of Mad Max films, initially conjuring up dystopian ideas of society having gone wrong.

But Jeyifous’ vision feels utopian. We observe harmony realised by calm expressions, an image of a mother, child and technology (the latter creatively made wearable). The beaming face of a smiling child tells us that these shanty towns, usually places of extreme poverty, might be optimistic places of social ingenuity.

It flips the Max Max narrative. This society is resilient and thriving.

Screen culture and the future

Screen culture (which is everything a screen community does, from production, to this article, and to exhibitions) has always engaged in futurism, from Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1927) through to the new commissions described above.

As the exhibition’s introductory wall text offers, many of the innovations of today, from “driverless cars, smart phones, virtual reality – first appeared on screen”.

From this perspective, this exhibition showcases a vision of the transformative power of screen culture for shaping the future. Throughout the exhibition, we are shown how screen productions of the past imagined the future, juxtaposed against contemporary creators speculating about futures they want to live in.

The environment and Indigenous cultures

Many of the works in the exhibition come from the Asia Pacific.

The fashion activist collective the Pacific Sisters celebrate Indigenous identities and mana wāhine (a concept from Māori culture in Aotearoa New Zealand that refers to the power, authority and prestige of women).

Their aim is to preserve culture through costume design and speculative storytelling.

Artwork that dramatically represents their sustainable approach is seen in Kaitiaki with a K; Tauleolevai: Keeper of the Water (Tuna).

There are three imposing fashion artworks, one made from VHS video tape. Due to a lack of materials, they recycled the tape, removing it from cassettes and plaiting it using a technique usually applied to palm leaves for making kikau brooms.

Videotape has its own qualities, shimmering in the light as if it were alive. This is a metaphor; VHS is considered obsolete but, as the wall text reminds us, in Māori and Pacific cultures, “the past lives in the present”.

Interactivity

The exhibition is mentally and physically interactive. It poses thought-provoking questions about our future selves, exploring how artificial intelligence will reshape cinema and whether screen culture predicts the future or merely reflects the fantasies and social realities of the era in which it is created.

It also has lots of interactive features from making posters to using the barcode on the entry ticket to capture things and take them home.

Visitors who’ve ever wondered what sci-fi renegades, afrofuturists, fashion activists, anarchonauts, Indigenous futurism, cyberpunks and screen culture have in common will be enlightened by the end of the show.

Each of these are woven into the story of the exhibition which has a positive message about how screen culture and environmental care can imagine and potentially create a future where human and nature thrive together.

It has something for audiences of all ages and will be a welcome cultural addition to the hot days of Melbourne’s forthcoming summer.

The Future & Other Fictions is at ACMI until April 27 2025.

RMIT is ACMI’s major research partner.

– ref. At ACMI’s The Future & Other Fictions, artists challenge us to imagine a more optimistic world – https://theconversation.com/at-acmis-the-future-and-other-fictions-artists-challenge-us-to-imagine-a-more-optimistic-world-243911

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Girardi, Lecturer in Speech Pathology and Researcher at the Centre for Health Research, University of Southern Queensland

Children, especially toddlers and preschoolers, have an uncanny ability to surprise adults. And one of the more alarming discoveries parents can make is their child has stuck a small object, such as a Lego piece, up their nose.

Queensland Children’s Hospital recently reported more than 1,650 children with foreign objects up their nose had presented to its emergency department over the past decade. Lego, beads, balls, batteries, buttons and crayons were among the most common objects.

With the Christmas season approaching, it’s likely more of these small objects will be brought into our homes as toys, gifts or novelty items.

But why do children stick things like these up their nose? Here’s how natural curiosity, developing motor skills, and a limited understanding of risk can be a dangerous combination.

1. Kids are curious creatures

Toddlers are naturally curious creatures. During the toddler and preschool years, children explore their environment by using their senses. They touch, taste, smell, listen to and look at everything around them. It’s a natural part of their development and a big part of how they learn about the world.

Researchers call this “curiosity-based learning”. They say children are more likely to explore unfamiliar objects or when they don’t completely understand how they work. This may explain why toddlers tend to gravitate towards new or unfamiliar objects at home.

Unfortunately, this healthy developmental curiosity sometimes leads to them putting things in places they shouldn’t, such as their nose.

2. Kids are great mimics

Young children often mimic what they see. Studies that tracked the same group of children over time confirm imitation plays a vital role in a child’s development. This activates certain critical neural pathways in the brain. Imitation is particularly important when learning to use and understand language and when learning motor skills such as walking, clapping, catching a ball, waving and writing.

Put simply, when a child imitates, it strengthens brain connections and helps them learn new skills faster. Anecdotally, parents of toddlers will relate to seeing their younger children copying older siblings’ phrases or gestures.

Inserting items into their nose is no different. Toddlers see older children and adults placing items near their face – when they blow their nose, put on makeup or eat – and decide to try it themselves.

3. Kids don’t yet understand risk

Toddlers might be curious. But they don’t have the cognitive capacity or reasoning ability to comprehend the consequences of placing items in their nose or mouth. This can be a dangerous combination. So supervising your toddler is essential.

Small, bright-coloured objects, items with interesting textures, or items that resemble food are especially tempting for little ones.

What can I do?

Sometimes, it’s obvious when a child has put something up their nose, but not always. Your child might have pain or itchiness around the nose, discharge or bleeding from the nose, and be upset or uncomfortable.

If your child has difficulty breathing or you suspect your child has inserted a sharp object or button battery seek immediate medical care. Button batteries can burn and damage tissues in as little as 15 minutes, which can lead to infection and injury.

If your child inserts an object where they shouldn’t:

• stay calm: your child will react to your emotions, so try to remain calm and reassuring

• assess the situation: can you see the object? Is your child in distress?

• encourage your child to blow their nose gently. This may help dislodge the object

• take your child outside in the Sun: brief exposure for a minute or two might prompt a “Sun sneeze”, which may dislodge the object. But avoid sniffing, which may cause the object to travel further in the airways and into the lungs

• never try to remove the object yourself using tweezers, cotton swabs or other tools. This can push the object further into the nose, causing more damage.

If these methods don’t dislodge the item, your child is not distressed and you don’t suspect a sharp object or button battery, go to your GP. They may be able to see and remove the item.

Prevention is better

Preventing these incidents starts with keeping small, shiny, tempting objects out of reach of children, and teaching them not to place objects in their noses or mouths.

Supervision is key. Parents and caregivers can also be stringent about what they bring into their home. If there’s an alternative item, for example, a similar product that doesn’t need a button battery, consider buying that instead.

Curiosity is a hallmark of children and a key learning process in the early years. However, this curiosity, combined with a limited ability to identify danger, can be a risky combination. With awareness of the dangers, supervision, and appropriate action when incidents happen, parents can keep their children safe, while they explore the world.

Anna Girardi works for Ramsay Health Care and Food Solutions Diet Consultants as a speech pathologist. She is affiliated with Speech Pathology Australia.

– ref. 3 reasons why kids stick Lego up their nose – https://theconversation.com/3-reasons-why-kids-stick-lego-up-their-nose-244729