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When media freedom as the ‘oxygen of democracy’ and hypocrisy share the same Pacific arena

Pacific Media Watch

Many platitudes about media freedom and democracy laced last week’s Pacific International Media Conference in the Fijian capital of Suva. There was a mood of euphoria at the impressive event, especially from politicians who talked about journalism being the “oxygen of democracy”.

The dumping of the draconian and widely hated Fiji Media Industry Development Act that had started life as a military decree in 2010, four years after former military commander Voreqe Bainimarama seized power, and was then enacted in the first post-coup elections in 2014, was seen as having restored media freedom for the first time in almost two decades.

As a result, Fiji had bounced back 45 places to 44th on this year’s Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index – by far the biggest climb of any nation in Oceania, where most countries, including Australia and New Zealand, have been sliding downhill.

One of Fiji’s three deputy Prime Ministers, Professor Biman Prasad, a former University of the South Pacific economist and long a champion of academic and media freedom, told the conference the new Coalition government headed by the original 1987 coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka had reintroduced media self-regulation and “we can actually feel the freedom everywhere, including in Parliament”.

The same theme had been offered at the conference opening ceremony by another deputy PM, Manoa Kamikamica, who declared:

“We pride ourselves on a government that tries to listen, and hopefully we can try and chart a way forward in terms of media freedom and journalism in the Pacific, and most importantly, Fiji.

“They say that journalism is the oxygen of democracy, and that could be no truer than in the case of Fiji.”

Happy over media law repeal
Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu echoed the theme. Speaking at the conference launch of a new book, Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific (co-edited by Professor Prasad, conference chair Associate Professor Shailendra Singh and Dr Amit Sarwal), he said: “We support and are happy with this government of Fiji for repealing the media laws that went against media freedom in Fiji in the recent past.”

Fiji Deputy Prime Minister Manoa Kamikamica . . . speaking about the “oxygen of democracy” at the opening of the Pacific International Media Conference in Suva on 4 July 2024. Image: Asia Pacific Media Network

But therein lies an irony. While Masiu supports the repeal of a dictatorial media law in Fiji, he is a at the centre of controversy back home over a draft media law (now in its fifth version) that he is spearheading that many believe will severely curtail the traditional PNG media freedom guaranteed under the constitution.

He defends his policies, saying that in PNG, “given our very diverse society with over 1000 tribes and over 800 languages and huge geography, correct and factful information is also very, very critical.”

Masiu says that what drives him is a “pertinent question”:

“How is the media being developed and used as a tool to protect and preserve our Pacific identity?”

PNG Minister for Information and Communications Technology Timothy Masiu (third from right) at the conference pre-dinner book launchings at Holiday Inn, Suva, on July 4. The celebrants are holding the 30th anniversary edition of Pacific Journalism Review. Image: Wansolwara

Another issue over the conference was the hypocrisy over debating media freedom in downtown Suva while a few streets away Fijian freedom of speech advocates and political activists were being gagged about speaking out on critical decolonisation and human rights issues such as Kanaky, Palestine and West Papua freedom.

In the front garden of the Gordon Street compound of the Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC), the independence flags of Kanaky, Palestine and West Papua flutter in the breeze. Placards and signs daub the walls of the centre declaring messages such as “Stop the genocide”, “Resistance is justified! When people are occupied!”, “Free Kanaky – Justice for Kanaky”, “Ceasefire, stop genocide”, “Palestine is a moral litmus test for the world” and “We need rainbows not Rambos”.

The West Papuan Morning Star and Palestinian flags for decolonisation fluttering high in downtown Suva. Image: APMN

‘Thursdays in Black’
While most of the 100 conference participants from 11 countries were gathered at the venue to launch the peace journalism book Waves of Change and the 30th anniversary edition of Pacific Journalism Review, about 30 activists were gathered at the same time on July 4 in the centre’s carpark for their weekly “Thursdays in Black” protest.

But they were barred from stepping onto the footpath in public or risk arrest. Freedom of speech and freedom of assembly Fiji-style.

Protesters at the Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre compound in downtown Suva in the weekly “Thursdays in Black” solidarity rally with Kanaky, Palestine and West Papua on July 4. Image: APMN

Surprisingly, the protest organisers were informed on the same day that they could stage a “pre-Bastllle Day” protest about Kanaky and West Papua on July 12, but were banned from raising Israeli’s genocidal war on Palestine.

Fiji is the only Pacific country to seek an intervention in support of Tel Aviv in South Africa’s case before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague accusing Israel of genocide in a war believed to have killed more than 38,000 Palestinians — including 17,000 children — so far, although an article in The Lancet medical journal argues that the real death toll is more like 138,000 people – equivalent to almost a fifth of Fiji’s population.

The protest march was staged on Friday but in spite of the Palestine ban some placards surfaced and also Palestinian symbols such as keffiyehs and watermelons.

The “pre-Bastille Day” march in Suva in solidarity for decolonisation. Image: FWCC

The Fiji NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji and their allies have been hosting vigils at FWCC compound for Palestine, West Papua and Kanaky every Thursday over the last eight months, calling on the Fiji government and Pacific leaders to support the ceasefire in Gaza, and protect the rights of Palestinians, West Papuans and Kanaks.

“The struggles of Palestinians are no different to West Papua, Kanaky New Caledonia — these are struggles of self-determination, and their human rights must be upheld,” said FWCC coordinator and the NGO coalition chair Shamima Ali.

Solidarity for Kanaky in the “pre-Bastille Day” march in Suva on Friday. Image: FWCC

Media silence noticed
Outside the conference, Pacific commentators also noticed the media hypocrisy and the silence.

Canberra-based West Papuan diplomacy-trained activist and musician Ronny Kareni complained in a post on X, formerly Twitter: “While media personnel, journos and academia in journalism gathered [in Suva] to talk about media freedom, media network and media as the oxygen of democracy etc., why Papuan journos can’t attend, yet Indon[esian] ambassador to Fiji @SimamoraDupito can??? Just curious.”

Ronny Kareni’s X post about the Indonesian Ambassador to Fiji Dupito D. Simamora. Image: @ronnykareni X screenshot APR

At the conference itself, some speakers did raise the Palestine and decolonisation issue.

Speaker Khairiah A Rahman (from left) of the Asia Pacific Media Network and colleagues Pacific Journalism Review designer Del Abcede, PJR editor Dr Philip Cass, Dr Adam Brown, PJR founder Dr David Robie, and Rach Mario (Whānau Community Hub). Image: APMN

Khairiah A. Rahman, of the Asia Pacific Media Network, one of the partner organisers along with the host University of the South Pacific and Pacific Islands News Association, spoke on the “Media, Community, Social Cohesion and Conflict Prevention” panel following Hong Kong Professor Cherian George’s compelling keynote address about “Cracks in the Mirror: When Media Representations Sharpen Social Divisions”.

She raised the Palestine crisis as a critical global issue and also a media challenge.

“Palestine is a moral litmus test for the world” poster at the Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre compound. Image: APMN

In his keynote address, “Frontline Media Faultlines: How Critical Journalism Can Survive Against the Odds”, Professor David Robie, also of APMN, spoke of the common decolonisation threads between Kanaky, Palestine and West Papua.

He also critiquing declining trust in mainstream media – that left some “feeling anxious and powerless” — and how they were being fragmented by independent start-ups that were perceived by many people as addressing universal truths such as the genocide in Palestine.

PJR editorial challenge
Dr Robie cited the editorial in the just-published Pacific Journalism Review which had laid down a media challenge over Gaza. He wrote:

“Gaza has become not just a metaphor for a terrible state of dystopia in parts of the world, it has also become an existential test for journalists – do we stand up for peace and justice and the right of people to survive under the threat of ethnic cleansing and against genocide, or do we do nothing and remain silent in the face of genocide being carried out with impunity in front of our very eyes?

“The answer is simple surely . . .

“And it is about saving journalism, our credibility, and our humanity as journalists.”


Professor David Robie’s keynote speech at Pacific Media 2023.  Video: The Australia Today

At the end of his address, Dr Robie called for a minute’s silence in a tribute to the 158 Palestinian journalists who had been killed so far in the ninth-month war on Gaza. The Gazan journalists were awarded this year’s UNESCO Guillermo Cano Media Freedom Prize for their “courage and commitment to freedom of expression”.

Undoubtedly the two most popular panels in the conference were the “Pacific Editors’ Forum” when eight editors from around the region “spoke their minds”, and a panel on sexual harassment on the media workplace and on the job.

Little or no action
According to speakers in “Gender and Media in the Pacific: Examining violence that women Face” panel introduced and moderated by Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM) executive director Nalini Singh, female journalists continue to experience inequalities and harassment in their workplaces and on assignment — with little or no action taken against their perpetrators.

Fiji journalist Lice Movono speaking on a panel discussion about “Prevalence and Impact of sexual harassment on female journalists” at the Pacific International Media Conference in Fiji. Image: Stefan Armbruster/Benar News

The speakers included FWRM programme director Laisa Bulatale, veteran Pacific journalists Lice Movono and Georgina Kekea, strategic communications specialist Jacqui Berell and USP’s Dr Shailendra Singh, associate professor and the conference chair.

“As 18 and 19 year old (journalists), what we experienced 25 years ago in the industry is still the same situation — and maybe even worse now for young female journalists,” Movono said.

She shared “unfortunate and horrifying” accounts of experiences of sexual harassment by local journalists and the lack of space to discuss these issues.

These accounts included online bullying coupled with threats against journalists and their loved ones and families. stalking of female journalists, always being told to “suck it up” by bosses and other colleagues, the fear and stigma of reporting sexual harassment experiences, feeling as if no one would listen or care, the lack of capacity/urgency to provide psychological social support and many more examples.

“They do the work and they go home, but they take home with them, trauma,” Movono said.

And Kekea added: “Women journalists hardly engage in spaces to have their issues heard, they are often always called upon to take pictures and ‘cover’.”

Technology harassment
erell talked about Technology Facilitated Gender Based Violence (TFGBV) — a grab bag term to cover the many forms of harassment of women through online violence and bullying.

The FWRM also shared statistics on the combined research with USP’s School of Journalism on the “Prevalence and Impact of Sexual Harassment on Female Journalists” and data on sexual harassment in the workplace undertaken by the team.

Speaking from the floor, New Zealand Pacific investigative television journalist Indira Stewart also rounded off the panel with some shocking examples from Aotearoa New Zealand.

In spite of the criticisms over hypocrisy and silence over global media freedom and decolonisation challenges, participants generally concluded this was the best Pacific media conference in many years.

Asia Pacific Media Network’s Nik Naidu (right) with Maggie Boyle and Professor Emily Drew. Image: Del Abcede/APMN

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

A bloodied, defiant Trump could become the defining image of the US election

US President Donald Trump raised a fist in defiance after an assassination attempt on his life in Pennsylvania, Saturday, July 13, 2024 (USEDST).

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

The shots fired at Donald Trump at a rally in Pennsylvania on Saturday are being investigated as an assassination attempt of the former president and current Republican presidential nominee.

Assassination attempts on presidents and presidential nominees are littered throughout American history. What happened in Pennsylvania is horrifying, but sadly not surprising.

I’ve been really struck by how many senior political figures in the United States came out after the shooting and said political violence has no place in America. US President Joe Biden said violence of this kind is “unheard of” in the US.

That is pretty astounding. The United States was founded on political violence, and incidents of political violence mark its entire history.

In fact, Biden began his political career framing himself as the political heir to the murdered Kennedy brothers – President John F. Kennedy, who was assassinated in 1963, and Robert F. Kennedy, assassinated in 1968.

However, for this incident to occur in this moment, given the volatile nature of the presidential campaign so far and the deep divisions in the United States, is deeply concerning.

The way the shooting has been weaponised on social media so quickly – with conspiracy theories unfolding in real time – means the potential for this kind of violence to escalate is very high.

You only have to look at the insurrection of the US Capitol on January 6 2021 to see how quickly political violence can explode in the US.

This is due, at least in part, to the way violent rhetoric has been cultivated quite deliberately by elements of the far right in recent years. In particular, undercurrents of political violence have simmered at Trump rallies since the beginning of his first run for the presidency in 2016.

The threat of violence has become central to Trump’s political image, to his appeal and to his supporter base. You only have to watch a few moments of every Trump rally and every Trump speech to hear him speak about violence, often in graphic detail and with great relish.

For instance, he has repeatedly referenced conspiracy theories when describing the attack against former US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband, Paul, in their home in 2022, as well as mocking him and joking about the attack.

This is a feature, not a bug, of the Trump campaign and the movement behind him.

And it has a real-world impact. A nationwide review conducted by ABC News (the US media organisation) in 2020 identified 54 criminal cases in which Trump himself had been invoked in “direct connection with violent acts, threats of violence or allegations of assault”.

Just a couple of weeks ago, Kevin Roberts, the president of the right-wing think tank Heritage Foundation (the architect of the Project 2025 plan to overhaul the US government under a second Trump presidency), talked about a “second American Revolution” that would “remain bloodless if the left allows it to be.”

Given how ever-present this threat of violence has become, it’s perhaps more surprising that an incident of this magnitude doesn’t happen more often, or hasn’t happened already.

A campaign-defining image

It’s also striking what a master of the political image Trump is. You can see this in the footage of the shooting in Pennsylvania: after Trump stands up, he raises his fist defiantly to have that image captured.

That image is of course going to define this moment, if not Trump’s entire presidential campaign.

There have been a series of tipping points in this campaign so far, and this may well be the decisive one. It could turn Trump from a martyr to a saint in the eyes of his supporters.

Watching how Trump, his campaign and the people around him use this narrative will be so important, especially in advance of the Republican National Convention, which is scheduled to start in Wisconsin in the coming days.

You can already see elements on the right – particularly among Trump’s supporters – attempting to use the assassination attempt to foster conspiracy theories as a rallying point for the former president.

Given the fall-out from Biden’s debate performance in recent weeks, a contrasting image of the two candidates is also emerging and could solidify further – even if it doesn’t reflect them accurately.

That image of Trump, bloodied with a raised fist, could certainly come to frame his entire campaign and rally support behind him.

It is entirely possible, then, that this becomes the moment when Trump won the election.

Emma Shortis is Senior Researcher in International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

ref. A bloodied, defiant Trump could become the defining image of the US election – https://theconversation.com/a-bloodied-defiant-trump-could-become-the-defining-image-of-the-us-election-234629

‘We slept in the open,’ say PNG evicted widows who bought Bush Wara land

By Kelvin Joe and Gynnie Kero in Port Moresby

Two widows and their children were among other Papua New Guinean squatters who had to dismantle their homes as the eviction exercise started at portion 2157 at Nine-Mile’s Bush Wara this week.

Agnes Kamak, 52, from Jiwaka’s South Waghi, and Jen Emeke, from Enga’s Wapenamanda, said they had lived and raised their children in the area for the past 10 years since the death of their husbands.

Kamak, who was employed as a cleaner with the Health Department, said she did not know where her family would go to seek refuge and rebuild their lives after they were evicted on Thursday.

“My two sons, daughter and I slept in the open last night [Wednesday] after we dismantled our home because we did not want the earthmoving machines to destroy our housing materials today [Thursday],” she said.

Kamak said she saved the money while working as a cleaner in various companies and bought a piece of land for K10,000 (NZ$4200) in 2013 from a man claiming to be from Koiari and a customary landowner.

“My late husband and I bought this piece of land with the little savings I earned as a cleaner,” she said.

“My second son is currently doing Grade 12 at Gerehu Secondary School and I do not want this situation to disrupt his studies.”

12 years in Bush Wara
She said she could not bring her family back home to Jiwaka as she had lived and built her life in Bush Wara for almost 12 years.

Emeke, who also worked as a cleaner, said she bought the piece of land for K10,000 and has lived with her two children in the area since 2016.

“After my husband passed away, my two children and I moved here and build our home,” Emeke said.

On March 12, the National Court granted leave to Nambawan Super Limited (NSL) to issue writs of possession to all illegal settlers residing within portions 2156, 2157 and 2159 at 9-Mile’s Bush Wara.

At the same time, it granted a 120-day grace period for the settlers to voluntarily vacate the land portions.

Most squatters had moved out during the 120-day grace period granted by the National Court for the settlers to voluntarily vacate the land.

The National witnessed the remaining squatters voluntarily pulling down the remaining structures of their homes and properties as earthmoving machines started clearing the area yesterday.

5400 squatters
It is understood that a survey conducted two years ago revealed that the total population squatting on the NSL land was about 5400 with 900 houses.

Acting commander of NCD and Central Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Peter Guinness said he was pleased with both the police and squatters who worked together to see that the first day of eviction went smoothly.

He said there was no confrontation and the first day of eviction was carried out peacefully.

Assistant Commissioner Guinness said settlers who were still removing their properties were given time to do so while the machines moved to other locations.

“I want to thank my police officers and also the sheriff officers for a well-coordinated awareness programme that led to a peaceful first day of eviction.

“The public must understand that police presence on-site during the awareness and actual eviction was to execute the court order now in place.

“We have families there, too, but we have no choice but to execute our mandated duties.

“The 120-day grace period was enough time for everyone to move out as per the court order,” Guinness said.

Awareness for the eviction exercise started three years ago.

Kelvin Joe and Gynnie Kero are reporters for PNG’s The National. Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

New riot vehicle shipment arrives for police, firemen in New Caledonia

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

More armoured vehicles and firetrucks have been delivered for Kanaky New Caledonia’s security forces, including police and firemen.

The France-freighted shipment consignment arrived aboard a cargo vessel, the Calao, the French High Commission announced on Thursday.

It contained 10 more armoured vehicles for the security forces, as well as 15 other vehicles said to benefit local firefighters.

The fire-fighting trucks will be delivered to the local Civil Security department.

“This is to pursue efforts to secure [New Caledonia] . . . It will be used to renew or replace equipment that has been damaged, including trucks and armoured vehicles,” French High Commissioner in New Caledonia Louis Le Franc said during a media briefing.

The 10 new armoured vehicles, known as Centaur, will be added to six others that were already deployed in New Caledonia since last month.

On board the same vessel, another batch of light armoured vehicles, dedicated to “exploration”, are described as bearing “reinforced windows” to protect passengers against bullets.

While efforts are ongoing to remove the numerous roadblocks in Nouméa and its suburbs, in the Northern Province, three French gendarmes have been injured and sustained bone fractures after their car was targeted and hit by a vehicle used by rioters, the French High Commission said.

New vehicles for New Caledonia firefighters. Image: French High Commission

One of the gendarmes has since been medically evacuated.

The incident took place in Houaïlou, in the north of the main island of Grande Terre.

Earlier incidents, especially in urban areas, involved home-made Viet Minh-like traps such as manhole covers being removed and dissimulated under branches, while sharp iron rods had been sealed inside the hole.

Several gendarmes who were tricked and fell into the hidden hole suffered serious injuries to the legs.

In other instances, especially on the roadblocks where French security forces are still trying to clear traffic access, gas bottles have been converted into explosive devices after being fitted with homemade remote-controlled detonators.

Saint Louis church presbytery destroyed by fire
Over the past few days, another hot point has been the village of Saint Louis, in the township of Mont-Dore (near Nouméa), where one rioter was killed earlier this week after firing gunshots to the gendarmes, who later retorted.

The death toll from the unrest is now 10.

On Thursday night, Saint Louis’s Catholic Mission, which had been set up in 1860 by the Marists, was set on fire and the presbytery (which had been occupied by rioters for the past few days) has been completely destroyed.

The Marist Brothers and Sisters had earlier been evacuated by French security forces.

Violent unrest has been ongoing in New Caledonia since mid-May, when riots, looting, arson, broke out.

This was initially in protest against a French government project to amend the Constitution and modify the rules of eligibility for local elections, a change perceived by the pro-independence movement as a bid to dilute the political strength of indigenous Kanak voters.

The riots, the worst since a quasi civil war erupted during the second half of the 1980s, have since caused the deaths of eight civilians and two French gendarmes.

Several hundred businesses and private residences were also set on fire and destroyed, for a total cost of some 2.2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion), according to the latest estimates.

As a result, several thousand employees have lost their jobs.

Two indicted women released – in home detention

Indicted Frédérique Muliava walked out of jail last Wednesday in Riom, France. Image: NC la 1ère/Quentin Menu

Last month, a group of pro-independence activists was indicted and flown to metropolitan France, where they are now serving pre-trial detention in several jails.

They are facing a range of charges, revolving around allegations of “organised crime”.

The arrests prompted a fresh upsurge in violence.

Last Wednesday, the only two women in the group, Frédérique Muliava (chief-of-staff of pro-independence figure and New Caledonia Congress President Roch Wamytan) and Brenda Wanabo (described as communications officer of the controversial pro-independence “CCAT” – field actions coordination cell) have been allowed to leave their jail, located respectively in Riom (near Clermont-Ferrand) and Dijon (eastern France).

Pending their trial before a French court, the two will however remain under home detention in the same cities and wearing electronic monitoring bracelets.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

PNG Communications Minister calls for media to ‘protect, preserve Pacific identity’

Wansolwara News

Here is the speech by Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Communication and Information Technology, Timothy Masiu, at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference dinner at the Holiday Inn, Suva, on July 4:

I thank the School of Journalism of the University of the South Pacific (USP) for the invitation to address this august gathering.

Commendations also to the Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) and the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) for jointly hosting this conference – the first of its kind in our region in two decades!

It is also worth noting that this conference has attracted an Emmy Award-winning television news producer from the United States, an award-winning journalism academic and author based in Hong Kong, a member of the New Zealand Order of Merit, a finalist in the 2017 Pulitzer Prize, and a renowned investigative journalist from New Zealand.

Mix this with our own blend of regional journalists, scholars and like-minded professionals, this is truly an international event.

Commendation to our local organisers and the regional and international stakeholders for putting together what promises to be three days of robust and exciting interactions and discussions on the status of media in our region.

This will also go a long way in proposing practical and tangible improvements for the industry.

My good friend and the Deputy Prime Minister of Fiji, the Honourable Manoa Kamikamica, has already set the tone for our conference with his powerful speech at this morning’s opening ceremony. (In fact, we can claim the DPM to also be Papua New Guinean as he spent time there before entering politics!).

We support and are happy with this government of Fiji for repealing the media laws that went against media freedom in Fiji in the recent past.

In PNG, given our very diverse society with over 1000 tribes and over 800 languages and huge geography, correct and factful information is also very, very critical.

Fiji’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Professor Biman Prasad and Timothy Masiu, PNG’s Minister for Information and Communications Technology, at the conference dinner. Image: Wansolwara

Our theme “Navigating Challenges and Shaping Futures in Pacific Media Research and Practice” couldn’t be more appropriate at this time.

If anything, it reminds us all of the critical role that the media continues to play in shaping public discourse and catalysing action on issues affecting our Pacific.

We are also reminded of the power of the media to inform, educate, and mobilize community participation in our development agenda.

IT is in the context that I pause to ask this pertinent question: How is the media being developed and used as a tool to protect and preserve our Pacific Identity?

I ask this question because of outside influences on our media in the region.

I should know, as I have somewhat traversed this journey already – from being a broadcaster and journalist myself – to being a member of the board of the largest public broadcaster in the region (National Broadcasting Corporation) – to being the Minister for ICT for PNG.

From where I sit right now, I am observing our Pacific region increasingly being used as the backyard for geopolitical reasons.

It is quite disturbing for me to see our regional media being targeted by the more developed nations as a tool to drive their geopolitical agenda.

As a result, I see a steady influence on our culture, our way of life, and ultimately the gradual erosion of our Pacific values and systems.

In the media industry, some of these geopolitical influences are being redesigned and re-cultured through elaborate and attractive funding themes like improving “transparency” and “accountability”.

This is not the way forward for a truly independent and authentic Pacific media.

The way we as a Pacific develop our media industry must reflect our original and authentic value systems.

Just like our forefathers navigated the unchartered seas – relying mostly on hard-gained knowledge and skills – we too must chart our own course in our media development.

Our media objectives and practices should reflect all levels of our unique Pacific Way of life, focusing on issues like climate change, environmental preservation, the protection and preservation of our fast-fading languages and traditions, and our political landscape.

We must not let our authentic ways be lost or overshadowed by outside influences or agendas. We must control WHAT we write, HOW we write it, and WHY we write.

Don’t get me wrong – we welcome and appreciate the support of our development partners – but we must be free to navigate our own destiny.

If anything, I compel you to give your media funding to build our regional capabilities and capacities to address climate change issues, early warning systems, and support us to fight misinformation, disinformation, and fake news on social media.

I don’t know how the other Pacific Island countries are faring but my Department of ICT has built a social media management desk to monitor these ever-increasing menaces on Facebook, Tik Tok, Instagram and other online platforms.

This is another area of concern for me, especially for my future generations.

Draft National Media Development Policy of PNG
Please allow me to make a few remarks on the Draft National Media Development Policy of PNG that my ministry has initiated.

As its name entails, it is a homegrown policy that aims to properly address many glaring media issues in our country.

In its current fifth draft version, the draft policy aims to promote media self-regulation; improve government media capacity; roll-out media infrastructure for all; and diversify content and quota usage for national interest.

These policy objectives were derived from an extensive nationwide consultation process of online surveys, workshops and one-on-one interviews with government agencies and media industry stakeholders and the public.

To elevate media professionalism in PNG, the policy calls for the development of media self-regulation in the country without direct government intervention.

The draft policy also intend to strike a balance between the media’s ongoing role on transparency and accountability on the one hand, and the dissemination of developmental information, on the other hand.

It is not in any way an attempt by the Marape/Rosso government to restrict the media in PNG. Nothing can be further from the truth.

In fact, the media in PNG presently enjoys unprecedented freedom and ability to report as they deem appropriate.

Our leaders are constantly being put on the spotlight, and while we don’t necessarily agree with many of their daily reports, we will not suddenly move to restrict the media in PNG in any form.

Rather, we are more interested in having information on health, education, agriculture, law and order, and other societal and economic information, reaching more of our local and remote communities across the country.

It is in this context that specific provision within the draft policy calls for the mobilisation – particularly the government media – to disseminate more developmental information that is targeted towards our population at the rural and district levels.

I have brought a bigger team to Suva to also listen and gauge the views of our Pacific colleagues on this draft policy.

The fifth version is publicly available on our Department of ICT website and we will certainly welcome any critique or feedback from you all.

Before I conclude, let me also briefly highlight another intervention I made late last year as part of my Ministry’s overall “Smart Pacific; One Voice” initiative.

After an absence for several years, I invited our Pacific ICT Ministers to a meeting in Port Moresby in late 2023.

At the end of this defining summit, we signed the Pacific ICT Ministers’ Lagatoi Declaration.

For a first-time regional ICT Ministers’ meeting, it was well-attended. Deputy Prime Minister Manoa also graced us with his presence with other Pacific Ministers, including Australia and New Zealand.

This declaration is a call-to-arms for our regional ministers to meet regularly to discuss the challenges and opportunities posed by the all-important ICT sector.

Our next meeting is in New Caledonia in 2025.

In much the same vein, I was appointed the special envoy to the Pacific by the Asia-Pacific Institute for Broadcasting Development (AIBD) in Mauritius in 2023.

Since then, I have continuously advocated for the Pacific to be more coordinated and unified, so we can be better heard.

I have been quite bemused by the fact that the Pacific does not have its own regional offices for such well-meaning agencies like AIBD to promote our own unique media issues.

More often than not, we are either thrown into the “Asia-Pacific’ or “Oceania” groupings and as result, our media and wider ICT interests and aspirations get drowned by our more influential friends and donors.

We must dictate what our broadcasting (and wider media) development agenda should be. We live in our Region and better understand the “Our Pacific Way” of doing things.

Let me conclude by reiterating my firm belief that the Pacific needs a hard reset of our media strategies.

This means re-discovering our original values to guide our methods and practices within the media industry.

We must be unified in our efforts navigate the challenges ahead, and to reshape the future of media in the Pacific.

We must ensure it reflects our authentic ways and serves the needs of our Pacific people.

Best wishes for the remainder of the conference.

God Bless you all.

Republished from Wansolwara in partnership.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘We’ve paid high price for being unable to protect freedom,’ says Fiji’s Prasad

Fijivillage News

As an economy, Fiji has paid a “very high price for being unable to protect freedom” but people can speak and criticise the government freely now, says Deputy Prime Minister Professor Biman Prasad.

He highlighted the “high price” while launching the new book titled Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific, which he also co-edited, at the Pacific International Media conference in Suva last week.

Prasad, a former University of the South Pacific (USP) economics professor, said that he, in a deeply personal way, knew how the economy had been affected when he saw the debt numbers and what the government had inherited.

Professor Prasad says the government had reintroduced media self-regulation and “we can actually feel the freedom everywhere, including in Parliament”.

USP head of journalism associate professor Shailendra Singh and former USP lecturer and co-founder of The Australia Today Dr Amrit Sarwal also co-edited the book with Professor Prasad.

While also speaking during the launch, PNG Minister for Information and Communications Technology Timothy Masiu expressed support for the Fiji government repealing the media laws that curbed freedom in Fiji in the recent past.

He said his Department of ICT had set up a social media management desk to monitor the ever-increasing threats on Facebook, TikTok, Instagram and other online platforms.


Fiji Deputy Prime Minister Professor Biman Prasad speaking at the book launch. Video: Fijivillage News

While speaking about the Draft National Media Development Policy of PNG, Masiu said the draft policy aimed to:

The new book, Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific. Image: Kula Press
  • promote media self-regulation;
  • improve government media capacity;
  • roll out media infrastructure for all; and
  • diversify content and quota usage for national interest.

He said that to elevate media professionalism in PNG, the policy called for developing media self-regulation in the country without direct government intervention.

Strike a balance
Masiu said the draft policy also intended to strike a balance between the media’s ongoing role in transparency and accountability on the one hand, and the dissemination of developmental information, on the other hand.

He said it was not an attempt by the government to restrict the media in PNG and the media in PNG enjoyed “unprecedented freedom” and an ability to report as they deemed appropriate.

The PNG Minister said their leaders were constantly being put in the spotlight.

While they did not necessarily agree with many of the daily news media reports, the governmenr would not “suddenly move to restrict the media” in PNG in any form.

The 30th anniversary edition of the research journal Pacific Journalism Review, founded by former USP Journalism Programme head Professor David Robie at the University of Papua New Guinea, was also launched at the event.

The PJR has published more than 1100 research articles over the past 30 years and is the largest media research archive in the region.

Republished from Fijivillage News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

A surprising litmus test for Kanaky New Caledonia’s independence parties

ANALYSIS: By Denise Fisher

The voters in the second round of France’s national elections last weekend staved off an expected shift to the far-right. But the result in the Pacific territory Kanaky New Caledonia was also in many ways historic.

Of the two assembly representatives decided, a position fell on either side of the deep polarisation evident in the territory — one for loyalists, one for supporters of independence. But it is the independence side that will take the most from the result.

Turnout in the vote was remarkable, not only because of the violence in New Caledonia over recent months, which has curbed movement and public transport across the territory, but also because national elections have been seen particularly by independence parties as less relevant locally.

Not this time.

The two rounds of the elections saw voters arrive in droves, with 60 percent and 71 percent turnout respectively, compared to typically low levels of 35-40 percent in New Caledonia. Images showed long queues with many young people.

Voting was generally peaceful, although a blockade prevented voting in one Kanak commune during the first round.

After winning the first round, a hardline loyalist and independence candidate faced off in each constituency. The second round therefore presented a binary choice, effectively becoming a barometer of views around independence.

Sobering results for loyalists
While clearly not a referendum, it was the first chance to measure sentiment in this manner since the boycotted referendum in 2021, which had followed two independence votes narrowly favouring staying with France.

The resulting impasse about the future of the territory had erupted into violent protests in May this year, when President Emmanuel Macron sought unilaterally to broaden voter eligibility to the detriment of indigenous representation. Only Macron then called snap national elections.

These are sobering results for loyalists.

So the contest, as it unfolded in New Caledonia, represented high stakes for both sides.

In the event, loyalist Nicolas Metzdorf won 52.4 percent in the first constituency (Noumea and islands) over the independence candidate’s 47.6 percent. Independence candidate Emmanuel Tjibaou won 57.4 percent to the loyalist’s 42.6 percent in the second (Northern Province and outer suburbs of Noumea).

The results, a surprise even to independence leaders, were significant.

It is notable that in these national elections, all citizens are eligible to vote. Only local assembly elections apply the controversial voter eligibility provisions which provoked the current violence, provisions that advantage longstanding residents and thus indigenous independence supporters.

Independence parties’ success
Yet without the benefit of this restriction, independence parties won, securing a majority 53 percent (83,123 votes) to the loyalists’ 47 percent (72,897) of valid votes cast across the territory. They had won 43 percent and 47 percent in the two non-boycotted referendums.

Even in the constituency won by the loyalist, the independence candidate, daughter-in-law of early independence fighter Nidoïsh Naisseline, won 47 percent of the vote.

These are sobering results for loyalists.

Jean-Marie Tjibaou, founding father of the independence movement in Kanaky New Caledonia, 1985. Image: David Robie/Café Pacific

Independence party candidate Emmanuel Tjibaou, 48, carried particular symbolism. The son of the assassinated founding father of the independence movement Jean-Marie Tjibaou, Emmanuel had eschewed politics to this point, instead taking on cultural roles including as head of the Kanak cultural development agency.

He is a galvanising figure for independence supporters.

Emmanuel Tjibaou is now the first independence assembly representative in 38 years. He won notwithstanding France redesigning the two constituencies in 1988 specifically to prevent an independence representative win by including part of mainly loyalist Noumea in each.

A loyalist stronghold has been broken.

Further strain on both sides
While both a loyalist and independence parliamentarian will now sit in Paris and represent their different perspectives, the result will further strain the two sides.

Pro-independence supporters will be energised by the strong performance and this will increase expectations, especially among the young. The responsibility on elders is heavy. Tjibaou described the vote as  “a call for help, a cry of hope”. He has urged a return to the path of dialogue.

At the same time, loyalists will be concerned by independence party success. Insecurity and fear, already sharpened by recent violence, may intensify. While he referred to the need for dialogue, Nicolas Metzdorf is known for his tough uncompromising line.

Paradoxically the ongoing violence means an increased reliance on France for the reconstruction that will be a vital underpinning for talks. Estimates for rebuilding have  exceeded 2 billion euros (NZ$3.6 billion), with more than 800 businesses, countless schools and houses attacked, many destroyed.

Yet France itself is reeling after the snap elections returned no clear winner. Three blocs are vying for power, and are divided within their own ranks over how government should be formed. While French presidents have had to “cohabit” with an assembly majority of the opposite persuasion three times before, never has a president faced no clear majority.

It will take time, perhaps months, for a workable solution to emerge, during which New Caledonia is hardly likely to take precedence.

As New Caledonia’s neighbours prepare to meet for the annual Pacific Islands Forum summit next month, all will be hoping that the main parties can soon overcome their deep differences and find a peaceful local way forward.

Denise Fisher is a visiting fellow at ANU’s Centre for European Studies. She was an Australian diplomat for 30 years, serving in Australian diplomatic missions as a political and economic policy analyst in many capitals. The Australian Consul-General in Noumea, New Caledonia (2001-2004), she is the author of France in the South Pacific: Power and Politics (2013).

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Newsmakers dissect state and future of Pacific journalism

By Khalia Strong of Pacific Media Network News

If the pen is mightier than the sword, then an army of journalists has assembled in Fiji’s capital to discuss the state and future of the industry in the region.

The three-day Pacific Media Conference 2024 on July 4-6 is organised and hosted by the University of the South Pacific, in collaboration with the Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) and Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN), with more than 50 speakers from 11 countries.

A keynote speaker and veteran journalist Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report, says the conference is crucial.

“It’s quite a trailblazer in many respects, because this is probably the first conference of its kind where it’s blended industry journalists all around the region, plus media academics that have been analysing and critiquing the media and so on.

“So to have this joining forces like this . . .  it’s really quite a momentous conference.”

Dr Robie is a distinguished author, journalist and media educator and was recognised last month as a Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit (MNZM) for his contribution to journalism and education in New Zealand and the Asia-Pacific region for more than 50 years.

Speaking to William Terite on Radio 531pi’s Pacific Mornings, Dr Robie said the conference was a way to bolster solidarity to others in the industry and address common challenges.

“In many Pacific countries a lot of their fledgling institutions, and essentially, politicians, have no understanding of media generally, and have a tendency to crack down on media when they have half a chance.

“So it’s partly to get a much better image of journalism and how important journalism is in democracy and development in many countries in the Pacific.”

Journalists at the Pacific Media Conference 2024 in Suva. Image: PMN News/Justin Latif

Turning the page for media
The conference theme is “Navigating challenges and shaping futures in Pacific media research and practice”.

In April last year, Fiji revoked media laws that restricted media content. PMN chief-of-news Justin Latif is attending the conference, and said Fijian media were in celebration-mode, saying “democracy has returned to Fiji”.

“They talked about how such a conference had happened under previous regimes, basically the police and army would have had a presence there and would have been just noting names and checking up that nothing was said that was anti-government.”

Latif said regional journalists showed a deep sense of purpose and drive.

“People do see their roles as a calling, and so often are willing to take less pay and harder conditions,” he said.

“They see their job as building their nation and being part of helping strengthen the country, and so it’s probably quite different if you were to get a group of journalists together in New Zealand, they probably wouldn’t have quite the same sense of that kind of fervour for the role in terms of what it can mean for the country.”

The Pacific Journalism Review, a journal examining media issues and communication in the region, celebrated its 30-year anniversary. It has published hundreds of peer-reviewed articles and is regularly cited by scholars.

Asia Pacific Report editor Dr David Robie (left) with Fiji Deputy Prime Minister Professor Biman Prasad at the launch of the 30th anniversary edition of Pacific Journalism Review at the 2024 Pacific Media Conference in Fiji. Image: Del Abcede/APMN

Global tussle for Pacific attention
The United States is one of the main funders of the conference, and there are representatives from some Asia-Pacific countries such as Hong Kong, Indonesia, Malaysia and Taiwan.

Latif said China’s involvement in Pacific media was openly questioned by the US deputy chief of mission, John Gregory.

“He gave a very detailed breakdown of all the ways that China are influencing elections: using Facebook to spread misinformation to try and basically encourage the three Pacific nations who still support or maintain diplomatic ties with Taiwan, how they’re trying to influence those nations to have a regime change, and it was quite shocking information about the lengths that China is going to, or that the State Department believed China is going to.”

The United States in putting investment into journalism in the Pacific, said Latif, sending 13 journalists from Fiji to the US for exchanges.

“There is a clear US agenda here about wanting the media to be strengthened and to be supported so that they can have a strong foothold in the Pacific, because the influence of China is definitely being felt.”

A bold, future vision for Pacific media
Dr Robie has described the current state of news media in the Pacific as “precarious”, and warned some nations can be susceptible to “geopolitics and the influences of other countries”.

“We’ve got China trying to encourage media organisations to be very much under an authoritarian wing, taking journalists across to China . . .  but now we’re getting a lot more competition from Australia and the US and so on, upping the game, putting more money into training, influencing, whereas for many years they didn’t care too much about the media in the region.

“Journalists very often feel like they’re the meat in the sandwich in the competition between many countries, and it’s not good for the region generally.”

Dr Robie has worked across the Pacific, including five years as head of journalism at the University of Papua New Guinea, and then as the coordinator of the journalism programme at USP.

He encouraged Pacific media to continue upholding democratic values while holding leaders to account.

“Most media organisations in the Pacific are quite small and vulnerable in the sense that they’ve got small teams, limited resources, and it’s always a struggle, to be honest, and things are probably the toughest they’ve been for a while.

“Pacific countries and media need to stand up tall and strong themselves, be very clear about what they want and to stand up for it, and not be overshadowed by the influence of major countries.”

The conference ends on Saturday.

Republished from PMN News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

How is ‘Gonski-style’ needs-based funding going to work for universities?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melinda Hildebrandt, Policy Fellow, Mitchell Institute, Victoria University

In February, a major review recommended a new “needs-based” funding model for Australian universities.

The Universities Accord final report said universities should receive more money for students from equity backgrounds, including First Nations students and those with disability. This is a similar approach to funding in Australia’s schools, introduced as part of the “Gonski” reforms a decade ago.

On Friday, Education Minister Jason Clare released a consultation paper on the design of this needs-based model.

What does this mean for university funding?

What’s in the paper?

The federal government has set a target of having at least 80% of working age people with a university degree or TAFE qualification by 2050, up from the current 60%.

A key part of meeting this is supporting more students from underrepresented backgrounds to enrol in and graduate from university. This includes students from poorer families, students with a disability, First Nations Australians and those who study in regional Australia.

These students are less likely to enrol in higher education. And when they do, they often are less likely to finish their degree than other students.

A new funding system would help support these students.

At the moment, the government provides funding to domestic students based on the course they study (for example, an engineering student gets more funding than an arts student).

But the new system would also provide funding based on a student’s background. Universities would have to provide extra academic and other supports to help these students finish their degrees.

The paper also floats the idea of extra support based on a student’s “academic preparedness” for university. The paper notes this is a “major factor” influencing the likelihood a student will complete their degree. One measure of preparedness would be their ATAR at the end of Year 12.



What is useful?

To provide support to equity students, universities are going to have to invest in new services and supports. The government wants to see them report on how this money is being used.

This will provide more transparency than we currently have for schools funding. At the same time, the reporting could also create an administrative burden.

The whole system will be reviewed after five years to see if it is improving enrolments and completions.

What is concerning?

In the accord final report, the recommendation around needs-based funding was for a “system-wide” funding scheme.

What we appear to have from this paper is more of a “bolt on” that funds students at the individual level.

This may seem like a minor detail but it suggests it’s not a wholly new way of funding the domestic student sector. It’s more a way of providing extra support to students from equity groups.

While extra support to students from equity backgrounds is crucial, it is not clear whether the proposals outlined in this paper are as ambitious as other needs-based funding models.

In the school sector, needs-based funding accounts for about 28% of the federal government’s ongoing funding. Schools with high concentrations of “need” can receive much greater financial support. There is a recognition these institutions have a much greater task in ensuring that all students reach their potential.

What is missing?

The paper is also silent on two major issues.

First, there are no dollar figures mentioned, which will obviously be key to what universities can and can’t do to support students. Last year, the Mitchell Institute modelled what a Gonski-style funding model might look like for universities. We found the overall funding per student would increase by about 11%, or A$1.3 billion per year.

Second, the consultation paper says nothing about the Job-ready Graduates scheme, which is the existing funding system for domestic students.

The final accord report was extremely clear the Job-ready Graduates scheme “needs to be replaced”. The scheme, which was introduced under the Morrison government, increased fees for courses such as arts and reduced them for those including nursing, in a bid to change what students studied. But it did not work.

Needs-based funding for the school system funds all students and schools, with extra loadings for those who need more support. At the moment, the proposal for universities seems to be a continuation of the current funding approach with needs-based funding providing extra support to equity students.

Feedback on the paper is due on August 9.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How is ‘Gonski-style’ needs-based funding going to work for universities? – https://theconversation.com/how-is-gonski-style-needs-based-funding-going-to-work-for-universities-234491

A Russian-born ADF soldier and her husband have been charged with spying. What does this mean?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Kendall, Adjunct Research Fellow, The University of Queensland

Facebook

Yesterday morning, the Australian Federal Police arrested a Russian-born Australian couple for spying.

Police allege Kira Korolev, an Australian Defence Force (ADF) army private, undertook undeclared travel to Russia while on long-term leave. While there, she allegedly instructed her husband, Igor Korolev, to log on to her work account and access defence force material to send to her.

It is alleged the couple intended to provide the information to Russian authorities. The Korolevs have been charged with “preparing for an espionage offence”, which could see them in jail for up to 15 years.

This is a significant case and one worth watching. Not only is it the first time that someone has been charged with an espionage offence since new laws were introduced in 2018, but it is only one of a handful of known espionage charges that have ever been laid in Australia. The Korolevs have also been charged with a standalone “preparatory” national security offence, which only existed in the terrorism context prior to 2018.

Espionage and the law

According to ASIO, espionage is:

the theft of information by someone acting on behalf of a foreign power, or intending to provide information to a foreign power which is seeking advantage over Australia.

Espionage has been a crime in Australia since the first world war.

In 2018, Australia completely overhauled its espionage offence framework to better address the threat of modern espionage. Espionage today targets a wide range of information from many different people (not just those in intelligence or the military). It can be engaged in by any foreign power, not only those considered to be “enemies”, and is increasingly conducted using cyber-espionage.

The 2018 offences include “underlying” espionage offences, a “solicitation” offence and a “preparatory” offence. A standalone offence of “preparing for espionage” did not exist prior to 2018.

There has only ever been one recorded case in Australia in which a person has been prosecuted for an espionage offence.

In R v Lappas, a Defence Intelligence Organisation employee was convicted of the 1914 offence of “making a sketch, plan, model or note that might or was intended to be useful to an enemy”. He had passed annotated documents that revealed sources of ongoing intelligence to a third party, who was to sell them on to a foreign power. The attempted sales were unsuccessful.

While Lappas faced up to seven years in jail, he was sentenced to two years.

Pre-crimes on top of pre-crimes

The Korolevs are the first people to be charged under the 2018 espionage law reforms.

Unlike Lappas, who was found to have committed an offence similar to the 2018 underlying offences, the Korolevs have been charged with “preparing for espionage”.

“Preparing for espionage” is a broad offence that makes it a crime for a person to engage in any conduct. However, in doing so, they must intend to prepare for an underlying espionage offence. If found guilty, a person faces up to 15 years in jail.

The similar offence of “preparing for terrorism” has a maximum penalty of life in prison. It has been the foundation of a number of successful prosecutions in which defendants have been sentenced to very lengthy periods of imprisonment.

Standalone preparatory offences such as preparing for espionage or terrorism aim to prevent harm from occurring in the first place. However, they expand the criminal law beyond its traditional bounds because they punish people for crimes that may occur in the future, not for substantive crimes that have already been committed. For this reason, they can be considered “pre-crimes”.

Preparatory crimes are a type of “inchoate” offence: an offence relating to a substantive crime that has not been committed. Other inchoate offences in the Commonwealth Criminal Code include attempt, incitement and conspiracy. Each inchoate offence has different elements that must be proved.

Because “preparing for espionage” is a standalone offence, the general inchoate offences in the Criminal Code can “attach” to the preparatory offence to create “pre-pre-crimes”. For example, a person could be charged with “conspiracy to prepare for espionage”.

This kind of offence broadens the scope of the law even more by criminalising conduct a further step removed from the commission of any substantive offence.

These offences can be easier to prove than both the substantive offence and the preparatory offence, yet defendants could still face many years in jail. For example, the offence of “conspiring to prepare for terrorism” has been routinely used in the terrorism context in Australia and has supported sentences of up to 28 years in prison.

The Korolevs have been charged with “preparing for espionage”, but could conceivably have been charged with “conspiring to prepare for espionage” given two parties were involved.

Authorities are still investigating whether the couple did in fact share information with Russian authorities. If they did, police have confirmed that further charges could be laid. This includes charges for underlying espionage offences, which carry maximum penalties of 15 years to life in prison.

Legal test case

The Korolev case will be one of the most significant national security cases to watch. If it proceeds to trial, it will provide an opportunity to clarify the operation of Australia’s 2018 espionage offences and resolve some of the key issues with the offences.

For example, many key terms and phrases used in the espionage offences are not clearly defined or are defined with significant breadth. This creates offences that are unclear and have the potential to be inappropriately wide-reaching.

For example, many of Australia’s espionage offences could apply to the legitimate conduct of journalists, sources or academics. Even where the person’s conduct is more obviously nefarious, there are uncertainties as to how the offences operate.

Some of the issues with the espionage offences also extend to other offences that were introduced in 2018, such as the secrecy, foreign interference and sabotage offences.

Apart from clarifying the operation of the law, the Korolev case joins only a small number of other known cases in Australia in which a person has been charged with spying. So keep your eyes peeled – you’ll be watching history in the making.

The Conversation

This article was written in Sarah Kendall’s personal capacity as an Adjunct Research Fellow at the University of Queensland School of Law. It does not reflect the views of any organisation with which the author is affiliated.

ref. A Russian-born ADF soldier and her husband have been charged with spying. What does this mean? – https://theconversation.com/a-russian-born-adf-soldier-and-her-husband-have-been-charged-with-spying-what-does-this-mean-234555

NDIS reforms are still in limbo. What’s going on, and are people with disability getting enough say?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darren O’Donovan, Senior Lecturer in Administrative Law, La Trobe University

Marcus Aurelius/Pexels

Following the release of a review into the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) late last year, reform is on the cards for the scheme in 2024.

The first step, the proposed NDIS Amendment Bill, has, however, generated political controversy and significant concerns in the disability community.

The bill had been moving forward to a final vote, but the Opposition demanded more time to study the bill. It now faces a second senate inquiry.

So why has the bill generated concern? And what issues will the new inquiry examine?

From concept to detail

In December last year the NDIS review proposed key reforms to ensure the sustainability of the scheme and improve outcomes for people with disability.

It recommended NDIS plans should shift from arguing line by line over each requested support to an overall funding amount for each participant. That global budget would be based on a standardised assessment of defined categories of needs.

This would replace the current subjective rules centred on contestable ideas of what’s reasonable. Too often the operation of these has been marred by gruelling and complex bureaucracy for people claiming support.

The review also called for state and federal governments to cooperate in improving support across the lifecycle of disability. There would be greater focus on early intervention rather than letting people languish until they meet the NDIS entry criteria, for example.

In March, the federal government introduced a bill to implement a limited number of the review’s recommendations (the NDIS Amendment Bill). I would argue three dynamics in the bill have clouded the original vision of the NDIS review.

1. An uncertain ‘method’

The bill replaces the existing test for funding with an as yet unwritten “method” for calculating budgets for individual participants. This would occur after a transition period of up to five years.

The method will be created by rules which, unlike the current approach, can be passed without the consent of the states and territories. This provoked an outcry from state premiers. NDIS participants, meanwhile, have been left wondering if the co-operation needed for effective reform will eventuate. If not, this could lead to people going without the supports they need in areas like health and education.

Other elements of the bill also risked narrowing the supports available. For example, the original definition of NDIS support did not fully reflect Australia’s obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. That definition was removed from the bill after the Disability Discrimination Commissioner warned it risked the NDIS not being “holistically responsive” to individuals’ needs.

Further, the bill proposed using an unclear 2015 policy document – a series of bulletpoint tables – to set the interface between state and federal services. Fortunately, this was also removed from the bill as it risked disputes between governments over who was responsible for what.

A boy wearing headphones interacting with his mother at home.
Parts of the NDIS Amendment Bill risked narrowing supports for people with disability.
Halfpoint/Shutterstock

Finally, the bill stated assessments would only fund needs resulting from “impairments” which meet the NDIS entry criteria. This deficit-focused language risked not fully addressing complex and overlapping disabilities and the barriers people face in society. In the past fortnight, the federal government has moved amendments to moderate this, but complexities remain.

The federal government was responsive on these issues, but only to a point. The bill does little to stop such flaws re-emerging as the rule-making process moves forward. So what protections apply at that point?

2. Ensuring co-design and oversight

If a bill is passed, rules, or “legislative instruments”, are used to fill in the detail needed to implement chosen policy. In this case, such instruments will determine fundamental issues like what supports NDIS participants receive.

But rules made through legislative instruments are subject to much more limited parliamentary oversight than primary legislation (acts). They receive accelerated and condensed examination – which will mean far less opportunity for disability organisations to be heard.

Disability representative organisations have stressed co-design and transparency are absolute essentials in the making of future rules. Co-design requires government to work in partnership with people with disability when designing policies, programs and services.

This must be protected by the bill. But the government has only consented to inserting vague assurances of consultation, which lack mechanisms for enforcement. This contrasts sharply with other countries, which regularly subject bureaucrats to enforceable consultation requirements.

Responsible government should mean more than just promising standards of behaviour. It should mean holding people accountable to them. Otherwise, what will stop future governments abandoning today’s promises?

A man in a wheelchair at sunset playing with a dog.
NDIS policy must be designed in consultation with people with disability.
Rock and Wasp/Shutterstock

3. Bureaucratic power

The bill comes replete with broad powers allowing the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) to regulate the supports people receive or impose administrative requirements upon them. In the hands of one government these might drive a vision of quality services. Under another they could lead to damaging forms of conditionality or administrative burden.

One key area is what happens when the NDIA believes a participant has spent money in a way that’s not compliant with their plan (debt raising). While public commentary has been awash with “rorts” rhetoric, the bill leaves vital duty of care questions under-addressed.

In reality, most “rorts” are cases of abuse involving the costly non-delivery of supports to people who need them. Yet the bill fails to spell out exactly when a debt will be raised against a third party versus a participant. It should do more to protect the person with a disability who acted under duress, was misled or was the victim of abusive practices.

Trust

This bill commences a long reform process that can only succeed if it’s based on clarity, accountability and transparency. The voices and experiences of NDIS participants and their representatives are key to delivering people-centred reform.

The question is whether Australia’s political class – federal and state – is capable of living up to the trust which this bill will place in them.

The Conversation

Darren O’Donovan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NDIS reforms are still in limbo. What’s going on, and are people with disability getting enough say? – https://theconversation.com/ndis-reforms-are-still-in-limbo-whats-going-on-and-are-people-with-disability-getting-enough-say-234275

Why an ‘AI health coach’ won’t solve the world’s chronic disease problems

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jathan Sadowski, Senior Research Fellow (ARC DECRA), Emerging Technologies Research Lab and CoE for Automated Decision-Making and Society, Monash University, Monash University

Skorzewiak / Shutterstock

Last week, two big names in the artificial intelligence (AI) and wellness industries announced a collaboration to develop a “customised, hyper-personalised AI health coach that will be available as a mobile app” to “reverse the trend lines on chronic diseases”.

Sam Altman (head of OpenAI, maker of ChatGPT) and Arianna Huffington (a former media executive who runs a high-tech wellness company called Thrive Global) announced their new company, Thrive AI Health, in a Time magazine advertorial.

Health is an appealing direction for an AI industry that has promised to transform civilisation, but whose huge growth of the past couple of years is beginning to look like it’s stalling. Companies and investors have pumped billions into the technology, but it is still often a solution looking for problems.

Meanwhile, venture capitalists Sequoia and the investment bank Goldman Sachs are wondering out loud whether enough revenue and consumer demand will ever emerge to make this bubble feel more solid.

Enter the next big thing: AI that will change our behaviour, for our own good.

Personalised nudges and real-time recommendations

Altman and Huffington say Thrive AI Health will use the “best peer-reviewed science” and users’ “personal biometric, lab and other medical data” to “learn your preferences and patterns across the five behaviours” that are key to improving health and treating chronic diseases: sleep, food, movement, stress management and social connection.

Whether you are “a busy professional with diabetes” or somebody without “access to trainers, chefs and life coaches” — the only two user profiles the pair mention — the Thrive AI Health coach aims to use behavioural data to create “personalised nudges and real-time recommendations” to change your daily habits.

Soon, supposedly, everybody will have access to the “life-saving benefits” of a mobile app that tells you — in a precisely targeted way — to sleep more, eat better, exercise regularly, be less stressed and go touch grass with friends. These “superhuman” technologies, combined with the “superpowers” of incentives, will change the world by changing our “tiny daily acts”.

Despite claims that AI has unlocked yet another innovation, when I read Altman and Huffington’s announcement I was struck by a sense of déjà vu.

Insurance that manages your life

Why did Thrive AI Health and the logic behind it sound so familiar? Because it’s a kind of thinking we are seeing more and more in the insurance industry.

In fact, in an article published last year I suggested we might soon see “total life insurance” bundled with “a personalised AI life coach”, which would combine data from various sources in our daily lives to target us with prompts for how to behave in healthier, less risky ways. It would of course take notes and report back to our insurers and doctors when we do not follow these recommendations.

In a related article, my colleagues Kelly Lewis and Zofia Bednarz and I took a close look at the theories of behavioural risk that might power such products. A model of insurance based on managing people’s lives via digital technology is on the rise.

We examined a company called Vitality, which makes behavioural change platforms for health and life insurance. Vitality frames itself as an “active life partner with […] customers”, using targeted interventions to improve customer well-being and its own bottom line.

Similar projects in the past have had questionable results. A 2019 World Health Organization report on digital health intervention said:

The enthusiasm for digital health has also driven a proliferation of short-lived implementations and an overwhelming diversity of digital tools, with a limited understanding of their impact on health systems and people’s wellbeing.

Hyper-personalisation

Altman and Huffington say AI-enabled “hyper-personalisation” means this time will be different.

Are they right? I don’t think so.

The first problem is there is no guarantee the AI will work as promised. There is no reason to think it won’t be plagued by the problems of bias, hallucination and errors we see in cutting-edge AI models like ChatGPT.

However, even if it does, it will still miss the mark because the idea of hyper-personalisation is based on a flawed theory of how change happens.

An individualised “AI health coach” is a way to address widespread chronic health problems only if you envision a world in which there is no society – just individuals making choices. Those choices turn into habits. Those habits, over time, create problems. Those problems can be rooted out by individuals making better choices. Those better choices come from an AI guardian nudging you in the right direction.

And why do people make bad choices, in this vision? Perhaps, like middle-class professionals, they are too busy. They need reminders to eat a salad and stretch in the sunshine during their 12-hour workday.

Or – again from the AI health coach perspective – perhaps, like disadvantaged people, they make bad choices out of ignorance. They need to be informed that eating fast food is wrong, and they should instead cook a healthy meal at home.

The social determinants of healthcare apps

But individual lifestyle choices aren’t everything. In fact, the “social determinants of health” can be far more important. These are the social conditions that determine a person’s access to health care, quality food, free time and all the things needed to have a good life.

Technologies like Thrive AI Health are not interested in fundamental social conditions. Their “personalisation” is a short-sighted view that stops at the individual.

The only place society enters Altman and Huffington’s vision is as something that must help their product succeed:

Policymakers need to create a regulatory environment that fosters AI innovation […] Health care providers need to integrate AI into their practices […] And individuals need to be fully empowered through AI coaching to better manage their daily health […]

And if we don’t bend society to fit the AI models? Presumably we will only have ourselves to blame.

The Conversation

Jathan Sadowski receives funding from the Australian Research Council (grant DE220100417).

ref. Why an ‘AI health coach’ won’t solve the world’s chronic disease problems – https://theconversation.com/why-an-ai-health-coach-wont-solve-the-worlds-chronic-disease-problems-234369

Indigenous businesses are thriving across a wide range of industries – here’s how to make sure that continues

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Evans, Associate Professor, specialising in Indigenous leadership, The University of Melbourne

When discussing the creativity and ingenuity of Indigenous people, we often talk about our deadly artists, sportspeople and Elders.

But more and more, Indigenous business leaders are finding themselves in the spotlight.

This year’s NAIDOC Male Elder of the Year is Uncle Kim Collard, a Balladong/Wadjuk Elder of the Noongar Nation.

Collard established two of Australia’s largest Indigenous-owned businesses – workplace supplier Kulbardi and fleet management and salary packaging firm Kooya.

But he and his family have also made outstanding philanthropic contributions to Aboriginal communities, raising almost A$1.5 million through the Bibbulmun Fund.

Collard is just one example of many outstanding leaders across the thriving Indigenous business sector.

This cohort drive more than just dollars and cents in the economy – they serve as role models and employers, sponsors and philanthropists, and suppliers to major corporations. They also bring important cultural knowledge and cultural guidance to bear.

Yet many Australians still don’t grasp the sheer size and diversity of Indigenous-owned and led businesses.

Greater visibility of these businesses – both in government statistics and Indigenous business directories – would do more than just showcase their diversity and excellence. It would also help them succeed further.

A thriving sector

Indigenous businesses operate at every scale in Australia, from small sole traders through to large corporate enterprises.

As previously reported in The Conversation, our research revealed that in 2022, the Indigenous business sector generated more than A$16 billion in revenue. We found that 13,693 unique businesses employed more than 100,000 people, paying annual wages of $4.2 billion.




Read more:
Indigenous businesses are worth billions but we don’t know enough about them


This job creation is really important. One of the sector’s biggest benefits is that it supports such a wide range of families and households across Australia.

Previous research has found that Indigenous businesses employ Indigenous Australians at a greater rate than non-Indigenous businesses.

Operating across diverse industries

Indigenous-owned businesses are often associated with important cultural services and cultural tourism. But their influence extends far beyond these areas into industries such as technology, architecture and construction, manufacturing, property, financial services, education and legal services.

There are some great examples of firms integrating cultural knowledge at the cutting edge of their fields.

The Queensland-based agriculture technology company RainStick uses electricity to mimic the natural effects of lightning to grow bigger crops faster.

Lightning above a wheat field
Indigenous businesses are represented in many cutting edge fields, such as agriculture technology.
djgis/Shutterstock

And design firm Nguluway DesignInc is currently overseeing the design and development of the new University of Technology Sydney Indigenous Residential College.

But registration really helps

To help people and organisations engage with Indigenous businesses, whether as customers or large-scale suppliers, it’s important they are able to find them.

It’s not currently possible to declare a business as Indigenous when filing for an Australian business number (ABN).

However, it is possible to become registered in other directories. These include a range of state and territory chambers of commerce and other non-profit organisations.

The NSW Indigenous Chamber of Commerce (NSWICC) was the first of its kind when it was established in 2006. It has now grown to represent more than 500 businesses in 70 different spend categories.

Victoria’s Kinaway Chamber of Commerce was established in 2010 and now has close to 300 businesses on its registry.

At a national level, Supply Nation operates a large non-profit directory called Indigenous Business Direct. This aims to connect the procurement teams of large organisations with verified Indigenous businesses.

To register with Supply Nation, businesses need to demonstrate Indigenous ownership of at least 50% to be a “registered” business, or 51% or greater ownership to become “certified”.

Relevant documents are verified with bodies including ASIC. And regular audits and spot checks are conducted to ensure these companies continue to be Indigenous-owned and led.

Supply Nation has just passed the significant milestone of registering its 5,000th Indigenous business, up from just 13 in 2009.

Registration takes effort on the part of a business, but it’s really important. Our Snapshot study found that formally registered businesses were responsible for around 70% of all the revenue and jobs generated across the Indigenous business ecosystem.

All of these organisations provide business mentoring, guidance on procurement and a clearing house for opportunities.

But more importantly, registering a business as Indigenous on any of these directories allows corporations, non-profits and governments to find and connect with it, opening the door to all kinds of opportunities.




Read more:
Indigenous businesses are worth billions but we don’t know enough about them


The Conversation

Michelle Evans receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Indigenous businesses are thriving across a wide range of industries – here’s how to make sure that continues – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-businesses-are-thriving-across-a-wide-range-of-industries-heres-how-to-make-sure-that-continues-234170

Australia’s art industry is too white. A unique regional curatorial program provides a model to help change this

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephanie Beaupark, Associate Lecturer, University of Wollongong

HERE+NOW at Wollongong Regional Art Gallery. Abril Felman

Non-white artists and curators are underrepresented in the Australian art industry.

The art industry has made active efforts to change this, for example by creating designated roles for First Nations arts workers. But more work needs to be done.

In 2018, Diversity Arts Australia’s Shifting the Balance Report looked at the cultural diversity of leadership in the arts. It found in the visual arts, craft and design sector, 89% of leadership positions were held by people who identify as Anglo-Celtic.

Across Australia’s institutions, positions held by leaders of colour are generally in major art institutions in urban centres. Despite diverse populations across the continent, First Nations and culturally diverse people are especially underrepresented in leadership positions in regional areas.

Leadership roles in Australian galleries often require a background in curation. This means creating opportunities for diverse emerging curators is essential for future leadership diversity in the art sector.

Regional galleries are uniquely positioned to lead the transformation of Australia’s art industry towards greater cultural diversity.

The potential of the regions

Emerging curators face many challenges, including lack of institutional resources and opportunities to work with established organisations.

Non-white curators encounter additional challenges. Too often, exhibitions aren’t staged with culturally appropriate methods.

These challenges are again increased for non-white curators in regional areas, who have fewer opportunities to work with galleries than their city-based counterparts.

Regional areas are witnessing a surge in cultural diversity due to factors like migration and cost-of-living pressures in bigger urban areas.

Regional areas are witnessing a surge in cultural diversity.
Abril Felman

Yet, despite these ongoing demographic shifts, Indigenous and migrant communities in these regions still face institutional and social challenges.

We have both been involved in the HERE+NOW program at Wollongong Regional Art Gallery as artists and curators. With a focus on artists and curators under the age of 30 with a connection to the Illawarra region, HERE+NOW is facilitating important change in the local community.

It is also a unique program in how it embraces key principles of decolonial and Indigenist practice.

Decolonial practice is the process of creating opportunities for restorative justice.

This could involve offering generous commissions to young First Nations artists without a significant history of showing in galleries. This challenges the gallery as a space for established artists, and redirects funding to First Nations communities.

Indigenist practice prioritises Indigenous leadership, and Indigenous ways of knowing, being and doing.

For example, building policies often forbid the use of smoke inside. But allowing a smoking ceremony within a gallery takes a step toward cultural health and safety. This initiative comes from Indigenous leadership through ongoing relationship-building between curators, galleries and local Indigenous community members.

New ways of working

Through the HERE+NOW program, emerging curators and artists can access institutional resources, get experience in working in established arts organisations and be paid for their work.

As curators, we experienced firsthand how this kind of initiative can address diversity in the arts.

In particular, we noticed three forms of institutional support that could be applied to other galleries throughout Australia to nurture emerging curators of colour.

1. Alternative recruitment strategies

To recruit artists to show in the exhibitions, we used community callouts and asked communities to share the callouts with people in their own networks.

This snowballing form of recruitment enabled opportunities for individuals beyond art industry social circles.

It also reached more non-white artists who had never considered being involved with a regional gallery.

Recruitment enabled opportunities for individuals beyond art industry social circles.
Stephanie Beaupark

If this approach was embraced by the broader arts world we could see more diverse voices displayed in galleries.

By removing recruitment barriers we can create a more equitable cultural landscape that better reflects the diversity of regional communities.

2. Autonomy and flexibility

A high degree of autonomy for artists and curators was reflected in the curatorial and artist contracts.

Instead of measuring success through visitor numbers, it was defined by the diversity of audience demographics. Artists and curators were given free rein both physically in the gallery space, and conceptually through the messages communicated in the exhibitions.

With these in place, we were able to take calculated risks as curators to benefit our communities.

Curators were able to take calculated risks to benefit our communities.
Abril Felman

While large institutions often plan exhibitions up to two years in advance, HEAR+NOW exhibitions are curated within six to 12 months. The shorter timeline enabled us to invite artists who couldn’t commit to a long-term project.

Increased curatorial autonomy and flexibility in the arts could lead to more experimental work, fostering innovation. It also allows for deeper, ongoing community connections.

3. Equal treatment of exhibition production and design

Unlike working in many emerging art spaces, HERE+NOW curators were given the same support in exhibition development as other exhibitions in the gallery.

This allowed for expanded possibilities for both curatorial and artistic visions.

This approach of not segregating “emerging” programs from the broader gallery calendar results in conventionally successful outcomes for the galleries.

At the same time, we were able to produce work that is authentic to diverse artists, curators and their communities.

A quietly radical opportunity

Our curatorial projects aimed to work with Indigenist and decolonial practice. The groundwork offered by the gallery ensured we were supported in our projects.

Institutional support is essential in supporting diverse artists and curators who often bring with them different methods and communities.

If more regional galleries embraced these ways of working we could create a very different future for Australian art.

Opportunities like this can nurture a quietly radical opportunity for shifting Australia’s cultural understanding of itself – all while creating pathways for future cultural leaders.

Stephanie Beaupark was contracted as a curator of the second iteration of HERE+NOW at Wollongong Art Gallery in 2020, ‘A Decolonist Visualisation of the Illawarra’ and as an artist in the fourth iteration of HERE+NOW ‘ANTI/ANTE/POST’ in 2024. She does not receive any ongoing funding from Wollongong Art Gallery.

Aneshka Mora is a casual art installer at Wollongong Art Gallery and was contracted by Wollongong Art Gallery to curate HERE+NOW with Alinta Maguire in 2024. They worked on ‘Parallel’, a rare and significant initiative to shift structural representation in the arts via curatorial pathways in regional galleries in 2021.

ref. Australia’s art industry is too white. A unique regional curatorial program provides a model to help change this – https://theconversation.com/australias-art-industry-is-too-white-a-unique-regional-curatorial-program-provides-a-model-to-help-change-this-230861

Pacific media conference: challenges and opportunities

A group of regional and international media representatives met at a forum in Fiji last week to discuss some of the challenges and opportunities facing journalists in the Pacific.

The three-day conference brought together people from the media industry, academics, civil society, and other interested parties.

A budding Fiji journalist Shivaali Shrutika said that newsrooms needed to evolve with the times.

“Transformation is important, wherever you are, and this is my observation,” she said.

“But in any space we work, particularly in mainstream media, we are reaching out to the communities that we want to become the voice for, but first we need to work on ourselves to be better people to understand them and then portray their minds and their thoughts to our audiences.”

She said every journalist and person involved in the newsroom should have a positive environment to work in.

“Because in journalism there is pressure, and there are deadlines in that space, it is important to have positive energy and a flexible environment to work in where everyone’s work is appreciated, especially for those trying as it is important to help boost people’s confidence and create those spaces.”

The next generation of Pacific journalists at the media conference in Fiji with an organiser, Monika Singh (third from right). Image: Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor/RNZ

Lack of support
She said some young journalists left the profession due to a lack of support from more experienced reporters.

“Young journalists need this as they are new to the industry and unsure of their job, and when they are ignored, it can lower their confidence.”

Kaneta Namimatau is a final-year journalism student at the University of the South Pacific’s journalism programme.

“This is the biggest media conference I have been to and the first one in Fiji in 20 years,” he said.

He said the stories of intimidation and harassment that journalists in Fiji had faced, under the Media Industry Development Act, were very challenging to hear.

For him, the most powerful discussion at the conference was a panel on the “prevalence and impact of sexual harassment on female journalists”.

The sexual harassment of women journalists in Fiji is a major problem, according to a study published earlier this year.

‘Disheartening’ experience
“I found that disheartening to hear as it is something that I would hate for my sisters to have to experience in the workplace.”

Namimatau said the conference reinforced his decision to become a journalist and work in the Fiji news arena.

“I think I can contribute more to Fiji and tell the stories of the Banaba people, my people. I also want to represent my people from Rabi.”

The conference included academics, like USP’s associate professor Shailendra Singh, who was chair of the Pacific International Media Conference.

Dr Singh said it was a critical time for journalists in the region.

“Mainly, for two reasons, the digital disruption that we know has siphoned off huge amounts of advertising revenue from the media industry and mainstream media, as well as covid-19 which worsened the situation.

“I think most media organisations are struggling to survive.”

This was a panel on Pacific Media, Geopolitics and Regional Reporting. Speakers were (from left) Nic Maclellan, Marsali Mackinnon, Kalafi Moala (standing), Lice Movono, with Dr Shailendra Singh moderating. Image: RNZ Pacific

Dr Singh is coordinator of the journalism course at the University of the South Pacific.

He said the papers tabled and some of the discussions that took place would be published in Pacific Journalism Review.

The 2023 lifting of the FijiFirst government’s 2010 draconian media act, which involved constant censorship, has created a new environment in which Fiji journalists no longer operate in fear.

No ‘shying away’
Asia Pacific Report
publisher and editor Dr David Robie said this was the sort of conference that Fiji needed right now” — a forum that did not “shy away” from the challenges facing reporters in the region.

Dr Robie described the panels, in particular the discussion around sexual harassment in Pacific journalism, as the best he had ever attended.

Other panels dealt with similarly difficult topics such as climate change, and stress/burn-out within the industry.

This is the first conference of its kind in Fiji in 20 years, and Dr Singh hopes that the delegates can take back what they have learned, to their newsrooms.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why saline lakes are the canary in the coalmine for the world’s water resources

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Babak Zolghadr-Asli, QUEX Joint PhD Candidate, Centre for Water Systems, University of Exeter, and Sustainable Minerals Institute, The University of Queensland

NASA Earth Observatory image, CC BY

When it comes to inland surface water bodies, saline lakes are unique. They make up 44% of all lakes worldwide and are found on every continent including Antarctica. These lakes’ existence depends on a delicate balance between a river basin’s water input (precipitation and inflows) and output (evaporation and seepage).

The reason a lake turns saline is often because it doesn’t have a consistent stream outlet, leading to a build-up of dissolved salts from water inflows. The water levels of saline lakes are naturally unstable and these lakes are generally susceptible to any disturbance.

This heightened sensitivity makes saline lakes more responsive than freshwater lakes to natural and human-caused factors. The main cause of change in a saline lake is disturbances in its water balance. These can be the result of natural or human-induced factors that are local, such as droughts, pollution, and upstream water diversions, or global, such as climate change, decreasing precipitation and increasing temperature.

The rapid response of saline lakes to the changing conditions makes these lakes suitable candidates for reliably reflecting the regional, and potentially global, status of water resources, and revealing crucial changes in the water balance. Unsurprisingly, many of the world’s saline lakes are shrinking rapidly, a major warning about the sustainability of regional water resources.

How are saline lakes changing?

There have always been fluctuations in saline lakes. Unfortunately, more lasting changes have become more common in recent years due to regional human activities and global climate change.

Most lakes have been shrinking and their water quality has declined. In permafrost regions of the Arctic and the Tibetan Plateau, however, some salt lakes have expanded due to areas of ice melting in a warming climate.

Changes in saline lakes pose significant challenges. They can endanger local ecosystems and industries, threaten public health and cause broader socio-economic harm.

Iran’s Lake Urmia is a good example. Until a few decades ago, Lake Urmia was one of the the world’s largest saline lakes, but it shrunk rapidly due to unsustainable human activities. The resulting problems include a decline in tourism, dust and salt storms, falling agricultural productivity and a loss of biodiversity.

The Aral Sea, once the world’s fourth-largest inland water body, is another tragic example. Since the 1960s it has shrunk to a fraction of its former size largely due to poorly planned irrigation development in the region.

The consequences have been disastrous. Despite many efforts, it has not been possible to restore the lake to its former glory.

Our natural early-warning systems

Saline lakes, much like the canaries used to give coalminers early warning of dangerously poor air quality, could play a vital role in monitoring the health of our water resources.

To better understand this analogy, we must first step back in time to the depths of underground mines where coalminers battled a hidden danger: carbon monoxide. This gas could build up silently, without any warning, endangering the miners’ lives.

Miners devised an ingenious solution: canaries. These small birds, with their rapid breathing rate, small size and fast metabolism, were tiny detectors of danger. When carbon monoxide levels rose, the canaries would be the first to show signs of distress, giving the miners a crucial warning to evacuate before it was too late.

The natural world continues to offer us unexpected insights. Saline lakes, with their intricate ecosystems and unique characteristics, act as nature’s early-warning systems.

Just as the canaries signalled hidden dangers in coalmines, the behaviour of saline lakes can alert us to looming issues with our water resources.

The bigger picture demands our attention

Of course, it is crucial to act when lakes are shrinking, whether through preservation efforts or restoration projects. But we must not overlook the bigger picture. It would be like a miner focusing on a distressed canary when it’s a sign of a more serious problem.

The real challenge lies in delving into the root cause, much like improving poor air quality in mines rather than merely trying to revive the birds.

This highlights the urgent need for a fundamental shift to water management and getting to the root of the problem rather than just dealing with the surface issues. Unfortunately, real-world experience shows we’ve often failed to make much of an impact when tackling these issues. But we can learn from our past mistakes to make better decisions now and in the future.

In the quest to ensure water resources remain sustainable, paying attention to saline lakes would be a good starting point. We need to grasp their intricacies and accurately gauge the water budget of these lakes around the world. We can only do that by investing in continuous monitoring of their health and behaviour.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why saline lakes are the canary in the coalmine for the world’s water resources – https://theconversation.com/why-saline-lakes-are-the-canary-in-the-coalmine-for-the-worlds-water-resources-232477

Junk food is promoted online to appeal to kids and target young men, our study shows

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tanita Northcott, Research Fellow, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

Jag_cz/Shutterstock

The Australian government has been investigating whether we should ban unhealthy food advertising online, and how it could work. In the United Kingdom, a ban on unhealthy food and drink advertising online will start in October 2025.

We recently used the Australian Ad Observatory to investigate targeted junk-food ads on Facebook in Australia. Our study finds that unhealthy food and drinks are promoted in ways designed to appeal to parents and carers of children, and children themselves. Additionally, young men in our study were being targeted by fast-food ads.

Kids, young people and parents should be aware of the strategies online advertisers use to normalise unhealthy eating patterns. We should all demand a more healthy digital environment.

Our work supports ongoing calls for a ban on junk food advertising online.

What did we see in the ads?

The Australian Ad Observatory has created the world’s largest known collection of the targeted ads people encounter on Facebook. Our 1,909 volunteers have donated 328,107 unique ads from their social media feeds. This gives researchers an unprecedented opportunity to examine what ads Australians see on social media and how they are being targeted.

We searched the database for ads promoting the top-selling unhealthy food and drink brands. These are “discretionary” or “sometimes” foods that tend to be high in fats and sugars. They include fast-food meals, confectionery, sugary drinks and snacks. (To identify unhealthy food and drink categories, we used government guidance on healthy food and drinks.)

We also looked at online food delivery companies because of their popularity on digital platforms. They play a likely role in promoting unhealthy foods.

We found nearly 2,000 unique ads by 141 separate advertisers observed about 6,000 times by individuals. Ads for fast-food brands made up half of the unhealthy food ad observations in our study.

Fast-food giants KFC and McDonald’s combined accounted for roughly 25% of all unhealthy food ad observations. Snack and confectionery brands, like Cadbury, featured in a third of the ad observations. Soft drink brands such as Coca-Cola were promoted in 11% of observations.

About 9% of ads promoted online food delivery companies, and typically promoted fast-food options. Other advertisers we might not think of as junk food brands, such as Coles supermarkets and 7-Eleven convenience stores, also regularly promoted junk foods.



The power of junk food

The vulnerability of children to junk food ads is well established. Children’s exposure to food marketing has been associated with what types of food they prefer and ask their parents to purchase. When they develop preferences for unhealthy foods, this contributes to unhealthy habits and related health concerns.

But it’s not only children who are susceptible to unhealthy food marketing. Junk food advertising also shapes the food norms and attitudes of young people aged 18 to 24.

Our experiences online and digital technologies more generally can impact our health. These are known as “digital determinants of health”.

Food advertisers use the vast amounts of data collected about individuals to target specific audiences. They can seamlessly integrate advertising into everyday life.

Our study shows junk food advertising is disproportionately served to young people, especially young men. Young men are seeing a much higher proportion of fast food ads (71%) compared to the sample overall (50%), suggesting fast food is marketed to them more aggressively. Many ads promoted special “app-only” deals, including free delivery, especially for fast food.



The ‘halo effect’

We also found examples of ads aimed at busy parents, painting fast food as something that saves parents time, quietens children and feeds families.

Even though Facebook accounts are available only to people 13 and over, junk-food ads still use child-oriented themes, such as characters and games. Many appear to be designed to appeal directly to children. This included ads promoting “healthy” foods, such as vegetables, in kids’ meals.

The most insidious marketing tactics we found connect junk foods, and the brands synonymous with junk foods, to wholesome or popular activities. This creates a “halo effect”.

For example, many ads use “sports-washing” to associate unhealthy foods with healthy sports activities or pleasurable spectator sports. Sports in junk-food marketing can appeal to a broad audience, including young people.

While not all of these sport-related ads promoted or displayed unhealthy food products directly, the sport provided the focal point of ads with strong brand-specific elements, therefore forging the connection.

Other ads used “mental health-washing”, including ads for chocolate bars, packaged snacks or fast food co-promoting community mental health organisations.

A grid of junk food ad images featuring sports alongside several major brands.
Examples of online ads found during our research.
Author provided

Unhealthy food advertising should be banned

Last week a Parliamentary Inquiry into Diabetes in Australia repeated calls for the government to restrict the marketing and advertising of unhealthy food to children on television, radio, in gaming and online.

The federal government should soon issue its report on how best to limit unhealthy food marketing to children. Our study supports the government’s proposal to ban all unhealthy food and drink advertising online.

The proposed ban should cover not just unhealthy food itself, but also any mention of the brands synonymous with those foods. This is because mentioning these brands brings such foods instantly to mind.

We also recommend the government should include all types of promotions. This includes ads from online food delivery companies, supermarkets and sports clubs that cross-promote unhealthy foods.

Many are concerned about the impact of social media and its algorithmic content feeds on children and young people. Our study highlights the food and drink ads targeting children, young people and harried parents can also create an unhealthy digital environment.

The Conversation

Christine Parker receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC) for the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society.

Tanita Northcott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Junk food is promoted online to appeal to kids and target young men, our study shows – https://theconversation.com/junk-food-is-promoted-online-to-appeal-to-kids-and-target-young-men-our-study-shows-234285

A nation reinvented: 40 years on from its 1984 victory, the Fourth Labour Government still defines NZ

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Shaw, Professor of Politics, Massey University

It’s easy to look back at the bad haircuts, beige clothes and brown Beehive carpets and chuckle. But whatever one’s views on its aesthetics, the Fourth Labour Government – elected 40 years ago on July 14 – was no laughing matter.

After nine years of economic nationalism and social conservatism under National prime minister Robert Muldoon, David Lange’s new broom left no corner unswept. In the space of a few short years, fuelled by a high-octane blend of neoliberal theory and neoclassical state minimalism, it reinvented the nation.

The incoming government was helped on its way by Muldoon precipitating a constitutional crisis just days after the election, and by a political system that allowed a government with a parliamentary majority to legislate with relative impunity.

Lange and his finance minister Roger Douglas also relied heavily on the intellectual support of senior Treasury officials who had spent the Muldoon years absorbing the free market philosophies of the Chicago School of Economics.

Labour deployed the political resources of a new, reforming government to full effect. And the list of its reforms says as much about the country we once were as it does about the one we have become.

Drunk with power: National’s Robert Muldoon calls the snap election in 1984.

The rise of Rogernomics

During its first term in office, public subsidies in the agriculture and forestry sectors were removed. Foreign exchange and interest rate controls were lifted. The dollar was floated and financial markets substantially deregulated.

The goods and services tax (GST) was introduced, the personal income tax structure simplified, and the top tax rate for individual income earners fell from 66 to 48 cents in the dollar.

Roger Douglas in 2008.
Getty Images

Government businesses and departments were corporatised. Many were then privatised, particularly after Labour’s increased support at the 1987 election. One of the most regulated economies in the world rapidly became one of the most open.

It was dubbed “Rogernomics”, but the Lange-Douglas government’s social and foreign policy reforms were almost as significant. Rape within marriage was finally outlawed, homosexuality was decriminalised, and nuclear-free laws passed as part of a newly assertive and independent foreign policy.

Attorney-general Geoffrey Palmer revised parliament’s Standing Orders, transforming our legislature into one of the most open in the parliamentary democratic world. Palmer also shepherded the Constitution Act (1986) through the House, which formally ended the outmoded provision that New Zealand governments could ask the British parliament to legislate on their behalf.

The past shapes the present

The Lange government would drive other, deeper transformations over time. The manner in which both Labour and its National Party successor threw their executive weight about, for instance, goes a long way to explaining the advent of the MMP proportional electoral system in 1993.

Many, perhaps naively, hoped MMP would clip the wings of the political executive. But the more astute architects of reform recognised MMP was the perfect system for locking in the structural changes made in the 1980s and 1990s by Labour and National.

The sort of radical politics that would be required to undo the neoliberal reforms enacted since 1984 are much harder to achieve in a multi-party system than in one dominated by two parties which swap executive power.

Moreover, the DNA of Labour’s Lange-Douglas era can still be found in the party system that has evolved under MMP.

Most obviously, the ACT Party was co-founded by Roger Douglas. It draws its intellectual inspiration less from Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged than from the Treasury’s epochal briefing to the incoming government in 1984, Economic Management. NZ First leader Winston Peters still adheres to aspects of the world Lange and his core cabinet ended.

And Te Pati Māori is the latest in many attempts to wrangle something for tangata whenua out of our Westminster parliamentary arrangements. The political environment in which it operates was shaped by Labour’s expansion of the Waitangi Tribunal’s powers.

A new orthodoxy

Perhaps the Fourth Labour Government’s most enduring legacy, however, is the least visible: it changed the way we talk and think about politics, especially what we now consider either politically possible or beyond the pale.

We have voluntarily chosen to constrain our ability to control fiscal and monetary policy. And these self-imposed limits on state power are now so embedded in legislation that any form of fiscal activism – such as saving jobs and businesses during a pandemic – seems extraordinary.

The notion that the human condition amounts to the rational pursuit of individual self-interest is similarly pervasive. By this reasoning, wealth inequality – of which there is a great deal more than in 1984 – is a moral not a market failure. Not even a global financial crisis or pandemic could really shift the paradigm.

These things are now widely accepted as natural and immutable, rather than the political choices they are. Without anyone really noticing, two equivalent fictions – the “dead hand” of the state and the “invisible hand” of the market – have assumed the status of both lore and law.

In France, one of the crucibles of modern democracy, the fall of the ancien régime during the revolution is commemorated on July 14, Bastille Day. On that same day in 1984, an old New Zealand order also fell. It was replaced by a new orthodoxy that has effectively smothered an alternative political or economic imagination.

We are all still living in the shadow of 1984. That is the real legacy of the Fourth Labour Government.

The Conversation

Richard Shaw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A nation reinvented: 40 years on from its 1984 victory, the Fourth Labour Government still defines NZ – https://theconversation.com/a-nation-reinvented-40-years-on-from-its-1984-victory-the-fourth-labour-government-still-defines-nz-232133

3 signs your diet is causing too much muscle loss – and what to do about it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Fuller, Charles Perkins Centre Research Program Leader, University of Sydney

EvMedvedeva/Shutterstock

When trying to lose weight, it’s natural to want to see quick results. So when the number on the scales drops rapidly, it seems like we’re on the right track.

But as with many things related to weight loss, there’s a flip side: rapid weight loss can result in a significant loss of muscle mass, as well as fat.

So how you can tell if you’re losing too much muscle and what can you do to prevent it?

Why does muscle mass matter?

Muscle is an important factor in determining our metabolic rate: how much energy we burn at rest. This is determined by how much muscle and fat we have. Muscle is more metabolically active than fat, meaning it burns more calories.

When we diet to lose weight, we create a calorie deficit, where our bodies don’t get enough energy from the food we eat to meet our energy needs. Our bodies start breaking down our fat and muscle tissue for fuel.

A decrease in calorie-burning muscle mass slows our metabolism. This quickly slows the rate at which we lose weight and impacts our ability to maintain our weight long term.

How to tell you’re losing too much muscle

Unfortunately, measuring changes in muscle mass is not easy.

The most accurate tool is an enhanced form of X-ray called a dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry (DXA) scan. The scan is primarily used in medicine and research to capture data on weight, body fat, muscle mass and bone density.

But while DEXA is becoming more readily available at weight-loss clinics and gyms, it’s not cheap.

There are also many “smart” scales available for at home use that promise to provide an accurate reading of muscle mass percentage.

Woman stands on scales
Some scales promise to tell us our muscle mass.
Lee Charlie/Shutterstock

However, the accuracy of these scales is questionable. Researchers found the scales tested massively over- or under-estimated fat and muscle mass.

Fortunately, there are three free but scientifically backed signs you may be losing too much muscle mass when you’re dieting.

1. You’re losing much more weight than expected each week

Losing a lot of weight rapidly is one of the early signs that your diet is too extreme and you’re losing too much muscle.

Rapid weight loss (of more than 1 kilogram per week) results in greater muscle mass loss than slow weight loss.

Slow weight loss better preserves muscle mass and often has the added benefit of greater fat mass loss.

One study compared people in the obese weight category who followed either a very low-calorie diet (500 calories per day) for five weeks or a low-calorie diet (1,250 calories per day) for 12 weeks. While both groups lost similar amounts of weight, participants following the very low-calorie diet (500 calories per day) for five weeks lost significantly more muscle mass.

2. You’re feeling tired and things feel more difficult

It sounds obvious, but feeling tired, sluggish and finding it hard to complete physical activities, such as working out or doing jobs around the house, is another strong signal you’re losing muscle.

Research shows a decrease in muscle mass may negatively impact your body’s physical performance.

3. You’re feeling moody

Mood swings and feeling anxious, stressed or depressed may also be signs you’re losing muscle mass.

Research on muscle loss due to ageing suggests low levels of muscle mass can negatively impact mental health and mood. This seems to stem from the relationship between low muscle mass and proteins called neurotrophins, which help regulate mood and feelings of wellbeing.

So how you can do to maintain muscle during weight loss?

Fortunately, there are also three actions you can take to maintain muscle mass when you’re following a calorie-restricted diet to lose weight.

1. Incorporate strength training into your exercise plan

While a broad exercise program is important to support overall weight loss, strength-building exercises are a surefire way to help prevent the loss of muscle mass. A meta-analysis of studies of older people with obesity found resistance training was able to prevent almost 100% of muscle loss from calorie restriction.

Relying on diet alone to lose weight will reduce muscle along with body fat, slowing your metabolism. So it’s essential to make sure you’ve incorporated sufficient and appropriate exercise into your weight-loss plan to hold onto your muscle mass stores.

Woman uses weights at the gym
Strength-building exercises help you retain muscle.
BearFotos/Shutterstock

But you don’t need to hit the gym. Exercises using body weight – such as push-ups, pull-ups, planks and air squats – are just as effective as lifting weights and using strength-building equipment.

Encouragingly, moderate-volume resistance training (three sets of ten repetitions for eight exercises) can be as effective as high-volume training (five sets of ten repetitions for eight exercises) for maintaining muscle when you’re following a calorie-restricted diet.

2. Eat more protein

Foods high in protein play an essential role in building and maintaining muscle mass, but research also shows these foods help prevent muscle loss when you’re following a calorie-restricted diet.

But this doesn’t mean just eating foods with protein. Meals need to be balanced and include a source of protein, wholegrain carb and healthy fat to meet our dietary needs. For example, eggs on wholegrain toast with avocado.

3. Slow your weight loss plan down

When we change our diet to lose weight, we take our body out of its comfort zone and trigger its survival response. It then counteracts weight loss, triggering several physiological responses to defend our body weight and “survive” starvation.

Our body’s survival mechanisms want us to regain lost weight to ensure we survive the next period of famine (dieting). Research shows that more than half of the weight lost by participants is regained within two years, and more than 80% of lost weight is regained within five years.

However, a slow and steady, stepped approach to weight loss, prevents our bodies from activating defence mechanisms to defend our weight when we try to lose weight.

Ultimately, losing weight long-term comes down to making gradual changes to your lifestyle to ensure you form habits that last a lifetime.


At the Boden Group, Charles Perkins Centre, we are studying the science of obesity and running clinical trials for weight loss. You can register here to express your interest.

The Conversation

Dr Nick Fuller works for the University of Sydney and has received external funding for projects relating to the treatment of overweight and obesity. He is the author and founder of the Interval Weight Loss program.

ref. 3 signs your diet is causing too much muscle loss – and what to do about it – https://theconversation.com/3-signs-your-diet-is-causing-too-much-muscle-loss-and-what-to-do-about-it-223865

Cryptosporidiosis: what to know as gastro surges among Australian children

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth Jane Elliott, Professor of Paediatrics and Child Health, University of Sydney

Art_Photo/Shutterstock

As a mother, I know the dread of hearing a gastro bug is going around the daycare, school or netball team. Diarrhoea and vomiting can stun a healthy child for days and wreak havoc on a family for weeks.

As a paediatrician, with extensive research experience in acute gastroenteritis (gastro), I also understand the effects on the community, our hospitals and our most vulnerable patients.

In the past year, Australia has experienced a surge in gastro cases due to a bug called cryptosporidium, which particularly affects children.

Cryptosporidium is not the only cause of gastro, but its spread provides a timely reminder to think about what we can do to manage and prevent this nasty illness.

Symptoms and causes

Gastro is characterised by the rapid onset of diarrhoea, or vomiting, or both, which lasts fewer than 14 days. These symptoms may be accompanied by tummy pain, nausea, appetite loss and fever.

Hundreds of strains of different pathogens may infect the gut to cause gastro. Worldwide, viral pathogens (such as rotavirus or norovirus) are the most common cause, but bacterial pathogens (such as Salmonella or E. coli) and parasites (such as Giardia and cryptosporidium) also cause gastro. Traveller’s diarrhoea may involve pathogens rarely seen in Australia, such as typhoid and cholera.

Gastro is usually transmitted from person to person, including through contact with saliva, vomit or faeces. It may also be acquired by ingesting contaminated water or food (food poisoning), swimming in contaminated water (in pools, dams, estuaries or water parks), or contact with farm animals.

What about cryptosporidium?

Cryptosporidium is a relatively common cause of gastro, called cryptosporidiosis. It especially affects young children, but the elderly and people with suppressed immune systems are also vulnerable.

Cryptosporidium is spread by spores called oocysts excreted in the faeces of humans and animals.

People often become infected through ingestion of contaminated water or contact with contaminated water, including in swimming pools.

When the parasite escapes the gut, it may survive in pool or spa water, even if it’s chlorinated, for days. So outbreaks often occur in spring or summer months when children are more likely to be swimming.

A child in a pool.
Cryptosporidium often spreads at swimming pools.
Porapak Apichodilok/Pexels

We saw this over the summer in Australia, when outbreaks of cryptosporidiosis led to pool closures and general alerts in New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland.

The infection can also be spread from person to person.

Cryptosporidium causes symptoms typical of gastro, notably watery diarrhoea and tummy pain. Fever and vomiting are less common. Symptoms usually begin a few days after infection but may come and go over a few weeks.

Children may be infectious for two weeks. People with poor immune function may carry and shed cryptosporidium (and therefore infect others) for longer.

An upward trend

Data from the National Notifiable Diseases Surveillance System confirms an upward trend in cryptosporidiosis cases across Australia this year. Some 11,860 cases have been recorded so far in 2024, compared with 3,716 during all of 2023.

From February to May, cases were more than ten times higher than the five-year average for that period. Cases have been particularly high in Queensland.

We don’t know the reason for this cryptosporidiosis epidemic, but it may be related to changing weather patterns and extreme weather events, perhaps reflecting climate change.

Rates may be higher in Queensland because more kids swim year-round in a warmer climate.

What to do if your child is sick

The mainstay of managing gastro at home, including cryptosporidiosis, is to prevent and treat dehydration. This can best be achieved by offering frequent drinks of a commercial oral rehydration solution which is formulated to promote absorption of water and electrolytes by the gut and replace fluids lost through diarrhoea and vomiting.

If your child’s symptoms are severe or ongoing and you’re worried, contact a doctor, as it’s possible they may need hospital treatment.

A child's head resting on an adult's lap.
Gastro can really knock children around.
Liderina/Shutterstock

Keep any child with diarrhoea or vomiting away from other children or vulnerable adults and home from daycare, pre-school or school until 24 hours after their symptoms have resolved. Parents, child-care workers and teachers are also at risk of infection and should isolate if symptomatic.

If your child has had cryptosporidiosis, they should not swim in a public pool for at least two weeks after the diarrhoea has stopped. Likewise, don’t share towels, linen or utensils with them during this period.

Simple measures can go a long way

To prevent gastro generally, the approach is similar regardless of the pathogen. Some worthwhile precautions include:

  • don’t drink untreated water from tanks, bores or wells

  • don’t eat or drink unpasteurised milk or dairy products

  • wash all fruit and vegetables before eating raw

  • wash your hands with soap for at least 20 seconds, particularly after changing nappies, using the bathroom, gardening, before preparing food or drinks, or after contact with animals

  • follow local advice and avoid swimming at beaches and in other waterways after heavy rain or flooding, as run-off and sewage overflow may result in contamination.

  • make sure your child is vaccinated against rotavirus.

Gastro is a global problem

Despite advances in diagnosis (improved identification of gut pathogens), prevention (notably rotavirus vaccination), and treatment (particularly use of oral rehydration therapy), gastro remains a major cause of illness and death in young children, particularly in developing countries.

According to the World Health Organization, each year there are nearly 1.7 billion cases of diarrhoeal disease in children globally.

It’s worth taking extra care when travelling, especially to low- and middle-income countries where food and water may be less safe. Take advice from your doctor regarding appropriate vaccination for specific destinations, such as for cholera or typhoid.

The Conversation

Elizabeth Jane Elliott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cryptosporidiosis: what to know as gastro surges among Australian children – https://theconversation.com/cryptosporidiosis-what-to-know-as-gastro-surges-among-australian-children-234160

The return of Bladerunner the humpback and Spilt Fin the killer whale – a cautionary tale about seafaring vessels

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanessa Pirotta, Postdoctoral Researcher and Wildlife Scientist, Macquarie University

Wayne Reynolds

In the past few days, two well known survivors of the battle between marine mammals and vessels have been spotted in Australian waters. I’m talking about Bladerunner the humpback and Split Fin the killer whale. Both have become famous for the massive scars they bear on their bodies, inflicted by boats.

Bladerunner is marked by a series of lines across her back and part of her tail. These lines were made by a propeller in motion. Spilt Fin, as her name suggests, has a split dorsal fin – likely also caused by a boat propeller.

I’m lucky to have seen both during my career studying whales. I first saw Bladerunner in 2013 while conducting research off Cape Solander, Sydney. And I spotted Spilt Fin and her pod on a whale watching trip off Eden, New South Wales, back in 2009.

I get a buzz every time I hear about another sighting. I know countless other people feel the same way. But there’s another feeling, too, knowing they were hurt yet narrowly avoided a fate far worse. So let’s take this opportunity to learn a bit more about these majestic creatures and how to keep them safe from harm.

Split Fin swimming alongside another killer whale in Australian waters, back in 2009
My first sighting of Split Fin (left), the well known killer whale with a split dorsal fin, in Australian waters, 2009.
Vanessa Pirotta

What happened to Bladerunner and Split Fin?

Bladerunner and Split Fin sustained terrible injuries quite some time ago now. Bladerunner was struck in 2001 and Spit Fin was first spotted in 2003. In both cases, the wounds healed without becoming infected.

Killer whales, such as Split Fin, are actually the largest members of the dolphin family. Whales and dolphins swim to the surface to breathe. They may also feed and socialise at the surface, where they’re highly likely to encounter a vessel.

A collision in the ocean is called vessel strike (sometimes ship strike or boat strike).

Unfortunately, whales and dolphins are at risk of vessel strike worldwide. In some cases, whales may be fatally wounded or sustain terrible injuries that restrict movement and leave them unable to swim properly. This makes them more vulnerable to predators such as killer whales.

Bladerunner and Split Fin look different, so people notice them

It’s impossible for scientists to be out on the ocean all the time, so it’s helpful when other people spot whales travelling on the “humpback highway”. For example:

Bladerunner was sighted by people onshore at Tathra, NSW, on Wednesday, and filmed using a drone :

Split Fin and her pod were spotted off Eden last week from a whale-watching platform:

Both humpback whales and killer whales can live for well over 50 years, so hopefully we can enjoy many more sightings.

Dedicated “citizen scientists” capture sightings on social media through groups such as Killer Whales Australia. There’s also various “whale-y” fun local projects, right around Australia, where you can get involved.

In addition, my team and I are documenting unique humpback whale sightings including the elusive white humpback whale Migaloo. Being all white makes him stand out, so people tend to notice him. But it’s been four years between sightings now. When will Migaloo turn up next?

A reminder to please keep your distance

Both Bladerunner and Split Fin remind us all to take care when on the water, or flying a drone over the ocean.

All whales, dolphins and porpoises in Australian waters are protected. The authorities have rules in place to keep these animals safe.

As a general rule, please keep your distance on the water by staying at least 100 metres away from whales. If a calf is present, the “exclusion zone” extends out to 300 metres.

If you’re flying a drone, that means the drone must fly at least 100m or higher above the ocean’s surface.

Ensuring we don’t get too close will allow these creatures safe passage in our waters, so we can continue to enjoy them.

Of course, vessel strike is not the only threat whales and dolphins face. Human activities present other dangers such as entanglement in fishing gear, noise and other forms of pollution, climate changes, and underwater construction to name a few. The good news is science is helping us understand these threats, so we can make evidence-based decisions to better protect these creatures in the future.

Bladerunner is back!

Tail end

Bladerunner is one of more than 40,000 humpbacks currently migrating north to warmer waters from Antarctica. They’re on their way to a fun place I call the “whale disco”, where male humpback whales sing and socialise with females. Humpback females may give birth or fall pregnant during this time.

It’s a special time of year, when all eyes are on the big blue.

Let’s hope for safe passage for all whales and dolphins, as they enjoy Australian waters.

This article was drawn from material in Vanessa Pirotta’s new book Humpback Highway: Diving into the mysterious world of whales.

The Conversation

Vanessa Pirotta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The return of Bladerunner the humpback and Spilt Fin the killer whale – a cautionary tale about seafaring vessels – https://theconversation.com/the-return-of-bladerunner-the-humpback-and-spilt-fin-the-killer-whale-a-cautionary-tale-about-seafaring-vessels-234389

Supermarket concentration benefits stores, not shoppers. It’s time to split Foodstuffs – not make it stronger

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Asher, Retail Expert, PhD Candidate & Sessional Academic, University of Sydney

The proposed merger of Foodstuffs North Island and Foodstuffs South Island raises the prospect of even less choice for New Zealanders in what is an already heavily concentrated market. But will regulators prevent it from happening?

New Zealand currently has just three major supermarket entities: the two Foodstuffs cooperatives (member-owned companies) and Australian-owned Woolworths. These three control 85% of the grocery market and almost 100% of the supermarket sector.

The Commerce Commission will release its delayed decision on the proposed merger in October.

Less choice in NZ than overseas

The dominance of Foodstuffs and Woolworths gives the New Zealand supermarket industry a concentration ratio of almost 100% – calculated by adding the top four firm’s market share of an industry.

By comparison, the supermarket sector concentration ratio in Italy is 58.3%, in Spain it’s 67.4%, in the United Kingdom it’s 61.2%, and in the United States it’s 58.5%. These lower ratios point to markets that are more competitive.

A recent OECD survey has raised concerns over the concentration in the New Zealand market. And suppliers have warned they are being hurt by the dominance of these retailers.

Research has long shown higher levels of concentration favour the companies dominating the market to the detriment of consumers and competition.

Our research supports this finding.

In 2022, the Commerce Commission released a report on New Zealand’s grocery sector. It found competition was not working well for consumers in the retail grocery sector. Recommendations included establishing a dedicated
grocery regulator to provide monitoring and oversight, which was done by the then Labour government last year.

To better balance the market, regulators need to ensure local markets are competitive. This will require not just the rejection of Foodstuffs’ merger but, also, the possible split or demerger of the existing entities.

The most logical step is split the Pak’nSave and New World brands, ensuring they are independent of each other.

Otherwise there is a risk of precedent being set, which establishes an example for other sectors and markets to follow. It also raises the question of the point of the market study, if – despite the knowledge of concentration – the market was allowed to concentrate further.

Research shows the high price we pay

New Zealand’s size and low population density are often blamed for higher food costs.

But our ongoing research shows low population density in developed markets is not a predictor of supermarket market concentration.

Highly concentrated markets have lower store availability for consumers, driving up population per store and reducing choice.

New Zealand has four times more population per store than Germany, and more than two times the UK and US. New Zealand also has the highest revenue per store across 25 developed markets, ahead of the United States.

Foodstuffs North Island, for example, generates double the global average operating profit of supermarkets.

Individual store owners are benefiting from the lack of competition. In 2018, three Foodstuffs supermarket owners entered the NBR rich list.

Anti-competitive claims against Foodstuffs

The proposed merger of the two Foodstuffs cooperatives is not the first time the company has joined together geographically disparate entities.

In 2013, Foodstuffs merged their Wellington and Auckland regions to become Foodstuffs North Island. This merger concentrated an already small market further.

The cooperatives’ increased market and bargaining power after the 2013 merger has resulted in complaints from some suppliers over Foodstuffs North Island’s tactics.

Despite being two separate entities, Foodstuffs has admitted to sharing information between its North and South Island entities. And since 2020, Foodstuffs North Island and South Island have released joint annual corporate social responsibility reports.

In a submission on the merger to the Commerce Commission earlier this year, one industry insider claimed the two Foodstuffs cooperatives were behaving as an unofficial cartel. Foodstuffs has rejected this claim.

But the commission has active fair trading investigations into both Foodstuffs South Island and Foodstuffs North Island over pricing and promotional practices. It is also investigating Woolworths New Zealand for the same issues.

And the regulator recently filed proceedings against Foodstuffs North Island, alleging that anti-competitive land covenants were lodged by the supermarket operator. The commission claims Foodstuffs did this with the purpose of blocking competitors from opening rival supermarkets at particular sites.

Splitting the Foodstuffs brands

New Zealand is not the only country facing increasingly concentrated supermarket sector, though it is, arguably, one of the worst.

In Australia, concerns have been raised about the dominance of Coles and Woolworths. These two companies control 65% of the grocery sector between them. The Queensland Greens have called on the government to introduce a 20% cap on market ownership.

In May, the Australian government outlined a mandatory code of conduct for supermarkets to address anti-competitive behaviour. It is clear Australia is attempting to prevent further concentration of its grocery market, highlighting just how much of an outlier New Zealand is.

In contrast, the UK’s two largest supermarkets, Tesco and Sainsbury’s, control just 42.2% of their market. An investigation into rising food prices by the country’s competition watchdog found inflation was not driven by weak retail competition.

Operating profits in the sector in the UK fell 41.5% in 2022-23, with average operating margins falling to 1.8% from 3.2%. This suggests retailers’ rising costs were not passed on in full to consumers.

The UK grocery sector shows how competitive a grocery sector can be – if consumers and regulators are vigilant. But the merger of the two Foodstuffs cooperatives is taking New Zealand in the opposite direction.

Instead, the commission should reject the merger. It should also look at the demerger or divestment of the Foodstuffs banners to foster real competition and a better outcome for consumers.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Supermarket concentration benefits stores, not shoppers. It’s time to split Foodstuffs – not make it stronger – https://theconversation.com/supermarket-concentration-benefits-stores-not-shoppers-its-time-to-split-foodstuffs-not-make-it-stronger-234150

How does Australia’s progressive tax system work – and what is ‘bracket creep’?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shumi Akhtar, Associate Professor, University of Sydney

Greg Brave/Shutterstock

This article is part of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series where we ask experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.


It’s July, which means if they haven’t already, many Australians will be thinking about and filing their tax returns.

You’d be hard pressed to find someone who likes paying taxes, but they fund essential public services such as health care, education, infrastructure, defence spending and social services.

In Australia, we tax individuals under a progressive tax system – the tax rate increases as your income rises. Such a system is designed to ensure those who earn more contribute a larger percentage of their income towards the country’s revenue.

But this isn’t the only way to tax individuals’ income. Some countries including Estonia and Bolivia have a “flat” tax system that imposes the same income tax rate on everyone, no matter how much they earn.

So how does Australia’s tax system work for individuals – and how has it just been changed?

First, working out what you earn

Each financial year, every taxpayer must either lodge a tax return – detailing their income and any deductions or offsets to which they are entitled – or submit a “non-lodgement advice” form.




Read more:
What are financial years – and why are they different from calendar years?


To prepare a tax return, a taxpayer has to work out their taxable income, which the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) defines as “assessable income minus any allowable deductions”.

RomanR/Shutterstock
It’s the start of a new financial year, which means tax time for Australians.
RomanR/Shutterstock

At one end of the scale, a person’s assessable income might just include their salary or wage payments made over the course of a financial year.

But for others with diverse income streams – which could include interest, investments, government payments and profits from owning a business – preparing a tax return will be more complicated. These income streams may face their own tax implications before being taxed progressively.

Taxpayers are often able to make deductions against their taxable income, including for certain work-related expenses, charitable donations and educational costs.

Depending on their income and level of private health cover, individuals may also have pay to a Medicare levy.

It’s important to note that our discussion here is only general in nature, and tax laws are always evolving. Consider seeking professional advice to manage your own tax return.




Read more:
Beware of ‘tax hacks’ to maximise your return this year. The tax office is taking a close look at incorrect claims


The more you earn, the more you pay

Once we’ve worked out how much someone has earned, we tax them on a progressive scale, where tax rates increase with income.

But you don’t pay a higher rate of tax on all of your income, only on your respective earnings above and within certain thresholds.

For example, under the tax brackets for the last financial year (2023–24), Australian residents faced marginal tax rates of:

Bracket creep

But there’s a problem. Over time, inflation in an economy increases the general cost of goods and services, eroding the purchasing power of money. As a result, people demand higher wages so their living standards don’t decrease.

Over the years, these higher incomes amid high inflation can push people into new tax brackets, meaning they might pay higher rates of income tax without seeing any improvement in purchasing power. This is called “bracket creep” or “tax creep”.

As the Parliamentary Budget Office explains, even those who aren’t pushed into new tax brackets can still be impacted by bracket creep. This is because the design of our system means the more a taxpayer earns, the greater the proportion of their income will be paid in tax.

Put simply, they face a higher average tax rate – total tax calculated as a proportion of total taxable income – as their income increases, even if they stay in the same bracket (excluding those below the tax-free threshold).

Closeup of feet on steps of a ladder
Over time, pay rises can push people into higher tax brackets, known as ‘bracket creep’.
Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

Avoiding bracket creep was one of the key rationales for Australia’s recent income tax cuts, stage three of which came into effect on July 1. As you might remember, these cuts were changed from what was originally planned.

The previous Coalition government’s original plan was to eliminate the 37% tax rate, reduce the 32.5% bracket rate to 30% and expand it to cover earnings all the way up to $200,000, and apply the 45% tax rate to earnings over $200,000.

But the current Labor government ended up instead lowering the 19% rate to 16%, reducing the 32.5% rate to 30% for earnings up to $135,000, keeping the 37% rate above this higher threshold, and applying the 45% marginal tax rate to earnings above $190,000.

These changes mean that over the current financial year (2024–25), Australian residents will face the following new marginal rates of income tax:

The changes have reduced some of the tax savings for those on high incomes. For example, a worker earning $200,000 will see a tax saving this year of $4,529, down from $9,075 under the original plan.

Not the only way to tax

It’s sometimes argued that an alternative system of flat taxes – applying the same tax rate to everyone no matter how much they earn – could increase simplicity and economic efficiency.

But like many other countries, Australia’s progressive tax system is designed to ensure that those who earn more contribute more accordingly. One of the biggest challenges is ensuring it stays fair over time.

The Conversation

Shumi Akhtar is affiliated with Tax and Transfer Policy Institute (ANU).

ref. How does Australia’s progressive tax system work – and what is ‘bracket creep’? – https://theconversation.com/how-does-australias-progressive-tax-system-work-and-what-is-bracket-creep-234152

World-first study decodes the DNA structure of a 52,000-year-old woolly mammoth sample

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Parwinder Kaur, Associate Professor | Director, DNA Zoo Australia, The University of Western Australia

Legs of a juvenile female woolly mammoth named Yuka. Love Dalén, Stockholm University, Author provided

In a world-first study, we have revealed and analysed remarkably preserved fragments of ancient DNA from the skin of a woolly mammoth.

For the first time, we’ve been able to understand how the genetic instructions for this extinct species were organised inside its cells. This is known as genome architecture – the three-dimensional arrangement of DNA in the cell’s nucleus.

The research, published today in Cell, was a mammoth international effort, including teams from the United States, Australia, Denmark, Spain, Sweden, Russia and Norway. The discovery greatly enhances our understanding of a lost species.

By examining the genome architecture of the woolly mammoth, we can uncover the secrets of its survival in harsh environments – and its eventual extinction around 10,000 years ago. Our discovery also brings unprecedented insights into ancient DNA and opens up new avenues for research in this field.

A new look at an extinct species

Genome architecture influences how genes are turned on or off. This impacts everything from development to disease. In modern species, scientists study genome architecture to understand how the genes are regulated, and how the cells of the organism function.

When applied to ancient DNA, it can illuminate the biological and environmental history of an extinct species – such as the woolly mammoth.

Along with some proteins, the DNA within cells is stashed in what’s known as chromatin. It packages the long DNA molecules into a more compact, dense shape. This allows them to fit inside the cell nucleus.

The chromatin we found in our woolly mammoth sample from Siberia was remarkably well preserved, despite the animal having died 52,000 years ago.

The mammoth would have rapidly frozen after death. Its tissue was transformed due to the cold, dry and stable conditions. Although typically DNA degrades over time, in our sample we found it preserved in a glass-like state.

At the nanoscale, it’s akin to a bumper-to-bumper traffic jam where individual particles – in this case ancient DNA fragments – are immobilised and unable to move far from each other, even over thousands of years.

A close-up of the mammoth skin sample being taken.
Love Dalén/Stockholm University (used with permission)

Usually, the study of ancient genome architecture is particularly challenging because DNA falls apart relatively quickly. However, we adapted a genomic analysis technique that maps chromatin interactions, allowing us to delve into the ancient DNA structures we found in the sample.

We could count the individual chromosomes and learn that mammoths had 28 – just like their closest living relatives, elephants. Then, we dug deeper.

A strikingly familiar pattern

When we compared the genome architecture of the mammoth and the Asian elephant living today, we found a striking similarity. This suggests the ancient DNA sample still shows useful biological information.

The sample was so detailed, not only could we see which genes were activated in the mammoth genome, but also why. One key discovery was what we call “mammoth altered regions”. These were changes in gene activity specific to the species.

For instance, we found that genes involved in hair development and immune response showed different activity patterns in mammoths compared to elephants.

Juxtaposition of an ancient woolly mammoth and a modern elephant.
Binia De Cahsan (used with permission)

The woolly mammoth had several unique physical traits adapted for cold environments. These included a thick, shaggy coat of fur and large tusks curving upwards.

They also had relatively small ears to minimise heat loss, and a specialised fat layer under the skin for insulation. These adaptations helped them thrive in ice age conditions.

A groundbreaking step forward

Our detailed work on the woolly mammoth’s genome architecture has provided a window into the past. By comparing them to their living relatives, we’ve found that crucial chromatin structures and gene regulation mechanisms have been preserved for more than 50,000 years.

This shows just how resilient genomic architecture can be on a grand evolutionary scale. The methods we developed to peer at the chromatin structures now open up new avenues of research.

As we continue to explore these ancient blueprints, we may uncover further secrets of how this extinct species adapted and thrived in its environment.

Our discovery may spark thoughts of resurrecting the woolly mammoth. However, our insights from studying ancient DNA might actually help the conservation of existing species.

What happened to the woolly mammoth in the Siberian permafrost was essentially natural biobanking – preservation and storage of genetic material. If we do this proactively for currently endangered species, we can safeguard their genetic diversity for future generations.

This would also provide a crucial resource for scientific research and conservation efforts. Just as the frozen mammoths have yielded knowledge about their adaptations and evolutionary pathways, modern biobanking efforts can offer insights into species’ resilience to environmental changes, disease resistance, and other critical traits.

This knowledge is vital for informing conservation strategies. It will help us ensure the long-term survival of biodiversity in a rapidly changing world.

Parwinder Kaur does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. World-first study decodes the DNA structure of a 52,000-year-old woolly mammoth sample – https://theconversation.com/world-first-study-decodes-the-dna-structure-of-a-52-000-year-old-woolly-mammoth-sample-232387

Pacific Journalism Review turns 30 – and challenges media over Gaza

Pacific Journalism Review

Pacific Journalism Review has challenged journalists to take a courageous and humanitarian stand over Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza in its latest edition with several articles about the state of news media credibility and the shocking death toll of Palestinian reporters.

It has also taken a stand in support of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange who was set free in a US federal court in Saipan and returned to Australia the day before copies of the journal arrived back from the printers.

The journal went online last week and it celebrated three decades of publishing at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference hosted by The University of the South Pacific in Fiji in partnership with the Pacific islands News Association (PINA) and the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN).

In the editorial provocatively entitled “Will journalism survive?”, founding editor Dr David Robie wrote: “Gaza has become not just a metaphor for a terrible state of dystopia in parts of the world, it has also become an existential test for journalists — do we stand up for peace and justice and the right of a people to survive under the threat of ethnic cleansing and against genocide, or do we do nothing and remain silent in the face of genocide being carried out with impunity in front of our very eyes?

“The answer is simple surely.”

Launching the 30th anniversary edition, former USP professor Vijay Naidu paid tribute to the long-term “commitment of PJR to justice and human rights” and noted USP’s contribution through hosting the journal for five years and also continued support from conference convenor associate professor Shailendra Singh.

Papua New Guinea’s Communication Minister Timothy Masiu also launched at the PJR event a new book, Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific, edited by Professor Biman Prasad (who is also Deputy Prime Minister of Fiji), Dr Singh and Dr Amit Sarwal.

The PJR editors, Dr Philip Cass and Dr Robie, said the profession of journalism had since the covid pandemic been under grave threat and the journal outlined challenges facing the Pacific region.

The cover of the 30th anniversary edition of Pacific Journalism Review. Image: PJR

Among contributing writers, Jonathan Cook, examines the consequences of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) legal cases over Israel’s illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories, and Assange’s last-ditch appeal to prevent the United States extraditing him so that he could be locked away for the rest of his life.

Both cases pose globe-spanning threats to basic freedoms, writes Cook.

New Zealand writer Jeremy Rose offers a “Kiwi journalist’s response” to Israel’s war on journalism, noting that while global reports have tended to focus on the “horrendous and rapid” climb of civilian casualties to more than 38,000 — especially women and children — Gaza has also claimed the “worst death rate of journalists” in any war.

The journalist death toll has topped 158.

Independent journalist Mick Hall offers a compelling research indictment of the role of Western legacy media institutions, arguing that they too are in the metaphorical dock along with Israel in South Africa’s genocide case in the ICC.

PJR designer Del Abcede with Rosa Moiwend at the PJR celebrations. Image: David Robie/APMN

He also cites evidence of the wider credibility implications for mainstream media in the Oceania region.

Among other articles in this edition of PJR, a team led by RMIT’s Dr Alexandra Wake, president of the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia (Jeraa), has critiqued the use of fact check systems, arguing these are vital tool boxes for journalists.

The edition also includes articles about the Kanaky New Caledonia decolonisation crisis reportage, three USP Frontline case study reports on political journalism, the social media ecology of an influencer group in Fiji, and a photo essay by Del Abcede on Palestinian protests and media in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific.

Book reviews include the Reuters Journalism, Media, and Technology Trends and Predictions 2024, Journalists and Confidential Sources, The Palestine Laboratory and Return to Volcano Town.

The PJR began publication at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1994.

The full 30th anniversary edition of Pacific Journalism Review

Celebrating the 30th anniversary of Pacific Journalism Review with a birthday cake . . . Professor Vijay Naidu (from left), Fiji Deputy Prime Minister Professor Biman Prasad, founding PJR editor Dr David Robie, PNG Communications Minister Timothy Masiu, conference convenor and PJR editorial board member Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, and current PJR editor Dr Philip Cass. Image: Joe Yaya/Islands Business

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Grattan on Friday: Don Farrell has an electoral reform blueprint, but it could be a rough road to implementation

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Don Farrell usually finds his way into the news cycle in relation to some or other trade issue. But Farrell, who’s special minister of state as well as trade minister, plans a throw of the dice soon that, if he can pull it off, would give him a place in the history books for driving a major reform of Australia’s federal electoral law.

The changes, long in the pipeline, would place caps on both donations and spending for federal elections, and include more timely disclosure of money flows.

But the far-reaching reforms, which Farrell aims to bring to parliament in the fortnight sitting starting August 12, would seem unlikely to be in place for the coming election, due by May next year.

The proposals are generally in line with the majority recommendations from the parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters.

It’s been a tortuous process, much longer than Farrell initially hoped. Not only have negotiations with other players dragged on, but the danger of breaching the Constitution (which could invite a successful High Court challenge over restricting the implied freedom of communication) and even a shortage of parliamentary drafters have slowed progress.

How much of the reform package can be wrangled through parliament, and how long that might take can’t be predicted.

The reforms will include a minimalist “truth in advertising” measure, based on the model operating in South Australia. But that might fall by the wayside in the parliament. The Australian Electoral Commission, which has resisted being the designated cop-on-the-beat to adjudicate on truth, will be relieved if it doesn’t eventuate.

And Farrell won’t even try to increase the number of Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory senators (current set at two each) because there is not enough support to do so.

For Farrell, the core issue is the caps to stop the explosion of spending and politicians having to devote so much energy to fund-raising.

Billionaire Clive Palmer’s massive spend on the last election has obsessed Labor, although for his $123 million outlay, his United Australia Party won only one Senate seat, secured by Ralph Babet in Victoria.

Farrell says:

Our system needs to be protected, including from billionaires who try to influence our elections. The focus of the reforms I will introduce into the parliament is to address the growing threat of big money in politics.

But his package would also protect “genuine political communications,” he insists.

All donations of $1,000 or more would have to be disclosed, and this would be a hard, non-indexed threshold. The present indexed threshold is more than $16,900.

There would be a cap on how much each donor could give, with figures still being finalised.

Farrell’s donation changes do not go nearly as far as those the South Australian Labor government has on the drawing board, which would ban all donations.

Under the three-tier proposal in the Farrell legislation, caps would be set for what parties could spend on their national campaigns, and at the state level (to cover campaigns for the Senate). There would also be caps for spending in a seat.

The key cap would be the seat one, and this is set to be somewhere under $1 million per candidate. Unsurprisingly, some the “teals”, who were elected after expensive campaigns, are concerned about new players. (Monique Ryan and Allegra Spender both ran campaigns costing more than $2 million apiece.)

One effect of the caps would be to limit the extent to which a party could pour huge sums of money into a seat where it perceived the MP was under threat.

The legislation will likely include an increase in public funding, although the intention is to keep this increase relatively modest, based on the judgment that anything too large would go down poorly with the public.

Parties, however, would also get an amount for administrative costs. This would be a new thing, although they have previously received grants for specifics such as updating cyber-security.

There will be measures to try to catch some of the spending by “significant third parties”, for example, unions, advocacy groups such as Advance, and groups such as Climate 200, which financially backed a number of community candidates in 2022. But how these will operate remains unclear. This third party spending is a crucial issue and the devil will be in the detail.

Parties, candidates and other players in an election will have to have dedicated Commonwealth campaign accounts for all donations and spending, which will be subject to auditing by the Australian Electoral Commission.

There have long been calls for “real time” disclosure of donations. Under the proposed reforms, donations outside election periods would be disclosed within weeks. During campaigns, the time would be reduced down to weekly, then daily as polling day nears.

Farrell argues voters should be able to make up their own minds about donations via real-time disclosures, rather than bans being imposed on money from certain industries (for example, fossil fuel companies).

When it comes to electoral reform, players start from a position of self-interest. So while there have been extensive discussions with the opposition parties, the Greens, the teals and others, getting agreement – or, at least, agreement from some players on some aspects – is a huge ask.

The Liberals are staying publicly mum. Some of the teals, as newcomers and minions compared to the major parties, are vocal.

Western Australian teal Kate Chaney, who has been at the forefront on electoral issues, says she wants to see real-time disclosure of donations above $1,000, a political advertising provision that protects voters from “lies”, and “a method for reducing money in politics that still allows new challengers”.

She has put forward a model to cap “mega donors” set as a proportion of public funding.

“My lens is whether the reforms prevent future competition,” she says. “I recognise people want less money in politics and people don’t want money to be influencing political decisions. But if private donations are replaced with public funding, it embeds incumbents, which is not good for a flourishing democracy.”

Goldstein teal Zoe Daniel remains “suspicious that the major parties will dress up their proposals as electoral reform when their real goal is self-interest, as has proved to be the case with recent changes in NSW and Victoria.

“In Victoria, under the guise of reform, the Andrews government built a $200 million barrier to protect the interests of the major parties and lock out independent candidates who were constrained at the last eection by a cap on individual donations of $4,210,” Daniel says.

The package is expected to have a rough parliamentary road, not helped by its arrival so late in the term. It’s likely to see bits peeled off or dropped off during its journey. Given the timing, it is hard to see that much of it could be operational in time for a 2025 election – the AEC would require a period to gear up.

Farrell, who is overseas, will return to yet more haggling over his changes. A pragmatic numbers man of Labor’s right faction, he knows if he doesn’t get as many reforms as he can through during this parliament, there is a danger a re-elected Albanese government could be in minority, when negotiating electoral changes would become even more difficult.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: Don Farrell has an electoral reform blueprint, but it could be a rough road to implementation – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-don-farrell-has-an-electoral-reform-blueprint-but-it-could-be-a-rough-road-to-implementation-234159

‘Real time’ donation disclosure and spending limits in Labor electoral reforms

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Political donations would need to be disclosed in “real time” during elections under reform legislation that also would restrict spending on individual seat campaigns to an amount that will be less than $1 million per candidate.

The package, which Special Minister of State Don Farrell aims to introduce in the next parliamentary sitting fortnight beginning August 12, also includes a truth-in-advertising provision, and is expected to boost public funding for elections. Total election funding paid by the Australian Electoral Commission for the 2022 election was nearly $76 million.

All donations of $1000 and above would have to be disclosed, under the proposed measures. At present the disclosure threshold is more than $16,900. There would also be caps on donations.

Under the real-time disclosure provision, donations outside election periods would have to be made public within weeks. During an election campaign, they would need to be disclosed weekly, then daily as polling day approached.

Some details of the package are still being finalised. One major issue is the need to minimise the risk of a successful High Court challenge on the grounds of limiting the implied freedom of political communication.

The plan includes caps on parties’ campaign spending at a national and a state level (the latter covers campaigns for the Senate) as well as on spending at the seat level.

Parties, candidates and others involved in elections would be required to have dedicated Commonwealth campaign accounts for all donations and spending, which would be subject to audit by the Australian Electoral Commission.

Parties would receive some funding for their administration.

Farrell says his package will “address the growing threat of big money in politics”.

During Farrell’s extensive negotiations there has been blowback from some crossbenchers. Some “teal” MPs ran highly expensive campaigns which saw them elected in 2022.

Independent member for the Victorian seat of Goldstein, Zoe Daniel, one of the teals, said she supported a lower disclosure threshold for donations and real-time disclosure. “Above everything else, the priorities are transparency and accountability,” she said.

But she warned, “I remain suspicious that the major parties will dress up their proposals as electoral reform when their real goal is self interest. We must make sure they don’t collude to lock out newcomers and tilt the playing field in their own favour, in contrast to the demonstrated wishes of voters at large.”

The Coalition parties have been in negotiation with Farrell over the measures, but where they will land is unknown.

The package will have provisions covering “associated entities”, which are funding-raising arms for parties, and “significant third parties”, which spend on and raise money for elections. They include unions, advocacy groups such as Advance and organisations such as Climate 200. Details of the provisions covering them are not known.

Earlier consideration of increasing the number of senators from the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory (at present two each) has been abandoned.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Real time’ donation disclosure and spending limits in Labor electoral reforms – https://theconversation.com/real-time-donation-disclosure-and-spending-limits-in-labor-electoral-reforms-234471

Fake Picassos in a ladies toilet: why the saga at MONA is one of the most effective pieces of performance art I’ve seen

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Mendelssohn, Honorary (Senior Fellow) School of Culture and Communication University of Melbourne. Editor in Chief, Design and Art of Australia Online, The University of Melbourne

In the latest instalment of the Ladies Lounge saga at Hobart’s Museum of Old and New Art (MONA), curator Kirsha Kaechele’s has revealed she faked a number of Picasso paintings hanging in the gallery’s new ladies toilets, established in response to the forced closure of the Ladies Lounge earlier this year.

This entire saga is perhaps the most effective piece of performance art I’ve seen since Yoko Ono’s Cut Piece of 1964 – a work hailed as being the Titanic of performance pieces. In it, Ono sits, as members of the public are invited to approach and cut off pieces of her clothes.

As was the case with Cut Piece, the public’s reaction to Kaechele has been intense. Unlike Ono, however, Kaechele’s performance has lasted for months and has engaged and scandalised many more people, garnering worldwide attention.

An ongoing performance

The very first stage of this serialised event was Kaechele’s creation of the Ladies Lounge. In this space, women could have high tea, admire great art and be served by attractive, adoring male butlers.

The butlers had to be young, handsome and dressed to be of service to the ladies. In Kaechele’s own words:

They are the only men allowed in the Ladies Lounge, and that is because they live to serve women. They attend to our every desire and shower us with praise and affection (in chivalry — the unequal rights component of the reparations equation). And champagne. They also massage us.

So when a man, Jason Lau, complained about being denied access on account of his gender, the media had a field day.

Indeed, the presence of a women-only lounge serving champagne and great art drew the ire of some men. And that was the point: in a world where women have been (and continue to be) denied access to the same spaces as men, Jason Lau was “experiencing the artwork as it’s intended”.




Read more:
Women have been excluded from men’s spaces for centuries. That’s why the MONA Ladies Lounge matters


Lau took Kaeschele and MONA to the Tasmanian Civil and Administrative Appeals Tribunal, where the hearing became the second act of Kaeschele’s performance.

In court, Kaechele and her troupe staged a synchronised performance reacting to those who stood over them in judgement. The tribunal found the Ladies Lounge discriminated against “persons who do not identify as ladies”. But even as the case was lost, the troupe danced out of the courtroom to the tune of Robert Palmer’s Simply Irresistible.

While the lounge was closed “for reform”, Kaechele pondered her next move. She considered a ladies bible study room, but eventually settled on decorating a toilet with some of the master works.

When questioned on the desirability of drinking champagne in a toilet, Kaechele replied:

There is a real precedent for people imbibing in the toilet. People enjoy all kinds of substances in there.

She has a point.

Once the toilets were open, a fascinated media noted – among other works – paintings by Picasso. To treat famous (and expensive) art with such open contempt drew international attention, including from the Picasso Administration, which manages, collects, distributes and controls the rights attached to Picasso’s works.

Kaechele then “confessed” she painted the “Piacassos” herself three years ago. She said she she made the paintings green to match the lurid green aesthetic of the Ladies Lounge, where they were first placed.

These “Picassos” weren’t the only fakes in the lounge/toilets. Others included modern spears from Papua New Guinea captioned as antiques and plastic jewellery claimed to be heirlooms.

Might there be consequences?

As well as taking the mickey out of the patriarchy, one lesson from Kaechele’s work is that gallery and museum visitors should use their eyes and not always believe what labels say.

If Kaechele had persisted in claiming the works were by Picasso after being challenged by the Picasso Administration, she would have been guilty of fraud. However, she immediately “confessed” and explained why and how she acted as she did.

As a result, the Ladies Lounge/toilet has become an amusing exposé on how thin-skinned some men can be – and why the legal system (at least at its lower levels) needs to get some perspective.

This event reminds me of Melbourne artist, Ivan Durrant, who in 1974 put a dead cow in the forecourt of the National Gallery of Victoria. The following year his commercial gallery, Hogarth Gallery, announced Durrant had acquired a severed human hand which would be exhibited as art. The photographs looked so realistic that the national media tied itself in knots trying to locate the person whose hand it was. It was, of course, a prosthetic.

The last laugh goes to…

For Kaechele – and for MONA – the Ladies Lounge controversy has been a spectacular success. She has reminded visitors that the roles of artist and curator are often intermingled. She has also succeeded in exposing the patriarchy as a humourless joke.

Kaechele’s acts fall within a great tradition of performance art, which had fallen out of fashion since it’s heyday in the 1960s and ‘70s. She is, however, more lighthearted than Pat Larter’s Tailored Maids. In this performance work, which itself was critique of female circumcision, she sat behind a sheet and used shadow play. As the implements of destruction – including secateurs – approached her body, she threw pieces of raw meat into the audience.

Ever since it opened, MONA’s exhibitions and installations have combined curatorial originality with a talent for attracting the kind of worldwide publicity other art museums yearn for. Kaechele’s husband, David Walsh, has said his mission is to make the arts approachable to people who aren’t a part of a self-defined cultural elite.

Indeed, Kaechele has now brought more international prominence to MONA, showing yet again why it is essential viewing for any art lover in Australia.

The Conversation

Joanna Mendelssohn has in the past received funding from the Australian Research Council

ref. Fake Picassos in a ladies toilet: why the saga at MONA is one of the most effective pieces of performance art I’ve seen – https://theconversation.com/fake-picassos-in-a-ladies-toilet-why-the-saga-at-mona-is-one-of-the-most-effective-pieces-of-performance-art-ive-seen-234470

What happens when matter is squashed to the brink of collapse? We weighed a neutron star to help NASA find out

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Reardon, Postdoctoral researcher in pulsar timing and gravitational waves, Swinburne University of Technology

Artist’s impression of a white dwarf star orbiting a pulsar and producing a gravitational time delay. Carl Knox / Swinburne / OzGrav

Neutron stars are some of the most extreme objects in the universe. Formed from the collapsed cores of supergiant stars, they weigh more than our Sun and yet are compressed into a sphere the size of a city.

The dense cores of these exotic stars contain matter squashed into unique states that we can’t possibly replicate and study on Earth. That’s why NASA is on a mission to study neutron stars and learn about the physics that governs the matter inside them.

My colleagues and I have been helping them out. We used radio signals from a fast-spinning neutron star to measure its mass. This enabled scientists working with NASA data to measure the star’s radius, which in turn gave us the most precise information yet about the strange matter inside.




Read more:
Explainer: what is a neutron star?


What is inside a neutron star?

Matter in the core of neutron stars is even denser than the nucleus of an atom. As the densest stable form of matter in the universe, it is squashed to its limit and on the brink of collapse into a black hole. Understanding how matter behaves under these conditions is a key test of our theories of fundamental physics.

NASA’s Neutron star Interior Composition ExploreR (NICER) mission is trying to solve the mysteries of this extreme matter.

NICER is an X-ray telescope on the International Space Station. It detects X-rays coming from hot spots on the surface of neutron stars where temperatures can reach millions of degrees.

Scientists model the timing and energies of these X-rays to map the hot spots and determine the mass and size of the neutron stars.

Knowing how the sizes of neutron stars relate to their masses will reveal the “equation of state” of the matter in their cores. This tells scientists how soft or hard – how “squeezeable” – the neutron star is, and therefore what it is made of.

A softer equation of state would suggest that neutrons in the core are breaking apart into an exotic soup of smaller particles. A harder equation of state might mean neutrons resist, leading to larger neutron stars.

The equation of state also dictates how and when neutron stars get ripped apart when they collide.

Solving the mystery with a neutron star neighbour

One of NICER’s primary targets is a neutron star called PSR J0437-4715, which is the nearest and brightest millisecond pulsar.

A pulsar is a neutron star that emits beams of radio waves that we observe as a pulse every time the neutron star rotates.

This particular pulsar rotates 173 times per second (as fast as a blender). We have been observing it for almost 30 years with Murriyang, CSIRO’s Parkes radio telescope in New South Wales.

The team working with NICER data faced a challenge for this pulsar. X-rays coming from a nearby galaxy made it hard to accurately model the hot spots on the neutron star’s surface.

Fortunately, we were able to use radio waves to find an independent measurement of the pulsar’s mass. Without this crucial information, the team would not have recovered the correct mass.

Weighing a neutron star is all about timing

To measure the neutron star’s mass, we rely on an effect described by Einstein’s theory of general relativity, called the Shapiro delay.

Massive and dense objects such as pulsars – and in this case its companion star, a white dwarf – warp space and time. The pulsar and this companion orbit one another once every 5.74 days. When pulses from the pulsar travel to us across the compressed spacetime surrounding the white dwarf, they are delayed by microseconds.

A white dwarf orbits a pulsar, warping spacetime and delaying radio pulses from the pulsar. Credit: Carl Knox / OzGrav.

Such microsecond delays are easy to measure with Murriyang from pulsars like PSR J0437-4715. This pulsar, and other millisecond pulsars like it, are observed regularly by the Parkes Pulsar Timing Array project, which uses these pulsars to detect gravitational waves.




Read more:
Using a detector the size of a galaxy, astronomers find strongest evidence yet for gravitational waves from supermassive black hole pairs


Because PSR J0437-4715 is relatively close to us, its orbit appears to wobble slightly from our point of view as Earth moves around the Sun. This wobble gives us more details about the geometry of the orbit. We use this together with the Shapiro delay to find the masses of the white-dwarf companion and the pulsar.

The mass and size of PSR J0437-4715

We calculated that the mass of this pulsar is typical of a neutron star, at 1.42 times the mass of our Sun. That’s important because the size of this pulsar should also be the size of a typical neutron star.

Scientists working with the NICER data were then able to determine the geometry of the X-ray hot spots and calculate that the neutron star’s radius is 11.4 kilometres. These results give the most precise anchor point yet found for the neutron star equation of state at intermediate densities.

Our new picture already rules out the softest and hardest neutron star equations of state. Scientists will continue to decode exactly what this means for the presence of exotic matter in the inner cores of neutron stars. Theories suggest this matter may include quarks that have escaped their normal homes inside larger particles, or rare particles known as hyperons.

The millisecond pulsar PSR J0437-4715, on the left as seen from Earth and on the right as seen from its own equatorial plane. The purple-pink colour indicates the temperature of the hot spots at the poles. The hot magnetic poles are not exactly opposite each other. Because the star is so dense, the animations also show the effect of light bending caused by extreme gravity. NASA / Sharon Morsink / Devarshi Choudhury et al.

This new data adds to an emerging model of neutron star interiors that has also been informed by observations of gravitational waves from colliding neutron stars and an associated explosion called a kilonova.

Murriyang has a long history of assisting with NASA missions, and was famously used as the primary receiver of footage for most of the Apollo 11 moonwalk. Now, we have used this iconic telescope to “weigh in” on the physics of neutron star interiors, advancing our fundamental understanding of the universe.

The Conversation

Daniel Reardon receives funding from the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav).

ref. What happens when matter is squashed to the brink of collapse? We weighed a neutron star to help NASA find out – https://theconversation.com/what-happens-when-matter-is-squashed-to-the-brink-of-collapse-we-weighed-a-neutron-star-to-help-nasa-find-out-229813

Macbeth (An Undoing): a new take that aims to reimagine Lady Macbeth’s path – but ultimately leaves you guessing

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Hunter, Senior Lecturer in Art and Performance, Deakin University

Rashidi Edward and Johnny Carr star in Macbeth (An Undoing). Jeff Busby

What if significant portions of William Shakespeare’s text for Macbeth had been lost, leading to a narrative in which Lady Macbeth charts a different path, free from madness?

This is the twist in Scottish playwright Zinnie Harris’ show Macbeth (An Undoing). First presented last year at the Lyceum in Edinburgh, the contemporary re-imagining of the classic tale is now premiering at The Malthouse Theatre.

Harris is celebrated for revitalising timeless works from the Western canon, infusing them with freshness and innovation. In Macbeth (An Undoing), Malthouse Artistic Director Matthew Lutton directs an ensemble cast which interweaves the original text with fictional “lost” scenes and re-imagined story fragments.

Billed as as an “adrenaline fuelled epic”, this is a rollicking tale in which grandiose Shakespearean proclamations are juxtaposed with contemporary vernacular and asides made to the audience.

A stereoscopic effect

The show’s ten actors largely work in and around Dann Barber’s imposing, monotone set. It is a labyrinthine structure of gunmetal-grey rooms and passageways on a rotating stage. The actors can variously walk around and through Castle Inverness at a pace, or be framed within contained lit vignettes.

Johnny Carr and Bojana Novakovic star as Macbeth and Lady Macbeth.
Jeff Busy

This stereoscopic effect is a satisfying and artful conceit, setting up a kind of analogue fade where scenes appear and disappear. But it does establish a particular spatial constraint for the ensemble. The flat perspective is perfect for a tableau effect – such as witches shivering under snowfall – but little to no downstage space sometimes results in awkwardly composed clusters of actors.

The costumes are simple, stylish and streamlined, featuring muted forest colours which pop against the monotone panels. In a nod to the postdramatic, the Shakespearean world of rustic belts, cinched-in waists and thonged doublets is slowly undone as the play deconstructs – exposing modern underwear and the mechanics of the headset technology that amplifies the actors’ voices.

Solid performances – but a lack of presence

Award-winning actor Bojana Novakovic plays Lady Macbeth with a kind of daily, quotidian energy. Macbeth himself (played by Johnny Carr) is equally restrained. Both actors skirt the territory satisfactorily, but I was a little underwhelmed by their lack of physical presence, which is required to effectively convey the terror and weight of Macbeth’s story (even a re-imagined version).

I do wonder if the casual, soap-opera style of delivery was a directorial decision. It felt peculiar to me. It was lacking the necessary presence and depth needed for these roles, detracting from my engagement.

However, I did enjoy David Woods as a simmering Macduff and Natasha Herbert as Carlin, the witty and acerbic witch/servant. Herbert, in particular, has an embodied gravitas and grounded physicality that the text requires. She is funny, complex and compelling in the role.

Woods’ grimy Macduff – suspicious of Macbeth having committed the regicide of King Duncan – broods and rages in the corner. His version of Murderer is a silent, gum-chewing brute with a sustained physicality that remains potent even as he says nothing.

David Woods (centre) plays Macduff with a sustained physicality.
Jeff Busby

Despite its two-and-a-half hour run time, the show moves at a cracking pace.

Jethro Woodward’s sound design is relentless throughout, mixing deep rhythmic drones with textured crunches and spatialised audio. The aural space is cinematic and constant: music swells between sections to indicate scene changes and background sounds – including bells, grinding tones, knocks and ghostly fluttering wings – fill the auditorium.

The post-show music was also an apt choice, with Led Zeppelin’s thrashy Immigrant Song.

Overall, a bit undercooked

Ultimately, I felt slightly disappointed in the work, which was presented as a radical re-telling. The meta-commentary that runs through the play asks us to embrace a new trajectory for Lady Macbeth, but seems unresolved in its delivery and tone.

The play sets up big questions but falls short of adequately providing the answers.
Jeff Busby

The play sets up big questions. Who is really in control here? Who can we trust? How do we hold it together when all else is falling and failing? Yet for all the dripping, blood-covered bodies (the blood is convincing), the work feels undercooked.

Its monumental themes of power, ambition and perspective deserved a larger, bolder set of choices. The stage combat could have also used more work as it was questionable. Perhaps the show will run itself in as the ensemble builds cohesion over time.

Either way, the audience at opening night seemed appreciative and engaged in this story of ambition, power and grief.

The Conversation

Kate Hunter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Macbeth (An Undoing): a new take that aims to reimagine Lady Macbeth’s path – but ultimately leaves you guessing – https://theconversation.com/macbeth-an-undoing-a-new-take-that-aims-to-reimagine-lady-macbeths-path-but-ultimately-leaves-you-guessing-233880

Deaf women are twice as likely to experience domestic violence. How perpetrators weaponise disability

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanessa Letico, Lecturer in Criminology and Senior Policy Officer (Office for the Commissioner for Victims of Crime), Victoria University

Yurii_Yarema/Shutterstock

The alarming rise in reports of domestic violence and intimate-partner homicides has led to increased media attention and heightened awareness in our communities.

We know perpetrators have evolved too, adapting their abusive methods to be more pervasive, discreet and sly. Signs that people with disability may be experiencing domestic violence can be even more challenging to detect, which is especially concerning given the recent findings from the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability.

The royal commission found 40% of Australian women with a disability have experienced physical violence after the age of 15 (compared with 26% of women without a disability). However, the risk of domestic violence for people with disabilities varies greatly depending on the type of disability they have.

Research shows Deaf women are twice as likely to experience domestic violence than hearing women. And reports of physical and sexual abuse are up to 20 times greater in Deaf compared to hearing people. As we examine the reasons Deaf victims face a significantly greater risk of domestic violence, criminologists are realising the unique ways it happens.

3 ways deafness is used as a weapon

The dark reality is perpetrators are weaponising their victim’s deafness to:

  • enhance their vulnerability
  • increase barriers to reporting, and
  • diminish their credibility.

By exploiting their victim’s disability, perpetrators increase their power and coercive control. The power dynamic between perpetrator and their Deaf victim is intensified when the perpetrator has the ability to hear. This imbalance of power is described as hearing privilege.

So, how are they doing it?

Perpetrators of domestic violence against Deaf women may damage, destroy or withhold communication equipment such as cochlear implant magnets, hearing aids, and Bluetooth systems to further isolate and control Deaf victims.

By impairing their ability to communicate with others (especially those who are hearing and may not know sign language) this significantly increases the victim’s isolation.

Devices can cost thousands of dollars and custom-made equipment can take weeks or even months to be replaced. Therefore, this often results in a prolonged communication barrier.

Assistive technology can take months to replace.
People Images/Shutterstock

Given most police are not proficient in Australian Sign Language (Auslan), victims may delay reporting until they can communicate their story on their own terms.

And the loss of their communication equipment may affect a victim’s ability to work and fulfil their job responsibilities. Income loss increases financial dependence on their perpetrator. This financial abuse is compounded by the limited employment opportunities available to the Deaf community.

Physical abuse

Research indicates there is a distinct difference in the way perpetrators inflict physical abuse depending on whether the victim is Deaf or hearing.

For hearing victim-survivors, perpetrators often target areas of the body that can be easily covered by clothing to conceal the domestic violence. Perpetrators who abuse Deaf victims are more likely to direct physical violence towards the fingers, hands, wrists and arms. This prevents victims from using sign language, which for many Deaf people is their first and primary language.

This characteristic, however, offers an opportunity to observe the signs of domestic violence against Deaf people, given injuries to the fingers, hands, and wrists are highly visible.

Violence against Deaf women may be more likely to target their hands to prevent signing.
James Benjamin/Shutterstock

The power of misinterpretation

People who notice these signs of domestic violence can offer support and raise the alarm (if safe to do so for both reporter and victim). But the police have an enormous role to play and must equally be aware of the manipulation tactics perpetrators of abuse againsgt Deaf victims use.

When police respond to a suspected domestic violence incident, they question all parties involved. Research from the United States shows police may rely on a perpetrator who knows sign to interpret for a Deaf victim.

Perversely, this allows the perpetrator to inaccurately interpret the Deaf victim’s statements and reframe the narrative to portray themselves as the victim or claim the incident was an accident.

Similarly, perpetrators can misinterpret the information police are conveying to a Deaf victim. They may even falsely label a Deaf victim as intellectually disabled based on their vocalisations or speech, aiming to undermine their credibility and dissuade police from taking the incident or report seriously.

This underscores the importance of police separating parties and interviewing the Deaf victim with the help of a suitably qualified interpreter.

However, even when best practices are followed, there remain significant challenges in accessing qualified interpreters on short notice. According to the 2023 Deaf Census, 77% of respondents reported difficulties in securing qualified interpreters promptly. These experiences have prompted the Deaf community to advocate for addressing the shortage, underpayment and burnout of Auslan interpreters nationwide.

Recognise the signs

Disability can be exploited against victims of domestic violence in powerful and disturbing ways. And domestic violence can manifest in unique ways for Deaf victims.

There needs to be greater public awareness and empowerment to support victims. Police protocols for handling domestic violence incidents involving Deaf people should also be thoroughly and regularly reviewed to address issues of hearing privilege and its implications for victim credibility.


For information and advice about family and intimate partner violence contact 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732). 1800 RESPECT can also be contacted via the National Relay Service. If you or someone you know is in immediate danger, contact 000 or dial 106 for TTY users. Kids Helpline is 1800 55 1800. Men’s Referral Service (call 1300 766 491) offers advice and counselling to men looking to change their behaviour.

Vanessa Letico does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Deaf women are twice as likely to experience domestic violence. How perpetrators weaponise disability – https://theconversation.com/deaf-women-are-twice-as-likely-to-experience-domestic-violence-how-perpetrators-weaponise-disability-233873

Pacific media in crisis, warns former PNG, Samoa editor Alex Rheeney

NBC News

A former newspaper editor believes the journalism profession in Papua New Guinea and other Pacific Island countries is in crisis.

Team leader of the Pacific Media Assistance Scheme (PACMAS)/ABC International Development (ABCID) Alexander Rheeney spoke of this issue at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference in Fiji last week.

Reflecting on his role as a former editor of both the PNG Post-Courier newspaper in Papua New Guinea and the Samoa Observer, Rheeney said a lot of challenges were facing journalists in PNG, especially over the quality of reporting and gender-based violence

Pacific Journalism Review founding editor Dr David Robie speaking at the launch of the 30th anniversary edition of the journal at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference in Suva, Fiji, last week. View NBC video clip. Image: NBC News screenshot/APR

He said the harassment mainly affected female journalists in newsrooms around the Pacific and Papua New Guinea was no exception.

Rheeney’s concern now is to find solutions to these challenges.

Rheeney told the NBC that every newsroom had its own challenges, and the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference was a great forum that brought journalists past, and present, including media academics and experts together to share and find answers to these problems.

He said the proposed PNG media policy was seen as a threat and challenge for some.

Many journalists and media houses were questioning what this policy might do to affect their way of reporting.

Papua New Guinea’s Information Communication and Technology Minister Timothy Masiu, whose ministry was spearheading this media policy, was also part of the conference and he spoke positively about the policy.

Minister Masiu said that the draft policy was to elevate the media profession in PNG and called for the development of media self-regulation in the country without government’s direct intervention.

The draft policy also was intended to strike a balance between the media’s ongoing role on transparency and accountability on the one hand, and the dissemination of development information on the other hand.

Getting the shot . . . journalists taking photographs at last week’s 2024 Pacific International Media Conference in Suva, Fiji. Image: David Robie/APR

Republished from NBC News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

NZ Rugby’s big test: can it select the right boardroom players for the modern game?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tracy Molloy, Senior Lecturer in Sport Governance, Law & Ethics, Auckland University of Technology

Getty Images

As the All Blacks’ bruising first encounter with England last weekend showed, rugby is not a game for the faint-hearted. The same can apply off the field as well.

At the end of May, a special general meeting of NZ Rugby, the game’s national organisation, decided on a future governance structure. It marked the culmination of an arm wrestle between the national board and key provincial unions, with the latter prevailing.

Media coverage captured the depth of feeling attached to the outcome: NZ Rugby chair, Dame Patsy Ready, was reportedly prepared to resign, and the Players Association threatened a breakaway organisation for the professional game.

Behind the substantive issues of funding and board appointment models, deeper forces were at work.

Since the game went professional in 1995, there has been a longstanding tension between two institutional “logics”. One is corporate, about commercialisation, professionalisation and efficiency. The other is community oriented, about the “grassroots” voice and member representation.

Making that dual remit workable now falls to NZ Rugby and the provincial unions to progress at tomorrow’s annual general meeting. Some commentators are suggesting the future stability of the game is at stake.

Finding common ground

The challenges to the game are commonly accepted: static or declining participation rates, the financial sustainability of the professional game in a small domestic market, disrupted spectator engagement, low Māori and Pasifika presence in leadership, and questions about maximising opportunities for the women’s game.

What is contested is how the game should be funded, and how NZ Rugby should be structured to address these challenges.

The tensions that came to head in May were sparked by the investment agreement NZ Rugby made with US private equity firm Silver Lake in 2022.

Part of the deal involved NZ Rugby commissioning and publishing an independent governance review. This resulted in the Pilkington Report (named after the review panel chair David Pilkington). Published last year, the report found the NZ Rugby model no longer “fit for purpose”:

The structure it sits within was not designed for a business of this size and complexity.

The report contained two key recommendations: the selection of independent board members through an independent process, and the creation of a “stakeholder council” to ensure broad representation.

Two proposals were presented at the special general meeting. The first, supported by the NZ Rugby Board, the Māori Rugby Board and the Players Association, was rejected in favour of the second, backed by key provincial unions.

referee  awarding try in schoolboy rugby game
Nurturing the game’s grassroots: Hastings Boys High School plays Napier Boys High School, 2024.
Getty Images

Competing proposals

At the core of the debate is a complex disagreement over achieving “independence” of board members. NZ Rugby wanted to move away from an “independence of office” model, which risked undue influence by provincial union interests, to a more corporate “independence of thought” model.

Under the previous NZ Rugby model, board members could not also sit on the board of a provincial union or similar rugby organisation (“independence of office”).

In practice, the board selection process saw candidates campaigning for nomination by provincial unions. The fear was that they may then feel obliged to promote those unions’ interests, potentially influencing an elected board member’s decisions.

However, the new Incorporated Societies Act requires board members to “act in good faith” and in the “best interests” of the organisation as a whole (“independence of thought”).

Both proposals presented at the special general meeting allow for an “open” application process, meaning candidates no longer need to be nominated by a provincial union. Both proposals also include a stakeholder council and an appointments panel in the board selection process.

However, the provincial union proposal requires three of the nine board members to have previously been on a provincial union board. This potentially narrows the candidate pool, and could see pro-provincial union members back on the board.

Given there would still be six other board members, this may not be a problem. More telling, perhaps, would be the provincial union proposal effectively giving the stakeholder council more power over the board appointments panel than recommended in the Pilkington report.

Importantly, this would give the stakeholder council the power to “sign off” on some board selection criteria and processes.

But the stakeholder council (now called a governance advisory panel) is a broad church. It provides for representation of the Māori Rugby Board, Pasifika Advisory Group, NZ Super Rugby clubs and the Players Association. Combined with an independent chair and three provincial union representatives, it can represent a range of community and professional perspectives.

All Blacks coach Scott Robertson with NZ Rugby CEO Mark Robinson at press conference
Tough at the top: new All Blacks coach Scott Robertson with NZ Rugby CEO Mark Robinson in 2023.
Getty Images

All on the same team

Our research shows appointment panels have been used by New Zealand sports organisations for over 25 years. The NZ Rugby model, with a mix of independent and stakeholder perspectives on the appointments panel, is not new.

The research also suggests the two competing logics within NZ Rugby – professional/elite and amateur/grassroots – can be resolved. Both coexist in various forms within other New Zealand sporting codes.

As NZ Rugby prepares for tomorrow’s AGM and the staged implementation of the provincial union proposal, all involved will need to act in the best interests of the whole game and the NZ Rugby organisation.

Ultimately, the game’s top administration needs well-chosen representatives who can bring their individual experience and perspective to the table, but be capable of thinking and acting independently, without favouring any particular interests.

Rugby has been described as a “game for everybody and every body”. The same applies to the NZ Rugby board, the stakeholder council and the appointments panel. They’re all on the same team, contributing their respective skill sets.

Now they just need to get the ball over the line at the AGM, and then convert it between the goal posts of good governance.

The Conversation

Lesley Ferkins worked with NZ Rugby and Auckland Rugby on the research project Navigating Two Worlds: Pacific Contribution to Leadership in Rugby.

Geoff Dickson and Tracy Molloy do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NZ Rugby’s big test: can it select the right boardroom players for the modern game? – https://theconversation.com/nz-rugbys-big-test-can-it-select-the-right-boardroom-players-for-the-modern-game-232483

David Robie talks media challenges, education and decolonisation on Radio 531pi’s Pacific Mornings

PMN Pacific Mornings

A major conference on the state and future of Pacific media is taking place this week in Fiji.

Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report and deputy chair of Asia Pacific Media Network, joins #PacificMornings to discuss the event and reflect on his work covering Asia-Pacific current affairs and research for more than four decades.

Pacific Journalism Review, which Dr Robie founded at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1994, celebrated 30 years of publishing at the conference tonight.

Other Pacific Mornings items on 4 July 2024:
The health sector is reporting frustration at unchanging mortality rates for babies and mothers in New Zealand. PMMRC chairperson John Tait joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

Labour Deputy Leader Carmel Sepuloni joined #PacificMornings to discuss the political news of the week.

We are one week into a month of military training exercises held in Hawai’i, known as RIMPAC.

Twenty-nine countries and 25,000 personnel are taking part, including New Zealand. Hawai’ian academic and Pacific studies lecturer Emalani Case joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

Republished with from Pacific Media Network’s Radio 531pi.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

What’s the difference between ‘man flu’ and flu? Hint: men may not be exaggerating

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thea van de Mortel, Professor, Nursing, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Griffith University

baranq/Shutterstock

What’s the difference? is a new editorial product that explains the similarities and differences between commonly confused health and medical terms, and why they matter.


The term “man flu” takes a humorous poke at men with minor respiratory infections, such as colds, who supposedly exaggerate their symptoms.

According to the stereotype, a man lies on the sofa with a box of tissues. Meanwhile his female partner, also with a snotty nose, carries on working from home, doing the chores and looking after him.

But is man flu real? Is there a valid biological reason behind men’s symptoms or are men just malingering? And how does man flu differ from flu?

What are the similarities?

Man flu could refer to a number of respiratory infections – a cold, flu, even a mild case of COVID. So it’s difficult to compare man flu with flu.

But for simplicity, let’s say man flu is actually a cold. If that’s the case, man flu and flu have some similar features.

Both are caused by viruses (but different ones). Both are improved with rest, fluids, and if needed painkillers, throat lozenges or decongestants to manage symptoms.

Both can share similar symptoms. Typically, more severe symptoms such as fever, body aches, violent shivering and headaches are more common in flu (but sometimes occur in colds). Meanwhile sore throats, runny noses, congestion and sneezing are more common in colds. A cough is common in both.

What are the differences?

Flu is a more serious and sometimes fatal respiratory infection caused by the influenza virus. Colds are caused by various viruses such as rhinoviruses, adenoviruses, and common cold coronaviruses, and are rarely serious.
Colds tend to start gradually while flu tends to start abruptly.

Flu can be detected with laboratory or at-home tests. Man flu is not an official diagnosis.

Severe flu symptoms may be prevented with a vaccine, while cold symptoms cannot.

Serious flu infections may also be prevented or treated with antiviral drugs such as Tamiflu. There are no antivirals for colds.

OK, but is man flu real?

Again, let’s assume man flu is a cold. Do men really have worse colds than women? The picture is complicated.

One study, with the title “Man flu is not a thing”, did in fact show there were differences in men’s and women’s symptoms.

This study looked at symptoms of acute rhinosinusitis. That’s inflammation of the nasal passages and sinuses, which would explain a runny or stuffy nose, a sinus headache or face pain.

When researchers assessed participants at the start of the study, men and women had similar symptoms. But by days five and eight of the study, women had fewer or less-severe symptoms. In other words, women had recovered faster.

But when participants rated their own symptoms, we saw a somewhat different picture. Women rated their symptoms worse than how the researchers rated them at the start, but said they recovered more quickly.

All this suggests men were not exaggerating their symptoms and did indeed recover more slowly. It also suggests women feel their symptoms more strongly at the start.

Why is this happening?

It’s not straightforward to tease out what’s going on biologically.

There are differences in immune responses between men and women that provide a plausible reason for worse symptoms in men.

For instance, women generally produce antibodies more efficiently, so they respond more effectively to vaccination. Other aspects of women’s immune system also appear to work more strongly.

So why do women tend to have stronger immune responses overall? That’s probably partly because women have two X chromosomes while men have one. X chromosomes carry important immune function genes. This gives women the benefit of immune-related genes from two different chromosomes.

XX female chromosomes
X chromosomes carry important immune function genes.
Rost9/Shutterstock

Oestrogen (the female sex hormone) also seems to strengthen the immune response, and as levels vary throughout the lifespan, so does the strength of women’s immune systems.

Men are certainly more likely to die from some infectious diseases, such as COVID. But the picture is less clear with other infections such as the flu, where the incidence and mortality between men and women varies widely between countries and particular flu subtypes and outbreaks.

Infection rates and outcomes in men and women can also depend on the way a virus is transmitted, the person’s age, and social and behavioural factors.

For instance, women seem to be more likely to practice protective behaviours such as washing their hands, wearing masks or avoiding crowded indoor spaces. Women are also more likely to seek medical care when ill.

So men aren’t faking it?

Some evidence suggests men are not over-reporting symptoms, and may take longer to clear an infection. So they may experience man flu more harshly than women with a cold.

So cut the men in your life some slack. If they are sick, gender stereotyping is unhelpful, and may discourage men from seeking medical advice.

The Conversation

Thea van de Mortel teaches into the Master of Infection Prevention and Control program at Griffith University.

ref. What’s the difference between ‘man flu’ and flu? Hint: men may not be exaggerating – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-man-flu-and-flu-hint-men-may-not-be-exaggerating-231161

Not quite a street, not quite a road – why ‘stroads’ are disasters of urban planning, and how to fix them

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Liam Davies, Lecturer in Sustainability and Urban Planning, RMIT University

Adam Calaitzis/Shutterstock

Have you ever walked or ridden a bike along a street, and thought to yourself, “Gosh, it’s noisy”, or “This feels unpleasant”? Odds are you were on a stroad.

Maybe you’ve seen someone on social media talking about a “loud, polluted, car-filled, congestion-blocked, unbearably hot, decaying concrete nightmare” of a street. Yep, that’s definitely a stroad.

The term stroad – a portmanteau of street and road – is said to have been coined over a decade ago by “recovering engineer” Charles Marohn to describe a hybrid street and road.

Stroads are trying to be both a thoroughfare for vehicles, and a place for people.

Typically they fail at both, with Marohn saying:

It is truly the worst of all possible approaches. Our neighborhoods are filled with stroads.

What’s wrong with stroads?

Stroads have an inherent conflict between their role as a movement corridor and their role as a place. While they try to be everything to everyone, they become nothing to anyone.

Focusing on movement funnels more cars and trucks into a street, making it more like a road.

This lessens the sense of place, which is the very reason people wanted to go there in the first place.

The end result is a stroad, something which is neither a good street for people nor a good road for drivers. In some cases, they can be a good road to drive on, but a particularly unpleasant street for pedestrians and cyclists to be on.

In the United States, where the term originated, the term stroad largely refers to highways with shops along the sides.

Many major roads in large Australian cites are stroads. Think of Parramatta Road or Cremorne’s Military Road in Sydney, and City Road in Melbourne. In Brisbane, consider Ann Street and Wickham Street. In Perth, think of Charles Street or Beaufort Street. Or, lastly, Sir Donald Bradman Drive or Anzac Highway in Adelaide.

We also find stroads in our many shopping strips. King Street in Sydney or Sydney Road in Melbourne spring to mind.

Again, movement of cars and trucks gets prioritised above people and sense of place. This results in a significant imbalance in space allocation between motorists and other users.

The development of stroads is a reflection on an older way of thinking, which views all streets and roads as places for cars and trucks. As one Victorian government document put it:

Traditionally, roads and streets are considered only movement corridors to get us from A to B. [But] streets not only keep people and goods moving, they’re also places for people to live, work and enjoy.

How to fix a stroad

Thinking has changed on how we should use street space. Many Australian states have begun implementing a framework called “movement and place”.

This shifts away from seeing streets as things that support movement of cars and trucks, and toward a view they move people and goods, but also have a place function.

“Movement and place” frameworks can be used to identify what a street’s role is, and where it may be lacking. However, this only diagnoses the problem, it does not solve it.

To truly solve the stroad, we need to change the priority of the street. We need to remove some space given to cars (both driving and parking), and give that space to people and place.

And yes, it can be done. There is a concept called complete streets. This re-imagines how our streets are laid out, giving more space to people and public transport. These makeovers improve overall flow of people and benefit the local economy.

Many major stroads have benefited from street makeovers. Prominent examples include:

Smaller scale, temporary initiatives, such as parklets, can help too. This is where parking spaces are converted to public space, as either parks or outside dining space. We saw pop-up parklets across Australia during COVID, to help with physical distancing. These temporary measures can be a great way to see how change could look.

Opposition to change

Such proposals often meet fierce opposition.

In 2015, then-NSW opposition leader Luke Foley called a plan to replace cars on George Street with light rail “stupid”, claiming it would worsen traffic.

In Melbourne, Robert Doyle ran for, and won, the 2008 mayoral race on a promise to reopen Swanston Street to traffic.

However, the Sydney light rail was built and Swanston Street was instead redeveloped to improve pedestrian, cycling, and tram access.

We now have two bustling civic places of which we should all be proud, both replacing unpleasant stroads which ran through the heart of each city.

While urban change can sometimes be controversial, it can help to consider the counter-factual. How would we feel if things were the other way around?

For example, if we currently had trams, widened footpaths, and bicycle lanes down Sydney’s Parramatta Road or Melbourne’s City Road, would we rip them out to build six lane stroads?

I think not.

The Conversation

In addition to his academic position, Liam Davies works for a private consultancy, the Institute for Sensible Transport, which provides services to Australian governments. His PhD was funded by an Australian government Research Training Program Stipend Scholarship, and an AHURI Housing Postgraduate Scholarship Top-up. He is currently, and has previously, worked on projects funded by Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute investigating housing policy. He is a member of the Planning Institute of Australia, Victoria division.

ref. Not quite a street, not quite a road – why ‘stroads’ are disasters of urban planning, and how to fix them – https://theconversation.com/not-quite-a-street-not-quite-a-road-why-stroads-are-disasters-of-urban-planning-and-how-to-fix-them-232485

Anyone for obstacle course swimming? How some of the more unusual Olympic Games sports came to be

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wayne Peake, Adjunct research fellow, School of Humanities and Communication Arts, Western Sydney University

The Latin motto of the Olympic Games, which Baron Pierre de Coubertin – known as the father of the Olympics – resurrected at Athens in 1896, is “citius, altius, fortius – communiter”.

In English, this means “faster, higher, stronger – together”.

The addition of “together” in 2021 by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), which oversees the games and decides who hosts them, is significant.

It demonstrates its more recent desire to be a progressive and inclusive organisation. In earlier years, many had accused it of being rigid, conservative, and Western oriented.

The original, shorter, motto summed up what the early modern summer games were about – identifying athletes who were self-evidently the best in their sports.

In 1896, except for gymnastics, disciplines requiring judges to award points to rank competitors were not included.

A brief history of Olympic sports

De Coubertin resurrected the Olympic Games almost as an afterthought.

His first desire, inspired by a visit to Britain’s Rugby school, was to encourage physical education in French schools.

It took seven years to organise the 1896 Games. Since then, the meeting, held every four years, has showcased the finest athletes in the world, competing in an ever-changing mix of competition.

The Olympic Games program consists of sports, disciplines, and events. For example, in 2000, Ian Thorpe won the 400 metres (the event) freestyle (the discipline) at the swimming competition (the sport).

These categories can be slightly tricky – while the decathlon is an event in the athletics program, the modern pentathlon is a sport.

The sports contested at those first modern Olympic Games – with the obvious exception of shooting – would have been familiar to the athletes who competed at the ancient Olympics, held at Olympia in Greece from 776 BCE until 393AD.

Notably absent at Olympia was swimming. Boxers wore not padded gloves, but leather straps studded with lead. Tough guys.

The Olympics began as part of a religious festival honouring the god Zeus in the Greek town of Olympia.

From the unusual to the bizarre

In the first decades of the modern games, organisers sometimes included events that were either weird variations of mainstream sports, or sports not often associated with Olympic competition.

At the 1900 Paris Olympics, Australian swimmer Fred Lane won a 200 metres obstacle event. Contestants scrambled over the first two obstacles (a pole and a row of boats) and swam under the third (another row of boats).

Cricket and croquet made one-off appearances at Paris 1900. A rugby union competition took place at the 1900, 1908, 1920 and 1924 Games.

Other discontinued sports include:

  • Jeu de paume, or real tennis (1908). The forerunner of modern tennis, jeu de paume players at first struck the ball with their hands, later a glove and finally a crude racquet. The enclosed court has a net but also sloping walls off which the ball may be bounced.

  • Lacrosse (1904, 1908). A ten-a-side team sport that resembles a combination of basketball, soccer and hockey. The racquet has a small net on one end, in which the ball is carried and hurled towards a goal.

  • Motor boating (1908). Contested at the 1908 London games in eight metres, under 60-foot and open class races, each over 40 nautical miles. Remarkably in each race there were two starters and only the winners reached the finish.

  • Pelota basque (1900). A team sport that resembles jeu de paume but the ball is caught in, and hurled from, a large, banana-shaped scoop. Pelota basque was also an exhibition sport in 1968 and 1992.

  • Polo (1900, 1908, 1920, 1924, 1936). Olympic polo competitions were held only in countries where the sport had an established following.

  • Rackets (1908). The forerunner of the sport of squash where all four walls are in play. Although often associated with England’s public schools, the game originated in that nation’s prisons.

  • Softball (1996 to 2008). Softball suffered the same fate as its big brother, baseball, though both made a possibly temporary return in 2021.

  • Tug-of-war (1900 to 1920). Teams contested tug-of-war competitions at each Games from 1900 until 1920. The objective was to pull the opposition more than six feet. If there was no decision within five minutes, the team which had made the most ground was the victor.

A gold medal for experimentation

The IOC is never shy in experimenting with its mix of sports and events.

Some popular sports made early Olympic debuts, were dropped, then revived decades later.

For example, golfers competed at the 1900 Paris and 1904 St Louis games but then remained in the clubhouse until Rio in 2016.

Winners at tennis jumped the nets in celebration from 1896 to 1924 then sat it out until 1988.

Baseball made six appearances as an exhibition sport before its inclusion for full medal competition at Barcelona 1992. It struck out after Beijing 2008.

And sometimes, big-time sports are discontinued because the best players had become pros or were prevented from competing by their ruling bodies.

In more modern times, the IOC continues to add new events.

The Tokyo games in 2020 showcased 33 sports — the most in Olympic history — including Olympic debuts for sports such as sport climbing, skateboarding, surfing and karate, and events like BMX freestyle and 3×3 basketball.

Next up, breaking – better known to most of us as breakdancing – makes its debut in Paris.

The Conversation

Wayne Peake does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Anyone for obstacle course swimming? How some of the more unusual Olympic Games sports came to be – https://theconversation.com/anyone-for-obstacle-course-swimming-how-some-of-the-more-unusual-olympic-games-sports-came-to-be-228398

Death toll in Kanaky New Caledonia unrest reaches 10

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

Riots in Kanaky New Caledonia claimed their 10th victim yesterday.

The death took place as a result of an exchange of fire between a group of rioters in the village of Saint Louis (near the capital Nouméa) and French gendarmes, local news media reported.

Nouméa Public Prosecutor Yves Dupas yesterday confirmed the incident and the fatality, saying the victim had opened fire on the French gendarmes, who then returned fire.

Gunfire exchanges had also been reported on the previous day, since French security forces had arrived on site.

A group of armed snipers were reported to have entered the Church of Saint Louis, including the victim who was reported to have opened fire, aiming at the gendarmes from that location.

The victim is described as the nephew of prominent pro-independence politician and local territorial Congress president Roch Wamytan.

Wamytan is also the Great Chief of Saint Louis and a prominent figure of the hard-line pro-independence party Union Calédonienne (UC).

On Sunday, during an election night live broadcast, he told public television NC la 1ère that “as the High Chief of Saint Louis and as President of the Congress, I find what is going on in Saint Louis really regrettable”.

“We will try to address the situation in the coming days,” he said.

On Sunday night, French gendarmes had to evacuate two resident religious sisters from the Saint Louis Marist Mission after armed rioters threatened them at gunpoint and ordered them to leave.

It is the 10th name on the official death toll since violent riots broke out in New Caledonia on May 13.

The toll includes two French gendarmes.

French security forces had launched an operation in Saint Louis on Tuesday in a bid to restore law and order and dismantle several roadblocks and barricades erected by rioters in this area, known to be a pro-independence stronghold.

Car jacking
Several other incidents of car jacking had also been reported near the Saint Louis mission over the past few days on this portion of the strategic road leading to the capital Nouméa.

The incidents have been described by victims as the stealing of vehicles, threats at gunpoint, humiliation of drivers and passengers, and — in some cases — burning the vehicles.

Some of the victims later declared they had been ordered to take off their clothes.

A maritime ferry was set ablaze in Nouméa’s Port Moselle on Tuesday. Image: FB/RNZ

Nearby Mont-Dore Mayor Eddie Lecourieux strongly condemned the actions as “unspeakable” and “unjustifiable”.

On Tuesday evening, another incident involved the burning of one of the maritime ferries – used by many as an alternate means to reach Nouméa.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz