Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shayne Vial, Lecturer in Biomechanics, Edith Cowan University

Every four years, the best athletes from around the globe converge to battle it out for top honours at the Olympic Games. Athletes go through the rigours of qualification, competing through injury and travel fatigue, with a wide variety of weather conditions, in order to secure their spot on the team.

Every millisecond or centimetre counts when it comes to getting on the podium or not at all, which means athletes and coaches are looking for any possible advantage over their competition.

As technology evolves, it pervades into all aspects of our lives. The sporting world is no exception.

But where do we draw the line when technological advances used in sports cross over into performance enhancement, sometimes referred to as “technological doping”?

What is technological doping?

Technological doping loosely refers to instances when technology enhances an athlete’s performance beyond their natural capabilities, potentially giving them an unfair advantage over other competitors.

In 2008, athletes wearing Speedo LZR Racer hi-tech swimsuits developed in collaboration with NASA broke an unprecedented 13 world records. The suits were swiftly banned from professional competition.

However, it’s not easy to decide whether something is a natural technological advancement in a particular sport (such as carbon fibre canoes used in kayak sprint), or something that genuinely improves an athlete’s performance beyond their capabilities.

Suspecting placebo

Currently, around 500 million people across the world are wearing some form of wearable technology (such as a smart watch or ring). Many of us like this type of tech because it provides objective data related to our health or performance – how many steps we’ve walked, the number of hours slept, calories burned and so on.

Now, think about a high-level athlete and coach working together to prepare for the Olympics. Planning and preparation begins far in advance. During this time, they will be using a variety of objective measures to track and monitor their performance.

For example, a sprinter might measure ground contact time during maximum velocity efforts using smart insoles. Ground contact time and air times (when no foot is in contact with the ground) are similar measures to stride length and frequency, which determine how fast we can run:

stride length x stride frequency = running speed

Let’s say a new running shoe prototype has been given to the athlete to try out. During one of these maximum velocity efforts, their data show ground contact time has decreased while running speed has increased. In other words, the athlete ran faster. Is it the shoe? Is it placebo?

Unfortunately, that question is not an easy one to answer.

How can we check for technological doping?

Firstly, we have to look at the materials and components used to construct the shoe to see if there’s anything beyond the usual capabilities for the intended purpose. (For example, having a loaded spring mechanism that propels the athlete forward with each step.)

Once that has been given the all clear, scientists in biomechanics laboratories would then design an experiment to test the shoe against other shoes typically used by other competitors.

However, even if the shoe does perform better in the experiment than all the other shoes, it doesn’t mean it will be banned from competition.

For example, in October 2019, Kenyan runner Eliud Kipchoge broke the two-hour marathon record. The shoes Kipchoge wore – Nike Vaporflys – contain a thin carbon fibre plate integrated within a midsole composed of highly compressible, resilient and flexible plastic.

Researchers found Vaporflys did perform better than other shoes they tested, but couldn’t provide any biomechanical explanation as to why.

They concluded the shoe itself improves running economy, but some people seemed to perform better than others – and it was linked to specific foot fall patterns. This indicates the shoe may not uniformly improve all runners to the same level.

Taking into account these advances in shoe design, World Athletics have introduced some regulations to ensure fairness. These include:

• a maximum allowable stack height (the distance between the foot and the ground) of 40mm for road racing shoes
• shoes can only contain one carbon fibre plate or similar material
• shoes must be available for purchase by the general public for at least four months before being used in competition.

Can we make it fair?

When it comes to technological doping, the major ethical issue we need to address is inequality.

If one athlete can have a performance gain over another due purely to wearable technology (which not everyone can afford), we run the risk of demeaning the true nature of sport. Affordability and accessibility should not be overlooked. Technological advancements should benefit the sport as a whole, not just individual gain.

To address this, all regulatory bodies, such as World Athletics and World Aquatics, need expert input to enable accurate classification of wearable technology. Many bodies already do this.

Additionally, we should conduct regular testing in biomechanical labs to evaluate the impact new technologies have on performance. This would work towards ensuring that advancements do not unfairly enhance athletic abilities.

By combining expert insights and rigorous testing, we can maintain a level playing field and preserve the integrity of competitive sports.

Shayne Vial does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Are running shoes getting too good? Why ‘technological doping’ is a growing concern for professional sports – https://theconversation.com/are-running-shoes-getting-too-good-why-technological-doping-is-a-growing-concern-for-professional-sports-232905

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Power, Associate Professor and Principal Research Fellow, Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University

Sexual consent is about good communication between sexual partners before and during sex. Far from being a simple act of saying “yes” or “no” prior to sex, affirmative consent involves checking in with a sexual partner throughout a sexual encounter, and tuning into verbal and nonverbal responses.

When we talk about consent, however, we don’t always talk about what happens after sex.

Communication and care are important in sex. Even if someone has freely and enthusiastically consented, respectful treatment by a sexual partner matters. No one consents to feeling disregarded or uncared for. Respectful sex includes how we treat partners before and after sex.

It’s time to include sexual aftercare in the consent education discussion.

What is sexual aftercare?

Sexual aftercare refers to checking in with a partner after sex to make sure they are OK. It might also involve doing certain things to help someone feel safe and relaxed.

Aftercare can look like many things. It may involve making space for attending to physical concerns, such as rehydration or, for women, going to the toilet to avoid urinary tract infections. It may also involve spending time with a partner to help each other wind down or to tune into what else is happening in their life.

In some cases, aftercare might be a quick process of checking in and paying attention to how someone is going. In all cases, aftercare is about ensuring care and respect for a sexual partner extends throughout a sexual encounter.

The term “sexual aftercare” comes from the kink community. In kink-based sex, people may set up particular “scenes” that eroticise power dynamics and deliberately push physical and emotional boundaries; aftercare is about regrouping after the scene. It helps everyone settle into a comfortable emotional and physical place.

Within the kink community, negotiating a sexual scene ideally involves planning the sexual play as well as the aftercare. Asking someone what they are likely to need after sex is part of the process of arranging what people want to happen and negotiating boundaries and consent.

A new term for an old idea

Showing care for a person after sex is obviously not a new concept although the ways we speak about it vary. The terminology we are likely most familiar with is “cuddling” after sex. There is a lot of research which shows the importance of cuddling after sex when it comes to sexual and relationship satisfaction.

Beyond cuddling specifically, post-sex intimacy, affection and communication also supports relationship satisfaction and wellbeing.

Indeed, what happens after sex matters a lot to the quality of a sexual encounter and how someone feels after sex.

Aftercare refers to a considered (or planned) approach to connecting with a partner, and ensuring their wellbeing, after sex. For this reason, aftercare is becoming part of contemporary conversations about sexual communication, consent and pleasure.

Aftercare and consent education online

The internet plays an important role in sexual health and consent education.

Following the global #MeToo campaign and the rise of feminist digital activism, issues related to consent and resistance to sexual violence have achieved a high profile in online spaces. This has generated a large volume of online content in places like TikTok, X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram focused on consent and what respectful sex should look like.

This content encourages political action against sexual violence as well as personal reflection and learning. These creators challenge us to wonder: what do I need from a partner to feel safe? How do I tell a partner about my sexual needs?

Alongside this, the internet has created opportunities for people to tune into different sexual experiences and communities, such as kink communities. In recent decades, the language of “kink” and processes of sexual negotiation and consent that happen in kink communities have been adopted into the “mainstream” in part because they have become accessible online.

The “mainstreaming” of kink culture, or at least greater awareness of these cultures, has seen ideas from kink find their way into digital content about consent, respect and sexual pleasure.

Why does aftercare matter for consent?

Consent is fundamentally about care and respect for another person. It is about tuning into what someone is comfortable with, checking in with them and ensuring they feel safe throughout a sexual encounter.

Introducing the concept of sexual aftercare into consent education facilitates a focus on consent as an ongoing dialogue. It provides practical guidelines for people to talk to sexual partners about what they need when it comes to sex and how they want to feel. How do you want to feel after sex? What will help with that?

Bringing discussion about aftercare into the negotiation of sexual consent encourages deeper conversations about what people want and need for safe, respectful and pleasurable sex.

Jennifer Power receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australian Department of Health and Aged Care.

– ref. What is sexual ‘aftercare’ and what does it mean for consent education? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-sexual-aftercare-and-what-does-it-mean-for-consent-education-233241

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Shortis, Adjunct Senior Fellow, School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, RMIT University

The cracks beneath US President Joe Biden’s feet continue to widen.

While the shock of the assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump seemed like it might relieve some of the pressure on Biden, the story of his viability as both president and candidate continues to feed on itself.

Ever since his disastrous debate performance against Trump on June 27, the 81-year-old incumbent has been dogged by relentless questions about whether he should be running for a second term as the Democratic nominee.

And this week, the pressure has continued to mount. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, one of the most senior members of the party, “forcefully made the case” for Biden to step aside in a one-on-one conversation, according to reports. (Schumer’s spokesperson has called the reporting “idle speculation”.) Another top Democrat, Adam Schiff, has publicly called for him to exit the race, as well.

As if things couldn’t get any worse, the White House announced today that the president has COVID.

It is all getting very hard to watch.

Biden and his team need to realise there is no way for him to allay these concerns over his decline simply because he cannot get younger. He cannot prove he is not too old because he is too old.

As such, there is no good way for Biden and his campaign to approach the problem – it is, largely, unsolvable. And it is hard not to argue the efforts of the president and his surrogates to persuade the public he is still a viable candidate have only made things worse.

A growing sense of betrayal

Biden and his team have blamed his debate performance on a cold and the effects of jet lag from an overseas trip 12 days earlier. But if a president is hit so hard by a mere cold and jet lag, of course questions will be asked about his capacity to continue to lead, not just now but over the next four years.

Being the president of the United States is arguably the hardest job in the world. The person who does it, fairly or not, needs to be able to push through when they are tired and sick.

Perhaps all of this would have been eventually surmountable, though, if Biden’s political appeal – as opposed to his personal one – had any traction.

Over the last several weeks, however, Biden’s message appears to have degenerated into simply pointing out that he is not Trump. The entire point of his candidacy now appears to be a negative one – to beat Trump.

Yes, beating Trump is critical to Democrats. But Biden appears to have lost the ability to persuade Americans he can stop the deepening divisions that still plague the US and cause many to fear it is splitting apart. It is not clear what Biden’s vision for the future is or what he is offering other than another temporary stay in a much longer historical catastrophe.

This was evident at Biden’s “big boy” press conference at the end of the NATO Summit in Washington. Biden spoke at length and in great detail about foreign policy, an area he and his supporters have long considered one of his greatest strengths. But his vision for the United States’ role in the world was muddled and included some misleading comments and gaffes.

His comments on Israel, too, highlighted a much deeper problem on the electoral horizon. A day after the press conference, The New York Times published a video montage of voters explaining they cannot vote for Biden because of his administration’s support of Israel’s war in Gaza.

To these voters and others, it is hard to underestimate the depth of Biden’s betrayal, both political and personal.

In 2020, Biden’s successful pitch to the American people centred on his own compassion, his ability to see the suffering of other people, really feel and share it, and then to work to ameliorate it. He promised to both listen and to be a generational bridge. He has done neither.

His support among Democratic voters continues to decline. In a new survey this week, in fact, two-thirds of Democrats now believe he should withdraw from the race.

A party historically wary of division

Succession planning should be a critical part of any president’s job. And yet Biden – the oldest sitting president in American history – has no obvious successor, not even his own vice president, Kamala Harris. And no one else in the Democratic Party has any authority to lead until and unless he steps aside.
Everything now becomes a matter of risk calculations for a party not good at making them.

For decades, Democrats have been scarred by the inherited “lessons” of the 1968 contested convention. This was a tumultuous meeting of party members to choose a nominee for that year’s presidential election, which revealed deep divisions over the Vietnam War. The Democratic nominee, Hubert Humphrey, went on to lose the election to Richard Nixon.

Read more:
1968 was an inflection point for the US. Is another one coming in 2024?

Since then, Democrats have been very wary of public conflict. So it is entirely possible Biden will remain the candidate in this year’s election, that Democrats will kick the figurative can down the road until November.

However, given the stakes, they may also decide – either individually or collectively – that the risk Biden poses for “down-ballot” races (those Democrats running for the House and Senate) might outweigh the risk of ditching him so late in the campaign.

For some, this will be a question of personal risk to political careers; for others, it is a question of small-“d” democratic survival. Ensuring the Democrats do not lose both houses of Congress is widely regarded as critical to stymieing Trump’s anti-democratic agenda, should he beat Biden.

If more high-profile Democrats continue to put pressure on Biden, which appears likely, he may eventually be persuaded to step aside of his own accord, for Harris or someone else. Biden is, if nothing else, loyal to his party. This would leave time to choose another candidate and revamp the campaign.

But American politics is often wildly unpredictable. It is entirely possible there is a circuit breaker on the horizon. A candidate no one expected may emerge to unite the party, Harris may step up, or some outside event may change everything in an instant (such as the attempted assassination on Trump).

The current crisis embroiling the Democratic Party was entirely foreseeable and avoidable. But nothing is inevitable.

Emma Shortis is Senior Researcher in International and Security Affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.

– ref. Two-thirds of Democrats want Joe Biden to drop out of the presidential race. It’s time he listened – https://theconversation.com/two-thirds-of-democrats-want-joe-biden-to-drop-out-of-the-presidential-race-its-time-he-listened-234483

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sita Venkateswar, Associate Professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

The government’s changes to the Ka Ora, Ka Ako-Healthy School Lunches Programme – designed to save NZ$107 million a year – have understandably aroused passions in those closest to the issue.

Associate Education Minister David Seymour argues a “smarter” approach will still feed children in need, but at a lower cost per child “by embracing innovation and commercial expertise”.

Critics have focused on the new lunches probably being less nutritious by relying more on packaged and processed foods, and hot meals being off the menu from next year.

What also appears to have slipped off the table is any deeper exploration of how an expanded food programme – one that takes a “whole school” approach and responds to Aotearoa New Zealand’s now diverse food cultures – could make a real difference to schools and their communities.

Like ripples in a pond

In the current political climate, expanding the school lunch programme might seem idealistic. But research last year showed strong support for doubling the number of schools covered by Ka Ora, Ka Ako.

The links between good nutrition and better educational outcomes are also well established. So, extending a lunch programme to include the entire school population – students, teachers and principal – also makes sense.

This removes any stigma attached to participation. There is no shame when the school sits together to enjoy the lunch provided. It helps forge strong social bonds and encourages a culture of healthy eating and gratitude towards those preparing the meals.

Beyond the school gates, this can build connections with whanau and family, and with local growers and food suppliers. As professor of population nutrition Boyd Swinburn puts it:

It’s like dropping a rock in the pond and getting all these ripples that go out from the child to their family, to the school to the community and the local food system.

Learning on the menu

There are already working examples of this approach. Ross Intermediate School in Palmerston North prepares hot meals for pupils in an on-site kitchen. Tailoring supply to the numbers present on the day significantly reduces food waste.

Any excess food is redirected to families in need or picked up by community food rescue organisations. Leftovers are composted and used to enrich the school gardens. It’s a tidy, end-to-end, zero-waste food loop in action.

Similarly, at Dannevirke High, the wharekai (kitchen and dining area) has become the heart of the school and a source of whanaungatanga (sense of connection) between the school and its community.

The national Kura Kai initiative aims to build on such models, raising funds to donate chest freezers to supported high schools. Volunteers stock the freezers with nutritious meals, which the schools then distribute to food-insecure families.

In some cases, students help prepare the meals and identify where they are needed. Interventions like this extend beyond feeding the hungry. They build social connections, and tap into the leadership potential of young people.

Developing Ka Ora, Ka Ako further in these directions would integrate lunch preparation with classroom teaching and learning. The menu would become part of the curriculum at appropriate levels, and include teaching opportunities around:

• preparation of hot meals

• developing school gardens to supply the kitchen, along the lines of the existing Enviroschools programme

• earning food technology credits at intermediate and high school level through involvement in meal preparation

• menu planning and barista training that would support hospitality careers.

Building a better system

Currently, Ka Ora, Ka Ako offers a range of delivery models based on supplier partnerships and on-site meal preparation. But our examination of sustainable food production and consumption suggests the system could better coordinate local food producers and caterers as spokes of a local food economy.

A recent evaluation of iwi and hapū as suppliers highlighted the importance of fostering partnerships that build local capabilities. And an earlier project that followed small growers in Taranaki showed the importance of short supply chains in community food systems.

Combined with our review of international scholarship on school food programmes, these local studies indicate the right policies can enable schools to become hubs that build and sustain local economies.

If Ka Ora, Ka Ako realised its full potential, it would support experiential learning, build practical skills, strengthen communities and nurture local food production.

As Boyd Swinburne has also said, Ka Ora, Ka Ako is the “largest nutrition intervention in Aotearoa New Zealand in decades”. It deserves to grow.

Sita Venkateswar receives funding from Our Land and Water, National Science Challenge, for the Aotearoa Food Cultures project. She has also received funding from the Bashford Nicholls Trust for the Farming to Flourish project.

Derrylea Hardy receives funding from Our Land and Water, National Science Challenge, for the Aotearoa Food Cultures project.

Heidi McLeod has received funding from the Bashford Nicholls Trust for the Farming to Flourish project.

Nitha Palakshappa receives funding from Our Land and Water, National Science Challenge, for the Aotearoa Food Cultures project. She has also received funding from the Bashford Nicholls Trust for the Farming to Flourish project.

– ref. Food for thought: how NZ’s school lunch programme can add learning and local economies to the menu – https://theconversation.com/food-for-thought-how-nzs-school-lunch-programme-can-add-learning-and-local-economies-to-the-menu-233228

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark De Vitis, Lecturer in Art History , University of Sydney

Though the Bureau of Meteorology originally predicted temperatures would be higher than the average this winter, those living on Australia’s east coast may beg to differ.

Social media sites are increasingly attracting comments, images and videos featuring their users lamenting the frigid turn in the weather.

One notable strand of these posts typically presents a user more familiar with a northern European winter coming to terms with the fact that Australian houses and apartments aren’t insulated or heated as well as those in colder climates.

In an age before central heating, Europeans too suffered through the dilemma of how to keep warm in winter. People experienced the cold extremely differently depending on factors such as socio-economics or the region in which they lived and what materials were available there.

The greatest struggle with the cold often happened at night, and strategies for keeping warm in bed were varied and innovative.

Knowing some of the ways people in pre-industrialised Europe dealt with cold weather may provide comfort through this current bout of chilly weather – either practically, or by comparison with what often were much harsher experiences of the cold.

There were ten in the bed

One of the simplest ways to stay warm for those of relatively modest means was to huddle together.

In Early Modern Europe and colonial America, the quality of bedding materials varied greatly and would likely not have been enough to keep the cold at bay in the depths of winter.

Historian Carole Shammas has revealed it was common for bedding to be made from straw, and even woollen flock was considered a luxury only available to the prosperous.

Fluffy plant downs, such as the seed heads of the thistle, cattail or bulrush were commonly used. But even such humble materials were costly.

As historian A. Roger Ekirch has shown, bedding was so expensive it might equate to up to a quarter of the value of a modest household, explaining why commodities like pillows were reserved for those with some great need, like women during childbirth. For most, some other form of bolster was used, like a log.

Recently, Holly Fletcher has outlined Early Modern attempts to regulate the bedding industry in order to secure comfort and health to a wider segment of society.

Yet, the cost and general quality of bedding meant that other strategies for keeping warm persisted.

It was typical for groups of people of different genders, ages and relationship statuses to sleep in the same bed together to keep one another warm. These groups may have even included employees and employers – though sleep may also have happened in shifts, so groupings were kept appropriate according to social and cultural mores.

Bedding down

Finer quality bedding materials were available, but they came at a prohibitive financial cost and could be difficult to source.

In his diary entry of September 9 1665, the great English writer and naval official Samuel Pepys (1633–1703) wrote:

I lay the softest I ever did in my life, with a downe bed, after the Danish manner.

Various downs had been used in Europe since the 7th century, and a down mattress would often be laid over one of stiffer material – like straw – to provide more support and even better insulation.

The most coveted down came from the Eider duck, of which there are various species. Eider ducks live along the northern coasts of Europe, North America and Siberia. Eiderdown is the down a female Eider duck pulls from her body to make a nest and has very high insulating properties as well as lightness, cohesion and resilience.

In places like Iceland, the production and trade of this valuable down had been controlled and protected by law since at least the 13th century, indicating its great worth to the wider Icelandic economy.

Eiderdown only became available in places like England and France in the 17th century, such was its rarity. Its impact was pronounced, and it attracted devotees. Letters relaying the latest political news were interspersed with advice on how to best sew down into a coverlet.

But not all those encountering eiderdown for the first time found it compelling or even necessary.

Elizabeth Charlotte, duchesse d’Orléans (1652–1722), was the sister-in-law of king Louis XIV of France (1638–1715). Upon sleeping with eiderdown for the first time, she wrote to a relative to explain she much preferred her usual method of keeping warm in bed.

That is, as the mother of an assortment of small dogs, to whom she was devoted, she simply tucked them around herself in her bed, under her covers, and slept comfortably through the night, warmed by her furry companions.

Whether pursuing multiple sleeping companions, sewing quilted down duvets or snuggling with willing pets, managing cold weather was a common preoccupation in Early Modern Europe, one which required careful consideration by individuals, industry and state regulators, with varying degrees of success.

At least in the 21st century, logs no longer have a place at the head of a mattress – whatever comfort that knowledge may bring.

Mark De Vitis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Trying to stay warm in bed this winter? In pre-industrial Europe they did it with ten in the bed – https://theconversation.com/trying-to-stay-warm-in-bed-this-winter-in-pre-industrial-europe-they-did-it-with-ten-in-the-bed-233558

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy O’Leary, Lecturer in Construction and Property, The University of Melbourne

The government has backed a move by the Fair Work Commission to place the construction division of the Construction, Forestry and Maritime Employees Union (CFMEU) into administration.

Workplace Relations Minister Tony Burke said on Wednesday there could be “no place for criminality or corruption in any part of the construction industry”. He promised to legislate if necessary.

The commission’s decision to investigate placing the union’s construction division into administration follows allegations of thuggery, kickbacks, standover tactics and the parachuting of senior bikie figures into lucrative union positions aired in Nine newspapers and on the Nine television network.

Burke also promised to use the government’s procurement powers to ensure enterprise agreements used on government-funded projects were genuinely agreed and workplaces were free from intimidation.

But the allegations ought not to have come as a surprise.

Two decades ago, one of Australia’s most expensive and lengthy royal commissions, the 2002 Cole Royal Commission into the Construction Industry, led to the creation of the Australian Building and Construction Commission.

The ABCC, as it was known, was to be the building industry’s “cop on the beat”.

Decades of lawlessnes

Royal Commissioner Justice Terence Cole found “a culture of lawlessness” in the industry, although he didn’t find evidence of organised criminal activity.

Once established, the ABCC monitored and promoted compliance with a number of codes and laws. These included the Code for the Tendering and Performance of Building Work, the Building and Construction Industry (Improving Productivity) Act and the Fair Work Act.

The Code for the Tendering and Performance of Building Work ought not to be confused with the industry’s long-standing National Construction Code, which sets minimum standards for the design and performance of buildings.

When Labor regained power two years ago, Burke, as the newly sworn-in minister, confirmed he would implement Labor’s election promise to shut down what he called a “politicised and discredited organisation”.

A rap sheet covering five states

The commission was abolished as part of Labor’s Fair Work Legislation Amendment (Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act in February 2023.

The commission had fined the union a total of A$16.1 million over six years.

The rap sheet was long and extended beyond the construction divisions’s traditional stronghold of Victoria to Sydney, Brisbane, the Gold Coast, Adelaide and Perth.

Prosecuting the union and its officials took up most of the commission’s time. It also dealt with countersuits from the union and took action against and was sued by developers in cases in which the union was often a third party.

In 2022, in work commissioned by Master Builders Australia, Ernst & Young estimated the economic costs of Labor proceeding with its plan to abolish the ABCC at $47.5 billion by 2030.

The report foresaw higher costs and lower productivity in construction if the commission was abolished. It said this would act as a “handbrake” on the manufacturing and service sectors, given their dependence on construction.

Two decades on, a fresh crackdown

It is worthwhile asking why, two decades after a lengthy and expensive royal commission that found a culture of lawlessness in the industry, the government thought it was safe to close down the industry watchdog and now feels it necessary to crack down on the union the watchdog policed.

Thousands of construction industry contracts and deals are done each week.
The industry has high levels of subcontracting and thin profit margins alongside inherent uncertainty and risks. This makes it an ideal breeding ground for improper industrial behaviour.

There remain too many instances of blatant corner-cutting and coercive behaviours, some of them illegal.

A separate employer-funded Construction Industry Culture Taskforce established in 2018 might help, but the government needs to also show it is committed to the change it has just begun 17 months after abolishing the Building and Construction Commission.

Timothy O’Leary does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Labor wants to put the construction union into administration, but last year it axed the cop on the beat. That doesn’t look wise – https://theconversation.com/labor-wants-to-put-the-construction-union-into-administration-but-last-year-it-axed-the-cop-on-the-beat-that-doesnt-look-wise-234908

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lyndsey Collins-Praino, Associate Professor, School of Biomedicine, University of Adelaide

As the United States presidential election race gathers pace, current president Joe Biden’s advanced age continues to draw significant scrutiny.

But either candidate would reach the record for the oldest sitting US president over the course of their four-year term. While Biden is currently 81 years old, former US president Donald Trump, at 78, is only three years younger.

A February poll found 59% of Americans believe both candidates are too old for another presidential term. A further 27% thought President Biden was too old, but not former President Trump.

Criticism of Biden increased following the first US presidential debate in late June. Concerns were raised about his performance, including his soft, muffled speech, and his tendency to make illogical points or trail off.

More recently, during a press conference at the NATO summit, Biden made several verbal errors, including referring to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky as President Putin and to US Vice President Kamala Harris as Vice President Trump.

Many people, including medical experts, have speculated that President Biden is showing classic features of neurodegeneration, including cognitive decline. But to what degree is cognitive decline a normal part of ageing? And what can we really tell about Biden’s cognitive state from public appearances alone?

Cognitive changes are a part of ageing

While it’s true that cognitive function changes with normal ageing, not all aspects of cognition are affected to the same extent, and not all changes are negative.

Some domains of cognitive function show age-related decline, particularly those reliant on “fluid” abilities. Fluid abilities require individuals to pay attention to their environment and quickly process information to solve problems. These skills show steady decline from around age 20.

This can lead to changes in areas including:

• memory
• executive function (for example, the ability to plan, multitask and exhibit self-control)
• language
• attention
• perceptual-motor control (the ability to coordinate between what we perceive with our senses and resulting actions).

Nevertheless, while older adults may take longer processing new information or switching between tasks, they often still do so correctly. Similarly, while older adults may find recalling past information (for example, struggling to remember someone’s name when you meet them unexpectedly) or memorising new information (such as the weekly grocery list) challenging, these changes don’t usually significantly impact day-to-day function.

There are also memory aids and strategies that can compensate for these changes and reduce their effects. These might include keeping a to-do list, using tricks to remember new information, or setting reminders. As such, age-related cognitive changes alone don’t necessarily impact a person’s ability to perform a particular job.

Certain aspects of cognitive function actually improve with age, in particular, “crystallised” abilities. These rely on the cumulative skills and knowledge gained throughout a person’s life, such as general knowledge or vocabulary. These improve up to one’s 60s and then plateau to around age 80.

Similarly, older adults tend to manage conflict better, using strategies that allow for compromise, emphasising the value of multiple perspectives and recognising knowledge limits.

Progression to dementia

A subset of older adults (around 12–18%) develop mild cognitive impairment, where cognitive decline becomes pronounced enough to be noticed by family and friends, and may begin to have some impact on daily function.

People with mild cognitive impairment might forget things more often, lose their train of thought, struggle with decision making or experience changes in their judgement.

While some people with mild cognitive impairment remain stable or even improve, 10–15% go on to develop dementia each year, with cognitive impairment progressively becoming severe enough to significantly impact on daily function and lead to changes in behaviour and personality.

Cognitive function can vary

A range of factors, including genetic, environmental and lifestyle factors, influence variations in cognitive function.

While some of these factors (such as genetics) cannot be modified, others can be. For example, in a study that followed people for eight years, physical inactivity, smoking and alcohol consumption were associated with increased cognitive decline. Increased cognitive decline relative to normal age-related changes can make it difficult for people to carry out everyday tasks, such as remembering to pay bills, attend appointments or take medications.

On the flip side, addressing these factors could offer some protection against cognitive decline.

There are also short-term influences to consider. After the debate, Biden’s team argued he was unwell and had jet lag.

Evidence shows multiple factors can negatively affect the relationship between age and cognitive function. These include jet lag, viral infection, stress or even poor sleep, which may all be relevant in the current case.

So sometimes, episodes that might look like cognitive decline can actually be temporary, due to these external factors.

What about Biden?

While President Biden has shown some difficulties with speech and memory in recent appearances, this doesn’t necessarily mean he’s experiencing cognitive decline.

Much of the speculation regarding Biden’s cognitive state has been based on people watching video footage of the president. But it’s crucial to stress that a person’s cognitive status cannot be determined without formal assessment. Some medical experts have urged President Biden to undergo such neurological testing and make the results public.

It’s also worth remembering that former President Trump is not without a history of his own verbal gaffes.

Ultimately, until actual medical evidence to the contrary becomes available, we must beware of becoming “armchair physicians” and stay focused on policy issues.

Lyndsey Collins-Praino receives funding from the Medical Research Future Fund, the Australian Research Council and various philanthropic bodies, including the National Foundation for Medical Research and Innovation, Dementia Australia, the NeuroSurgical Research Foundation, the James and Diana Ramsay Foundation, Lifetime Support Authority, the Brain Foundation and Channel 7 Children’s Research Foundation.

– ref. Is Joe Biden experiencing cognitive decline? Here’s why we shouldn’t speculate – https://theconversation.com/is-joe-biden-experiencing-cognitive-decline-heres-why-we-shouldnt-speculate-234487

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Der Derian, Michael Hintze Chair of International Security, University of Sydney

The United Nations has proclaimed 2025 as the International Year of Quantum Science and Technology. The goal is to recognise “the importance of quantum science and the need for wider awareness of its past and future impact”. But why quantum? Why now?

Quantum science is both complex and weird. It’s not easy to wrap your head around concepts such as entanglement, light existing as both a wave and a particle, or a cat in a box that is both alive and dead (until observed).

The weirdness of quantum mechanics is now being channelled into the construction of the first quantum computers, communication systems and sensors. Further down the road, it could power the next generation of artificial intelligence (AI).

We are in the early stages of an expensive and resource-intensive quantum race among the world’s powers. The competition for quantum leadership is likely to play a major role in shaping Australia’s economic and national security policy for decades to come.

Follow the money

Big tech giants, major powers and top research universities are all in a race to build the first commercially viable quantum systems. While opinions differ on whether the quantum race is a marathon or a sprint, some big bets have already been placed.

By 2045, CSIRO estimates show the Australian quantum industry could bring in up to A$6 billion in annual revenue, and provide almost 20,000 jobs.

In 2023 Australia laid out its National Quantum Strategy to boost government support and make Australia “a leader of the global quantum industry”.

Over the past two years the Victorian government has invested $37 million into quantum startups. In April, the Commonwealth and Queensland governments committed to a joint $1 billion investment to build the world’s first utility-scale quantum computer. The same month, the University of Sydney was awarded an $18.4 million federal grant to establish a national hub for the quantum ecosystem in Australia.

But understanding the question of quantum is more than a matter of science and technology, or dollars and cents. As with just about every powerful new technology, the question is not if but when the next quantum wave will be weaponised.

Quantum science in national security

Based on entangled quantum bits (“qubits”), quantum technology has the potential to exponentially increase computational power, transform communication networks and optimise the flow of goods, resources and money.

Commercial industries as diverse as telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, banking and mining – of data as well as minerals – will all be transformed.

However, it is the national security implications of quantum technology that have most interested our government, and others around the world.

Quantum radar, code, internet, sensors and GPS are being fast-tracked by militaries and defence industries in all corners of the globe. Who gets there first (the quantum “haves”) could produce new asymmetries of power and dangers for the rest (the quantum “have-nots”).

Quantum communications systems can deliver completely secure, unhackable lines of communication. A prototype network is already connecting several major cities over nearly 5,000km in China. On the other hand, quantum computers pose the risk of eventually being able to hack classically encrypted messages in seconds – an eventuality known as “Q-Day”.

Quantum AI is being developed to improve the performance of lethal autonomous weapons. Do we really want swarms of drones operating in a networked battlespace without any human in the loop?

Quantum sensors, already in use today, are able to make ultra-sensitive measurements of magnetic and gravitational fields. This means pinpointing metals and large objects underground as well as underwater.

New breakthroughs in quantum sensing technology would have serious implications for the resilience and reliability of Australia’s new fleet of nuclear submarines. It’s an important consideration for the single largest military investment in our nation’s history.

We must ask the hard questions now

Just about every new complex technology has generated unintended consequences – and unexpected disasters. Chernobyl, Three Mile Island and Fukushima all bear witness to the risks inherent in an earlier wave of nuclear technologies resulting from breakthroughs in quantum science.

Given the potential speed and networked power of quantum machine learning and cloud computing, a glitch in quantum artificial intelligence could start as a local incident but quickly cascade into a global crisis.

The blockbuster film Oppenheimer showed how an earlier wave of quantum research enabled the atomic bomb, and forever changed the international order.

The first use of nuclear weapons also spurred a deep and engaged global discussion about disarmament, led by more than a few of the scientists who had helped build the bomb. But their voices were drowned out by a politics of fear and the Cold War, resulting in a costly arms race and nuclear brinksmanship that continues to this day.

When asked about President Lyndon Johnson’s effort to initiate arms control talks in the 1960s, Oppenheimer replied:

It’s twenty years too late – it should have been done the day after Trinity [the first nuclear detonation].

We had best not wait to start asking the hard questions about how the next generation of quantum technologies will impact the prospects for global war and peace in years ahead.

Project Q: War, Peace, and Quantum Mechanics is screening at the Melbourne Documentary Film Festival on July 20.

James Der Derian has received research support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Australia-India Critical and Cyber Technology Partnership (funded by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade).

Stuart Rollo has received research support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Australia-India Critical and Cyber Technology Partnership (funded by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade).

– ref. A huge race is on to develop quantum technologies. The time to discuss risks is now – https://theconversation.com/a-huge-race-is-on-to-develop-quantum-technologies-the-time-to-discuss-risks-is-now-234687

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Fair Work Commission’s general manager, Murray Furlong, is moving to appoint administrators into the construction division of the CFMEU, following a string of allegations of nefarious behaviour.

Workplace Relations Minister Tony Burke announced on Wednesday that Furlong was seeking legal advice on applying to the federal court to do so, and the government would “intervene to ensure the proceedings are successful”.

If the proceedings were challenged and unresolved when parliament resumes on August 12, the government would bring in legislation to enable the commission “to put any part of the construction division of the CFMEU into administration,” Burke said.

“The government will ensure the regulator has all the powers it needs to appoint administrators.”

The general manager of the Fair Work Commission is the independent statutory regulator of federally registered organisations.

Burke has also asked the Fair Work Ombudsman to do a “targeted review” of all enterprise agreements the Victorian branch of the CFMEU’s construction division had made applying to the state’s “Big Build” projects.

Burke said the government was seeking information on coercive behaviour. It did not intend any action that would put at risk workers’ employment conditions. “This is not their fault,” he said.

He said the government would use its procurement powers to ensure enterprise agreements on government-funded projects were genuine – free of coercion and intimidation.

He has also asked the Australian Federal Police to investigate allegations, working with state police.

The allegations, revealed in Nine media, include thuggery, kickbacks, standover tactics, and the parachuting of senior bikie figures into lucrative union delegate roles on major Victorian construction projects.

Notably, the Albanese government has decided not to appoint administrators itself.

“What I’m wanting to do is make sure this is a process under the regulator and not a political process,” Burke said.

The government’s response is in contrast to the Gillard government’s action in 2012 when then-Workplace Relations Minister Bill Shorten directly intervened against the scandal-ridden Health Services Union to have an administrator, former judge Michael Moore, brought in.

Under criticism for not having acted earlier against the rogue construction division, Burke argued the allegations that organised crime had infiltrated the union was new information.

He said this was something “I had not been previously briefed on”.

Pressed on whether he had never heard of the allegations he said, “Not in terms of organised crime, no. The organised crime issue – it was published as an exclusive [in Nine’s reports]. That was because this was new information.”

Furlong said in a statement he was “deeply concerned about the alleged conduct and commentary that organised crime has infiltrated several state branches of the Division, including that it appears to be embedded and ongoing.”

As well as seeking advice on the application to the federal court, “I have also commenced sharing information with other regulatory and law enforcement authorities and requesting evidence about alleged contraventions from a wide variety of participants in the building and construction industry.

“While the alleged criminal conduct reported in the media falls outside of my jurisdiction, alleged conduct involving repeated, opportunistic or deliberate contraventions of the RO (Registered Organisations) Act, including misappropriation of funds or unlawful conduct of elected officials, will be met by swift, well-resourced and significant enforcement action.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Fair Work Commission moves to appoint administrators into construction division of CFMEU – https://theconversation.com/fair-work-commission-moves-to-appoint-administrators-into-construction-division-of-cfmeu-234909

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Low, Senior Lecturer in Nutrition and Food (Sensory Science), RMIT University

Astronauts often report that the joy of eating is lost in space. Food that tastes fabulous on Earth may become bland and boring in orbit.

In fact, despite carefully designed diets, space travellers often struggle to eat enough to meet their energy needs.

What’s going on here? We carried out some experiments on Earth to find out, using virtual reality (VR) and a simulated spacecraft environment to study how space travel might affect a person’s sense of smell and experience of food.

We discovered that some smells seem much more intense in a space-like environment – and earlier theories about how zero gravity affects the body can’t be the whole story. Our results, published in the International Journal of Food Science and Technology, could help design the space menus of the future.

Eating is a complicated experience

Eating is a multi-sensory experience that involves sight, smell, taste, hearing, and touch.

To enjoy the flavour of food – say, when biting into an apple – we need a combination of sensations, including taste (sweet, sour), smell (the complex combination of apple aromas), texture (the crunch), colour (green, red), and touch (firmness). If any of these senses is dulled, our enjoyment of food will not be the same.

The experience of food in space is very different from what we are used to on Earth.

One possible explanation for why space travellers experience taste differently involves the lack of gravity. Without gravity, bodily fluids are not drawn towards the feet but instead shift towards the head, leading to a sensation like having a blocked nose. If you’ve ever had a cold, you know how difficult it is to taste and enjoy food without your sense of smell.

But could there be other reasons?

The importance of environment

In space, the environment is unfamiliar and consistently monotonous. Could this change our perception of food?

Context heavily contributes to the eating experience. Studies have shown that eating the same meal in different settings can lead to varying opinions about the meal. Think about enjoying a picnic sandwich in a scenic park versus eating the same sandwich quickly at your work desk.

A spacecraft is an enclosed and confined environment, an airtight container in which you are surrounded by wiring and equipment and with no boundary between work and personal space. Imagine being in a pandemic-grade lockdown for multiple years with limited food and essential goods (and a persistent blocked nose).

One taste-test study compared airline meals consumed in three settings: a classic sensory laboratory environment (quiet, closed or semi-closed cubicles – like a voting booth), a semi-realistic aircraft environment simulated in a laboratory using aircraft furnishings, and an actual flight.

Passengers in the simulated aircraft environment enjoyed their meals about as much as passengers on an actual flight did. (Both of them liked it less than the people in the lab environment did.) This suggests the aircraft environment has a significant influence on food enjoyment.

Bringing space to Earth

Research involving humans in space is very challenging. Space missions typically involve at most six or seven crew members, which limits the sample size for experiments and the predictive power of the results.

Moreover, for food research, each person has unique sensory experiences and responses toward them. This makes it challenging to understand how different individuals perceive smells in space, let alone food aromas.

So we set out to recreate space on Earth. Using VR, we simulated the environment of the International Space Station.

The VR setup let us obtain data about participants’ feelings regarding food stimuli “in the moment”, rather than waiting for them to take off the headset and asking them questions afterwards. VR is a vital training environment for astronauts because of its unmatched ability to create a realistic sense of presence, crucial for studying what it is like to live in a spacecraft.

Our study is the first to involve a significant sample size (54 people) to capture the variation of individuals’ personal experiences of aromas and taste in simulated isolated settings.

In our study comparing everyday aromas, some scents were perceived differently in the virtual International Space Station environment compared to the partitioned booth environment.

Molecular magic of aroma

Aromas are a complex blend of molecules with unique chemical structures, influencing how they interact with the olfactory receptors in the nose to form distinctive smells.

Our study suggests that only specific aroma compounds are perceived differently in space-like environments. We found that sweet-smelling molecules tended to be perceived more strongly.

Vanilla and almond, which both contain the sweet, almond- or cherry-scented compound benzaldehyde, smelled stronger in our VR space station than in the control environment. By contrast, there was no difference in perception of the lemon aroma.

This knowledge could be used in designing space meals. For example, the sweet aromas could be used as flavour enhancers or additives to bring out other flavours and add depth.

Understanding how these aroma compounds interact with each other, and finding the right concentration levels is essential. And of course, no single flavour will suit everybody’s taste.

Earthly implications

A better understanding of how smell is perceived in space-like environments could inspire ways to create personalised diets based on each astronaut’s unique sensory experiences and preferences. By tailoring food aromas, we could encourage space travellers not only to eat more, but enjoy food more.

These solutions may also help people on Earth living in isolated or confined environments, such as nursing home residents, individuals on military deployment, and submarine crews.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Astronauts don’t eat enough because food tastes bland in space. We’re trying to work out why – https://theconversation.com/astronauts-dont-eat-enough-because-food-tastes-bland-in-space-were-trying-to-work-out-why-234468

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lily Moore, PhD Candidate in Classics and Archaeology, The University of Melbourne

You might have heard of a group of women in Ancient Rome known as the “Vestal Virgins”. These female virginal guardians of the sacred flame of Rome could be buried alive for breaking their vows of chastity. Sure, this is a terrible way to go. But! They had power, prestige, privilege, popularity! So, who were these women, and how did they get such cachet?

Known to the ancient Romans as the virgines Vestales, the Vestal Virgins were a religious collegium (priesthood) made up at any one time of six females. These women took vows of virginity for 30 years in order to serve in the cult of Vesta, ancient goddess of the hearth. Following their 30 years of service, they were allowed to leave the priesthood and marry, although most would remain.

Living in the vast complex of the atrium Vestae located in the prime real estate of the Roman Forum, these priestesses guarded and systematically tended the sacred fire of Vesta in the adjoining temple.

The Romans believed the Vestals guaranteed the wellbeing of the state through their preservation of the eternal flame, understood in early Rome as an embodiment of the goddess Vesta and symbolic of the hearth of the Roman home.

Early beginnings

Tradition proclaims the cult and college of Vesta were established in the eighth century BCE by Numa Pompilius (the second king of Rome).

Numa is said to have done this as an act of deference to his predecessor Romulus (the founder of Rome) and Romulus’ mother Rhea Silvia who was raped by the god Mars.

Archaeological evidence attests the first permanent structures connected to the worship of Vesta existed as early as the sixth century BCE.

This collegium existed until it was abolished in 394 CE by Roman emperor Theodosius I.

What did they do and how were they selected?

Vigilant piety defined the tenure of the Vestal Virgins.

They participated in important rituals such as making mola salsa, a salt cake used in ritual sacrifices at ceremonies observed by the Vestals.

They attended agricultural festivals throughout the year, the continuity of these traditions marking the unfaltering fortune of Rome that paralleled the sacred flame kept alight in perpetuity.

It was not just in their dedication to Vesta and the Roman people that the Vestals performed their dutifulness. Their ultimate devotion was personified in their sexual status as virgins.

To ensure the castitas (chastity) of a new Vestal, candidates were chosen between the ages of six to ten.

A girl had to meet a series of stringent requirements codified in Roman law.

She had to be free of any “bodily defect”, both physical or mental, the possibility of which could render her tainted and impure.

Prospective candidates were selected by the senate and the Pontifex Maximus (the chief priest of Rome) from among the upper echelons of Roman society, the privilege of this guaranteeing that both the girl and her parents were honourable.

Once selected, the virginal girl went through the performance of the captio, a ceremonial initiation in which she was ritually “taken” by the Pontifex from her home and forevermore removed from all legal ties to her family and male guardianship.

As girls, the lack of privilege they were born into was now transcended by the privileges afforded to them as Vestals.

A Vestal secured a life of longevity and luxury, attaining rights normally only available to elite males.

They had a guaranteed income from a regular pension, the rite to accumulate their own personal estates, and could give testimony in legal cases. They could pardon condemned prisoners, and safeguarded the wills of influential political figures such as Marc Antony and Julius Caesar.

A Vestal was inviolate and not to be touched by the impure masses. To further protect them, a Vestal had a lictor (bodyguard) to guard them in public, and would ride in a carpentum (carriage), which carried them through the streets.

Precarious power

As a woman, a Vestal held a unique position of power, yet this was precarious.

The inviolability of Vestals was predicated on their virginity. It was this sexual status that entirely defined their social powers. The control of their sexuality was synonymous with the welfare and politics of the state.

If Rome was in turmoil, the chastity of the Vestals was the first to cop the blame.

A major scandal in 91 CE saw chief Vestal Cornelia tried in absentia and convicted of incestum (sexual impurity) by the deceitful Emperor Domitian.

While her alleged lovers were beaten to death, Cornelia was carried alive through the streets in a sombre procession to a small underground chamber. It held a few provisions such as bread, milk and a small bed, and with that she was left to die.

Roman law prohibited burial of the dead within the walls of the city. In order to circumvent this law, the Romans believed a Vestal was not technically entombed but rather died a “voluntary”, bloodless death.

The Vestals were icons of chastity, women revered and celebrated. But just as quickly as they were venerated, they could be brought back to Earth. Or in this case, buried in it.

Lily Moore does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. In Ancient Rome, the Vestal Virgins achieved power most women were denied – but at great cost – https://theconversation.com/in-ancient-rome-the-vestal-virgins-achieved-power-most-women-were-denied-but-at-great-cost-232987

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan Barrett, Associate Professor in Commercial Law and Taxation, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Where should real political power and authority reside in New Zealand? Since last year’s election, that’s been the central question behind a number of significant policy reversals.

Water infrastructure, health, tertiary education and tax have all been affected by the political and philosophical tensions between competing models of local and central decision making.

Put simply, the previous Labour government tended to favour centralising authority, while the current National-led coalition is more sympathetic to forms of “localism”, or delegation of power from central to local government.

Whether one agrees with one side or the other on any specific issue – one main polytechnic provider or numerous local institutions, say – both administrations were trying to place decision making at what they saw as an appropriate level.

What is lacking, however, is agreement on some guiding principles to help choose the best solutions for different challenges. History and international experience can show a way forward.

Money must follow responsibility

Local Government New Zealand, which represents the country’s councils, has long proposed localism. In fact, it is hosting a conference – Superlocal24: bringing localism to life – next month.

The New Zealand Initiative think-tank agrees, and in 2017 hosted Christopher Luxon – before he entered politics – on a visit to Switzerland to look at whether the Swiss model of cantons (confederated states) could provide a template for local government in New Zealand.

But the canton system has developed from the 13th century and arose from language and cultural differences, as well as accidents of geography and history. It cannot easily be transplanted.

Nevertheless, New Zealand shares its unitary (non-federal) system with more than 85% of United Nations member countries. Many have far greater power distributions, including taxing rights, at local levels.

Denmark (which Luxon has also visited) is one such country, and provides a more plausible model of power sharing between central and local government. Unlike Switzerland, Denmark’s move to more localised governance started in the 1970s with an aim of delivering better quality public services.

Sub-national forms of government now raise about 36% of total revenues. And while devolution is not guaranteed by Denmark’s 1849 constitution, current arrangements seem well-established and resistant to radical change. Significantly, the power to tax has followed this devolution of decision-making responsibilities.

Risks of localism

The notion that decisions should be made at the most appropriate level of government is known as “subsidiarity” and is a founding principle of the European Union.

Italy’s Lombardy region provides the best-known example, with decisions commonly made at the lowest level of government and then shared with non-governmental organisations, the church and families.

(This form of subsidiarity is perhaps too closely aligned with Catholic doctrine to have universal appeal.)

By contrast, UK governments – including Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales – are highly centralised. But the previous Conservative government entered into devolution arrangements with some major English regions.

Taxing powers were not passed down, however. Areas such as metropolitan Manchester, which were dependent on government grants, needed to implement austerity measures handed down from central government.

Grants to local authorities reduced by 40% in real terms between 2010 and 2020, from £46.5 billion to £28 billion in today’s prices.

In 2024, Birmingham, the UK’s second largest city, declared itself bankrupt and has resorted to penny-pinching initiatives such as two-weekly rubbish collection and dimming street lights.

Policy reversals

In New Zealand, political decisions are invariably made at national, regional or local government levels. But this has seen power shift between them as central governments have come and gone.

The establishment of 21 district health boards in 2001, for example, was an attempt to create appropriately sized health organisations to match population needs rather than simply reflect established council regions.

But the previous Labour-led government abolished these because it thought standardised services could be better provided through national health bodies Te Whatu Ora and Te Aka Whai Ora. The current government is now undoing that.

The Three Waters scheme was also based on perceptions of how regions and districts could be best served. It would have created four water services providers rather than the current 67. It too has been abandoned.

Replacement models that give local authorities more autonomy are now being devised. But localism isn’t necessarily the catch-all solution. The level of government at which decisions should be made will differ and needs proper consideration.

5 guiding principles

Rather than seeing these issues as binary and in need of either local or central solutions, New Zealand needs a more flexible approach. For want of a better word, we need “optimalism” – in other words, the optimal solution to suit the circumstances. This would be based on five broad principles:

1. Money must follow responsibilities: local government only raises about 4% of New Zealand’s tax revenue, hardly enough to fund greater responsibilities.

2. One size doesn’t fit all: delegating more decision-making powers, including taxing rights, to major metropolitan areas may be sensible, but it might not work for every territorial local authority.

3. It should be depoliticised: without cross-party agreement on funding allocation, tax sharing or regional taxes, localism in practice could represent a poisoned chalice for local government.

4. Some decisions require higher authority: as well as shifting some powers to a local level, some decisions may be better made at a regional, national or even trans-Tasman level.

5. The Crown must negotiate with Māori: optimal levels of decision-making may give greater autonomy to larger iwi (tribes) but could further marginalise smaller ones without central government support.

Jonathan Barrett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The government wants to give local bodies more power – that should include the power to tax – https://theconversation.com/the-government-wants-to-give-local-bodies-more-power-that-should-include-the-power-to-tax-234812

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian A. Wright, Associate Professor in Environmental Science, Western Sydney University

Five eagerly anticipated events in the Paris Olympics will be the mens and womens 10 kilometre marathon swimming races, as well as the 1,500 metre swimming section of three triathlon events. Why? Because all will be held in the Seine River in the centre of Paris. The swimmers – including four Australians – will pass famous landmarks such as the Musee d’Orsay as they swim through the historic heart of the city. This will have enormous scenic appeal for spectators.

But will it be safe for swimmers? Rivers running through large cities are often polluted, whether from stormwater, chemical pollution or wastewater spills. As the marathon swimmers pass the Paris Sewer Museum, they may well wonder if they’re in clean water.

For more than 100 years, swimming in the Seine has actually been illegal, due to concerns over what the water could do to human health. Authorities have been working to clean up the water, spending A$2.2 billion (€1.3 billion) on improving water quality. The goal: cut bacterial contamination by 75% before the first swimmer touches the water. These measures are having an impact – but recent heavy rains have seen bacteria levels spike.

While officials have put on brave faces, there’s now a contingency plan in case the Seine isn’t safe.

Why swim in the Seine at all?

Urban rivers have a questionable reputation. But this isn’t the first time the Seine River has been used for Olympic swimming.

In the 1900 Paris Olympics, seven swimming events were all held in the river. These games were the first modern Olympics where women could compete in some sports, but swimming was not one of those permitted.

The Australian swimmer who competed, Frederick Lane, had to swim under the United Kingdom’s flag as Australia did not have a flag until Federation the following year. He won two gold medals. One was for the 200 metre freestyle race, and the other for a bizarre race never held again: the 200m swimming obstacle race, where swimmers had to climb over poles and boats. These Olympics also saw the first and last underwater swimming race, which was also in the Seine.

Back then, the waters of the Seine were cleaner. That’s because there was a great demand for human waste on farms – and cities were the main source. Back then, “night soil” (human waste) had a real market value. No one would think of dumping it in rivers.

But as time went on, sewerage systems developed and other fertilisers such as guano and mineral fertilisers arrived. By the early 20th century, most of the city’s wastewater went into the Seine. In 1923, the swimming ban came into effect. A year later, Paris hosted the Olympics for its second time – and swimmers competed in 50 metre pools.

In recent years, many cities around the world have worked to clean up their urban waterways. River swimming is now common in cities such as Copenhagen, Berlin and Vienna, where river health has improved dramatically.

How can you clean a river like the Seine?

Cleaning the Seine is a challenge. Paris is home to 11 million people, with plenty of industry. Urban rivers are almost inevitably polluted by waste from the surrounding city.

Leaking and overflowing sewage systems are a major source of pollution. In places like the UK, sewage spills into waterways have become a major political issue.

When wastewater spills into rivers, it carries pollutants and dangerous loads of disease-causing microorganisms, such as Escherichia coli (commonly known as E. coli). Untreated water can have viruses, bacteria and disease-causing protozoa.

In the lead-up to the Paris games, authorities have been working to improve water quality enough to bring some Olympic swimming back to the Seine. Stormwater – often contaminated by dog poo or sewage overflows – is being cleaned before it is released into the river.

Despite the money and effort, there are still real questions over whether it will be enough to guarantee swimmer safety. Bacterial levels hit risky levels most days in June due to unseasonally heavy rains, but the water has improved in July.

This week, French sports minister Amélie Oudéa-Castéra swam a few metres in the Seine in an effort to douse concerns.

By contrast, the other Olympic swimming events will take place in a recently constructed 50 metre pool, which will have very good water quality. The pool water is filtered and treated with a disinfectant such as chlorine or bromine. It will be regularly tested to ensure optimal water quality.

At the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, triathletes had to swim in polluted Tokyo Bay. But similar concerns over sickness proved unfounded. The real challenge was the oppressive heat.

What’s at risk?

The most likely outcome if races are held when bacterial levels are unsafe would be getting a gastrointestinal bug.

Officials have some control over this. Contamination is worst after heavy rain. Races could be delayed if need be.

Many swimmers – especially those who compete in open-water competitions – are familiar with swimming in water with some level of pollution. Some see it as worth the risk. Italian double world champion swimmer Gregorio Paltrinieri said in January:

Even if the water is dirty, I would rather swim in an electric atmosphere in the centre of Paris than in an anonymous stretch of water.

Paris 2024 organisers previously warned there was no plan B for the 10 km marathon races in the Seine if water quality testing is unsuitable. But this has now changed. If the river isn’t clean enough, open water swimming will be moved to the rowing venue.

The Olympic triathlon is planned around a swimming leg in the Seine. But triathletes have been told the swim leg could be skipped if the water is unsafe, which would turn the race into a running and cycling duathlon.

As the world’s attention turns to Paris, there will be many anxious officials behind the scenes hoping their hard work on making the Seine swimmable pays off.

Ian A. Wright receives consulting and research funding from industry, local, NSW and Commonwealth Government. He is also a regular swimmer.

– ref. For a century, it’s been illegal to swim in the Seine. Will Paris’s clean-up make the river safe for Olympic swimmers? – https://theconversation.com/for-a-century-its-been-illegal-to-swim-in-the-seine-will-pariss-clean-up-make-the-river-safe-for-olympic-swimmers-231705

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rémi Quirion, Scientifique en chef du Québec et professeur au Département de psychiatrie de l’Université McGill, McGill University

States should be more aware of how cities and local governments can help them carry out their diplomatic and scientific strategies.

In major global discussions, city-level governments are often the ones who can transform commitments into concrete action. A good example is the actions taken by the City of Montréal to support biodiversity at the recent COP15 conference, as well as Mayor Valérie Plante’s call to other cities around the world to commit to the Montréal Pledge. The aim is for cities to implement 15 tangible actions towards pursuing and accelerating their efforts to preserve ecosystems.

This type of action demonstrates the key role that governors and mayors can play in activating the “from global to local and from local to global” lever.

In the United States, the White House created the Department of State’s Subnational Diplomacy Unit to make sure the voices of local governments would be heard at the international level, and that their views be taken into account in U.S. foreign policy.

In Québec, a number of programmes are available to facilitate diplomatic initiatives of cities, such as the one offered by the ministère des Relations internationales et de la Francophonie. It is a first call for projects to support the cities and regions of Québec in carrying out initiatives geared toward internationalization. Cities are invited to submit proposals with an international scope that will help increase their outreach.

So if we were to invest more in municipal diplomacy here in Québec and Canada, what might that look like?

It’s an idea that came up during discussions between researchers and practitioners at the International Network for Governmental Science Advice (INGSA) conference, held in Kigali, Rwanda last May. As president of INGSA and Chief Scientist of Québec, I am working to make the scientific and diplomatic community aware of the potential local governments have to be agents of change.

Not big enough for diplomacy? Not at all!

The idea of municipalities engaging in diplomacy seems obvious in large metropolises such as New York or Paris, which are also at the center of many diplomatic exchanges. These cities serve as headquarters for organizations including the UN, UNESCO and the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie.

When compared, leaders of smaller cities often feel that they have too few resources to be able to contribute to this field.

Yet, to be heard at the diplomatic level, being numerous and well organized is more important than size.

Cities need to look at diplomacy differently. Obviously, local authorities can’t hope to open embassies or organize diplomatic missions the same way countries do, at the national level. Here, I will talk about two other types of initiatives that are somewhat different.

A municipal hub, similar to how Barcelona’s Science and Technology Diplomacy Hub is structured (SciTech DiploHub), is a great example of a format that medium-sized cities can use to share the risks associated with investments in diplomacy. As a shared space of resources supported by other levels of government (national or international), such a hub enables cities to run joint projects, share international contacts and gain valuable expertise.

International political alliances also have great potential. By associating themselves, cities that are far apart make the choice to work together to develop solutions for their territory, while being able to make a difference at a global scale.

For example, the cities of Amsterdam, Barcelona and New York created the Cities Coalition for Digital Rights, uniting some 60 cities around the goal of becoming better prepared and equipped for their digital transformation.

Another example is the C40 coalition, in which the City of Montréal is very active. The coalition sets common objectives for the fight against climate change. Participating cities can access international funds and take part in a global dialogue, actions they would not be able to achieve on their own.

Too small for science and innovation? No way!

Innovating and investing in data and knowledge comes at great expense and contains risks that many cities are reluctant to take, given the resources at their disposal and the pressure of their day-to-day mandates.

It may seem counter-intuitive to invest in innovative projects, even more so for cities that are geographically remote, but it can turn out to be a very worthwhile choice for the following three reasons:

1. To acquire operational data platforms

For example, the creation of a geospatial platform to identify water and electricity infrastructure would save a great deal of time in organizing public works. Shared platforms for data collection on wastewater are also very useful for preventing and managing health crises, whether looking into drug use or epidemics. Building them with other cities reduces development and operating costs and makes it possible for multiple cities to use the data. It allows cities to compare results more easily and provide other levels of government with valuable information that can be used to support global strategies.

2. Access to more substantial funding

By creating such synergies between innovative teams from different cities, governments at higher levels (provincial, national and international) are assured that their funding is being scaled up. That way they can avoid supporting “wall-to-wall” global initiatives that are detached from local realities.

3. Raise their level of ambition

By coming into contact with radically different practices developed in a variety of contexts, teams at the city level get the opportunity to compare themselves with the best in the world, raising ambitions for the citizens they serve. In Québec, local governments can benefit from advice and support of the CCTT network (Centres collégiaux de transfert de technologies), which is very well established in their communities, while keeping abreast of emerging technologies on a global scale. Sorel-Tracy has just appointed its first chief scientific advisor from this network.

The best time to invest?

It was yesterday! But we’ll settle for today.

Because right now is when cities are making the most strategic choices for the future. Water infrastructure, flood zones, public transport — all the decisions that towns and cities make today will determine the ability of future generations to be less impacted by the consequences of climate change over the next 50 years.

These decisions need to be backed up by ongoing citizen dialogue, which is already very active at the municipal level, and by a capacity for forward thinking: what will our streets, our weather and our daily lives look like in 50 years? Only scientific data and analysis, and a proper understanding of the global interconnections in which cities are involved, will give them a better grasp of their future.

Rémi Quirion ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Cities around the world share many challenges. To address them, they need to develop science diplomacy – https://theconversation.com/cities-around-the-world-share-many-challenges-to-address-them-they-need-to-develop-science-diplomacy-233509

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jade Portingale, PhD Candidate, School of Psychological Sciences, The University of Melbourne

Most of the time, our brains are very good at blending together input from all our senses into a seamless, unified conscious experience of “my body”. When this process of integrating different sensory signals goes wrong, according to one theory, it can give a person an inaccurate and distressing sense of their body called “body image disturbance”.

There are many kinds of body image disturbance, including dissatisfaction with our bodies or inaccurate perceptions of them. We don’t know a lot about how many people experience body misperceptions, but we do know body dissatisfaction is very common. A survey of more than 1,600 Australians aged 12–18 carried out last year found almost half experienced dissatisfaction with their own appearance.

Body image disturbance is strongly linked to eating disorders and body dysmorphic disorder (which involves perceived flaws in one’s appearance). Existing treatments for these disorders have high relapse rates.

In our latest paper, my colleagues and I reviewed the evidence that a surprising approach may be able to help address the root cause of these disorders and potentially improve symptoms: “embodiment illusions”, which use virtual reality or other methods to trick the mind into feeling it inhabits a different body or body part.

Malleable body image

Perhaps the best-known embodiment illusion is the “rubber hand illusion”. If you show a person a rubber hand being stroked while simultaneously stroking their hand (which they cannot see), the combined visual and tactile sensations usually make the person feel like they “own” the rubber hand.

Using virtual reality, this illusion can also be extended to other body parts or even an entire body.

In our systematic review of 32 earlier studies, we found compelling evidence that people with higher levels of body image disturbance tend to be more susceptible to such embodiment illusions compared to others.

Their greater malleability in remapping body image is consistent with theories suggesting body image disturbances involve impaired multisensory integration.

For example, reliance on vision over touch might lead a person to place more weight on seeing a thin reflection in the mirror than on feeling their own protruding ribs. This may be combined with expectations (such as “my body should be thinner”) overriding accurate sensory inputs.

Positive effects

We also found most studies showed tricking your brain into experiencing these illusions had some positive effects. Participants improved their perceptual distortions and distressing thoughts and emotions about body size and shape.

The idea is to experience an artificial body as one’s own, especially if that body appears to have a desirable shape or size. This can “update” an individual’s stubborn distorted mental representation about their actual physical appearance.

One study involved women with anorexia nervosa using a healthy-weight virtual reality avatar. Afterward, they overestimated the size of their own (real) bodies less than before the experiment.

Another study reported that healthy women felt thinner and less dissatisfied with their bodies after identifying with a thin virtual body.

New treatments needed

Treating conditions related to body image, such as eating disorders and body dysmorphic disorder, can be highly challenging. Recovery can take a long time.

The first line of treatment for many such disorders is cognitive behavioural therapy, which mainly targets negative thoughts, emotions and behaviours related to the body. However, relapse rates are high.

This is one reason to seek new supplementary treatments that directly address body misperception. This is where embodiment illusions that can shift distorted perceptions may be helpful.

Many questions remain

There are still many things we don’t know about how embodiment illusions may affect people with body misperceptions, such as how long potential treatments should last or how long their effects will persist. We also need better ways to measure body image disturbances. Another limitation of existing research is a bias towards participants from Western cultures.

Future research may also study “enfacement illusions”, which induce a sense of ownership over another face. These may help us understand and improve facial misperception, particularly in people with body dysmorphic disorders.

Messing with a person’s perception of their physical self is inherently risky. Research is also needed into potential adverse effects of these illusions, such as increases in misperception of body size or shape.

Ethical concerns exist, too. Could experiencing a “healthy-weight” body reduce an anorexic person’s motivation for gaining weight, even if they are dangerously underweight?

Despite these questions, the use of immersive illusions to temporarily remap body image shows promise. It may offer an innovative complementary approach for understanding and treating distressing body image distortions, alongside current treatments.

The author would like to thank her supervisors, Associate Professor Isabel Krug at the University of Melbourne and Dr David Butler at the Cairnmillar Institute.

Jade Portingale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Virtual reality ‘embodiment illusions’ may help the skewed perceptions behind body image disturbances – https://theconversation.com/virtual-reality-embodiment-illusions-may-help-the-skewed-perceptions-behind-body-image-disturbances-230867

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Griffin, Professor, Infectious Diseases and Microbiology, The University of Queensland

Since May, a number of poultry farms around Australia have faced outbreaks of avian influenza, or bird flu. These outbreaks have been devastating for the poultry farms affected, necessitating large-scale culls, and have caused knock-on effects for the country’s egg supplies.

The poultry farm outbreaks have been linked to bird flu strains beginning with H7 (such as H7N3 and H7N8). But the strain causing most concern at present is arguably a different strain – H5N1.

This strain is spreading rapidly around the world, and can cause more serious illness and death in poultry, birds and mammals.

Experts are warning H5N1 could soon reach Australia. And while bird flu isn’t currently spreading between humans, this could change in the future.

So where are we at with vaccines for bird flu?

More about bird flu

H5N1 first emerged in southern China in 1996.

Strains like H5N1 are further broken down into variants called clades. Since emerging in 2020, clade 2.3.4.4b has spread around the world, giving experts cause for concern. Recently, it has been causing outbreaks not only in wild birds and poultry, but also in dairy cows, notably in the United States.

While H5N1 is yet to be detected in birds or other wildlife in Australia, as it continues to spread in other regions, there are concerns we’re likely to see it here soon. CSIRO experts have this week warned the risk of H5N1 being imported is higher this year compared with previous years.

Fortunately, cases in humans remain rare. Five human cases of H5N1 clade 2.3.4.4b have been reported in the US since 2022, all of whom had close contact with dairy cows or poultry, and around ten others elsewhere in the world.

There was a single imported human case of H5N1 in Australia in a child who returned from overseas earlier this year, but of a different clade.

One of the biggest challenges with influenza viruses is that they can change fairly easily. There’s a possibility that some of these changes may give the virus the ability to transmit more readily from person to person. This could lead to widespread transmission worldwide, or a pandemic.

We have some vaccines already

Given H5N1 viruses have been around for a while, we actually already have a few vaccines designed to protect against this bird flu strain in the event of sustained transmission in humans. The US approved one from Sanofi Pasteur back in 2007, the European Union approved one from GSK in 2008, and Australia approved one from CSL Limited in the same year.

Older H5N1 vaccines were traditional egg-based vaccines, which work by growing the virus in fertilised chicken eggs and deactivating it, then injecting it into the muscle so our immune system can be trained to respond.

More recently, CSL Seqirus has created a cell-based H5N1 vaccine. This shot is based on technology already used to manufacture their seasonal flu vaccines, where the virus is grown in cultured cells of mammalian origin (rather than in eggs). Developing a vaccine that doesn’t require chicken eggs to make is sensible in the context of bird flu, which can limit the availability of eggs.

While the risk in humans remains low, the World Health Organization has suggested humans don’t need to be vaccinated against bird flu at this stage.

That said, Finland plans to roll the CSL Seqirus shots out imminently to those at highest risk (people routinely exposed to animals who may be infected), making them the first country to vaccinate against H5N1.

While research has suggested existing vaccines produce immune responses that will provide sufficient protection against the currently circulating strains, vaccines based on older versions of H5N1, or even those made more recently, may not be an ideal match for future strains of bird flu.

What about mRNA vaccines?

mRNA vaccine technology is now well established for COVID, while an mRNA vaccine against RSV (respiratory syncytial virus) was recently approved in the US.

mRNA (messenger RNA) vaccines essentially work by giving our immune system instructions to make proteins, usually bits found on the surface of viruses. Our immune system then recognises and responds to these proteins to protect us if we encounter the virus.

This technology also offers promise for bird flu vaccines. Moderna began clinical trials for mRNA vaccines against both H5 and H7 strains in 2023 and recently secured funding to continue late-stage development. Other companies including GSK and Pfizer are also working on mRNA vaccines against H5N1.

One of the benefits of this technology is that if the virus changes significantly from the version circulating at a given time, mRNA vaccines can be adapted to these changes quite quickly.

Other approaches are also being investigated, including “universal” flu vaccines that could protect from all types of flu. But these are unlikely to be available soon.

Being a virus primarily of birds, another strategy is to vaccinate the birds themselves. In some countries where bird flu is consistently found in birds such as Egypt and China, vaccinating poultry in particular has been routine for some time.

What next?

With the ever-increasing global spread of H5N1 and the growing number of species infected, there are concerns about the potential for this strain to cause a pandemic.

If we were to see a bird flu pandemic, fortunately we are perhaps in a better position than ever before to respond. Not only have we learnt a lot in recent years from responses to other infectious diseases, particularly COVID, but technology and capacity to be able to make vaccines rapidly has also come a long way.

Paul Griffin is an Immunisation Coalition Director and Scientific Advisory Board Member. He has received speaker honoraria including from Seqirus, and Sanofi. He has also been a member of Medical Advisory Boards including for AstraZeneca, GSK, MSD, Seqirus, Moderna, and Pfizer

– ref. Bird flu isn’t spreading in humans for now. But there are vaccines in the pipeline if that changes – https://theconversation.com/bird-flu-isnt-spreading-in-humans-for-now-but-there-are-vaccines-in-the-pipeline-if-that-changes-232993

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Marie Quigley, DECRA Research Fellow in molecular ecology, James Cook University

The Great Barrier Reef is world famous – it’s the largest coral reef system in the world and home to tens of thousands of species. No wonder it is World Heritage listed.

But Australia has three lower profile reefs which are also World Heritage listed –  Ningaloo and Shark Bay in Western Australia, and Lord Howe Island, 600 kilometres off the New South Wales coast, the southernmost coral in the world. Ningaloo has 260km of coral reef, while the reefs of Shark Bay have less coral but are home to ancient stromatolites, vast seagrass beds and iconic species such as dugongs.

This month, the World Heritage Committee will meet in New Delhi. On the agenda will be how the world’s natural World Heritage sites are faring. The Australian government will be under increased scrutiny to prove it has upheld its international commitments to protecting these reefs.

Our new research has found all four of these reefs are in greater danger than we thought – even those in subtropical waters, such as Lord Howe Island. Our two Indian Ocean reefs at Shark Bay and Ningaloo actually face more species and function loss than the Great Barrier Reef.

At 1.5°C of warming, we are likely to lose about 20% of the 400-odd coral species which currently live across these four reefs (equating to about 70 extinctions). At 2°C warming, our modelling of species abundance and ecosystem functions predict an almost complete collapse in reef ecosystems – even for the subtropical reefs. This aligns with predictions by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change for the future of coral reefs.

We believe our work adds to the need to consider whether Australia’s four iconic reefs should be on the list of World Heritage sites in danger.

What does it mean when a reef is World Heritage listed?

Declaring a natural or cultural site as World Heritage is done to encourage the preservation of locations of immense ecological and cultural value. Nations have to nominate sites they think are worthy of protection. Australia has 20 World Heritage sites, of which 12 are natural.

When sites are formally listed, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) requires the country’s government to look after it. If the site is degrading, it can be listed as in danger.

UNESCO has considered listing the Great Barrier Reef as in danger twice, in 2021 and again in June this year. For the reef to keep its World Heritage status, the government must prove its policies are sufficient to keep the reefs in good health.

In the debate over the Great Barrier Reef, two things have been missed – first, any mention of Australia’s other World Heritage reefs, and second, whether the federal government’s current policies to cut greenhouse gases are enough to protect the reefs into the future.

What did we find?

Our new results suggest all four reefs are in trouble. Given current warming trends, they will only deteriorate further in the future if we stay on this course.

While the Barrier Reef has drawn a great deal of attention, it’s actually the ecosystems at Ningaloo, Shark Bay and Lord Howe Island which are projected to warm the most. When standardised to park boundaries, temperatures here are projected to increase by up to 1.3°C by the end of the century. (This temperature estimate is for sea temperatures, not the overall surface temperature which we use as shorthand when we talk about 1.5°C or 2°C of warming).

While that might not sound like much, it will be enough to push many corals to potential extinction. Many coral species already exist within 1-2°C of the maximum temperature they can tolerate.

Our modelling shows Shark Bay and Ningaloo actually face a greater risk of species and function loss than the Barrier Reef. It also suggests the ability of our reefs to bounce back will be overcome when warming tips over 1.5°C globally.

While these models incorporate the baseline heat tolerance of coral species on these reefs, they don’t yet include their potential for genetic adaptation. The question of whether some corals could adapt to this rapid warming is still open. A lot is riding on their ability to do so.

Looming danger

This year, the Great Barrier Reef and Lord Howe Island have suffered intense stress from high sea temperatures – the direct result of burning fossil fuels and producing heat-trapping greenhouse gases. This year is on track to again be the hottest year on record, overtaking the previous record holder of 2023.

Australia is already in the midst of an extinction crisis. Australia has one of the worst track records for extinctions. Since European colonisation, 34-38 mammal species have gone extinct compared to just one from the contiguous United States, which covers a similar area.

You might have read that coral cover – a measure of how much coral there is in an area – hit historic highs on the Great Barrier Reef last year.

Coral cover is a helpful and important metric, but it’s not perfect. For instance, fast-growing heat tolerant coral species might expand as less heat tolerant species die off. Importantly, relying on coral cover alone can mask significant changes in how the reef is functioning.

It’s hard to assess how species in our oceans are doing, given the difficulty of access and the large number of species, including many unknown to science. If warming continues unabated, we will likely start to lose species before we have even documented them.

Our results are based on “moderate” climate models of global surface temperature changes. Australia has committed to cutting emissions by 43% below 2005 levels by 2030. While that sounds good, it’s not enough – this decrease is compatible with hitting 3.2ºC by 2100. To limit warming to 1.5ºC or below by 2050, we would need to commit to much greater cuts in emissions – 90% below 2005 levels by 2030.

Our results clearly suggest Australia’s four World Heritage reefs will be dramatically affected by warming in the near future. They will no longer qualify as being maintained under “conditions of integrity”. It’s hard to see how they can avoid being added to the in danger list.

Kate Quigley receives funding from the Australian Research Council in the form of the Discovery Early Career Researcher Award (DECRA) and holds a joint position as Principal Research Scientist at Minderoo Foundation, a philanthropic organisation.

Andrew Baird has received research funding from the Australia Research Council, the Mindaroo Foundation and the Ian Potter Foundation. He is a life member of the Australian Conservation Foundation and The Wilderness Society.

– ref. Beyond the Barrier Reef: Australia’s 3 other World Heritage reefs are also in trouble – https://theconversation.com/beyond-the-barrier-reef-australias-3-other-world-heritage-reefs-are-also-in-trouble-234268

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Haley Tancredi, Lecturer (Inclusive Education), Queensland University of Technology

About four students in every classroom will have a language or attention disorder. While some of these students will have an official diagnosis of developmental language disorder (DLD) or attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), others will be “hiding in plain sight”. These students may often be in trouble for acting out, underachieving or not attending school.

In our new study, we interviewed 59 students with DLD and/or ADHD about their experiences of Year 10 English. This is the only subject all Australian students must do from the first year of schooling to Year 12. And it plays a key role in their success at school and beyond it.

Students in our study reported some of their teachers talk too much. Why is this a problem? What can teachers do instead?

What are DLD and ADHD?

About two students in every classroom of 30 will have DLD. This is a lifelong disorder that affects language comprehension and expression. People with DLD find it more difficult to say what they mean and to understand others.

About one or two students per classroom will have ADHD. This can include difficulties with focusing attention, following detailed instructions and self control.

It is also possible for students to have both DLD and ADHD.

While schools are legally required to remove learning barriers for students with disability, students first need to be identified as needing this support. Research shows students with less visible disabilities, such as DLD and ADHD, are more likely to fly under the radar of schools and so do not get the help they need.

Read more:
What is DLD – the most common disorder you have ‘never heard of’?

Our study

As part of a broader project on accessible assessment, in 2022, we recruited more than 200 students from three Queensland public high schools. Through testing, we identified a subgroup of 59 students with likely language and/or attention disorders.

The students were all between 13 and 15. About half identified as female and half as male. Students were taught by 26 different teachers. Almost three quarters of students (71%) in the sample had not previously been identified as having difficulty with either language or attention.

All 59 students participated in individual interviews, which included questions about their classroom experiences.

Do you think some teachers talk too much?

Research shows removing unnecessary complexity from classroom teaching is really important when helping students learn, especially if they already have issues with language and information processing.

More than two thirds of participants (69%) in our study said some of their teachers talk too much. Eight responded with a forceful “YES!” Importantly, students also described the effect of too much teacher talk — including when teachers “go off topic” — on their ability to sustain focus, attention and engagement.

As Gareth* explained:

[The] ones that are just like talking and not doing anything, I’ll just zone out and don’t do anything.

Bella noted:

Yes. Uh, uh, my brain leaves the room.

Another student, Pippy, told us that once behind, it is difficult to re-engage:

I just think, well, like when my teacher’s talking, I, my brain kind of, it gets like really slow, and I have to think back about, ‘Oh, they just said those words, what do those mean?‘ And then I’m like, ‘Okay, I’m catching up’. And then she’s already like gone all the way down like already explained so much more. I’ve like missed that ‘cause I was trying to focus on what she was just explaining before.

What else happens when teachers talk too much?

To learn more about the impact of too much teacher talk, we showed students an iPad and asked them to choose which options on the display applied to them.

The most popular response was students begin thinking of other things. The next most popular responses were their brain shut down and/or they talked to the person next to them. Although no student selected “I get up to mischief” as a standalone choice, four did select “all of the above”.

These responses reflect what happens when working memory – the memory system that provides a kind of “mental jotting pad storing information necessary for everyday activities” – is overloaded. When this occurs, brains really do “leave the room”.

What can teachers do instead?

There is no precise figure when it comes to the amount a teacher should talk, but a good rule of thumb is around one quarter of the lesson. This allows time for active questioning and feedback, and for the completion of activities. It also reduces student passivity and is less exhausting for the teacher.

Just as important as the proportion of teacher talk is how easy it is to understand them.

Students in our study said “excellent” teachers used simple words and would “go through” things several times in different ways. They also said excellent teachers did not go too fast and paused to allow students to process what had been said. They would also regularly check in with students during the lesson to see if they understood what they needed to do.

Though it might be assumed teachers are already using these simple strategies, our findings suggest otherwise. We asked students about 16 evidenced-based teaching practices that are all needed to support language and information processing.

Their responses suggest there is inconsistent or ineffective use of these important practices.

For example, nearly three in five students said teachers rarely or only sometimes listed what students needed to do on the board. Almost one in four said their teacher did not consistently check-in with them using verbal prompts to support attention.

What can we do now?

We know language processing, attention and working memory are particular areas of difficulty for students with DLD and/or ADHD.

But these differences do not mean lower academic achievement is a natural or inevitable outcome.

Instead, given the prevalence of students in these two groups, it means everyday teaching must be accessible to them. And in doing so, it will also make teaching more accessible to everyone in the classroom.

In a previous study in our broader project, we found targeted professional learning can help teachers make their teaching more accessible, including talking less and more simply.

Our future research will look at how we help teachers adopt these strategies and reach teachers in regional and remote schools so all students can benefit.

*names have been changed.

Haley Tancredi receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).

Callula Killingly receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).

Linda J. Graham receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Projects Scheme and the Queensland Government Education Horizon scheme.

– ref. ‘My brain leaves the room’: what happens when teachers talk too much? – https://theconversation.com/my-brain-leaves-the-room-what-happens-when-teachers-talk-too-much-234685

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Puneet Vatsa, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Lincoln University, New Zealand

The rising price of food has been making headlines for the past decade. But prices have not been rising consistently across all food groups – and this has major health implications for New Zealanders.

Last week Stats NZ released food price data showing the biggest drop in prices in six years. The second quarter consumer price index, due out today, will give a broader overview of the inflationary pressures facing New Zealanders, including the cost of eating.

Despite the recent price drops, concerns over food security, food affordability and the nutritional quality of local diets have remained.

Although food price increases have been noticeable over the long term, the change in relative prices — the cost of one food category compared to another — often goes unnoticed. Nevertheless, these relative price changes are crucial as they influence consumer choices, often subconsciously.

Our new research examines Stats NZ data between 2014 and 2023 on the price of 85 food items collected from 560 retail outlets – supermarkets, greengrocers, fish shops, butchers, convenience stores, restaurants, and outlets selling breakfast, lunch, and takeaway foods – in 12 urban areas.

Between July 2014 and March 2023, prices of some sweetened, processed foods and drinks such as boxed chocolate, ice cream, soft drinks and sports energy drinks have risen by around 14%. At the same time, price of some fruits and vegetables have risen by around 45%.

When sweetened processed foods are cheaper relative to fruits and vegetables, people tend to buy more of the former. This can lead to poor dietary habits, increasing the prevalence of obesity and related health issues.

Unique factors cause slower price drops

While food prices have increased globally since 2020, most notably due to the COVID-19 pandemic and geopolitical tensions, many countries have seen subsequent food price inflation decreases. As the recent data from Stats NZ show, this is also starting to happen in New Zealand.

However, New Zealand’s price inflation was greater and has remained more persistent than in many other developed countries, suggesting unique factors may be at play.

The structure of the retail food sector, dominated by Foodstuffs and Woolworths, has come into sharper focus as food prices have risen. A lack of competition tends to lead to higher prices.

However, considering how long the duopoly has dominated the supermarket sector, this alone does not necessarily explain the changes in absolute and relative prices revealed in our research.

Due to increased regional specialisation, New Zealand’s supply chain for fresh fruits and vegetables is particularly susceptible to disruptions caused by extreme weather events.

Although specialisation improves production efficiency, it increases vulnerability to localised shocks, such as Cyclone Gabrielle. This is exacerbated by a sparse transport network.

International trade also influences the relative prices of different food types. The composition of New Zealand’s production and exports is significantly different from its imports.

New Zealand does not produce sugar beet or cane, making it entirely dependent on sugar imports, for example. Conversely, most fresh fruits and vegetables consumed in New Zealand are grown domestically.

These factors can influence the production and cost of different foods, leading to diverging prices. Access to different sources of imported foods can reduce price volatility, whereas a regionally concentrated domestic supply can cause sharp fluctuations in the prices of foods.

Food prices are a health issue

The growing affordability gap between processed foods and healthy produce is not just an access issue. It has a significant impact on health.

One in three adults in New Zealand was obese in 2020–2021, with childhood obesity also on the rise. The incidence of diabetes increased from 35.7 per 1,000 people in 2012 to 41.5 per 1,000 people in 2021.

What is more, the number of diabetics is expected to increase by 70%–90% over the next 20 years, and the annual cost of diabetes may rise from NZ$2.1 billion to $3.5 billion over the same period.

Of even more concern is that these burdens do not fall evenly across New Zealand’s population.

Poor diets disproportionately affect Indigenous people and those in the lower economic strata. Pacific peoples and Māori have lower average incomes and higher obesity rates than New Zealanders of European descent.

Low-income families have long found it challenging to afford and adhere to healthy diets due to the rising relative prices of fruits and vegetables.

A multi-pronged strategy is needed

The rising relative affordability of sweetened foods poses a significant threat to the health of New Zealanders. Without intervention, the country may face increasing rates of diet-related chronic diseases, straining an already burdened healthcare system.

A comprehensive approach involving economic, educational and regulatory measures is necessary to reverse these trends and promote better nutrition and health for all New Zealanders.

There needs to be a multi-pronged strategy to tackle the complex challenges facing our food system. This needs to include taxes on sugary foods as well as subsidies on fresh produce, a ban on junk food marketing targeted at children, dealing with food insecurity and investment in free school lunches.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The cost of eating healthy: NZ fruit and veg prices are going up way faster than processed food – https://theconversation.com/the-cost-of-eating-healthy-nz-fruit-and-veg-prices-are-going-up-way-faster-than-processed-food-233971

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Albanese government is expected to appoint independent administrators to clean up the CFMEU.

On Tuesday the defiant union was trying to fend off government action to deal with sweeping allegations of widespread misconduct that have been revealed by Nine media.

CFMEU national secretary Zach Smith declared, “External administration and further interference of the government isn’t necessary”.

“The union and the union movement is more than capable of dealing with allegations in our own ranks, in responding appropriately,” Smith told the ABC.

The government is under pressure to act as soon as possible against the union, as is the Labor Party nationally.

The party’s national executive will meet on Thursday to deal with requests from the Victorian and South Australian premiers and the Tasmanian Labor leader to suspend the CFMEU’s affiliations in those states.

The meeting will also discuss suspending the acceptance of political donations from the union. This has already happened in Victoria.

Smith has put the Victorian branch of the union in administration. He said as part of this “I’m in the process of standing up an investigative process” to test allegations.

“Obviously if there is any wrongdoing found, people will be removed from our ranks.” He would bring in “external eminent legal minds to help manage the investigation process, to conduct the investigation, and to make any recommendations necessary”.

But the government has made it clear the union’s internal action is not enough.

Smith also defended the former secretary of the Victorian and Tasmanian branch of the CFMEU, John Setka, who resigned suddenly on Friday, as Nine papers were set to begin publishing stories containing detailed allegations, as well as damning footage of incidents.

The allegations include thuggery, kickbacks, standover tactics, and the parachuting of senior bikie figures into lucrative union delegate roles on major Victorian construction projects.

Smith said Setka had decided to resign because he thought that was in the best interests of the union and its members.

“I think that speaks to his integrity and his credibility,” Smith said.

“One thing that no one will be able to take away from John is his legacy as an industrial leader – the conditions that he’s won for workers here in Victoria and the strength that he’s built in the Victorian-Tasmanian branch.”

Nine reported on Tuesday that Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and then Victorian infrastructure minister (now premier) Jacinta Allan were sent “detailed evidence in 2022 that CFMEU officials were threatening extreme violence and unlawfully black-banning non-union-preferred companies from state and federally funded projects”.

A federal government spokesman said the email to Albanese had been sent “to an inactive email address”.

Cabinet Minister Bill Shorten, a former workplace relations minister, made it clear on Monday strong action was imperative. He said in an ABC interview: “The investigations and some of the footage and the stories which we’ve seen in very recent days show that there is a pathology of engagement by some in the construction sector with criminals and bikies. That has to stop. They have no home in the Australian trade union movement.” Shorten’s old union, the AWU, has often been at loggerheads with the CFMEU.

Albanese said on Monday, “Everything is on the table, including whether the union continues to be able to operate, whether administrators will be placed into the union. […] All of that is completely on the table.”

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Government expected to appoint administrators to clean up CFMEU, as union remains defiant – https://theconversation.com/government-expected-to-appoint-administrators-to-clean-up-cfmeu-as-union-remains-defiant-234814

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ava Kalinauskas, Research Associate, United States Studies Centre, University of Sydney

After months of gamesmanship and speculation, JD Vance has emerged as Donald Trump’s 2024 running mate and the heir apparent to the America First movement.

With less than two years in Congress under his belt, the first-term senator from Ohio has very little experience in politics, let alone conducting foreign policy.

Yet Vance represents a clear departure from the Ronald Reagan-era foreign policy views that characterised Trump’s previous vice president, Mike Pence. Pence spent much of his time in office making trips to reassure US allies and partners overseas, delivering speeches aimed at providing strategic clarity to Trump’s often unpredictable actions.

As Trump’s vice presidential pick, Vance’s foreign policy views could prove similarly influential if the former president is re-elected in November. So, what could a Vance vice presidency mean for the rest of the world?

An ‘Asia-First’-style isolationist on Ukraine

Vance is one of many so-called “Asia First” Republican politicians who want to limit US attention on Europe and reorient the country’s resources towards countering China’s rise.

In Congress, he has garnered a reputation as one of the most vociferous opponents of continued US aid to Ukraine, saying the US has “provided a blanket of security to Europe for far too long” and calling for European allies to “step up” their own military contributions to Kiev.

Just after Russia’s invasion in February 2022, in fact, Vance bluntly declared

I gotta be honest with you, I don’t really care what happens to Ukraine one way or another.

At the same time, Vance maintains he is not advocating for the US to “abandon Europe”. Rather, he wants to place more focus on what he sees as a more pressing threat to US interests – competition with China – because, he said in a speech last year, “that’s where the real enemy is.”

An economic nationalist on China

Vance describes his position on China as a “straightforwardly economically nationalist argument.” He views include increasing support for US manufacturing as a way of directly countering China’s rise, saying “we should be making more of our stuff” even at the cost of a “couple basis points GDP”.

Vance believes increasing tariffs on Chinese imports will create economic opportunities in Rust Belt states like Michigan, Ohio and Pennsylvania.

Notably, he has even praised President Joe Biden’s 2022 CHIPS and Science Act, aimed at boosting domestic semiconductor chip manufacturing so the US can better compete with China and other countries, as a “great piece of legislation.”

While the US and its allies have maintained normal trade relations with China ever since its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2000, Vance has co-sponsored legislation that would revoke China’s favoured trade status, a move that would be hugely destabilising for the global economy.

A ‘fan of AUKUS’

Though Vance wants to reorient the US towards the Indo-Pacific region to counter China, he has spoken relatively little about US alliances in Asia.

In February this year, he gave a brief nod to Australia when he described himself as a “fan of AUKUS” during remarks at the Munich Security Conference.

In the broader region, Vance has said he wants to “try to promote” US allies with aligned interests, while encouraging “those who are a little bit more on the fence to think about things from our perspective.”

He has based his support for Taiwan in economic terms, saying the self-governing island that China has vowed to retake by force, if necessary, must be protected because of the risk that an invasion could “decimate our entire economy.”

A shape-shifter on climate change

Like a number of his views, Vance’s position on climate change shifted when he ran for the US Senate in 2022.

In 2020, he spoke of the “climate problem” facing the United States, but when seeking Trump’s endorsement for the Senate, described himself as “sceptical” of human responsibility for climate change.

He also sought to repeal US tax credits for electric vehicles.

An heir to the ‘America First’ agenda

In the past, Vance has specifically singled out foreign policy as a key factor in his support for Trump.

In early 2023 – when many Republicans were supporting Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’ presidential aspirations – Vance penned an op-ed endorsing Trump’s presidential run and lauding his first term as “the first real disruption to a failed consensus” in US foreign policy.

In the piece, Vance praised Trump’s “successful foreign policy” as the “most important part” of his legacy, saying he “started no wars” and pushed for the United States to “take more responsibility for its own defense.”

Previous vice presidents have scorned the office for its subsidiary role and limited power compared to the presidency. There is every chance that in a second Trump presidency, the position would be no different.

But Biden himself has shown how vice presidents can carve out their own roles as key advisers, particularly when it comes to foreign policy. And with Trump’s backing, Vance could also be well set up for his own run for the presidency in 2028.

Vance’s shape-shifting views make it difficult to forecast exactly what his role as Trump’s deputy could mean for the Indo-Pacific region. But paying close attention to his foreign policy philosophy as it evolves in the coming months may prove crucial to understanding the contours of a second Trump term – or indeed a future Vance administration.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘I don’t really care what happens to Ukraine’: what a JD Vance vice presidency could mean for the world – https://theconversation.com/i-dont-really-care-what-happens-to-ukraine-what-a-jd-vance-vice-presidency-could-mean-for-the-world-234815

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michalis Hadjikakou, Senior Lecturer in Environmental Sustainability, School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Faculty of Science, Engineering & Built Environment, Deakin University

You might think eating more sustainably requires drastic changes, such as shifting to a vegan diet. While a plant-based diet is undeniably good for the Earth, our new research shows modest changes to your eating habits can also have significant environmental benefits.

We assessed how food products on Australian supermarket shelves stack up against key environmental indicators, such as carbon emissions and water use.

We found swapping the most environmentally harmful foods for more sustainable options within the same food group, such as switching from beef burgers to chicken burgers, can significantly reduce carbon emissions – by up to 96% in some instances.

The last thing we want to do is take the pleasure away from eating. Instead, we want to help consumers make realistic dietary changes that also help ensure a sustainable future. So read on to find out which simple food swaps can best achieve this.

Informing sustainable diets

The environmental impact of foods can be estimated using an approach known as a life-cycle assessment.

This involves identifying the “inputs” required along the food supply chain, such as fertiliser, energy, water and land, and tracking them from farm to fork. From this we can calculate a product’s “footprint” – or environmental impact per kilogram of product – and compare it to other foods.

Most studies of environmental footprints focus on the raw ingredients that make up food products (such as beef, wheat or rice) rather than the packaged products people see on shelves (such as beef sausages, pasta or rice crackers). Of the studies that do focus on packaged foods, most only consider a fraction of the products available to consumers.

What’s more, a lot of research considers only the carbon emissions of food products, excluding other important measures such as water use. And some studies use global average environmental footprints, which vary significantly between countries.

Our research set out to overcome these limitations. We aligned environmental footprints with the products people find on supermarket shelves, and covered a huge range of food and beverage products available in Australia. We also included many environmental indicators, to allow a more complete picture of the sustainability of different foods.

What we did

Key to our research was the FoodSwitch database, which compiles food labelling and ingredient data from images of packaged food and beverages. It covers more than 90% of the Australian packaged food market.

We combined the database with a mathematical method that sums the environmental impact of ingredients, to quantify the footprint of the product as a whole.

From this, we estimated the environmental footprint of 63,926 food products available in Australian supermarkets. We then simulated the potential benefits of making “realistic” switches between products – that is, switches within the same food category.

Read more:
We gave 60,000 food products a ‘planetary health’ star rating – see how your favourites stack up

Our findings

The results show how making a small dietary change can have big environmental consequences.

For a shopping basket composed of items from eight food groups, we simulate the benefits of swapping from high-impact towards medium- or low-impact food products.

Our analysis assumes a starting point from the most environmentally harmful products in each food group – for example, sweet biscuits, cheese and beef burger patties.

A shift to the medium-impact foods for all eight items – such as a muffin, yoghurt and sliced meat – can lead to at least a 62% reduction in environmental impact. Shifts towards the most sustainable choice for all items – bread, soy milk or raw poultry – can achieve a minimum 77% reduction.

This analysis ends at the supermarket shelves and does not include additional food processing by the consumer. For example, raw meat will usually be cooked before human consumption, which will expand its environmental footprint to varying degrees, depending on the method used.

See the below info-graphic for more detail. The full results are available in our study.

What next?

Many people are looking for ways to live more sustainably. Insufficient or complex information can fuel confusion and anxiety in consumers, leading to inaction or paralysis. Consumers need more information and support to choose more sustainable foods.

Supermarkets and retailers also have an important role to play – for example, by giving sustainable products prominent shelf placement. Attractive pricing is also crucial – particularly in the midst of a cost-of-living crisis when it can be difficult to prioritise sustainability over cost.

Government interventions, such as information campaigns and taxing high-impact products, can also help.

Food labelling is also important. The European Union is leading the way with measures such as the eco-score, which integrates 14 environmental indicators into a single score from A to E.

Apps such as ecoSwitch can also empower consumers.

The diets of people in developed nations such as Australia exert a high toll on our planet. More sustainable food choices are vital to achieving a sustainable future for humanity. We hope our research helps kick-start positive change.

Michalis Hadjikakou receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) as part of his role as co-investigator on the “Healthy Food, Healthy Planet, Healthy People” Centre of Research Excellence (NHMRC: 2006620).

Özge Geyik previously received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) as part of her role as postdoctoral researcher on the “Healthy Food, Healthy Planet, Healthy People” Centre of Research Excellence (NHMRC: 2006620). She currently works as a Sustainability Scientist at Unilever Safety & Environmental Assurance Centre.

Carla Archibald and Pankti Shah do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How sustainable is your weekly grocery shop? These small changes can have big benefits – https://theconversation.com/how-sustainable-is-your-weekly-grocery-shop-these-small-changes-can-have-big-benefits-234367

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katherine M. FitzGerald, PhD Candidate, Queensland University of Technology

As the sound of gunshots interrupted Donald Trump’s rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13, the former US president clutched his right ear before squatting to the ground.

Members of the Secret Service quickly surrounded Trump, who fiercely pumped his fist towards the crowd. It was during this moment an instantly iconic photo was taken as Trump stood, fist raised, in front of the US flag – blood running from his ear to his cheek.

Almost immediately, conspiracy theorists from all parts of the political spectrum began to speculate over the attempted assassination.

I’m a researcher who studies how conspiracy theories are formed online, with a particular focus on those that impact democratic proceedings. Following this incident, my investigation across several platforms reveals how various conspiracy theories have rapidly emerged – and what they might mean for democratic proceedings in the future.

Conspiracy theorists ask: who is responsible?

Just hours after the incident, the FBI released the shooter’s identity: 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, of Bethel Park, Pennsylvania. Crooks fired multiple shots from a nearby rooftop outside the rally venue, killing one attendee and critically injuring two others. He himself was also killed at the event. A motive has not yet been determined.

Despite the shooter’s identity being released, one major conspiracy adopted by both the political left and right is that the assassination attempt was staged and/or planned. But who is supposed to have staged it? This is up for debate depending on which online circles you frequent.

Left-wing conspiracy theories seem to point the finger at the Republican party. Their supposed “evidence” is that there was no blood on Trump’s face until he raised his hand to his cheek (although this is difficult to confirm based on videos posted online). Nonetheless, they claim Trump used a squib to release fake blood.

Other “evidence” is that the Secret Service allowed Trump to stand and pose as he was escorted offstage. According to these theories, if there was an active shooter Trump would have been taken away with much more urgency.

Right-leaning supporters of the “staged” theory point to either President Joe Biden, the US Department of Justice, or other powerful actors as being either explicitly or implicitly responsible.

Their “evidence” also involves the Secret Service. Many have said the shooter should have been clearly visible and interrupted by the Secret Service before the attack. Some conspiracy theorists go as far as to say the shooter knew which roof he could conduct the shooting from without being interrupted.

They either point to the Secret Service as being remiss in the security planning of the rally, or actively complicit in the shooting.

A political opportunity

In 2022, a study based in the United States found belief in conspiracy theories can be strongly associated with certain psychological traits and non-political worldviews.

Specifically, the researchers found conspiratorial thinking isn’t consistently associated with a particular political party, but with how extreme a person’s beliefs are. This is seen both for extreme-left and particularly for extreme right-wing political beliefs.

It’s also reflected in what is emerging online following the Trump assassination attempt, wherein social media users of various political leanings are helping spread the conspiracy that the incident was staged.

The reasons for conspiratorial beliefs can be psychological, social or political. They may range from seeking a sense of identity and community, to distrust in the government and other institutions.

For political figures and other influential actors, conspiracy theories are weaponised for personal gain.

With Senator J.D. Vance having been chosen as Trump’s running mate, we can expect to see more fuel added to the flames. Vance is one of the most prominent politicians claiming the Biden administration is responsible (whether directly or indirectly) for the assassination attempt.

This sentiment has been echoed by several others, including Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene and Congressman Mike Collins.

Meanwhile, X (formerly Twitter) chief Elon Musk has reposted multiple messages from an alt-right political activist asking how the shooter was able to crawl onto the closest roof to a presidential nominee, suggesting the Secret Service was intentionally remiss. One of these posts has garnered some 91 million views so far.

While X has served as a hotbed for conspiracy theories following the event, the comment sections of other platforms and news articles have also become places of debate. Anywhere users can deliberate and share their views, conspiratorial thinking can propagate.

The politicians amplifying the conspiracy theories are contributing to increased tension in the lead-up to a highly contentious election. This includes Vance, who may well end up in the US presidential line of succession if Trump wins the election in November.

What are the consequences?

Beyond highlighting the deeply partisan nature of US politics, what might these conspiracy theories mean in the long run?

Previous findings indicate presenting explicit conspiracy theories to people results in lowered trust in elections. As voters from both sides of the political spectrum are exposed to conspiratorial thinking (and increasingly adversarial discussions) around the assassination attempt, it may become difficult for people to trust the democratic proceedings accompanying the 2024 election.

A poll conducted earlier this year found 25% of Americans believe it was possible the January 6 Capitol attack was organised by the FBI. This is despite an extensive investigation by the US Congress and hundreds of legal cases involving participants in the riot.

Research also suggests distrust in the government and institutions can lead to people changing the way they interact with the political system. Some may be pushed to vote for governmental change or independent candidates in a bipartisan system, while others may withdraw from engaging with democracy altogether.

One might hope the recent escalation in political violence will lead to a more tempered approach to politics in the upcoming months. But if the current state of things is any guide, the outlook for democracy is concerning.

Katherine M. FitzGerald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Conspiracy theories on the Trump assassination attempt are spreading like wildfire – on both sides of politics – https://theconversation.com/conspiracy-theories-on-the-trump-assassination-attempt-are-spreading-like-wildfire-on-both-sides-of-politics-234688

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ava Kalinauskas, Research Associate, United States Studies Centre, University of Sydney

After months of gamesmanship and speculation, JD Vance has emerged as Donald Trump’s 2024 running mate and the heir apparent to the America First movement.

With less than two years in Congress under his belt, the first-term senator from Ohio has very little experience in politics, let alone conducting foreign policy.

Yet Vance represents a clear departure from the Ronald Reagan-era foreign policy views that characterised Trump’s previous vice president, Mike Pence. Pence spent much of his time in office making trips to reassure US allies and partners overseas, delivering speeches aimed at providing strategic clarity to Trump’s often unpredictable actions.

As Trump’s vice presidential pick, Vance’s foreign policy views could prove similarly influential if the former president is re-elected in November. So, what could a Vance vice presidency mean for the rest of the world?

An ‘Asia-First’-style isolationist on Ukraine

Vance is one of many so-called “Asia First” Republican politicians who want to limit US attention on Europe and reorient the country’s resources towards countering China’s rise.

In Congress, he has garnered a reputation as one of the most vociferous opponents of continued US aid to Ukraine, saying the US has “provided a blanket of security to Europe for far too long” and calling for European allies to “step up” their own military contributions to Kiev.

Just after Russia’s invasion in February 2022, in fact, Vance bluntly declared

I gotta be honest with you, I don’t really care what happens to Ukraine one way or another.

At the same time, Vance maintains he is not advocating for the US to “abandon Europe”. Rather, he wants to place more focus on what he sees as a more pressing threat to US interests – competition with China – because, he said in a speech last year, “that’s where the real enemy is.”

An economic nationalist on China

Vance describes his position on China as a “straightforwardly economically nationalist argument.” He views include increasing support for US manufacturing as a way of directly countering China’s rise, saying “we should be making more of our stuff” even at the cost of a “couple basis points GDP”.

Vance believes increasing tariffs on Chinese imports will create economic opportunities in Rust Belt states like Michigan, Ohio and Pennsylvania.

Notably, he has even praised President Joe Biden’s 2022 CHIPS and Science Act, aimed at boosting domestic semiconductor chip manufacturing so the US can better compete with China and other countries, as a “great piece of legislation.”

While the US and its allies have maintained normal trade relations with China ever since its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2000, Vance has co-sponsored legislation that would revoke China’s favoured trade status, a move that would be hugely destabilising for the global economy.

A ‘fan of AUKUS’

Though Vance wants to reorient the US towards the Indo-Pacific region to counter China, he has spoken relatively little about US alliances in Asia.

In February this year, he gave a brief nod to Australia when he described himself as a “fan of AUKUS” during remarks at the Munich Security Conference.

In the broader region, Vance has said he wants to “try to promote” US allies with aligned interests, while encouraging “those who are a little bit more on the fence to think about things from our perspective.”

He has based his support for Taiwan in economic terms, saying the self-governing island that China has vowed to retake by force, if necessary, must be protected because of the risk that an invasion could “decimate our entire economy.”

A shape-shifter on climate change

Like a number of his views, Vance’s position on climate change shifted when he ran for the US Senate in 2022.

In 2020, he spoke of the “climate problem” facing the United States, but when seeking Trump’s endorsement for the Senate, described himself as “sceptical” of human responsibility for climate change.

He also sought to repeal US tax credits for electric vehicles.

An heir to the ‘America First’ agenda

In the past, Vance has specifically singled out foreign policy as a key factor in his support for Trump.

In early 2023 – when many Republicans were supporting Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’ presidential aspirations – Vance penned an op-ed endorsing Trump’s presidential run and lauding his first term as “the first real disruption to a failed consensus” in US foreign policy.

In the piece, Vance praised Trump’s “successful foreign policy” as the “most important part” of his legacy, saying he “started no wars” and pushed for the United States to “take more responsibility for its own defense.”

Previous vice presidents have scorned the office for its subsidiary role and limited power compared to the presidency. There is every chance that in a second Trump presidency, the position would be no different.

But Biden himself has shown how vice presidents can carve out their own roles as key advisers, particularly when it comes to foreign policy. And with Trump’s backing, Vance could also be well set up for his own run for the presidency in 2028.

Vance’s shape-shifting views make it difficult to forecast exactly what his role as Trump’s deputy could mean for the Indo-Pacific region. But paying close attention to his foreign policy philosophy as it evolves in the coming months may prove crucial to understanding the contours of a second Trump term – or indeed a future Vance administration.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. More focus on China, less help for Ukraine: what a JD Vance vice presidency (and future presidency) could mean for the world – https://theconversation.com/more-focus-on-china-less-help-for-ukraine-what-a-jd-vance-vice-presidency-and-future-presidency-could-mean-for-the-world-234815

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Smith, Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

The shooting of former president Donald Trump and three attendees at his rally was just one of nearly 300 mass shootings in the US so far this year.

Amid all the shocking news from that day, there was one depressingly familiar detail. The shooter used an AR-15 style rifle, the kind of semiautomatic weapon that has featured in dozens of mass shootings since the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre of 2012.

Despite the devastation it has brought, the AR-15 has a fierce grip on American politics. The NRA has called the AR-15 “America’s Rifle”, and in 2023 five Congressional Republicans proposed a bill to declare it America’s “National Gun”.

The AR-15 enjoys a cult status on the American Right, a defiant response to persistent efforts to ban it.

Since a Clinton-era assault weapons ban expired in 2004, the United States has never come close to reinstating federal curbs on semiautomatic rifles. Will this change now that an AR-15 almost claimed the life of Donald Trump, the former Republican president and current presidential nominee? It’s unlikely. But past shootings of American presidents have given rise to some of the most significant gun control reforms in the country’s history.

Assassinations and gun control in the 1960s

The murder of President John F. Kennedy in November 1963 began a painful discussion about the need to curtail the flow of cheap firearms in the United States. Lee Harvey Oswald had used a surplus Italian military rifle, purchased from an ad in a magazine, to shoot the president.

Within days of Kennedy’s death, Connecticut Senator Thomas Dodd was proposing legislation to ban mail order sales of rifles. His initial proposals never made it out of Senate committees, and faced opposition from the NRA.

But President Lyndon Johnson continued to press Congress on the issue, which eventually resulted in the Gun Control Act of 1968. This introduced minimum ages for gun purchases, restricted interstate sales, and prohibited sales to felons, drug addicts and “mentally incompetent” persons.

Tragically, it took two more shooting assassinations to get the legislation passed. The murder of Martin Luther King Jr in April 1968, followed by Robert F. Kennedy as he campaigned for the presidency in June, provided the final push for congressional votes in favour of the legislation.

By this point, the Gun Control Act even had the partial support of NRA Executive Vice President Franklin Orth. He testified before a Congressional Committee in favour of banning mail order sales, saying:

We do not think any sane American, who calls himself an American, can object to placing in this bill the instrument that killed the president.

The attempt on Reagan and the Brady act

The attempted killing of Ronald Reagan in 1981 is remembered today for the political boost it gave Reagan and the bizarre motive of his would-be killer. But it also led to the most enduring gun control reforms of the last 40 years.

Reagan’s press secretary James Brady was shot in the head and paralysed during the attack on Reagan. His wife Sarah Brady became a leading campaigner for gun control, and her organisation threw its weight behind the Brady Bill when it was first introduced to Congress in 1987.

This bill amended the 1968 Gun Control Act to mandate background checks and waiting periods for firearm purchases, both of which could have prevented the Reagan shooting. It failed in 1988 and again in 1991 despite Reagan’s support for it. This was largely due to the NRA, which had now radicalised into an absolutist opponent of gun control with considerable influence in Congress.

The Brady Act finally succeeded with the support of the Clinton Administration in 1993. It has since been credited with reductions in suicide rates of older Americans and overall gun deaths. Reagan, along with former presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford (who survived two assassination attempts himself), also publicly supported Clinton’s Federal Assault Weapons Ban of 1994, which had almost unanimous support in the Senate but expired ten years later.

Why renewed gun control is unlikely in wake of Trump shooting

Since the George W. Bush administration, Republicans have stood firm against almost any form of national gun control. The NRA has lost much of the power it once had, especially over Democrats, but gun rights have become one of the signature battles of America’s culture wars.

It is an important but unpopular issue for Republicans, who have opposed even modest gun control measures that large majorities of Americans support. Trump, mindful of anything that could harm his chances of getting elected, has removed almost any mention of guns or the Second Amendment from this year’s Republican platform.

If anyone could actually weaken the Republican orthodoxy on guns, it would be Trump at this moment, given his colossal standing in the party. But if his previous presidency and current promises are anything to go by, there is little chance of him ever supporting Joe Biden’s call for a renewal of the assault weapons ban.

Previous shootings of presidents have forced Americans to reconsider the role of guns in national life. But for Trump’s supporters, his survival may fit a pro-gun narrative.

The mantra that “the only thing that stops a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun” is not a call to end gun violence. It’s a call to embrace gun violence as natural, and to be on the winning side of it.

Americans have thankfully been spared the truly horrific images that would have ensued if a bullet had killed Trump. Instead, Trump has created an iconic picture of survival and triumph, while his attacker was killed in seconds by the Secret Service. As traumatic as this event was for some of those who attended it, it has rapidly become a celebrated victory for many of Trump’s supporters.

For years, parts of the American Right have been describing politics in terms of war. The attempted killing of Trump will have confirmed for many of them that their enemies are truly dangerous, but they are destined to win. Senator Marco Rubio tweeted within minutes of the assassination attempt that “God protected President Trump”.

Who needs gun control when you’ve got that?

David Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Past shootings of US presidents led to new gun controls. This one probably won’t – https://theconversation.com/past-shootings-of-us-presidents-led-to-new-gun-controls-this-one-probably-wont-234657

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Blunden, Professor and Head of Paediatric Sleep Research, CQUniversity Australia

Dealing with time zone changes and jet lag can eat into the time we have to enjoy our holiday, or make adjusting to life at home all the more difficult. It can be even harder for children – and when children don’t sleep well, parents don’t either.

Around one in four children already have trouble getting to sleep, or getting back to sleep when they wake in the night. This can worsen when travelling internationally.

In a bid to help children’s general sleep problems, some parents have resorted to giving their children lollies, or gummies, containing melatonin. Some parents have also turned to melatonin to help their child sleep in the new time zone or when they return home.

Melatonin is a naturally occurring hormone secreted in our brains. Its main purpose is to maintain our sleep and wake cycles by making us sleepy at night time. But does it work to combat kids’ jet lag? And is it safe?

Adults have used melatonin for a long time

Melatonin is produced by the pineal gland in the brain in response to darkness.

Melatonin sets off a series of physiological processes which help promote sleepiness and the onset of sleep at the end of the day. So it can be really effective at helping adults get to sleep.

The use of melatonin in adults as a sleep aid has more than tripled in the last few years. And adults have long used melatonin to treat jet lag.

Who can access it in Australia?

In Australia, melatonin is categorised as a pharmaceutical product. This means it can only be accessed via prescription and overseen by a medical professional.

Australia’s regulator, the Therapeutic Goods Administration, advises it can only be prescribed for children with autism, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) or Smith-Magenis syndrome (a genetic developmental disorder that affects many parts of the body). This is because there is evidence that melatonin can improve insomnia symptoms (difficulties getting to sleep or staying asleep) in children with these conditions.

Melatonin is not recommended for use in children without these diagnoses.

We don’t know if it’s safe or effective for other kids or babies

The latest expert advice from the International Paediatric Sleep Association melatonin task force, of which I am a member, recommends melatonin supplements should not be used for children aged under two years and should be restricted to children with the above diagnoses, until further data is available.

This is because we don’t know the effect melatonin has on typically developing children and there is no data for babies and toddlers. The data we have is only in neurodivergent children.

Scientifically, we cannot extrapolate the evidence from children with neurodevelopmental disorders to the broader child population because of the physiological and psychological differences in these two populations.

We have no data to help us understand whether taking melatonin to facilitate sleep in time zone changes is safe or effective.

So how are parents getting it?

Some parents access melatonin online, from overseas markets such as the United States.

In the US, melatonin isn’t categorised as a pharmaceutical product but as a dietary supplement. The US Food and Drug Administration does not regulate dietary supplements in the same way as pharmaceutical products.

As a result, melatonin is readily available over the counter in the US and online without prescription and without the need for medical oversight for people of any age.

You don’t know what you’re getting

Drug regulation agencies don’t rigorously monitor the contents of online products for safety or efficacy, so we cannot be sure whether melatonin gummies sourced overseas are safe or effective.

The contents also vary widely, as shown in studies analysing the contents of commercially available melatonin supplement brands. Melatonin levels ranged from very minimal content to more than four times the amount stated on the label.

Some products even contained serotonin. Serotonin is a neurotransmitter which has a complex relationship with melatonin. It has been implicated in the presentation of aggression and hyperactivity, and is often used in medications for depression and anxiety under strict medical supervision. Unknown consumption of serotonin would be a cause for concern.

Bottom line

While melatonin seems to be an effective drug in adults and children with neurodevelopmental disorders, evidence for the use of melatonin in typically developing children is extremely limited to non-existent.

We don’t know if it’s safe and effective in typically developing babies, toddlers or children – and using online products makes it even more precarious.

Until we have the evidence, it’s safest to rely on behavioural sleep recommendations. This includes making sure a child’s sleep and wake times are consistent and paying attention to light exposure. Avoiding excess screen exposure in the evening or at bedtime, and increasing exposure to light in the mornings, will maximise melatonin secretion at the correct times of the day night cycle.

Making sure young children get exposure to natural light in their holiday destination is a good way for children to adapt to new time zones.

Sarah Blunden does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. My children are jet-lagged. Can I give them melatonin to help them sleep? – https://theconversation.com/my-children-are-jet-lagged-can-i-give-them-melatonin-to-help-them-sleep-232812

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Jensen, Associate professor, Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis, University of Canberra, University of Canberra

In the immediate aftermath of an assassination attempt against Donald Trump during a campaign rally, conspiracies have filled the vacuum left by a lack of information.

At this point, there is little understanding of the shooter’s motives and it would be irresponsible to rush to judgement. There is evidence the shooter, Thomas Matthew Crooks, had given $15 when he was 17 to group that raises funds for Democratic party causes. When he turned 18 he registered as a Republican.

Reports from classmates said he had outspoken conservative views. According to the FBI, there was no evidence of violent rhetoric on his social media accounts, and they are still trying to work out the shooter’s motive.

This absence of evidence hasn’t stopped partisan figures making irresponsible claims that the shooter was radicalised by President Joe Biden, the Democrats, and the news media. Senator J.D. Vance, a Republican from Ohio, since named Trump’s vice presidential candidate, posted on X:

Also on X, Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican from Georgia, framed the death of a rally attendee as someone “murdered at the hands of Democrat [sic] political violence.” Representative Steve Scalise, a Republican from Louisiana, issued a statement claiming this is another example of “far left lunatics” acting on “violent rhetoric”.

Scholars like Jonathan Turley argue, “We are living through an age of rage. It is not our first, but it may be the most dangerous such period in our history.”

He asserts the Trump assassination attempt was an unsurprising outcome of the political rhetoric today, and says both Democrats and Republicans are culpable. That is a strong claim given the shooter’s motive remains a mystery. But it is worthwhile examining the factors that give rise to political violence and the role of political rhetoric in legitimising violent extremism.

Toxic language is normalised

The foundation of the social contract tradition in Western democracies is that we renounce the right to resolve differences through violent means.

In a democracy, we accept vigorous debate and the exchange of different ideas. That debate occurs between groups with different interests. Historically, political parties emerge through organisation as a means of representing those interests.

Different groups can compromise on their interests. They may get part of what they want, and “win” sometimes while “losing” at other times. But it is much harder to compromise on fundamental elements of one’s identity without losing part of oneself. This sets the stage for a different kind of political competition that is unyielding to compromise – and where violence can become legitimised.

If Turley is right that both Republicans and Democrats are equally responsible for creating a situation where compromise is impossible and violence is seen as permissible, then we should expect each campaign to cast issues as uncompromising matters of identity with equally hostile legitmisations of violence.

We can analyse these claims looking at what the campaigns themselves say. Looking at the Meta Advertising library’s archive of Trump and Biden campaign ads since May 1 2024, we can assess the levels of toxicity and appeals to identity in the posts they create and pay to promote. There were 242 sentences in 1,339 Trump ads that mentioned Biden directly. Biden mentioned Trump 2,604 sentences contained in 5,722 ads his campaign ran. Levels of toxicity and hostile identity were calculated using the Perspective API, a machine learning algorithm developed by Google’s Jigsaw Project to detect levels toxic, threatening, and harmful content in online comments. Trump’s ads include slightly higher levels of identity attacks in sentences mentioning Biden, and these sentences are more than three times as toxic.

Biden’s most toxic line about Trump is, “Donald Trump is a convicted criminal who is only out for himself”, which scores a 0.57 on the toxicity scale.

One may quibble about whether Trump is technically only guilty on 34 felony counts until the judge formally enters the conviction at sentencing.

However, the political import remains that Trump was found guilty by a jury of his peers of felonies related to filing fraudulent business records to conceal illegal campaign donations when he was first elected.

Scoring as nearly as toxic is this sentence from Biden:

Donald Trump has a long history of racism and pandering to white supremacists.

This is directly an attack on Trump himself rather than an out-group, although, indirectly, there is an attack on white supremacists. But even people who might be categorised as “white supremacists” normally do not identify as such, and there is no call for violence.

Trump’s most toxic line about Biden is

Joe Biden’s mind is gone, and his Communist Deep State goons are driving America off a cliff.

This statement is literally incoherent.“Communism”, spelled with a capital C, refers to an era of historical evolution in the work of Marx and Engels where the state “withers away” without any system of organised repression over the people. Communism, however unrealistic it may be, precludes the possibility of “Deep State goons” with hidden machinations.

Biden would have also made a “Deep State” driven by a political agenda more difficult to create given he rescinded Trump’s Schedule F reclassification of large parts of the public service from merit-based to political appointee roles at the start of his term.

But here there is a collective identity invoked about an unstated image of America supposedly driven off a cliff.

Political language needs to cool down, immediately

Ambiguous language with little tether to reality is a common tactic of propagandists as its layers of contradiction confound clear refutations. This phrasing implies a threat to an in-group – an element of Trump’s messaging that has figured since the 2016 campaign.

Although there is no direct appeal to violence in these ads, he has made comments that place violence on the table, claiming that there will be a “bloodbath” if he loses the election.

And the head of the Conservative Heritage Foundation, which developed Project 2025 in collaboration with Trump campaign staffers, stated their agenda will be to usher in a “second American Revolution”, which will “remain bloodless if the left allows it to be”.

This does not appear to be a case where both sides are equally responsible for the raising the prospects of political violence. Trump and his supporters couch the election as a referendum on an uncompromisible cultural battle where violence may be required.

Biden’s rhetoric does not turn on an in-group/out-group differentiation and neither he nor his surrogates speak of violence as a legitimate means to achieve a political result. If something good comes of this tragedy which has claimed the life of one person, we can hope it involves all sides taking renewed responsibility for their rhetoric.

Michael Jensen receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Bayer Pharmaceuticals, and the Australian Department of Defence.

– ref. Trump shooting is a warning about how toxic language leads to violence – https://theconversation.com/trump-shooting-is-a-warning-about-how-toxic-language-leads-to-violence-234637