Sitting beside Treasurer Jim Chalmers at next week’s three-day economic reform roundtable will be a handpicked list of invited business, policy and union “thought leaders” – all coming with their own ideas for what needs to change.
Among them will be the Australian Council of Trade Unions’ Secretary, Sally McManus, who made headlines again this week with the unions’ push for a shorter working week – including a four-day week in some workplaces.
This followed other reform ideas for the roundtable, including changes to negative gearing and changes to how much we tax our mineral wealth.
So is the ACTU is being too ambitious, by bringing so many big reform proposals to the roundtable? McManus says it’s the right time to do it.
You can’t come to the table and not have solutions that are appropriate in that circumstance. So the things we’re putting forward we think are things that should be discussed in terms of solutions or ways forward to address those bigger issues.
So we didn’t think, ‘oh, well, we’re gonna go in there with no ideas’. The union movement really never does that. And we’re going to have a different view of the world, obviously, to others. But that’s always a positive thing though too, isn’t it? Like having different views, a clash of ideas out of all of that. Hopefully something good comes out of it.
Despite the government seeming negative on the idea of a four-day work week, McManus says having the discussion remains important – even if change never happens overnight.
To be clear, we weren’t asking for a change to the workplace laws, for the government to do something. We were raising this in the context of a discussion, both around productivity and around AI, as an important part of the distribution of benefits of […] productivity growth out of less jobs out of AI. So that’s the context we’re raising this particular issue in. And it’s not as if it’s a new idea […] Unions are out in lots of industries arguing for shorter working hours as we speak.
On AI, McManus remains agnostic on how the technology should be regulated, but warns acting soon is crucial – because the longer we wait, the more tech companies are getting away with.
We want to see everyone benefit from new technology, not just the big tech companies that will certainly benefit. And I’m concerned that they like the fact that there’s delay on any action in terms of what they’re doing.
At the moment obviously they’re hoovering up data, all of our data […] and the work of a whole lot of people and using it to train their models […] They are the ones that will then benefit from [that], not the rest of us.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia
If you’ve walked down the wellness aisle at your local supermarket recently, or scrolled the latest wellness trends on social media, you’ve likely heard about creatine.
Creatine is a compound our body naturally makes to deliver energy to our muscles during exercise. Most (95%) is stored in muscle, with small amounts stored in the brain.
We use about 1–3 grams of creatine a day. Our body makes around half of this and we get the rest from protein-rich foods, such as meat and fish.
Creatine supplements come as powders, tablets and other forms, with doses ranging from 3–5g a day, to up to 20g. It’s difficult to get these levels from diet alone: you would need to eat about 1kg of meat to get 5g of creatine.
But can consuming greater levels of creatine help you build muscle, improve athletic performance or boost brain health, as social media influencers claim?
Athletic performance
Creatine increases the rate at which the body re-synthesises a molecule called adenosine triphosphate, or ATP, which provides us with energy. When we use ATP for energy, it’s broken down to another molecule, adenosine diphosphate, or ADP.
To be used as ATP again, ADP needs phosphate. This is where creatine helps. Creatine enters cells and adds the phosphate which was lost. The newly formed creatine phopshate then helps to very quickly re-synthesise ADP back to ATP.
Other energy systems we have to create ATP are comparatively slower.
Because of this quick action, creatine helps with short bursts of activities such as jumping and lifting weights.
This has an indirect effect on muscle-building and sports performance by allowing increased training that leads to improved strength, speed and power.
The evidence shows creatine is an effective nutritional supplement for athletes who want to improve physical performance and function in response to their training.
And you don’t have to be an elite athlete: gym-goers and weekend warriors can get similar benefits.
What about muscle and bone health in older adults?
Most of the research on creatine outside of athletes has been in older adults. This is due to its ability to indirectly help with muscle gain and reduce sarcopeania (age-related muscle wasting).
There is good evidence that creatine supplements (5–20g per day) can improve muscle mass and strength when combined with resistance training in older people.
A review of the research, which included 22 studies in people aged 57–70, found it improved muscle mass by 1.4kg and resulted in a small increase in strength.
Another review of 12 studies considered older adults taking 3–20 grams of creatine supplements a day. It found combining creatine with resistance training 2–3 times per week resulted in more muscle and strength gains compared to resistance training alone.
When it comes to bone health and improving bone density, the evidence is not clear. Some studies show benefits, while others don’t. An overall analysis of five studies found there was no effect.
Another review looked at the impact on cognitive function across 16 studies. Participants were aged 20 to 77 years and were either healthy or had conditions such as fibromyalgia, mild cognitive impairment associated with Parkinson’s disease, and schizophrenia.
The reviewers found creatine supplementation (5–20g a day) had positive effects on memory, attention time and information processing speed. The benefits were greater in people with disease, those aged between 18 and 60, and among women.
Another review of eight studies also showed creatine improved memory in healthy people, with greater improvements in older adults aged 66 to 76. The effect was similar between those who took high (20g) and low doses (3g).
An earlier review showed similar improvements with memory and reasoning among healthy people who consumed 5-20g of creatine for between five days and six weeks.
What about for other adults?
A 2021 review of creatine across the lifespan indicates creatine maybe useful for pre- and post-menopausal women to improve strength and brain function, and reduce mental fatigue.
For adults aged over 60, supplementation may provide some benefits for cognitive and muscle mass, particularly if you’re physically active.
But there isn’t an evidence base to support its general use across the younger population, beyond athletic performance.
What are the risks?
Creatine is generally considered to be safe. Some users report side effects, mostly related to gastrointestinal problems such as nausea and stomach upset. Some people also experience headaches and muscle cramps when they change the amount or frequency.
Creatine may lead to temporary water gain, seen with a small increase in weight. But this subsides after a few days of supplementation.
The evidence is not clear yet for creatine supplementation for certain people, including those who are pregnant, breastfeeding, have kidney disease or liver disease, or who have psychiatric disorders.
As with any supplement, and in particular if you have underlying health conditions, talk to your doctor if you’re considering taking creatine.
What should you look out for?
Creatine as a supplement is synthetically made from sarcosine and cyanamide (no, it’s not related to cyanide). There are different forms of creatine supplements, but the research uses a type called creatine monohydrate.
There is no difference between brands that manufacture creatine monohydrate and you don’t need to buy it with added ingredients.
If you do want to try creatine, monitor your use over 4–8 weeks to see if you notice an improvement. And if you don’t, you might want to save your money.
Evangeline Mantzioris is affiliated with Alliance for Research in Nutrition, Exercise and Activity (ARENA) at the University of South Australia. Evangeline Mantzioris has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has been appointed to the National Health and Medical Research Council Dietary Guideline Expert Committee.
Anas al-Sharif, killed in an Israeli strike in Gaza, last Sunday has triggered protests around the world, including journalists in Israel. He left behind a powerful farewell message — his final testament to his people, his family, and the world.
‘An Aboriginal Australian’s house’ generated by Meta AI in May 2024.Meta AI
Big tech company hype sells generative artificial intelligence (AI) as intelligent, creative, desirable, inevitable, and about to radically reshape the future in many ways.
Published by Oxford University Press, our new research on how generative AI depicts Australian themes directly challenges this perception.
We found when generative AIs produce images of Australia and Australians, these outputs are riddled with bias. They reproduce sexist and racist caricatures more at home in the country’s imagined monocultural past.
Basic prompts, tired tropes
In May 2024, we asked: what do Australians and Australia look like according to generative AI?
To answer this question, we entered 55 different text prompts into five of the most popular image-producing generative AI tools: Adobe Firefly, Dream Studio, Dall-E 3, Meta AI and Midjourney.
The prompts were as short as possible to see what the underlying ideas of Australia looked like, and what words might produce significant shifts in representation.
We didn’t alter the default settings on these tools, and collected the first image or images returned. Some prompts were refused, producing no results. (Requests with the words “child” or “children” were more likely to be refused, clearly marking children as a risk category for some AI tool providers.)
Overall, we ended up with a set of about 700 images.
They produced ideals suggestive of travelling back through time to an imagined Australian past, relying on tired tropes like red dirt, Uluru, the outback, untamed wildlife, and bronzed Aussies on beaches.
‘A typical Australian family’ generated by Dall-E 3 in May 2024.
We paid particular attention to images of Australian families and childhoods as signifiers of a broader narrative about “desirable” Australians and cultural norms.
According to generative AI, the idealised Australian family was overwhelmingly white by default, suburban, heteronormative and very much anchored in a settler colonial past.
‘An Australian father’ with an iguana
The images generated from prompts about families and relationships gave a clear window into the biases baked into these generative AI tools.
“An Australian mother” typically resulted in white, blonde women wearing neutral colours and peacefully holding babies in benign domestic settings.
‘An Australian Mother’ generated by Dall-E 3 in May 2024. Dall-E 3
The only exception to this was Firefly which produced images of exclusively Asian women, outside domestic settings and sometimes with no obvious visual links to motherhood at all.
Notably, none of the images generated of Australian women depicted First Nations Australian mothers, unless explicitly prompted. For AI, whiteness is the default for mothering in an Australian context.
‘An Australian parent’ generated by Firefly in May 2024. Firefly
Similarly, “Australian fathers” were all white. Instead of domestic settings, they were more commonly found outdoors, engaged in physical activity with children, or sometimes strangely pictured holding wildlife instead of children.
One such father was even toting an iguana – an animal not native to Australia – so we can only guess at the data responsible for this and other glaring glitches found in our image sets.
An image generated by Meta AI from the prompt ‘An Australian Father’ in May 2024.
Alarming levels of racist stereotypes
Prompts to include visual data of Aboriginal Australians surfaced some concerning images, often with regressive visuals of “wild”, “uncivilised” and sometimes even “hostile native” tropes.
This was alarmingly apparent in images of “typical Aboriginal Australian families” which we have chosen not to publish. Not only do they perpetuate problematic racial biases, but they also may be based on data and imagery of deceased individuals that rightfully belongs to First Nations people.
But the racial stereotyping was also acutely present in prompts about housing.
Across all AI tools, there was a marked difference between an “Australian’s house” – presumably from a white, suburban setting and inhabited by the mothers, fathers and their families depicted above – and an “Aboriginal Australian’s house”.
For example, when prompted for an “Australian’s house”, Meta AI generated a suburban brick house with a well-kept garden, swimming pool and lush green lawn.
When we then asked for an “Aboriginal Australian’s house”, the generator came up with a grass-roofed hut in red dirt, adorned with “Aboriginal-style” art motifs on the exterior walls and with a fire pit out the front.
Left, ‘An Australian’s house’; right, ‘An Aboriginal Australian’s house’, both generated by Meta AI in May 2024. Meta AI
The differences between the two images are striking. They came up repeatedly across all the image generators we tested.
These representations clearly do not respect the idea of Indigenous Data Sovereignty for Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander peoples, where they would get to own their own data and control access to it.
Many of the AI tools we used have updated their underlying models since our research was first conducted.
On August 7, OpenAI released their most recent flagship model, GPT-5.
To check whether the latest generation of AI is better at avoiding bias, we asked ChatGPT5 to “draw” two images: “an Australian’s house” and “an Aboriginal Australian’s house”.
Image generated by ChatGPT5 on August 10 2025 in response to the prompt ‘draw an Australian’s house’. ChatGPT5. Image generated by ChatGPT5 on August 10 2025 in response to the prompt ‘draw an Aboriginal Australian’s house’. ChatGPT5.
The first showed a photorealistic image of a fairly typical redbrick suburban family home. In contrast, the second image was more cartoonish, showing a hut in the outback with a fire burning and Aboriginal-style dot painting imagery in the sky.
These results, generated just a couple of days ago, speak volumes.
Why this matters
Generative AI tools are everywhere. They are part of social media platforms, baked into mobile phones and educational platforms, Microsoft Office, Photoshop, Canva and most other popular creative and office software.
In short, they are unavoidable.
Our research shows generative AI tools will readily produce content rife with inaccurate stereotypes when asked for basic depictions of Australians.
Given how widely they are used, it’s concerning that AI is producing caricatures of Australia and visualising Australians in reductive, sexist and racist ways.
Given the ways these AI tools are trained on tagged data, reducing cultures to clichés may well be a feature rather than a bug for generative AI systems.
Tama Leaver receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a chief investigator in the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.
Suzanne Srdarov receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a research fellow in the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niamatullah Ibrahimi, Senior Research Fellow, Initiative for Peacebuilding, The University of Melbourne
On August 15 2021, Afghanistan’s democratic republic collapsed.
As the last US and NATO troops departed the country, the Taliban swept back into power and the Afghan people braced for an uncertain future.
Despite promises of moderation and inclusion, four years later, the Taliban has established a repressive, exclusionary regime – one that has dismantled institutions of law, justice and civil rights with ruthless efficiency.
As the Taliban regime has tightened its grip, international attention has waned. Crises in Ukraine, Gaza and elsewhere have dominated the global agenda, pushing Afghanistan out of the spotlight.
With the Taliban seeking to end its isolation and gain legitimacy, can the international community find the will now to exert real pressure?
The Taliban’s emirate of repression
After coming back into power, the Taliban discarded the country’s 2004 constitution, allowing the regime to operate without a transparent rule of law. Instead, Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the reclusive Taliban leader, rules by decree from his base in Kandahar.
The Taliban’s repression of women and girls has been so severe, human rights groups now call it “gender apartheid” and argue it should be a new international crime.
Edicts have erased women from public life, banning them from education beyond primary school (with the exception of religious education), employment and public spaces. Women also cannot move freely in public without a mahram, or male guardian.
The Taliban also dismantled the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, replacing it with the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. As a central instrument of repression, the ministry reinforces institutionalised gender discrimination through regular raids and arrests, surveillance and monitoring of public spaces.
Taliban rule has also led to the exclusion and persecution of minority ethnic and religious groups such as Hazaras, Shias, Sikhs and Christians.
In the province of Panjshir, the focal point of resistance to the Taliban, human rights groups have documented the Taliban’s severe crackdowns on the local population, including mass arrests and detentions, torture and extrajudicial killings.
More broadly, the Taliban has decimated the civic space in the country. Journalists and activists have been silenced through fear, violence and arbitrary arrests. This has led to widespread self-censorship and an information blackout that allows abuses to continue with impunity.
Despite the immense risks, activists, journalists and ordinary citizens continue to resist the Taliban. Women have staged peaceful protests in the face of harsh crackdowns, while others run secret schools for girls and document abuses in the hope of future accountability.
Humanitarian aid dwindling
Although most countries do not recognise the Taliban as the formal and legitimate government of the country, some regional states have called for an easing of its international isolation.
Last month, Russia became the first country to recognise the Taliban. China is also deepening its economic and diplomatic ties with the group. India’s foreign minister recently met with his Taliban counterpart, after which the Taliban called New Delhi a “significant regional partner”.
International aid continues to flow into Afghanistan, but a report from a US watchdog this week documented how the Taliban uses force and other means to divert it.
The United States had still accounted for more than 40% of all humanitarian support to Afghanistan after the Taliban’s return. But US President Donald Trump’s decision to decimate the US Agency for International Development means this funding has all but disappeared.
For years, the United Nations has tried to facilitate talks between the Taliban and international community in Qatar with the aim of improving conditions in the country. However, it has faced repeated setbacks.
The Taliban only decided to attend the talks in mid-2024 after the UN conceded to excluding women and civil society groups and restricting the agenda. The meeting resulted in no breakthroughs or concessions.
Another round of talks is anticipated, but the central dilemma remains: how to engage the Taliban without legitimising its repressive rule.
Courts making some progress
The Taliban’s systematic human rights abuses have global repercussions. Experts warn of a rising trend of similarly styled repression, dubbed “Talibanisation”, taking root in other countries.
In Yemen, for example, Houthi leaders have imposed restrictions eerily similar to Taliban edicts, banning women from walking in public without a male guardian and restricting their work.
While individual states have failed to agree on a coordinated response to the Taliban, international institutions have taken steps in the right direction.
In July, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Akhundzada and the Taliban chief justice, accusing them of crimes against humanity for gender-based persecution.
Separately, four countries – Australia, Germany, the Netherlands and Canada – have begun the process of bringing a case against the Taliban to the International Court of Justice for gender discrimination. This would be a first for the court.
To complement these efforts, the UN member states must establish an independent international investigative mechanism to systematically document and investigate crimes committed by the Taliban. Such a mechanism would help preserve evidence and lay the groundwork for future prosecutions.
Without concerted international pressure, the suffering of the Afghan people will only worsen and the Taliban’s brand of repression will continue impact women’s rights far beyond Afghanistan’s borders.
The authors are holding a day-long conference with other academics on Afghanistan, four years after the Taliban takeover, at the Monash University Law Chambers in Melbourne on August 15. More information can be found here.
Nothing to disclose.
Arif Saba and Niamatullah Ibrahimi do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Living in cities exposes people to all sorts of chemical pollutants. Many are harmful even at low concentrations. But it is hard to know what the risks and consequences might be.
The animals we share our cities with can indicate potential sources and effects of such pollution. In this way, they act as sentinels — just like the canary in the coalmine, used to alert underground miners to the presence of dangerous levels of toxic gases in the 19th century.
Our research on house sparrows in three Australian towns revealed subtle but disturbing effects of pollution on these birds.
In the mining town of Broken Hill, New South Wales, sparrows suffered from exposure to lead in areas where thousands of people live. Similarly, in Portland, Victoria and George Town, Tasmania, sparrows living near aluminium smelters were affected by the smelting byproduct fluoride. The results suggest the health and wellbeing of city people may also be at risk.
Anxiety: aversion to the human gaze
Sparrows have lived alongside people for thousands of years. In that time they have picked up useful skills, such as feeding off food scraps, while avoiding harm.
Most people are familiar with the sight of a sparrow boldly feeding from leftover food at a café, even indoors. If the birds are ignored they often feed within arm’s length. But as soon as someone looks directly at them, they fly away and become very wary.
This is one of the sparrow’s super skills, allowing them to thrive in the urban environment. People mostly ignore them and cause them no harm. But if a person is focused on them, they respond as if they suspect something bad might happen.
Sensitivity to the human gaze is well studied in human psychology. It has also been shown in urban gulls that steal food in Europe.
People all over the world are familiar with the sight of bold sparrows hoping for crumbs at cafés. Burak, pexels, CC BY
Sparrows have small home ranges (about 300 metres). We established enclosed feeding stations at four sites across the city. We also tagged each bird and measured the amount of lead in their blood.
Then we erected boards with a photograph of a man either looking directly at the feeding station, or to the side. We presented different pictures over several days. Our results showed a clear distinction between responses to the images.
Sparrows flocked to the feeding stations. But they took much longer to visit the feeder when the man in the picture appeared to be looking at them. Those living in areas with high lead levels were especially sensitive to the direction of gaze.
Video recordings of sparrows revealed those with high levels of lead in their blood were more anxious. They spent more time looking up and checking for predators than sparrows in areas where lead pollution levels were relatively low.
Our research showed sparrows living in contaminated areas of Broken Hill were more anxious. This would help reduce the risk of being caught by a predator. But there are downsides to being an anxious sparrow, not least because less time is spent feeding.
Another common consequence of lead poisoning is impaired mobility. When we analysed video recordings of sparrow escape flight, we found sparrows with high blood lead levels were slower to take off. Every second counts when being attacked by a sparrowhawk or cat.
In the gaze sensitivity experiment, sparrows were more scared of the picture of the man looking straight at them than the one looking away. Chik, H. et. al. (2025) Animal Behaviour, CC BY
Longevity: checking chromosomes for ageing
The length of the “telomeres” — caps that prevent chromosomes from damage — has proven to be a good marker of how long an individual will live.
When we measured telomere length in the sparrows across Broken Hill, we discovered sparrows with higher levels of lead in their blood had shorter telomeres. Generally, birds with shorter telomeres die at a younger age.
Previous studies of humans exposed to lead through industrial occupations also found telomere shortening.
Fluoride is a major byproduct of aluminium smelting. After fluoride is emitted into the air it falls back to Earth where it can contaminate land, water and plants. So animals may breathe it in, drink contaminated water or eat contaminated food. Fluoride then accumulates in the animal’s bones and teeth.
Earlier studies found high exposure to fluoride deposited around the Portland aluminium smelter caused bone lesions in nearby kangaroos and dental problems in koalas.
We found sparrows living up to 10km from these smelters had unnaturally high fluoride levels in their bones.
Excess fluoride uptake changes the balance of the essential bone minerals, calcium and phosphorus. These minerals play an important role in bone structure. Changes in their composition could compromise bone strength, with implications for activities such as flight.
Sparrows are living alongside people in urban environments all over the world. Hoyoun Lee, Unsplash, CC BY
Heed the lessons
Pollution affects virtually all aspects of life — from how organisms behave to how they age and grow. The health of the environment, animals and people are tightly intertwined.
We should heed the lessons of sentinels such as the sparrow, and reduce pollution at the source. This will benefit urban ecosystems and, in turn, the health and wellbeing of humans.
Simon Griffith receives funding from The Australian Research Council
Mark Patrick Taylor has received funding from The Australian Research Council. He has also previously received funding from New South Wales Environment Protection Authority (EPA) for research into environmental lead and human health implications at Broken Hill, NSW. He was also a former full-time employee of EPA Victoria, appointed to the statutory role of Chief Environmental Scientist.
Max M Gillings is involved in research affiliated with and funded by EPA Victoria.
New Caledonia’s pro-independence front, the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), has formally confirmed its “block rejection” of the French-sponsored Bougival project, signed last month.
The pact has been presented as an agreement between all parties to serve as a guide for the French Pacific territory’s political future.
This follows the FLNKS’s extraordinary congress held at the weekend in Mont-Dore, near Nouméa.
Statements made yesterday confirmed the pro-independence umbrella’s unanimous rejection of the document.
At the weekend congress, FLNKS president Christian Téin (speaking via telephone from mainland France), had called on FLNKS to “clearly and unequivocally” reject the Bougival document.
He said the document demonstrated “the administrating power’s [France] contempt towards our struggle for recognition as the colonised people”.
However, he called on the FLNKS to “remain open to dialogue”, but only focusing on ways to obtain “full sovereignty” after bilateral talks only with the French State, and no longer with the opposing local political parties (who want New Caledonia to remain a part of France).
He mentioned deadlines such as 24 September 2025 and eventually before the end of President Macron’s mandate in April 2027, when French presidential elections are scheduled to take place.
Téin was also part of the August 13 media conference, joining via videoconference, to confirm the FLNKS resolutions made at the weekend.
Apart from reiterating its calendar of events, the FLNKS, in its final document, endorsed the “total and unambiguous rejection” of the French-sponsored document because it was “incompatible” with the right to self-determination and bore a “logic of recolonisation” on the part of France.
The document, labelled “motion of general policy”, also demands that as a result of the rejection of the Bougival document, and since the previous 1998 Nouméa Accord remains in force, provincial elections previously scheduled for no later than November 2025 should now be maintained.
Under the Bougival format, the provincial elections were to be postponed once again to mid-2026.
“This will be a good opportunity to verify the legitimacy of those people who want to discuss the future of the country,” FLNKS member Sylvain Pabouty (head of Dynamique Unitaire Sud-DUS) told reporters.
Signatures on the last page of the now rejected Bougival project for New Caledonia’s political future. Image: Philippe Dunoyer/RNZ
Five FLNKS negotiators demoted As for the five negotiators who initially put their signatures on the document on behalf of FLNKS (including chief negotiator and Union Calédonienne chair Emmanuel Tjibaou), they have been de-missioned and their mandate withdrawn.
“Let this be clear to everyone. This is a block rejection of all that is related to the Bougival project,” FLNKS political bureau member and leader of the Labour party Marie-Pierre Goyetche told local reporters.
“Bougival is behind us, end of the story. The fundamental aim is for our country to access full sovereignty and independence through a decolonisation process within the framework of international law, including the right of the peoples for self-determination.”
She said that the FLNKS would refuse to engage in any aspect of the Bougival document.
Part of this further Bougival engagement is a “drafting committee” suggested by French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls aimed at coordinating all documents (including necessary bills, legal and constitutional texts) related to the general agreement signed in July.
Anticipating the FLNKS decision, Minister Valls has already announced he will travel to New Caledonia next week to pursue talks and further “clarify” the spirit of the negotiations that led to the signing.
He said he would not give up and that a failure to go along with the agreed document would be “everyone’s failure”.
The Bougival document envisages a path to more autonomy for New Caledonia, including transferring more powers (such as foreign affairs) from France.
It also proposes to augment its status by creating a “state” of New Caledonia and creating dual French/New Caledonia citizenship.
Still want to talk, but with France only The FLNKS stressed it still wanted to talk to Valls, albeit on their own terms, especially when Valls visits New Caledonia next week.
However, according to the FLNKS motion, this would mean only on one-to-one format (no longer inclusively with the local pro-France parties), with United Nations “technical assistance” and “under the supervision” of the FLNKS president.
The only discussion subjects would then be related to a path to “full sovereignty” and further talks would only take place in New Caledonia.
As for the timeline, the FLNKS motion states that a “Kanaky Agreement” should be signed before September 24, which would open a transitional period to full sovereignty not later than April 2027, in other words “before [French] presidential elections”.
Goyetche also stressed that the FLNKS motion was warning France against “any new attempt to force its way”, as was the case in the days preceding 13 May 2024.
This is when a vote in Parliament to amend the French constitution and change the rules of eligibility for voters at New Caledonia’s local provincial elections triggered deadly and destructive riots that killed 14 people and caused damage worth more than 2 billion euros (NZ$3.8 billion) due to arson and looting.
“It seems as if the French government wants to go through the same hardships again”, Téin was heard saying through his telephone call at the Wednesday conference.
“Don’t make the same mistake again,” Pabouty warned Valls.
In his message posted on social networks on Sunday (August 10), the French minister had blamed those who “refuse the agreement” and who “choose confrontation and let the situation rot”.
Reactivate the mobilisation At the same media conference yesterday, FLNKS officials also called on “all of pro-independence forces to do all in their power to peacefully stop the [French] state’s agenda as agreed in Bougival”.
The FLNKS text, as released yesterday, also “reaffirms that FLNKS remains the only legitimate representative of the Kanak people, to carry its inalienable right to self-determination”.
FLNKS recent changes Téin is the leader of the CCAT (field action coordinating cell), a group set up by Union Calédonienne late in 2023 to protest against the proposed French constitutional amendment to alter voters’ rules of eligibility at local elections.
The protests mainly stemmed from the perception that if the new rules were to come into force, the indigenous Kanaks would find themselves a minority in their own country.
Téin was arrested in June 2024 and was charged for a number of crime-related offences, as well as his alleged involvement in the May 2024 riots.
He was released from jail mid-June 2025 pending his trial and under the condition that he does not return to New Caledonia for the time being.
However, from his prison cell in Mulhouse (northeastern France), Téin was elected president of the FLNKS in absentia in late August 2024.
At the same time, CCAT was admitted as one of the new components of FLNKS, just like a number of other organisations such as the trade union USTKE, the Labour party, and other smaller pro-independence movement groups.
Some groups have joined, others have left Also late August 2024, in a de facto split, the two main moderate pillars of FLNKS — UPM and PALIKA — distanced themselves from the pro-independence UC-dominated platform.
They asked their supporters to stay away from the riot-related violence, which destroyed hundreds of local businesses and cost thousands of jobs.
UPM and PALIKA did not take part in the latest FLNKS meeting at the weekend.
The two moderate pro-independence parties are part of the political groups who also signed the Bougival document and pledged to uphold it, as it is formulated, and keep the “Bougival spirit” in further talks.
The other groups, apart from UPM and PALIKA, are pro-France (Les Loyalistes, Rassemblement-LR, Calédonie Ensemble, and the Wallisian-based Eveil Océanien.
The FLNKS, even though five of their negotiators had also signed the document, has since denounced them and said their representatives had “no mandate” to do sign up.
Reaction from two main pro-France parties Pro-France parties had carefully chosen not to comment on the latest FLNKS moves until they were made public. However, the formal rejection was met by a joint communiqué from Les Loyalistes and Rassemblement-LR.
In a long-winded text, the two outspoken pro-France parties “deplored” what they termed “yet another betrayal”.
They confirmed they would meet Valls along Bougival lines when he visits next week and are now calling on a “bipartisan” committee of those supporting the Bougival text, including parties from all sides, as well as members of the civil society and “experts”.
They maintain that the Bougival document is “the only viable way to pull New Caledonia out of the critical situation in which it finds itself” and the “political balances” it contains “cannot be put into question”.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 14, 2025.
Postwar Japan at 80: 10 factors that changed the nation forever Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Avenell, Professor in Modern Japanese History, Australian National University Aleksander Pasaric/Pexels This year marks 80 years since Japan’s catastrophic defeat in the Asia-Pacific War. In 1945, the country lay in ruins. Millions had died in battle or in the devastating Allied bombings of Tokyo, Hiroshima, Nagasaki,
Small business, big pressure: why the backbones of the NZ and Australian economies need more support Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Antje Fiedler, Senior Lecturer, Management and International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Bevan Goldswain/Getty Images Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are the backbone of the Australian and New Zealand economies, employing 42% of Australia’s workforce and 31% of New Zealand’s workers. But rising costs, weak
Israel must allow independent investigations of Palestinian journalist killings – and let international media into Gaza Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Greste, Professor of Journalism and Communications, Macquarie University The New York-based media freedom organisation, the Committee to Protect Journalists, is scrupulous with its words. So, when the organisation described the killing of six Palestinian journalists in an Israeli air strike as “murder”, the word was a
Many parents – mostly mothers – lose family payments from the first dollar they earn. Here’s how we could fix it Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ana Gamarra Rondinel, Research Fellow, Faculty of Business and Economics, The University of Melbourne Roman Biernacki/Pexels, CC BY From paid parental leave to expanded childcare and free kindergarten, Australia has made positive changes over the past two decades to better support families. But for many parents juggling
For people with ADHD, medication can reduce the risk of accidents, crime and suicide Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Guastella, Professor and Clinical Psychologist, Michael Crouch Chair in Child and Youth Mental Health, University of Sydney Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a neurodevelopmental condition that affects around 7% of children and 2.5% of adults. ADHD causes difficulties holding and sustaining attention over periods of time.
John Hobbs: New Zealand’s shameful stance on Israel Aotearoa New Zealand once earned praise for its “principled” and “independent” foreign policy. Think nuclear-free Pacific, for example. Yet that reputation doesn’t hold true when it comes to Gaza and the Palestinian desire and right to self-determination. Under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, states must take positive steps to prevent genocide.
The discovery of an extinct shelduck highlights the rich ancient biodiversity of the remote Rēkohu Chatham Islands Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nic Rawlence, Associate Professor in Ancient DNA, University of Otago An artist’s depiction of the Rēkohu shelduck. Sasha Votyakova/Te Papa , CC BY-ND Islands are natural laboratories where evolution can run rampant as plants and animals adapt to new environmental conditions and vacancies in the ecosystem. This
If recreational vapes are banned, why are there still vape shops everywhere? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Martin, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Deakin University Recently, you may have noticed an increase in the number of shops selling tobacco in your area. Alongside cigarettes, these shops often sell vapes. In July 2024, the federal government banned the sale of recreational vapes nationwide. The only
The United States has changed. Australia hasn’t. It’s time to talk about where the relationship goes from here Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bruce Wolpe, Non-resident Senior Fellow, United States Study Centre, University of Sydney Seven months after Donald Trump was inaugurated for a second term as US president, we are facing the most important moment in Australia’s foreign policy since the Iraq war. Australia needs to have a national
Private health insurers want to fund more out-of-hospital care. But the Productivity Commission has other ideas Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuting Zhang, Professor of Health Economics, The University of Melbourne Kseniya Ovchinnikova/Getty Australia needs to do better at preventing health conditions from arising and worsening, according to an interim report on delivering quality care more efficiently released overnight by the Productivity Commission. But the commission’s interim report
From childcare to aged care, here’s how to deliver safer, more affordable care for all Australians Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angela Jackson, Social Policy Commissioner, Productivity Commission, and Adjunct Associate Professor, University of Tasmania MTStock Studio/Getty Too often in discussions about productivity, the care economy only gets mentioned as the problem child putting a drag on growth. This week, the Productivity Commission is seeking to change that
At 50, The Rocky Horror Picture Show is ‘imperfectly’ good (and queer) as ever Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Craig Martin, Lecturer in Screen Studies, Swinburne University of Technology Stanley Bielecki Movie Collection/Getty Images For half a century, The Rocky Horror Picture Show has lured costumed fans to cinemas for late-night screenings. Its raunchy mix of Broadway musical, science fiction and schlock horror was originally a
Nagasaki Day and Aro Valley Peace Talks recall nuke-free heyday Asia Pacific Report It was a bit like the old days — the heyday of Aotearoa New Zealand’s nuclear-free movement in the 1980s, leading up to the Rarotonga Treaty for a nuclear free Pacific zone that was signed on 6 August 1985 just weeks after the Rainbow Warrior bombing. The New Zealand nuclear-free law followed
Politics with Michelle Grattan: Jim Chalmers wants roundtable to ‘crack open’ the challenge of slow housing approvals Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The Reserve Bank’s rate cut this week will help relieve many mortgage holders, but it wasn’t all positive news from the bank. It also underscored the serious productivity and economic growth challenges facing the Australian economy. The Economic Reform Roundtable
Israel has ‘deliberate strategy’ of killing Palestinian journalists like Anas al-Sharif, warns UN expert AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. Global condemnation is mounting over Israel’s assassination of one of the most prominent journalists in Gaza, the Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif, along with four of his colleagues at the network and another freelance journalist. UN Secretary-General António Guterres is calling for
Does penis size matter? And how do I know what’s normal? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Keersten Fitzgerald, Lecturer in General Practice, University of Sydney Leonardo Iheme/Unsplash When it comes to penises, we seem unable to escape the idea that “bigger is better”. Popular culture and pornography constantly present us with unrealistic standards – that penises should be long, thick and hard. This
Israel deliberately obstructing aid, says former PM Helen Clark Former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark says she has witnessed Israel deliberately obstructing life-saving humanitarian aid into Gaza. Together with former Irish president Mary Robinson, Clark visited the Rafah border crossing between Egypt and the Palestinian territory this week. The two former world leaders are part of The Elders, an independent, non-government organisation of
Israeli PM has ‘lost the plot’, says NZ’s Christopher Luxon By Tuwhenuaroa Natanahira, RNZ Māori news journalist in Parliament New Zealand’s Prime Minister says the war in Gaza is “utterly appalling” and Israeil Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has “lost the plot”. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s comments came on a tense day in Parliament today, where the Green Party’s co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick was “named” for refusing
This year marks 80 years since Japan’s catastrophic defeat in the Asia-Pacific War. In 1945, the country lay in ruins. Millions had died in battle or in the devastating Allied bombings of Tokyo, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and other cities. Across Asia and the Pacific, Japan’s bid to create a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere left millions violated, impoverished, or dead.
Backed into a corner, in August 1945 Emperor Hirohito defied his generals and accepted unconditional surrender under the Potsdam Declaration.
In his unprecedented radio broadcast on August 15, he urged the Japanese to bear the unbearable and endure the unendurable. With defeat, Japan’s empire dissolved, its “divine” emperor became mortal, and a nation that had pursued autonomy through conquest now faced a humbling occupation led by its former archenemy, Amerika.
Standing in the burnt-out fields of 1945, survivors could scarcely have imagined the Japan of today. The country has changed dramatically. In my research, I identify ten key factors that define this “postwar” era — a term that in Japan still refers to the entire period since surrender. The “post” of the postwar speaks to the drive to transcend the past, while the “war” to the enduring shadow of that past in memory, politics, and diplomacy.
1: Post-empire Japan. While Japan’s empire vanished in 1945, former colonies and violated regions could not and would not forget the past. Postwar leaders and their American backers promoted an image of a peaceful and ethnically homogeneous island nation, but wartime memories have repeatedly strained relations with South Korea, China, and others. In this sense, Japan has been as much “post-empire” as it has been “postwar” since 1945.
2: Ambiguous demilitarisation. After defeat, Japan’s wartime military –responsible for a trail of misery and havoc across Asia and the Pacific – was dismantled. The American-authored constitution renounced war and the maintenance of a military.
But with the Cold War, Washington backtracked, pushing Japan to create its Self-Defense Forces in the mid-1950s. Today Japan has a sophisticated military and it exports military equipment, but constitutional constraints constantly force leaders to make incremental reinterpretations over the legal status of the Self-Defense Forces and the scope of its activities. Some have claimed this constraint inhibits postwar Japan from being a normal country.
3: Bastion of democracy in the far east. Although democracy had prewar roots, it was consistently subject to oppression. The postwar constitution finally institutionalised freedoms of speech, assembly, and political participation, while codifying rights for women and others. The Japanese embraced these rights, flocking to polling booths, and organising political parties, unions, and countless civic movements. Long-term conservative rule repeatedly undercut democracy, but it became part of everyday life and survives to the present.
4: America’s embrace. The United States-led occupation ended in 1952, but Japan’s economy, security, and culture remain bound to America. Feelings towards the former archenemy are complex.
The American dream in brands such as Levis, Coca Cola, McDonalds, and Disney, have symbolised a bright and affluent future. But the continued US military presence and memories of the atomic bombings are constant reminders of Japan’s subservience. Nonetheless, the Japanese have never seriously considered breaking from their powerful trans-Pacific patron.
5: One party to rule them all? Politically, postwar Japan is an unusual democracy, with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) ruling almost continuously since forming in 1955. The LDP offered political stability, but this was accompanied by recurrent scandal and corruption.
Opposition parties essentially gave up on winning government, remaining fractured and powerless. In fact, the larger story of postwar Japanese politics is one of increasing public disillusionment. Many Japanese see politicians as increasingly out of touch and, as was apparent in its most recent elections, search for radical alternatives.
6: Economic rollercoaster. Following defeat, the Japanese built an economy that stunned the world. By the 1970s, Japan was the second largest capitalist economy, powered by exports of cars, electronics, and steel. Rising incomes fuelled mass consumption and international travel, and observers spoke of “Japan as Number One.”
But the economic meltdown in the 1990s triggered an era of stagnation. The economy struggled to keep up with new competitors and technologies. The myth of shared prosperity gave way to widening generational and gender disparity. Ironically, there is a risk Japanese today may end up less well off than their parents.
7: Homogenisation and its discontents. Economic growth drew millions into a culture of mass consumption and standardised life, giving rise to a popular vision of Japan as a totally middle-class society. But this rose-colored vision was as much myth as reality. Homogenisation tended to mask differences while encouraging discrimination based on gender, age, ethnicity, and location. Since the 1990s, the myth of a middle-class nation has collapsed, with no compelling replacement on the horizon.
8: The demographic tsunami. The silent, yet perhaps most profound, factor of postwar Japan is demographic change. The era witnessed three great shifts here.
First, rural-to-urban migration in the late 1950s transformed Japan from an agrarian nation into one of the world’s most urbanised. Second, the fertility rate fell steadily, apart from brief baby booms in the late 1940s and early 1970s. Third, longevity rose to among the world’s highest.
Today, an ageing, shrinking population strains public finances and welfare, while youth face economic insecurity. Indeed, Japan may be the “canary in the coal mine” for other ageing societies.
9: Japan’s return to the world. Unable to project military power, after 1945 Japan used its economic, cultural, and diplomatic influence internationally. Even at the height of the Cold War, it maintained trade with China. Economic strength also helped Japan to restore ties in Asia and secure a respected place in global institutions.
But Japan’s return to the postwar world has been complicated. Leaders must juggle nationalist rumblings, American demands, and the responsibilities of global citizenship. As economic fortunes change and regional geopolitics transform, Japan must rethink its international posture.
10: Environmental laboratory. Economic growth brought prosperity, but also caused severe environmental damage. In the 1960s and 1970s, Japan experienced shocking cases of industrial pollution from methylmercury and other neurotoxins.
Earthquakes and tsunamis killed tens of thousands and, at Fukushima, bequeathed a nuclear catastrophe of generational proportions. Every year, climate change intensifies typhoons, floods, and heatwaves, but energy-vulnerable Japan still struggles to chart a low-emissions pathway to the future.
A universal story
For a country that has long been touted as exceptional, I am struck by the global resonances in this history, like grappling with the past, managing economic highs and lows, navigating demographic change, and confronting environmental crisis.
Japan’s postwar era certainly offers a portrait of one nation’s revival, but it may also represent a microcosm for tackling our own challenges.
Simon Avenell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Antje Fiedler, Senior Lecturer, Management and International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau
A recent survey by Australia’s CommBank shows nearly eight in ten Australian SMEs have grappled with cash flow issues over the past year.
Kiwibank’s 2025 State of Savings Index found 52% of businesses reported stronger finances and 43% have seen higher customer spending. But these gains are mostly limited to larger firms. For many small businesses, especially sole operators, staying afloat remains the main concern.
A thriving SME sector is not only important for economic bottom lines, but also for the wellbeing of communities, innovation and competition.
Strengthening the networks that support small businesses through policy and partnerships is essential, and the government, universities, large businesses and consumers each have a role to play.
Uneven playing field
The business playing field is far from level and appears to be tilting further. Large firms seem to be strengthening their own financial position at the expense of SMEs. In Australia, for example, many now delay payments by up to 90 days, worsening cash flow problems for smaller suppliers.
The proposed “payday super” rules in Australia, for example, will require superannuation to be paid alongside wages within just seven days of payday. Set to take effect in July 2026, this shift from quarterly payments could intensify cash flow stress.
Modelling by MYOB suggests over one in five SMEs could face insolvency under the new rules, as cash flow shortages, penalties and administrative costs escalate.
Australian and New Zealand governments could better support small firms by providing tailored advice and helping them connect with the wider business ecosystem. This is particularly important for vulnerable entrepreneurs, such as immigrant business owners, who often lack networks that support access to markets, finance and information.
The United Kingdom, for example, has launched its most comprehensive small business support package in a generation. It includes faster payments, improved access to finance, reduced red tape and a new Business Growth Service – essentially a single digital “front door” for businesses to access a range of government support, advice and resources.
Policymakers in Singapore have also responded quickly to challenges facing small businesses. Amid the recent United States tariff uncertainties, the Singaporean government announced a new Business Adaptation Grant, capped at S$100,000 per firm, prioritising SMEs over larger firms.
Networking with universities
Proactive public policy is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes to supporting SMEs in Australia and New Zealand. Universities and other higher education institutions also have a role to play – and greater collaboration can be mutually beneficial.
Working with SMEs means academic research can make a difference beyond universities while helping small firms innovate and grow.
In the UK, for example, a partnership between the University of Sheffield and a power tool company led to the development of new product lines. It also helped the university test academic theories against real-world industry problems.
Large universities in major cities such as Auckland and Brisbane do have systems in place to support the growth of entrepreneurs and their small business, helping them raise capital and providing access to new research.
But outdated perceptions of academics as being isolated in ivory towers still persist and may limit the full potential of university and industry collaboration.
Universities can also help small firms upskill. Many SMEs still lag in adopting artificial intelligence (AI), potentially limiting their productivity.
Adopting AI can also help small firms to better compete against large businesses. In the UK, the University of Bath now offers free short courses to help workers use AI, creating new opportunities for entrepreneurs and SMEs to build capability and close the adoption gap.
Big and small working together
Creating more opportunities for partnerships between startups and large firms could also improve the small business ecosystem. There is significant value in combining the strategic advantages of larger firms, such as brand recognition and access to finance, with the agility and cutting-edge innovation of startups.
In the US, Walmart’s 2025 “Grow with US” program supports SMEs with free training, mentorship, product exposure and financial tools to help them scale through its stores and online marketplace.
Customers can also help small businesses. In the UK, new government procurement rules make it easier for small firms to win public contracts. When consumers choose to buy local, even if it costs a bit more, it makes a real difference.
Australia and New Zealand would benefit, both economically and socially, from adopting more coordinated efforts to build a resilient ecosystem for small firms. Focused policy, stronger partnerships and lessons from global best practice can shift SMEs from fragility to strength.
Antje Fiedler is a Director of The Small Enterprise Association of Australia and New Zealand (SEAANZ).
Stephen Kelly is a director with both the Small Enterprise Association of Australia and New Zealand and Ripyl, a private company focused on secondary school business education.
Tanya Jurado is the President of the Small Enterprise Association of Australia and New Zealand. She has also received funding from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment Endeavour fund.
Tui McKeown is affiliated with the Small Enterprise Association of Australia & New Zealand (SEAANZ)
The New York-based media freedom organisation, the Committee to Protect Journalists, is scrupulous with its words. So, when the organisation described the killing of six Palestinian journalists in an Israeli air strike as “murder”, the word was a carefully considered choice.
The CPJ defines “murder” as the “deliberate killing of journalists for their work”.
Why were the journalists targeted?
Israeli authorities said they were targeting one man – a 28-year-old Al Jazeera reporter named Anas al-Sharif – who they said was the leader of a Hamas “cell”. They also accused him of “advancing rocket attacks against Israeli civilians and (Israeli) troops.”
Israel made no claims about the other five; three of them were al-Sharif’s Al Jazeera colleagues and the other two were freelance journalists.
Prior to the strike, we obtained current intelligence indicating that Sharif was an active Hamas military wing operative at the time of his elimination.
The evidence the Israeli authorities claimed to have was circumstantial at best: “personnel rosters, lists of terrorist training courses, phone directories and salary documents.”
Israeli military spokesperson Avichay Adraee also posted undated photos on X that appeared to show al-Sharif in an embrace with Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas mastermind of the October 2023 attack on Israel.
Israel says it has further classified evidence that includes more damning detail.
Without seeing it all, it is impossible to verify the claims but the photograph itself is hardly proof.
Front-line journalists (myself included) will have selfies with those they have interviewed, including some very unpleasant characters.
Many will have phone numbers of extremists – they will appear in call logs and records of meetings.
None of it is evidence of anything other than a well-connected reporter doing their job.
Of course, Israel may well be right. Despite the vigorous denials from Al Jazeera, it is still possible al-Sharif was working for Hamas. And if he was, the Israeli authorities should have no problem allowing independent investigators complete access to verify the claims and settle the matter.
The horrors of covering war
But the strike also fits a disturbing pattern. With 190 media workers now killed since the October 7 attacks, this is the deadliest conflict for journalists since the CPJ began keeping records.
While some of the victims were inevitably caught in the violence along with so many other civilians, many of them died in rocket strikes aimed squarely at their homes, their clearly marked vehicles, or while they were wearing body armour labelled “PRESS”.
In all, the CPJ has identified 24 journalists who appeared to have been targeted – murdered, in the group’s words – specifically because of their work.
The number may well be far higher but those figures alone raise disturbing questions about Israel’s tolerance for critical media reporting. They also demand answers from independent investigators.
We receive horrific reports from Gaza daily, but Israel repeatedly dismisses them as Hamas propaganda.
“A terrorist is a terrorist, even if Al Jazeera gives him a press badge”, the Israeli foreign ministry posted on social media.
If Israel believes the journalism from Palestinian reporters is nothing more than Hamas propaganda, the solution is straightforward: let foreign correspondents in.
Despite the risks, journalists want access
It is worth recalling the reason we cherish media freedom is not because we want to privilege a particular class of individual. It is because we recognise the vital importance accurate, independent reporting plays in informing public debate.
Without it, we are blind and deaf.
International news organisations have repeatedly called for access to Gaza. Now, a group of more than 1,000 international journalists have signed a petition demanding to be let in (I am one of the signatories).
Israel has so far refused. The government says it cannot guarantee their security in such an active battlefield. But that cannot be justification alone.
All those who have signed the petition know well the risks of reporting from hostile environments. Many have crossed active war front lines themselves. Most have friends who have died in other conflicts. Some have been wounded, arrested or kidnapped themselves.
None are naive to the dangers and all are committed to the principles behind media freedom.
Calling for foreign journalists to be let into Gaza is not to deny the extraordinary sacrifice of Anas al-Sharif or any of the other Palestinians who have been killed while doing their jobs.
Rather, it is to assert the importance of the fundamental right of all – the right to information. That applies as much in Gaza as it does in Ukraine, or Russia, or Sudan, or any other crisis where the public needs accurate, reliable information to support good policy.
Peter Greste is a professor of journalism at Macquarie University, and the Executive Director for the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom. He also worked as a BBC correspondent in Gaza in 2007, and as an Africa correspondent for Al Jazeera from 2011 to 2015.
But for many parents juggling paid work and kids, research shows those gains are being undermined by a missing piece of the puzzle: fixing our outdated Family Tax Benefit payments.
Who are the biggest losers from leaving those rules unchanged for the past 25 years? Families with two working parents – especially mums trying to go back to paid work.
Ahead of next week’s national economic reform roundtable, the prime minister says he welcomes new ideas to boost productivity – and hopes “there’s some low hanging fruit out there” to act on soon, or to feed into next year’s budget.
A key place to start would be simplifying and updating family payments to better suit working families, support shared parental care and encourage paid work.
Payments affecting millions of Australians
Introduced by the Howard government in 2000, Family Tax Benefit part A and part B are the largest single government program of family assistance spending. Together, the payments are expected to cost close to A$20 billion this financial year.
Around 2.43 million children were being supported by one or both of those payments.
But those payments are long overdue for an overhaul.
How two parents in paid work miss out now
The current rules particularly disadvantage families with two parents in paid work.
For instance, a two-earner couple, each earning $50,000 with a 5-year-old child, receives $1,896 in Family Tax Benefit part A – but no part B payment.
In contrast, a single-earner couple with the same income ($100,000 in total) receives $1,896 part A payment, $3,509 part B payment and up to $460 in part A and B supplements.
That’s $5,865 – almost $4,000 more. Yet both families bear the same costs of raising children.
Means testing and tightening over the past 25 years has led to less than half Australia’s families receiving any family payment support.
The system leads to high marginal effective tax rates on secondary earners, discouraging employment. When some parents return to paid work, most commonly a mother after having a child, they can start losing family payments from the first dollar they earn.
In two-parent families, under our proposal half the payment would be allocated to each parent. It would be tapered based on each parent’s individual income, so that only income by the parent over the income-free threshold would lead to reduced family payments.
Under our simplified proposal, each parent would have their own income-free threshold. Payments would taper once individual earnings exceed that threshold.
Single parents, with their dual role of primary carer and earner, would receive the full payment, with the same income-free threshold as parents in a couple.
This reform would support parents sharing care responsibilities, as well as giving people greater choice to participate more in paid work.
While our proposal has the potential to cost more than the current system – given it would increase payments to two parents in paid work – we could offset additional spending through higher taxes on high-income or high-wealth individuals.
Alternatively, it could be made budget neutral (not costing the federal government more) or positive (saving taxpayers’ money), depending on the payment rates and thresholds chosen.
Reducing taper rates on family payments by testing on individual income delivers higher net income for working families, which encourages greater workforce participation among second earners.
What’s the evidence this could help families?
There are more than 2 million Australian families of two parents with children. Of those, 1.1 million have one parent not doing paid work, or working part time – almost always the mother.
Gender gaps in earnings, employment and hours worked are driven almost entirely by mothers doing less paid work because of persistent gendered divisions in paid and unpaid work.
The current family tax benefits system is outdated and unfair for families navigating work and care responsibilities.
Simplifying family payments would encourage paid work, while aligning with past parental leave pay and childcare policy changes. This will make life easier for Australia’s working families and contribute to productivity to benefit us all.
Ana Gamarra Rondinel receives funding from the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course.
Guyonne Kalb receives funding from the Australian Research Council, National Health and Medical Research Council, Victorian Department of Education, NSW Department of Communities and Justice, Paul Ramsay Foundation and Perpetual.
Miranda Stewart receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She was also the lead author of the 2023 Growing Pains research report cited in this article, which was done with the Brotherhood of St Lawrence and the University of Melbourne.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Guastella, Professor and Clinical Psychologist, Michael Crouch Chair in Child and Youth Mental Health, University of Sydney
Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a neurodevelopmental condition that affects around 7% of children and 2.5% of adults.
ADHD causes difficulties holding and sustaining attention over periods of time. People with ADHD also experience hyperactivity and high levels of impulsiveness and arousal. This can make it difficult to plan, coordinate and remain engaged in tasks.
ADHD is linked to problems at work, school and home, and to higher rates of mental illnesses such as anxiety. It’s also associated with higher rates of long-term harms.
But, rising rates of prescriptions in recent years has prompted concern for their effectiveness and safety.
New research published today in the journal BMJ points to additional longer-term benefits. It found people with ADHD who took medication were less likely to have suicidal behaviours, transport accidents, issues with substance misuse, or be convicted of a crime.
What did the study do?
The study tracked 148,581 people who received a new diagnosis of ADHD between 2007 and 2018.
The authors used population-based data from Swedish national registers, including everyone aged six to 64 who was newly diagnosed with ADHD. The average age was 17.4 years and 41% were female.
Participants either started or did not start medication within three months of their ADHD diagnosis.
The authors examined the effects of drug treatment for ADHD on five critical outcomes: suicidal behaviours, substance misuse, accidental injuries, transport accidents and committing crime. They looked at both first-time and recurrent events.
This study used a method that uses data from health records or registries to mimic the design of a randomised controlled trial, in an attempt to reduce bias.
The researchers accounted for age, education, other mental and physical illnesses, prior history and use of other drugs, to account for factors that may influence results.
What did they find?
Within three months of receiving an ADHD diagnosis, 84,282 (56.7%) of people had started drug treatment for ADHD. Methylphenidate was the most commonly prescribed drug, accounting for 88.4% of prescriptions.
Drug treatment for ADHD was associated with reduced rates of a first occurrence for four out of the five outcomes: a 17% reduction for suicidal behaviours, 15% for substance misuse, 12% for transport accidents and 13% for committing crime.
When the researchers looked at people with recurrent events, the rate reductions associated with ADHD medication were seen for all five outcomes (including accidental injury).
The effect of medication was particularly strong when someone had a history of these events happening frequently. This means those with the most severe symptoms may benefit most.
Stimulant drugs were associated with lower rates of all five outcomes compared with non-stimulant drugs.
It’s likely these benefits are associated with improvements in attention, impulsivity and hyperactivity. People may be less likely to be distracted while driving, to self-medicate and show impacts from other mental health challenges.
What didn’t the study do?
The large sample size, use of national linked registers and sophisticated design give greater confidence that these findings are due to medication use and not due to other factors.
But the study was not able to examine medication dosages or track whether people reliably took their medication as prescribed. It also had no way to track the severity of ADHD symptoms. This means it can’t tell us if this helped most people or just some people with severe symptoms.
We know that ADHD medication helps most people, but it is not effective for everyone. So, we still need to understand why some people don’t benefit from ADHD medication, and what other treatments might also be helpful.
Finally, even though the study was rigorous in its design and adjusted for many factors, we can’t rule out that other unaccounted factors could be associated with these effects.
As prescribing increases, the size of the benefit decreases
A second study, published in June, used the same Swedish national registers and self-controlled case series design.
This study also concluded ADHD medication was associated with reduced risks for self-harm, accidental injuries, transport accidents and committing crime.
However, this study also showed that as prescribing rates increased nearly five-fold between years 2006 to 2020, the size of the observed benefits of ADHD medications reduced.
While remaining significant, the size of the associations between ADHD medication use and lower risks of unintentional injury, traffic crashes, and crime weakened over this time.
This could mean people who are less likely to need ADHD medications are now receiving them.
What are the impacts for patients and policymakers?
People need to know that if ADHD medications are helpful for them or their children, it might also improve many other areas of life.
These findings can also give governments confidence that their recent initiatives and efforts to increase access to ADHD support and treatment may have positive downstream impacts on broader social outcomes.
But medications aren’t the only ADHD treatment. Medication should only represent one part of a solution, with other psychological supports for managing emotional regulation, executive and organisational skills and problem-solving also beneficial.
Psychological therapies are effective and can be used in combination with, or separately to, medication.
Yet research shows drug treatments are relied on more frequently in more disadvantaged communities where it’s harder to access psychological supports.
Policymakers need to ensure medication does not become the only treatment people have access to. People with suspected ADHD need a high-quality diagnostic assessment to ensure they get the right diagnosis and the treatment most suitable for them.
Adam Guastella receives independent research funding from research organisations (e.g., MRFF, NHMRC, ARC) to investigate the effecicy of supports for children and adults with neurodevelopmental conditions. He is employed as the Michael Crouch Chair in Child and Youth Mental Health at the University of Sydney.
Kelsie Boulton receives funding from research organisations (MRFF) to evaluate the efficacy of interventions for neurodevelopmental conditions.
Researcher John Hobbs . . . “So far, our ministers have chosen carefully crafted diplomatic language buried under joint country statements to influence the situation in Gaza.” Image: John Hobbs
So far, our ministers have chosen carefully crafted diplomatic language buried under joint country statements to influence the situation in Gaza, while at the same time protecting relationships with allies, particularly the US.
An example of these was a statement issued last month, in which New Zealand joined a group of 28 “concerned” countries to express horror at the “suffering of civilians in Gaza”, which, it says, “has reached new depths”. The statement calls for the lifting of restrictions on the “flow of aid” and demands “an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire.”
Just to be clear, the “flow of aid” is the life-saving food and water that’s needed to prevent the mass starvation of Palestinians as famine driven by Israel deepens.
Demands for a ceasefire have been made on numerous occasions in the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council, to no effect.
Failure to sanction Israel Yet countries like New Zealand fail to sanction Israel for its non-compliance. Indeed, they do worse. These same countries continue to trade with Israel, and a number of them continue to provide weapons and arms.
According to trade data, New Zealand in 2023 imported goods and services of US$191 million from Israel and exported US$16.4 million the other way.
Most recently, New Zealand joined 14 other countries to “express the willingness or the positive consideration of our countries to recognise the State of Palestine, as an essential step towards the two-State solution.”
The statement is heavily caveated by saying that “positive consideration” is one option — so it’s not clear if all, or indeed any, of the countries will end up recognising Palestinian statehood.
By contrast, UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer has issued a separate statement, saying the UK would recognise the state of Palestine in September if Israel doesn’t agree to a ceasefire.
Starmer’s concern for the starvation of civilians in Gaza hasn’t stopped the UK from sending military arms to Israel. But this is at least a clearer stance than New Zealand has been able to muster.
More than 147 UN member states out of 193 formally recognise Palestinian statehood now.
Level of solidarity And while recognition of statehood is largely symbolic, it does signal a level of solidarity with the Palestinian people. Inexplicably, New Zealand has been unwilling to take that step, while calling it a future option under “two-state” diplomacy.
New Zealand has trundled out its support of the two-state solution since at least 1993, reinforced by its co-sponsorship, in 2015-16, of a UN Security Council resolution condemning Israeli settlement expansion.
That resolution declared settlements in occupied territories illegal under international law and urged member states to distinguish in its dealings between Israel and the territories occupied since 1967.
Since then, Israel has continued to transfer its citizens to the West Bank and Gaza. More than 750,000 Israeli settlers are now living illegally in the West Bank and East Jerusalem — areas where a future Palestinian state would be located.
Meanwhile, New Zealand has failed to take any meaningful action — sanctions or suspension of trade, for example — to implement the requirements of the Security Council resolution. That the government consistently frames its response as supporting a two-state solution beggars belief in light of such inaction.
New Zealand’s refusal to sanction Israel is nothing but shameful.
When foreign affairs minister Winston Peters expressed shock about the “intolerable situation” in Gaza, RNZ asked him whether New Zealand would entertain placing sanctions on Israel. He responded by saying that we are a “long, long way off doing that.”
The genocide in Gaza is happening with the support of countries like New Zealand, through inaction and failure to implement sanctions.
And statements about recognising statehood provide the appearance of supporting an end to the genocide, but change nothing in reality.
John Hobbs has been a career public servant, working in a number of government departments (most recently the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet). He also worked for a number of ministers on secondment from government agencies. He is currently undertaking a PhD at the National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, Te Tumu School of Māori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, Otago University. This article was first published by E-Tangata and is republished by Asia Pacific Report with the author’s permission.
An artist’s depiction of the Rēkohu shelduck.Sasha Votyakova/Te Papa , CC BY-ND
Islands are natural laboratories where evolution can run rampant as plants and animals adapt to new environmental conditions and vacancies in the ecosystem.
This creates all manner of unique animals, although sadly extinction rates are high on islands and many species are now gone. Examples include a blind, flightless duck with a sensory bill (like a platypus) on Hawaii, and pygmy mammoths on islands off the coast of southern California.
The Rēkohu Chatham Islands, an archipelago 785 kilometres east of mainland Aotearoa New Zealand, are no exception.
The islands were once home to a rich assemblage of unique birds, with 64 breeding species at the time of human arrival. Some 34 species and subspecies were found nowhere else on Earth.
Our new research adds a unique species of shelduck to this group and illustrates just how quickly birds can adapt to life on isolated islands.
The Rēkohu Chatham Islands rose above the waves, taking their present form, around 3.5 million years ago. The archipelago is an ideal place to observe how ecosystems form and new species evolve.
The windswept Rēkohu Chatham Islands are home to many bird species that are found nowhere else. Alan Tennyson/Te Papa, CC BY-NC-ND
Many of the birds on Rēkohu are closely related to species found on the mainland, but were changed by their new island home. Some are subtly different, such as the extinct Chatham Island kākā, which had a longer bill, larger thigh bones and wider pelvis than its mainland cousin. This suggests it could still fly but spent more time on the ground.
Other birds underwent major changes, such as the extinct Chatham Island duck, which was large, flightless and had bony spurs on its wings which were probably used in fights over territory.
Evolution of the Rēkohu shelduck
Shelducks are a group of semi ground-dwelling ducks found in Eurasia, Africa, Australia and the New Zealand region. In Aotearoa, they are represented by the familiar pūtangitangi paradise shelduck.
During the 1990s, Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa palaeontologist Phil Millener found isolated bones and associated skeletons of an extinct shelduck in the rich fossil deposits around the Chatham Islands archipelago. He noted the bones may belong to a new species and they were archived at the museum until scientific advances allowed us to test this idea.
Bones of the extinct Rēkohu shelduck compared to the pūtangitangi paradise shelduck. In each pair the left and right bones are the Rēkohu and paradise shelducks, respectively. Jean-Claude Stahl/Te Papa, CC BY-NC-ND
We reconstructed the family tree to uncover the identity of the Rēkohu bird, using ancient DNA from its bones. As Millener hypothesised, the Rēkohu shelduck was most closely related to the mainland paradise shelduck. Its ancestors arrived on the islands a mere 390,000 years ago.
On evolutionary scales, 390,000 years is not a long time, but it was long enough for the Rēkohu shelduck to go down its own evolutionary path. Like the paradise shelduck, males were bigger than females, but the Rēkohu shelduck was taller and more robust. These changes meant Rēkohu shelducks were poorer fliers than their mainland cousins.
Flight is energetically expensive. It is often lost when the cost outweighs its advantages. This is part of the “island syndrome”, a suite of changes in bone shape and behaviour observed in island species. On Rēkohu, an abundance of food, strong winds and a paucity of large predators meant flying wasn’t as beneficial as on the mainland, where predators such as kērangi Eyle’s harrier, Haast’s eagle, whēkau laughing owl and adzebill abounded.
Over time, a preference to spend more time on the ground resulted in the wing bones of the Rēkohu shelduck becoming shorter, more robust and less able to support flight. At the same time, its leg bones became longer and more robust. The Rēkohu shelduck was on a trajectory to flightlessness when it became extinct shortly after humans arrived.
A rich Rēkohu waterfowl community
Sand dunes are a rich source of subfossil bird bones that can be used to reconstruct the past biodiversity of Rēkohu. Alan Tennyson/Te Papa, CC BY-NC-SA
The rich fossil deposits on Rēkohu continue to reveal much about the history of the islands. There are likely more undescribed species awaiting discovery.
Our lab continues to investigate the fauna of the islands, with ongoing work to determine if an extinct falcon represents another unique Rēkohu bird.
Working with Indigenous communities is paramount if we are committed to the process of decolonising palaeontology. The shelduck’s scientific (Tadorna rekohu) and common (Rēkohu shelduck) names were gifted to us by the Hokotehi Moriori Trust, the tchieki (guardians) of Rēkohu biodiversity, with which they are interconnected through shared hokopapa (genealogy).
The discovery and naming of the Rēkohu shelduck helps connect the Moriori imi (tribe) with miheke (treasure) of the past, allowing people to reclaim some of the pages of their biological heritage that have been lost.
The Rēkohu shelduck is part of a rich native and endemic waterfowl assemblage (nine different species) that was present when people arrived. These birds are survived only by the parera grey duck. We are only just beginning to understand how the ecological community of the islands once functioned.
The Rēkohu shelduck was on a unique evolutionary trajectory when it went extinct after humans colonised the islands but prior to the arrival of Europeans and Māori. This is a fate shared by many of Rēkohu’s birds.
The discovery of the Rēkohu shelduck is a demonstration of the speed at which island species can be changed by their environment. It highlights both the distinctiveness of Rēkohu animals and their close relationship with mainland Aotearoa New Zealand.
Nic Rawlence receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.
Levi Lanauze works for Hokotehi Moriori Trust.
Pascale Lubbe receives funding from Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.
Alan Tennyson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Recently, you may have noticed an increase in the number of shops selling tobacco in your area. Alongside cigarettes, these shops often sell vapes.
In July 2024, the federal government banned the sale of recreational vapes nationwide. The only way to get one legally is from a pharmacist. Some states also require a doctor’s prescription.
So why, then, more than a year on, are these stores still selling vapes, in broad daylight?
In short: it’s because restrictions on the supply of legal nicotine have created a black market so big that it’s grown beyond the capacity of regulators to effectively suppress.
Billions going underground
To better understand the demand for vapes, it’s useful to draw on a close historical parallel: alcohol prohibition in the United States.
In the 1920s, Prohibition did not stop the sale of alcohol, but instead created a thriving black market. Illicit alcohol was easy to obtain, and organised crime groups engaged in violent conflict over territory and market share.
A century later, evidence is mounting that Australia’s nicotine policy – now the most restrictive in the world – has similarly driven the expansion of a black market.
Just as Al Capone and his cronies were the main beneficiaries of Prohibition, billions of dollars are currently flowing into the pockets of organised crime groups who use that money to fund other serious criminal activity.
Just this week, the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) seized more than A$40,000 of illegal vapes from a single retail outlet in the Melbourne CBD. It’s a drop in the ocean of a market estimated to be worth up to half a billion dollars in Victoria alone.
Illicit vapes are a major contributor to the “tobacco wars”: a violent, ongoing conflict between rival organised crime groups for control of Australia’s illicit nicotine market.
The huge profits to be made inevitably creates competition, which fuels violence, with more than 230 firebombings linked to the illicit tobacco trade, and a growing number of kidnappings, robberies and assaults since January 2023.
This conflict doesn’t just affect gangsters. There are significant impacts on legitimate businesses through extortion, loss of sales, property damage and rising insurance premiums.
Demand for nicotine is also persistent, with per capita consumption slowly trending upwards nationally since 2016.
Another part of the problem has been the failure of the government’s model for supplying “medicinal” vapes. (Intriguingly, alcohol was also available via prescription during Prohibition).
It failed because consumer demand for medicinal vapes is very low. More than 95% of people who vape source their products from the black market. This is likely due, in part, to bans on popular flavours, which adults prefer to the tobacco and menthol options available legally.
The enforcement problem
In response to the growth of the nicotine black market, state and federal governments have legislated increased penalties, which include up to seven years imprisonment and fines of more than $21 million.
Counter-intuitively, these laws actually help organised crime by creating economic opportunities that would otherwise be fulfilled by legal businesses.
Legislating penalties is easy. Actual enforcement is hard. Enforcement is also more important, with research showing certainty of punishment is more effective than severity in deterring crime.
The enormous scale of the vaping market makes it a nightmare for law enforcement and other regulatory agencies. Again, the lesson of Prohibition is that once a black market is widely established, it is extremely difficult to eradicate, even when exponentially increasing tax dollars are diverted to bolster enforcement.
It is possible that a wide-scale, sustained law enforcement-led crackdown on illicit nicotine products could have an impact.
This type of operation, however, would require significantly greater resources than the $340 million the federal government has allocated to combating illicit nicotine supply.
It would also divert police resources away from other, arguably more pressing crime problems.
The unintended consequences of such a move would be to push the black market for vapes further underground, as we have seen with illicit drugs. Research shows that raising the risks associated with operating in a black market can also increase potential profits for organised crime groups and make it more violent.
History has shown us time and again that efforts to prohibit popular drugs, often driven by best intentions to protect moral or physical safety, often create more harms.
Keeping everyone safer
Prohibition was eventually abandoned as a policy failure. This wasn’t because it didn’t reduce alcohol consumption – it did – but because it created a range of other more damaging social, health and economic harms.
Policy-makers have not heeded these historical cautionary tales from Prohibition or the more recent example of the war on drugs.
There are better alternatives. Regulated consumer markets for vapes exist in many Western countries. Government health departments in New Zealand and the United Kingdom, for example, actively promote vapes as a less harmful alternative to cigarettes.
Well-functioning legal markets divert people away from illicit ones, providing both safer products and fewer opportunities for organised crime.
The current landscape demands more creative, innovative solutions from our governments. We should expect more than a simple reboot of failed policies from the past.
The challenge is that politicians must first admit that current policy settings are not working. Then, they can seek broad-based expert input, plus the thoughts of nicotine consumers who are most affected by these policies, to create more viable, effective alternatives.
James Martin receives funding from the Department of Home Affairs for research into the national illicit nicotine market. He also has serves in an honorary, unpaid role as Tobacco Harm Reduction Advisor to Harm Reduction Australia.
David Bright has received funding from the Department of Home Affairs, the Australian Research Council, the Australian Institute of Criminology, and the National Intelligence and Security Discovery Research Grants program.
Seven months after Donald Trump was inaugurated for a second term as US president, we are facing the most important moment in Australia’s foreign policy since the Iraq war. Australia needs to have a national conversation on the future of its alliance with the United States.
The alliance was on the line with Trump’s tariff decisions on August 1. The consensus was Australia dodged a bullet, and life goes on.
But this was no flesh wound. By dictating and unilaterally imposing the terms of trade between the US and Australia – affirming the “reciprocal tariffs” of 10% imposed on Australia, plus the tariffs of 50% on both steel and aluminium – Trump has trashed the historic US–Australia Free Trade Agreement.
Trump has not provided a good answer to the question of what he is doing to one of the US’s strongest and most consistent allies. And there is more to come. The president will also place a tariff on US imports of Australian pharmaceuticals.
There is also far more to come on the future of the US–Australia alliance.
Media have been full of opinions on what the relationship between the two countries ought to look like. These interventions have assayed the crucial importance of Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese meeting personally with Trump; whether Washington was rattled by Albanese’s visit to China, whether Australia should “fortify northern Australia into an allied military stronghold for the region”; and whether the relationship is being mismanaged.
The best model for this conversation would be the economic roundtable Treasurer Jim Chalmers will host in Canberra this month. Its purpose, Albanese said, is to “build the broadest possible base of support for further economic reform”.
Why not apply the same process to the future of our foreign policy and alliance with the US?
A similar roundtable, convened by the foreign minister, and bringing together the smartest and most experienced people from across the political and foreign policy spectrum to discuss all these issues, would provide the best and most sincere guidance for the country.
A new reality
There are three bedrock truths that are unimpeachably clear since Trump reassumed power in the US.
First, Australia has not changed; the US has changed. Albanese and his government has not changed its posture towards the US. Trump has profoundly changed America’s posture towards Australia.
Second, the US is no longer the leader of the free world, because the free world is no longer following America. The democracies with which the US has been allied since the end of the second world war are no longer acting in concert with the US, but in reaction to what Trump is doing across the global landscape – from the Americas, to the Atlantic, Russia, the Middle East, China, the Indo-Pacific and Australia.
Third, Trump has destroyed the economic and trading architecture erected after the second world war to promote growth and prosperity. Nations engaging economically with the US are no longer trading partners but trading victims. The “deals” Trump boasts about are involuntary. Trump’s imposition of tariffs even on countries with a trade deficit with the US shows that his trade policy is at heart the unilateral exercise of US political power to force concessions to US domination.
What is under profound challenge today – 84 years after Prime Minister John Curtin turned to the US and 73 years after the ANZUS treaty came into effect – is whether the US under Trump is still aligned with the vision the two countries have shared for decades.
Australians have serious doubts about the relationship. The latest polling by Resolve Political Monitor documented “a strong desire for the country to assert more independence from the United States amid Donald Trump’s turbulent presidency”.
Fewer than 20% of Australian voters believe Trump’s election victory was good for Australia. Nearly half of voters believe it would be “a good thing” for Australia to act more independently of the US. Pew Research reported in July that only 35% of Australians believe the US is a top ally.
Trump is driving away US allies. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said after winning office, “Our old relationship with the United States, a relationship based on steadily increasing integration, is over.”
When the leaders of Japan and South Korea received Trump’s insulting letters of demarche on trade, they each said the correspondence was “deeply regrettable”, with Japan’s prime minister adding, “extremely disrespectful”.
Trump has also precipitated a trade war with India. How effective can the Quad – established by the US, Japan, India and Australia to serve as a counterweight to China – be if three of its four members are victims of Trump’s tariffs?
Australia has also broken with Trump on recognition of Palestine – issues of the highest importance to the president. Moreover, if the terms of whatever Trump is conjuring up with Putin to end the war with Ukraine are unacceptable to Ukraine and Europe, and Trump sides with Putin, a further sharp break by Australia with Trump is likely.
The “soft power” wielded by Australia is also involved here. From the UN’s inception, Australia has supported the architecture required to help secure peace, security, stability and the health and welfare of all peoples. But Trump has now withdrawn the US from UNESCO, the World Health Organization, the World Trade Organization, the Paris climate accords, the UN Human Rights Commission and others. He has terminated the USAID programs that delivered crucial health care and crisis relief. Medical studies project that millions of people will die as a result die in the coming years.
Australia uses that architecture to help change the world for the better. Trump is making that work much harder.
Time to talk
Trump is repealing all US programs that combat global warming – the most important environmental issue of our times and the number-one existential security issue for Asia-Pacific nations. Australia shares their urgency.
Since Trump’s inauguration, AUKUS has consistently been viewed as a bellwether for the relationship. Australia’s need for a modern submarine fleet is an existential issue of the country’s defence capability.
Will Trump, during the Pentagon’s review of AUKUS, change its terms to be more favourable to the US? Is Australia spending enough on defence? Will the pace of submarine construction ensure Australia receives the subs in the 2030s? If not, are there better solutions than AUKUS?
But the most important question is the most known unknown. What does Trump want from China? Trump has never outlined his endgame with President Xi Jinping. Yes, of course, the trade deal of the century. But at what price, particularly with respect to Taiwan? What are the consequences of all the scenarios and what does Australia need to do to be prepared?
Trump is president and will continue to act with power and drama. Albanese will respond on behalf of Australia. That would be business as usual. But without the benefit of a considered national conversation about the future of the Australian–US alliance and what is in Australia’s national interest, the current state of play does not rise to the challenges posed by Trump to Australia.
US baseball legend Yogi Berra once said, “When you come to a fork in the road, take it.” That’s where we are. Let’s talk about it.
Bruce Wolpe is author of two books on Trump and Australia. He has served on the staffs of the Democrats in Congress and former Prime Minister Julia Gillard.
But the commission’s interim report did not mention a greater role for the private health insurance in delivering more preventive health care.
This is despite Private Healthcare Australia and Bupa wanting to provide GP-like services or fund care by specialist doctors out of hospital.
Sometimes what is excluded from a key report is as telling as what’s included.
Here’s why the Productivity Commission made the right call about private health insurers and what would have happened if they had their way.
What do health insurers want?
Currently, legislation prohibits health insurers from delivering certain types of health care outside hospital. This means they are mainly restricted to delivering care based in hospital, or what’s known as hospital-substitute care (such as hospital in the home arrangements).
But Private Healthcare Australia, which represents most Australian health funds, and one of its members Bupa submitted requests to the Productivity Commission for the government to remove these legislative barriers.
If these laws were changed, it would enable private health insurers to significantly expand their funding for out-of-hospital care, including primary care, specialist care, chronic disease management, and community-based services.
They argue that allowing private health insurers to pay for out-of-hospital care – especially preventive health and chronic disease management – would reduce the need for costly hospitalisations, and save long-term health-care costs. It’s about shifting the focus from treating illness to maintaining wellness, a goal few would disagree with.
In fact, private health insurers are already allowed to cover preventive care. Many have apps for members to track their exercise, blood pressure and sleep, for example. They already provide extras care for preventive dental care, optical, acupuncture, physiotherapy, and perhaps in the future some more complementary therapies. Members can buy hospital care, extras care, or a general plan covering both.
But the current proposal is different. Health insurers want to cover more GP-like services and specialist care. In other words, they want to be allowed to cover more of the same benefits that Medicare already covers.
Is this a good idea?
This isn’t a new debate. Private health insurers have long tried to expand their role beyond hospital care.
However, the core concern with allowing private insurers to cover more out-of-hospital care is the very real risk of driving up prices of out-of-hospital care and creating a two-tiered system.
About 45% of Australians hold private health insurance to cover hospital care.
If private insurers start paying for GP and specialist consultations too, it is highly likely doctors’ fees would rise. This is because private funds would likely offer a higher payment schedule above Medicare rebates to attract doctors to their networks. This would cause the overall costs of a consultation to rise.
Those without private health insurance, who rely solely on Medicare, would face a shrinking pool of doctors willing to bulk-bill or charge a modest gap, leading to longer wait times, fewer available appointments, and a greater struggle to access care. This would also lead to higher private health premiums as insurers pass on the cost of the higher doctor fees to members.
We already see this dynamic in our hospital system. Surgeons, for instance, earn significantly more for procedures performed in private hospitals compared to public ones. This leads them to disproportionately allocate their time to the private sector.
This disparity doesn’t just create inequities, it strains the public system even further. To entice expensive surgeons to dedicate more time to public hospitals, public hospitals have to pay some of them well above the standard salaries set in enterprise agreements.
This practice diverts precious public resources (funds that could otherwise be used for essential equipment, beds, or more junior doctors and nurses), reduces the overall quality of care for public patients, and increases waiting times further in the public system.
Why the Productivity Commission made the right call
Allowing private health insurers to expand further would fundamentally undermine the universality of Medicare. We would risk creating a two-tiered primary health-care system, replicating the very disparities and challenges that plague our hospital sector. So the Productivity Commission made the right call to not include insurers in its recommendations.
What is needed to deliver quality care more efficiently is for
the government to significantly boost investment in preventive health care. Once chronic conditions set in, they are difficult to reverse and continuously drive up costs. This is something the Productivity Commission acknowledges in its interim report.
We also need to build truly integrated care. This would deliver seamless, coordinated health services around a person’s needs, rather than around individual providers or separate parts of the system.
Imagine a future where your GP, specialists, allied health professionals, and even social support services are connected, sharing information and working together on your care plan. This crucial approach reduces duplication, improves communication, and ensures people don’t fall through the cracks of a fragmented system.
These are the types of policies that would help make Australia’s health system more efficient, and help ensure Medicare delivers what it was intended to, without unnecessary duplication and the inevitable consequences.
Yuting Zhang has received funding from the Australian Research Council, Department of Veterans’ Affairs, the Victorian Department of Health, National Health and Medical Research Council, and Eastern Melbourne Primary Health Network. In the past, Professor Zhang has received funding from several US institutes including the US National Institutes of Health, Commonwealth fund, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, and Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. She has not received funding from the for-profit industry including the private health insurance industry.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angela Jackson, Social Policy Commissioner, Productivity Commission, and Adjunct Associate Professor, University of Tasmania
Too often in discussions about productivity, the care economy only gets mentioned as the problem child putting a drag on growth. This week, the Productivity Commission is seeking to change that narrative with the release of its fifth and final report
ahead of the government’s economic reform roundtable next week.
The report, of which I am a co-author, is focused on delivering quality care more efficiently. The care economy is broad and includes health care, childcare, aged care, disability and veterans’ services.
Among our report’s recommendations are a new national screening clearance system for workers across childcare, aged care, the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) and veterans’ care. That would make it easier to stop people found to be unsafe from simply moving into another sector.
We also propose setting up a new independent advisory board to assess and provide advice on prevention and early intervention across the different levels of government.
By increasing productivity in the care economy, we can reduce current and future costs and, crucially, improve the quality of care for Australians.
Over the next 40 years, both the number of people working in the care sector and its value to our economy are expected to rise significantly.
Demand for care is growing, but so are the costs
Traditional measures of productivity don’t capture the full story in the care economy.
While care sector productivity is low when you just consider the amount of services provided, when you account for the quality of those services the picture is different. Adjusted for quality, previous commission research has found productivity in a subset of health care grew by 3% annually between 2011-12 and 2017-18 – far above the market-sector average.
While the quality of our services has improved, demand is rising – along with costs.
Increased demand for care services is being driven by an ageing population, rising chronic health conditions, changing family structures, and increased expectations for quality care and independence.
To provide high-quality care more efficiently, we should start by removing silos and enabling a more cohesive, efficient system.
A person might need aged care, disability support, and health services all at once. Our system needs to reflect that reality.
Improving safety and quality with national oversight
Different sectors of the care economy operate under separate regulatory regimes. Providers must navigate multiple audits, standards, and registration systems. Workers often need separate clearances for each sector.
This duplication wastes time and money. It limits workforce mobility. It makes it harder for users to access and compare services.
These fragmented systems can also mean unsafe workers slip through the cracks unnoticed – putting care users at risk.
We are recommending a national screening clearance system and national registration for workers in the aged care, NDIS, veterans’ care and early childhood education and childcare sectors – making it harder for a worker found to be unsafe in one sector to move to another without detection.
This would replace existing clearances such as working with children/vulnerable people checks.
Real-time continuous checking should be undertaken between renewal dates to ensure prompt action if a worker engages in inappropriate behaviour.
We also need a unified approach to worker registration across aged care, the NDIS and veterans’ care.
The commission found more than 42% of aged care providers are also registered NDIS providers, and 82% of veterans’ care providers operate in aged care and/or the NDIS. These are often large providers, delivering a significant share of services. Yet they must comply with separate systems, diverting resources away from frontline care.
All of this is not just about efficiency – it’s also about safety, trust, and quality.
Delivering better care more efficiently
Another key reform is collaborative commissioning, where organisations work together to plan, procure, and evaluate services based on local needs.
In this report, we focus on removing the barriers and supporting collaboration between the federally funded local primary health-care networks and the state-controlled local hospital districts.
Greater collaboration in health care can reduce potentially preventable hospitalisations.
Even modest gains could be transformative. Our report estimates a 10% reduction in preventable hospitalisations could save A$600 million annually. But the real value lies in better care: fewer gaps, smoother transitions, and services tailored to communities.
Prevention is the ultimate productivity lever
Perhaps the most powerful lever for productivity is prevention and early intervention. Stopping problems before they start, or before they escalate, can improve lives and reduce long-term costs across government.
However, investment in one area is often not supported because benefits occur over a long timeframe, or accrue to different areas and levels of government.
To address this issue, we’re proposing a national prevention investment framework. A new national independent advisory board would provide expert guidance on the cost effectiveness of new and existing prevention programs.
We need better outcomes
Care is one of the most complex and consequential parts of our economy.
If we don’t act in the face of rising demand, we risk a future where care becomes unaffordable, inaccessible, and inequitable.
But if we embrace reform through aligning regulation, improving collaboration, and investing in prevention, we can build a care economy that delivers better outcomes at sustainable cost. This is what productivity growth is all about.
Angela Jackson is the Social Policy Commissioner at the Productivity Commission, as well as the chair of the Women in Economics Network. She has previously served on the board of Melbourne Health, which operates Royal Melbourne Hospital.
For half a century, The Rocky Horror Picture Show has lured costumed fans to cinemas for late-night screenings. Its raunchy mix of Broadway musical, science fiction and schlock horror was originally a box-office flop. However, after its first midnight screening on April Fool’s Day 1976 at the Waverly theatre in New York, it never left the late-night circuit and became the ultimate cult film.
Tim Curry’s powerhouse performance as Frank-N-Furter is central to the film’s success. Yet, his truly astounding work often overshadows the film’s many other dynamic performances.
Rocky Horror’s supporting characters and chorus feature alluring oddballs who irreverently challenge norms of physical desirability. Their “imperfect” bodies are not only a tribute to diversity: they radically upturn genre expectations of stage and screen musicals, and discredit broader cultural ideals of beauty.
It’s so dreamy, oh fantasy free me!
Brad Majors (Barry Bostwick) and Janet Weiss (Susan Sarandon) are an attractive young couple seeking help at an isolated castle when their car blows a tyre. During their night, they find the castle’s inhabitants are of a variety of sizes, physiques and galaxies.
Adapted from Richard O’Brien’s 1973 stage musical, Rocky Horror’s anti-Broadway aesthetic is apparent as soon as the “butler” Riff Raff (O’Brien) opens the castle door. This wiry framed hunchback with tangled hair is a far cry from the athletic ideal of the Broadway body.
Inside the creepy mansion, we are dazzled by a festive troupe of alien “Transylvanians” wearing off-beat tuxedos and textured waistcoats. It’s a broad assortment of unconventional body types squeezed into colourful costumes.
Lanky actor Stephen Calcutt stands at 198 centimetres tall, and Sadie Corré at just over 120cm. Hugh Cecil, then 62, has alopecia, which exaggerates his stark monocled whiteness. Fran Fullenwider, with her wild, teased-out coiffure and curvy frame, is clad in skin-tight pants.
Cecil and Fullenwider were among a handful of Transylvanians director Jim Sharman recruited from London-based Ugly Models. While this agency’s name and viability is, to say the least, unfortunate, Rocky Horror’s rejection of cookie-cutter casting was celebratory, not diminishing.
The Transylvanians’ subversion of “sameness” is especially powerful because of the history of its film genre. Busby Berkeley, one of film musicals’ founding innovators in the 1930s and 1940s, is famously quoted as approving the “girls” in his ensembles as being “matched, just like pearls”.
Inverting such sexist tropes, the crass collective of Transylvanians is widely adored as the chorus of the film’s legendary song, Time Warp. They are also welcomingly representative of the throngs of fans who the film has continued to assemble these past five decades.
I can make you a man
Once Frank-N-Furter has invited everyone “up to the lab”, we encounter two more vital characters: the dichotomous Eddie and Rocky.
Gregarious rocker Meat Loaf’s Eddie refuses the lean hypersexual image typical of frontmen in 1970s rock acts. Eddie motorbikes around Frank’s lab and delights his sweetheart Columbia (Nell Campbell). He is loud, sexy and very nearly loved.
Overtly parodying Frankenstein’s creation of a grotesque monster, Frank-N-Furter scientifically “births” the perfectly chiselled Rocky (Peter Hinwood).
With Rocky, Frank-N-Furter has made a “perfect specimen of manhood”: muscular, a sharp jawline, blonde hair and a tan. But Rocky does not have Eddie’s charismatic body positivity, which Frank-N-Furter resents.
Wrangler was a pioneering porn star who adopted a rugged Marlborough Man aesthetic. Not unlike Frank-N-Furter, Wrangler was sexually fluid, working in gay porn for ten years from 1970 before crossing over to straight porn.
Donovan found fame in Wakefield Poole’s successful X-rated film Boys in the Sand (1971). Both Donovan and Poole were newcomers to filmmaking and porn. Poole (himself a Broadway dancer) applied a dreamlike narrative and an artistically verité shooting style to his hardcore yet poetic pornography.
On its release, Boys in the Sand was reviewed in Variety, and ads for the film appeared in the New York Times. Poole’s film achieved an enviable level of critical legitimacy and public appeal, which evaded Rocky Horror until it gained legitimacy via its enduring cult status.
Rocky Horror’s presentation of the creature as a queer ideal of masculine physical perfection spicily mirrors the coveted masculine form on display in much gay pornography.
Yet, among Rocky Horror’s eclectic cast, Rocky’s musclebound physique is positioned as very much the exception.
Don’t dream it, be it
Unlike gay icon Wrangler, the blonde Adonis Rocky figure is not a rugged hero, but the monster: an aberration whose existence is the result of “mad science”.
In this reading, the alluring but destructive Frank-N-Furter represents western society’s beauty machine, intent on artificially creating bodies designed to be looked at as objects of sexual desire, queer or straight.
The Rocky Horror Picture Show US poster art. LMPC via Getty Images
However, Rocky Horror remains a place where people of all shapes, sizes, ages, abilities, and colours can dance and sing and celebrate without such constraints. In fact, Riff Raff, the “imperfect” figure who first welcomes us to the castle, ultimately kills Frank-N-Furter and halts his exploitation.
Rocky Horror offers many and varied midnight-movie audiences freedom from society’s troubling and relentless obsession with body image, even 50 years on.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
It was a bit like the old days — the heyday of Aotearoa New Zealand’s nuclear-free movement in the 1980s, leading up to the Rarotonga Treaty for a nuclear free Pacific zone that was signed on 6 August 1985 just weeks after the Rainbow Warrior bombing.
But the mood at the Aro Valley Peace Talks last weekend yearned for those past vibes and optimism.
Mike Smith got the packed audience on track, introducing himself.
“I’m a member of a peace group calling ourselves Just Defence,” he said. “We’ve been helping Aro Valley resident Tim Bollinger’s initiative to establish this community event.
“Today we have been invited by Tim to reflect on the anniversary of the destruction of Nagasaki in japan by the second use of a nuclear weapon in this event.
“Our very great thanks are due to Tim for creating this opportunity to reflect on those horrific events 80 years ago. This is all the more crucial because most people are not aware that right now the world is at a moment as dangerous as the 1960s Cuban Missile Crisis.
“The anti-nuclear peace movement has lost its salience in our community.”
Nuclear-free heritage Smith reminded the audience — if they needed to be — of Aotearoa New Zealand’s nuclear-free heritage.
“We are proudly nuclear-free because nearly 50 years ago we rejected the entry of US warships that would not declare they were nuclear-free.
“That was a bold and courageous decision,” he continued. “But it was only possible because Kiwi citizens the length and breadth of our country declared their communities nuclear-free, town-by-town and city-by-city, due to the work of tireless activists such as Larry Ross.
“Some of their symbols are on display today.”
And then came the pièce de résistance.
Aro Valley Peace Talks musician and event coordinator Tim Bollinger . . . “A lot has been stolen from us over the past decades.” Image: APR
“Today, I would like to offer a dedication, that we who are assembled here now declare Aro Valley ‘nuclear free’.
“Great things can come from small beginnings, and it is once again time that we raise the demand for a world free from the threat of nuclear devastation.”
An eclectic day And so be it declared, judging by the enthusiastic applause greeting Mike Smith’s remarks.
It was an eclectic day of contributions, but mostly to the already converted.
First speaker on the main programme was activist and peace movement historian Maire Leadbeater who spoke about her recent book The Enemy Within and a century of state surveillance in Aotearoa that had penalised activists for social change.
She was followed by historian and writer Mark Derby, co-editor with the late May Bass of Peacemonger: Owen Wilkes: International Peace Researcher, who outlined the life and multi-talents of one of New Zealand’s most extraordinary peace activists.
Former local council politician Helene Ritchie spoke of the campaign to declare Pōneke Wellington a nuclear weapons-free zone in 1982.
She was followed by former trade unionist Graeme Clark detailing how the union movement played a key role in opposing nuclear ship visits and its influence on the anti-nuclear policies of the NZ Labour Party.
Posters from the nuclear-free exhibition at the Aro Community Centre. Image: APR
Pacific coverage The afternoon session kicked off with a “conversation” between journalists and activists Jeremy Rose, formerly of RNZ and who now writes a substack blog Towards Democracy, and David Robie, retired media academic who now publishes Asia Pacific Report and Café Pacific. They discussed issues raised in David’s new book, Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the Rainbow Warrior, and the weak Pacific coverage in mainstream media.
Doctor and activist Karl Geiringer spoke about his documentary on the role of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War’s bid to have nuclear weapons ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice, and the contribution of his peace activist father Dr Erich Geiringer.
Glenn Colquhoun and Inshirah Mahal offered inspiring poems.
Peace activist Valerie Morse gave an overview of 25 years of Peace Action and Sonya Smith, an activist and spokesperson for the Wairoa-based group Rocket Lab Monitor, gave an update on their campaign.
An important day but short on plans for the future. As at least one participant noted: “Our talks have been mainly about success of the past – but what about our action plans for the present and future?”
More posters from the nuclear-free exhibition. Image: APR
‘Working for peace’ A flyer for Just Defence, with the slogan “Work for peace — not war” with a call to action saying what is needed in New Zealand is:
A genuinely independent foreign policy for Aotearoa New Zealand;
Defence that is just — not for aggression against other people or nations;
A smart, well-paid defence force designed for our real needs — patrolling our waters, carrying out UN peacekeeping missions, responding to civil defence emergencies here and in our Pacific neighbourhood;
Affirmation of our nuclear-free status and our support for a nucear-free Pacific; and
Building our reputation for promoting peace through dialogue.
And the flyer flagged a reality check: “China is not our enemy.”
A couple of days after the event, coordinator Tim Bollinger emailed all participants promising some important developments, including deciding on a draft Nagasaki Day resolution.
“The time has never been more important for the exchange of ideas and experiences with those whose land and planet we share — to counter apathy and ignorance with the rich legacy of learning and ideas we each have to give,” Bollinger said.
“A lot has been stolen from us over the past decades . . .
“The victories of the past have been deliberately underplayed, undervalued, undermined and clawed back by those who never believed in them in the first place.”
Bollinger promised a community pushback and the resolution would be a first step. Along with a batch of audio and video recordings from the weekend as an action resource.
The Reserve Bank’s rate cut this week will help relieve many mortgage holders, but it wasn’t all positive news from the bank. It also underscored the serious productivity and economic growth challenges facing the Australian economy.
The Economic Reform Roundtable next week will be a deep dive into those issues. In its lead up, however, the government is trying to manage expectations, resulting in mixed signals about ambition, outcomes, and timetables for implementing measures.
Meanwhile the union movement has thrown a curveball at the meeting, with the ACTU calling for a four day working week, when industrial relations was supposed to be off the table.
Chair of the roundtable Treasurer Jim Chalmers joins us today to talk about his focus ahead of next week.
On whether there will be more rate cuts this year, Chalmers points to market expectations,
I don’t want to interfere with the independence of the Reserve Bank. The market certainly expects there to be more interest rate cuts. The market is usually – but not always, as we learned last month – right about these things.
But let’s not lightly skip over the good news from this week. The third interest rate cut in six months is welcome news because it’s welcome relief. It puts more money into the pockets of millions of people who are under pressure. It’s meaningful cost-of-living relief, but it’s also welcome because it gives us confidence that we’re on the right track. We are getting inflation down, we are are getting real wages up [and] keeping unemployment low.
Looking ahead to the roundtable, Chalmers says of the ACTU proposal,
It’s not something that we’ve been kind of working up or considering. Our industrial relations priorities are in those areas I nominated, non-competes, penalty rates, paid parental leave. But people will bring all sorts of ideas next week and it’s a good thing that they will.
He highlights the work his ministerial colleagues have done to help prepare for the meeting,
The way that they have grasped this opportunity, picked up and run with it, I’m really just extraordinarily grateful for.
[There are] 41 different ministerial round tables often involving more than one minister at a time. Hundreds of people consulted, key stakeholders and so we’ve got a way to basically funnel the ideas that come from those ministerial round tables into our considerations as a government. But also into the discussions next week as well. We are very aware that once you hold a meeting in the cabinet room with 25 or so chairs, you can’t have everyone in there and so the ministers have done a wonderful, wonderful job making sure that as many voices as possible can be heard.
It has been a very, very useful exercise in making sure that we can collate these ideas and see where there’s common ground.
A focus of the roundtable is set to be housing and Chalmers says:
one of the defining challenges in our economy that we don’t have enough homes. And we think there is a role for better regulation and faster approvals in building more homes. We need to make the sector more productive. We need to get these approvals going faster, we need to make sure the states and territories are playing a helpful role and I think they will. Because this is a huge challenge and the status quo won’t cut it.
We need to build more homes for more Australians and I think that will be one of the primary motivations next week. How do we crack open the fact that it takes so long to approve a house when we desperately need more homes in communities right around the country?
On fears that the growing use of AI may lead to a weakening of copyright law to allow AI data harvesting, Chalmers insists the government will not be weakening existing laws,
We have strict copyright law in Australia. That’s not always the case in other jurisdictions where they’re trying to work this out. And we’ve made it really clear, […] that we’re not in the cart for weakening or watering down those copyright arrangements. In this country we value our musicians, our artists, our writers, our content creators. Even our journalists, dare I say.
On the broader issue of AI, I’ve tried to encourage a sensible middle path here. And by that I mean we need to work out the best way to maximise the game-changing economic benefits of AI, which are extremely substantial, if we get it right, without dismissing by managing the obvious risks.
The objective there is to regulate as much as we need to – to protect people, to respond to their legitimate concerns. But as little as we can – to encourage innovation, productivity, economic growth and all of those upside game-changing economic benefits if we get it right.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
AMY GOODMAN:This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
Global condemnation is mounting over Israel’s assassination of one of the most prominent journalists in Gaza, the Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif, along with four of his colleagues at the network and another freelance journalist.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres is calling for an independent investigation after the five Al Jazeera journalists were killed in a targeted Israeli strike outside Al-Shifa Hospital in a tent clearly marked in Gaza City. European Union officials and international press freedom groups have also denounced the assassinations.
The sixth journalist, freelance reporter Mohammed al-Khalidi, was also killed in the same strike. Minutes before the strike, al-Sharif posted to X, “If this madness does not end, Gaza will be reduced to ruins, its people’s voices silenced, their faces erased — and history will remember you as silent witnesses to a genocide you chose not to stop.”
On Monday, crowds of mourners gathered for a funeral procession for al-Sharif and his colleagues, marching from Al-Shifa to Sheikh Radwan Cemetery in central Gaza, carrying the journalists’ bodies wrapped in white sheets.
A dark blue flak press jacket and a Palestinian flag were placed on al-Sharif’s remains. People embraced as they decried Israel’s relentless targeting of journalists in Gaza.
Meanwhile, at rallies and vigils worldwide, people are demanding accountability for the attack on journalists, including in Tunisia, Belfast, Dublin, Berlin, London, Oslo, Stockholm and Washington, DC.
For more, we go to Geneva, Switzerland, where we’re joined by Irene Khan, UN special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression. She served as secretary-general of Amnesty International from 2001 to 2009.
Irene Khan, welcome back to Democracy Now! In late July, you publicly denounced Israel’s threats against Anas al-Sharif. Can you talk about what you understood at that time, and then this young 28-year-old reporter’s response to your press statement?
IRENE KHAN: Yes, well, Anas actually contacted me, and Al Jazeera contacted me to tell me of this impending threat on his head. They had seen it before. He’s not the first one, as you know.
There are some — anything between 26 to 30 journalists — who have been targeted in this campaign of assassination. And Anas wanted me to go public, he wanted others to go public, to stop what Israel was doing.
But at the same time, he thanked me for my support, and then he said nothing would stop him from speaking the truth. And in a way, he signed his own death warrant by that, because, as you know, he and the others, Al Jazeera’s entire team in northern Gaza, were killed, murdered, just as Israel ramps up its military action on the city, Gaza City.
So, there is a clear pattern here of killing journalists to clear the path, to silence voices, to stop the international, global opinion from being informed of the genocide in Gaza.
Assassination: Israel’s killing of Palestinian journalist Anas al-Sharif Video: Democracy Now!
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Irene Khan, the number of journalists — so, more than 200 have been killed in Gaza. That’s more than all the journalists killed in World War I, World War II, Korea, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the Afghanistan War combined.
Your sense of the Israeli impunity here in being able to basically kill the corps of journalists that are still able to report from Gaza?
IRENE KHAN: Well, you also have to take into account that Israel has refused to give access to international media. So these are all local Gazan journalists who are putting their lives on the line to keep the world informed. Many of them — you named some 200 — many of them, of course, have been killed in the intensity of the battle. Many of them have been killed while asleep in their own apartments. But these cases, the cases of Anas now, and his colleagues, and a number of other cases of targeted killing, is really murder.
It is not killing in the context of war. It is a deliberate strategy to stop independent voices reporting. So it’s as much a threat to independent journalism as it is to the journalists themselves, as well as a blatant attempt by the Israelis to stop the world witnessing what they are doing.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And these killings also came as the Israeli government announced they’re unleashing a new operation in the area of Gaza. Who will be left to document this operation now?
IRENE KHAN: Well, absolutely. And that is why Anas got in touch with me, because he realised what was happening. You know, from his message on LinkedIn and from his message that he has sent to me and to others, it was very, very clear.
He has been there on the ground since October 2023. He could see the pattern. He could see what was happening. He knew they were coming for him.
And that is why it is incumbent on all of us now not to just condemn, but actually to act, before independent media is totally obliterated from Gaza.
AMY GOODMAN: Irene Khan, I want to ask what you’re calling for, and the significance of Netanyahu holding this news conference on Sunday and saying — he has now said that the Israeli military can bring in journalists, but they’re most concerned about protecting their safety.
A few hours later is when Israel assassinated these six journalists. Now, it is the first time, NPR reports, since October 2023 that Israel so quickly took responsibility for their assassination.
You know, compare it to Shireen Abu Akleh, May 11, 2022, when Israel said it was not clear, and then, you know, so many studies were done, but it became very clear. Talk about what you are calling for at this point.
IRENE KHAN: It’s not actually an admission of taking responsibility, because there is no accountability in it. It’s actually a brazen attempt to show the world that the Israeli army can work as it wishes, regardless of international humanitarian law that protects journalists as civilians.
Now, what I’m calling for is, of course, independent investigation, truly independent investigation. But I’m also calling for protection of journalists on the ground and for access to international journalists.
Israel always covers these assassinations and murders with allegations and smear campaigns — the journalists are simply agents of Hamas or members of Hamas — and that kind of gives Israel a veil of impunity.
It’s important for international journalists to be on the ground so they can actually investigate and expose this false story and the string of assassinations that Israel is carrying out.
And I think we need to remember the message that Israel’s action is sending to the rest of the world, because there are other spots, other conflict areas, where also others are learning that you need to be just brazen and go ahead and kill journalists, and you can get away with it.
AMY GOODMAN: Irene Khan, we’re speaking to you in Geneva, Switzerland — Geneva, the Geneva Conventions. Can you talk about how the conventions specifically protect journalists?
IRENE KHAN: Well, the convention gives journalists civilian status, which means that, like all other civilians, they should not be targeted during the war.
The problem is the journalists are not just civilians. They are the kind of civilians that have to go to the frontline and not run away somewhere else. You know, they are not like women and children, who can move and seek shelter elsewhere.
They have to be where the fighting is. And that exposes them. They are much more like humanitarian workers. And journalists need to be recognised as humanitarian workers. There needs to be — I believe there needs to be additional protection given to them, because it shows how vulnerable they are, on the one hand, to attacks, and, on the other hand, how important their work is to the rest of the world, to any peace process, to any attempt to have accountability and justice for the victims.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Last month, the union representing reporters at the French press agency AFP warned that the agency staff were in danger of starving to death, and they issued an open letter condemning what Israel was doing in terms of denying food, not just to the population in general, but also to journalists, as well.
Your response?
IRENE KHAN: Well, absolutely. These journalists are local journalists, as I said, so they have faced all the problems that the population is facing. They’ve had their own families killed. They have to hunt for food, even as they hunt for news.
So, they have been put in a terrible situation. And that’s why Israel has to open the gates, not under military protection, but allow journalists independently to come and investigate. It has to stop the starvation, the blockade. It has to allow humanitarian assistance to come in. And it has to agree to a ceasefire and, of course, stop the genocide.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to end with the words of Anas al-Sharif himself. Anticipating his own murder by Israeli forces, he wrote a preprepared message that was posted on his X account after his death. Al Jazeera read part of his message on air.
AL JAZEERA REPORTER: “If these words reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice, I have lived through pain in all its details, tasted suffering and loss many times, yet I never once hesitated to convey the truth as it is, without distortion or falsification, so that God may bear witness against those who stayed silent and accepted our killing.”
He ends, “Do not forget Gaza… And do not forget me in your sincere prayers for forgiveness and acceptance.”
AMY GOODMAN: The words of Anas al-Sharif, posted after he was killed by the Israeli military along with five other journalists. Five of them were with Al Jazeera.
Irene Khan, I want to thank you so much for being with us, UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, speaking to us from Geneva, Switzerland. To see our interview with the managing editor of Al Jazeera, go to democracynow.org.
Democracy Now! is produced with Mike Burke, Renée Feltz, Deena Guzder, Messiah Rhodes, Nermeen Shaikh, María Taracena, Nicole Salazar, Sara Nasser, Charina Nadura, Sam Alcoff, Tey-Marie Astudillo, John Hamilton, Robby Karran, Hany Massoud, Safwat Nazzal. Our executive director is Julie Crosby.
I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González, for another edition of Democracy Now!
When it comes to penises, we seem unable to escape the idea that “bigger is better”. Popular culture and pornography constantly present us with unrealistic standards – that penises should be long, thick and hard.
This can skew ideas about what is “normal”. For example, one study found men believe the average penis measures 15.8 centimetres (or 6.2 inches) when erect.
But the evidence tells a different story.
So, let’s take a look: what is the average penis size? And can you tell from someone’s hands and feet? Is a micropenis just a small penis? And can penis size affect your sex life? Here’s what we know.
What is the average penis size?
In 2020, a review of all the available research on penis length found the average length of an erect penis is smaller than many people think: between 12.95 and 13.97cm (5.1–5.5in).
The researchers said taking bias into account – as people in studies often measured their own penises – the average was probably at the lower end of this range.
When flaccid, the average length is around 9.16cm (3.6in).
Average girth – also known as the circumference – is 9.31cm (3.67in) when flaccid, or 11.66cm (4.59in) when erect.
Keep in mind, these are just averages. Penises come in all shapes and sizes. This means wide variation – not only in length and circumference, but also shape such as curvature – is completely normal.
What is average can also vary across different regions of the world.
Growth in puberty
Reaching full sexual maturity occurs at a different pace for everyone. There is no fixed age when someone should reach their maximum penis size.
However the most significant changes occur during puberty. Before that, the penis will only grow slightly.
For most males, puberty begins between 9 and 14 years old. It involves hormonal changes, especially an increase in testosterone production in the testicles.
The first sign of puberty is usually when the testicles (also called the testes or “balls”) get bigger, followed by the penis growing.
These changes also trigger sperm production in the testicles, as well as erections and ejaculation.
Big hands, big … penis?
You may have heard that you can tell someone’s penis size by the size of their hands or feet. So, is there any truth to this?
Studies have looked at the relationship between penis length and finger length, foot size and testicular volume, but have inconsistent results.
However, there may be a link between how tall you are and the length of your erect penis.
Factors that may influence penis size include genetics, ethnicity, chronic diseases such as diabetes, smoking and hormonal factors.
What about micropenises?
Sometimes, a penis may not develop completely while the fetus is in the womb.
This may result in a micropenis, a condition generally diagnosed at birth where the penis is significantly shorter than average (2.5 standard deviations below) for the person’s age. For example, if a newborn’s penis is 1.9cm (0.75in) or shorter when gently stretched, this is considered a micropenis.
This condition is very rare, affecting less than two in 10,000 births. Micropenises may be caused by a variety of genetic or hormonal factors, but sometimes no cause is found.
Treatment with testosterone (usually as an infant) is generally effective at increasing the length of the penis. Surgery is only used in very rare cases.
One study of 52,031 heterosexual men and women found only 55% of men were satisfied with the length of their penis. About 45% wanted to be larger, while just 0.2% wanted to be smaller.
Anxiety often focuses on whether their sexual partner is satisfied. Yet the same study found 85% of heterosexual women were satisfied with their partner’s penis size. We also know the majority of these men would actually be considered to have a penis length within a normal range.
However dissatisfaction with penis size can have significant psychological impacts, such as feelings of shame and embarrassment.
Another study from 2010 surveyed 1,065 men who have sex with men, to understand how penis size affected their experience of sex and their sexual behaviour and health.
It found 65% were satisfied with their penis size. There was no link between penis size and the number of sexual partners someone had.
However men who self-reported smaller than average penises were more likely to identify as “bottoms” (receiving anal sex partners), while men who self-reported larger penises more often identified as “tops” (being the penetrating partner). Average size was linked to being “versatile”, that is, someone who is comfortable being a top or bottom.
This study also found self-reporting a smaller than average penis was associated with poorer wellbeing.
Can you really enlarge your penis?
You can probably picture those spam emails about penis enlargement. There are a number of treatments marketed to increase penis size, including traction devices, injectables and vacuum devices.
However, the evidence for these therapies is weak and there are often complications. Some people opt for surgery, but satisfaction rates are low.
Most people seeking these therapies actually have a normal penis size prior to treatment. Counselling is always recommended and is a very effective treatment for dissatisfaction, and can result in people deciding not to undergo any further treatment.
Unfortunately, distress around penis size is common. Don’t underestimate the effect it can have on your wellbeing – if you’re concerned, it’s always a good idea to speak to your doctor to find out what is right for you.
Keersten Fitzgerald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark says she has witnessed Israel deliberately obstructing life-saving humanitarian aid into Gaza.
Together with former Irish president Mary Robinson, Clark visited the Rafah border crossing between Egypt and the Palestinian territory this week.
The two former world leaders are part of The Elders, an independent, non-government organisation of global leaders working together for peace, justice, human rights and sustainability.
Their joint statement said they saw evidence of food and medical aid being denied entry to Gaza, “causing mass starvation to spread”.
“What we saw and heard underlines our personal conviction that there is not only an unfolding, human-caused famine in Gaza, there is an unfolding genocide,” the statement said.
“The deliberate destruction of health facilities in Gaza means children facing acute malnutrition cannot be treated effectively.”
At least 36 Palestinian children starved to death last month, they said.
Israel has repeatedly denied famine and genocide were happening in Gaza.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said this week that if his army had a policy of starvation “no one would be alive two years into the war”.
Figures disputed Israel also disputed the figures provided by authorities in the Palestinian territory, but had not provided its own.
No shelter materials had entered Gaza since March this year, the statement said, leaving families already displaced multiple times without protection.
Former Irish president Mary Robinson and former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark have visited the Rafah border crossing. Image: The Elders/RNZ
“Many new mothers are unable to feed themselves or their new-born babies adequately, and the health system is collapsing,” Clark said.
“All of this threatens the very survival of an entire generation,” she said.
‘Truth matters’ “The uncomfortable truth is that many states are prioritising their own economic and security interests, even as the world is reeling from the images of Gazan children starving to death,” Robinson said.
“Political leaders have the power and the legal obligation to apply measures to pressure this Israeli government to end its atrocity crimes.”
“This is all the more urgent in light of Prime Minister Netanyahu’s Gaza City takeover plan. President Trump has the leverage to compel a change of course. He must use it now,” she said.
Hamas authorities said Israeli air attacks had increased in recent days as the Israel Defence Force (IDF) prepared to take over Gaza City, home to some one million Palestinians.
Netanyahu had defended his plan, saying the best option to defeat Hamas was to take the city by force.
The plan has been heavily criticised by Israelis, Palestinians, international organisations and other countries.
Israel has repeatedly denied famine and genocide were happening in Gaza. Image: The Elders/RNZ
‘Re-engage’ ceasefire talks Robinson and Clark urged Hamas and Israel to re-engage in ceasefire talks and immediately release Israeli hostages and arbitrarily detained Palestinian prisoners, and for Israel to immediately open all border crossings into Gaza.
They also called for states to suspend existing and future trade agreements with Israel, as well as the transfer of arms and weapons to Israel, urging the world to follow the lead of Germany and Norway.
“We call for recognition of the State of Palestine by at least 20 more states by September, including G7 members, EU member states and others,” their joint statement said.
Australia was the latest to announce it would made the decree at a UN General Assembly next month if its conditions were met, following in the footsteps of Canada, France and the UK.
At least 20 countries had on Wednesday called for aid to urgently be released into Gaza, saying suffering in the Palestinian territory had reached “unimaginable” levels.
New Zealand was not among them, and had not yet made any pledge to recognise a Palestinian state, but the government said it was a matter of “when not if” it would.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
New Zealand’s Prime Minister says the war in Gaza is “utterly appalling” and Israeil Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has “lost the plot”.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s comments came on a tense day in Parliament today, where the Green Party’s co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick was “named” for refusing to leave the House following a heated debate on the government’s plan to consider recognising Palestinian statehood.
Speaking to media, Luxon said Netanyahu had “gone too far”.
“I think he has lost the plot and I think that what we’re seeing overnight — the attack on Gaza City — is utterly, utterly unacceptable,” he said.
Luxon said Israel had consistently ignored pleas from the international community for humanitarian aid to be delivered “unfettered” and the situation was driving more human catastrophe across Gaza.
“We are a small country a long way away, with very limited trade with Israel. We have very little connection with the country, but we have stood up for values, and we keep articulating them very consistently, and what you have seen is Israel not listening to the global community at all,” Luxon said.
“We have said a forcible displacement of people and an annexation of Gaza would be a breach of international law. We have called these things out consistently time and time again.
“You’ve seen New Zealand join many of our friends and partners around the world to make these statements, and he’s just not listening,” the Prime Minister said.
Considering statehood The government is considering whether it will join other countries like France, Canada and Australia in recognising Palestinian statehood at a UN Leader’s Meeting next month.
Luxon said recent attacks could “extinguish a pathway” to a two-state solution.
“I’m telling you what my personal view is, as a human being, looking at the situation, that’s how I feel about,” he said.
“She’s used the words ‘unfolding genocide’, and yes, I do agree with that. That’s a good description of the situation at the moment.”
Hipkins said calling it an “unfolding genocide” meant that New Zealand was not “appointing ourselves judge and jury” because there was still a case to be heard before the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
“Recognising that there is an unfolding genocide in Gaza is an important part of the world community standing up and saying, we’re not going to tolerate it.
“We should recognise that there is now a growing acknowledgement around the world that there is an unfolding genocide in Gaza, and I think we should call that for what it is, and the world community needs to react to that to prevent it from happening,” Hipkins said.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on August 13, 2025.
Will AI pull the career ladder up out of reach – or just change what it looks like? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Hains-Wesson, Professor of Education and Associate Dean Learning and Teaching, RMIT University Once, a university degree was widely seen as a “ticket” to securing high-paying jobs and social mobility. Now, as artificial intelligence (AI) promises to revolutionise the labour market, it’s university students and recent graduates
MEAA condemns targeted attacks on Gaza journalists as a war crime Pacific Media Watch Australia’s Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance has condemned the continued targeted killing of media workers in Gaza and the baseless smearing of working journalists as “terrorists”, following the deaths of five Al Jazeera staff over the weekend. Al Jazeera journalists Anas Al Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh, and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed
With new weapons, cash and battleground experience from Ukraine, North Korea has become much more formidable Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer, International Studies, University of South Australia The war between Russia and Ukraine is taking place in Europe, but its security implications are increasingly being felt in Asia, too. North Korea has benefited tremendously from its decision to supply enormous quantities of ammunition and
What’s the cheapest way to charge your EV? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hussein Dia, Professor of Transport Technology and Sustainability, Swinburne University of Technology SimonSkafar/Getty You’ll pay substantially less to charge an electric vehicle (EV) than if you were refuelling a petrol car to go the same distance. But what often surprises new EV owners is how much the
Washington’s Escalating War on Venezuela: Narco-Myths and Imperial Designs Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage By William Camacaro New York Since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998 Washington has waged a relentless war against the Bolivarian revolution. The Trump administration continues to deploy political, economic and military measures aimed at the overthrow of Venezuela’s government and the reversal of advances in regional
Vape brands bypass regulations on marketing to young people by using global social media accounts Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lucy Hardie, Research Fellow in Population Health, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Getty Images Youth vaping is a major public health concern in many countries, with New Zealand’s youth vaping rates among the highest in the world, and rising. In 2017, 3% of New Zealanders aged
A cornucopia of tiny, bizarre whales used to live in Australian waters – here’s one of them Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erich Fitzgerald, Senior Curator, Vertebrate Palaeontology, Museums Victoria Research Institute Art by Ruairidh Duncan Australia is home to a unique bunch of native land mammals, such as koalas, wombats and wallabies. These furballs evolved in isolation on this island continent and have become Australian symbols. But between
As human teams get bigger, they get less efficient. But these ants have found a solution Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris R. Reid, ARC Future Fellow, Behavioural Ecology, Macquarie University Chris Reid Have you ever been part of a large group project? You might assume that with more people involved, the work gets done better and faster. However, as more team members join the group, the effectiveness
Feeding kids can be a daily battle. But you wouldn’t know it looking at Instagram Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Georgia Middleton, Research Fellow, Caring Futures Institute, Flinders University SolStock/Getty Images Many families find feeding children a constant challenge. A favourite food is suddenly refused, someone is grumpy after a long day, siblings fight at the table. But if parents and caregivers are turning to social media
The government has asked for bold proposals. Maybe it’s time to consider taxing the family home Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Siminski, Professor of Economics, University of Technology Sydney Elias Bitar/Shutterstock The Australian government has “an appetite to be bold and ambitious” in its economic reform agenda. And tax reform is on the menu at its much-publicised reform roundtable, to be held next week. Here, we serve
Paramedics are less likely to identify a stroke in women than men. Closing this gap could save lives – and money Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lei Si, Associate Professor in Health Services Management, Western Sydney University SolStock/Getty Images A stroke happens when the blood supply to part of the brain is cut off, either because of a blockage (called an ischaemic stroke) or bleeding (a haemorrhagic stroke). Around 83% of strokes are
Dagger beaks and strong wings: new fossils rewrite the penguin story and affirm NZ as a cradle of their evolution Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanesa De Pietri, Senior Research Fellow in Palaeontology, University of Canterbury An artistic representation of a North Canterbury beach some 62 millions years ago. Canterbury Museum and Tom Simpson, CC BY-SA Remarkable new fossil discoveries in New Zealand are driving a significant reassessment of our understanding of
AI is peeling back the layers of ‘low-value’ work – NZ may be well placed to adapt Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kenny Ching, Senior Lecturer, Business School, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Malte MuellerGetty Images As generative artificial intelligence (AI) advances at breakneck speed, it is upending assumptions about which jobs are “safe” from automation. Disruption now extends well beyond manual or routine work into white-collar roles
RSF calls for emergency UN Security Council meeting after targeted Israeli strike kills six media professionals Pacific Media Watch The Paris-based media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned the Israeli military’s “disgraceful tactic” to cover up war crimes in the wake of the killing of six journalists in Gaza on Sunday. It has called for an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council to stop the massacre of journalists,
Coalition declares it would revoke Australia’s Palestinian statehood recognition if it wins office Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The bipartisanship about the path to a long-term settlement in the Middle East has finally been irrevocably broken. The shadow cabinet, meeting Tuesday morning, did not just confirm the Coalition’s disagreement with the government’s decision to recognise a Palestinian state.
Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick barred from NZ Parliament for rest of week after fiery Gaza speech By Craig McCulloch, RNZ News acting political editor New Zealand Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick has been ejected from Parliament’s debating chamber and told to leave for the rest of the week after a fiery speech about the war in Gaza. The incident occured during an urgent debate this afternoon which was called after the
Safe no more: off-the-charts marine heat has severely damaged Ningaloo and other pristine coral reefs Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Paton Gilmour, Research Scientist: Coral Ecology, Australian Institute of Marine Science Until now, many of Western Australia’s most pristine coral reefs have avoided the worst bleaching brought by marine heatwaves. But their luck has now run out. The state’s longest lasting, largest and most intense underwater
The RBA has cut rates for the third time this year. More relief may be on the way Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stella Huangfu, Associate Professor, School of Economics, University of Sydney The Reserve Bank of Australia lowered the official interest rate by 25 basis points to 3.60% at its meeting today, marking the third cut this year. The move follows reductions in February and May, and comes after
High-tech drones are changing warfare – terrorists may soon follow the same playbook Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Paterson, Teaching Associate in International Relations , Monash University In June 2024, Ukraine shocked Russian forces with the surprise Operation Spiderweb, an unprecedented, coordinated drone strike deep inside Russian territory. More recently, as part of Operation Rising Lion, Israel used drones to destroy Iranian air defences
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Hains-Wesson, Professor of Education and Associate Dean Learning and Teaching, RMIT University
Once, a university degree was widely seen as a “ticket” to securing high-paying jobs and social mobility.
Now, as artificial intelligence (AI) promises to revolutionise the labour market, it’s university students and recent graduates who face some of the greatest uncertainty.
How do you pick a major or a career when it isn’t obvious what jobs will even exist in 10 years’ time?
Back in May, the chief executive of the AI company Anthropic, Dario Amodei, claimed AI could eradicate half of all entry-level white collar jobs over the next five years.
At this stage, it’s still up for debate whether AI will lead to such a mass wipe-out of graduate roles, or just change what these jobs look like.
Either way, we have a collective duty to prepare young people for an AI-driven world. Students, educators, employers and the government all have a role to play.
First foot on the ladder
In many white collar or “knowledge work” careers, the “lower rungs” of the career ladder have traditionally consisted of entry-level roles that centre on tasks such as data entry, routine report writing, document review or basic analysis.
These jobs were not only a rite of passage, but also a critical training ground for developing industry-specific skills, professional judgement and workplace confidence.
Many of these tasks are now at risk of being disrupted by generative AI.
This article is part of The Conversation’s series on jobs in the age of AI. Leading experts examine what AI means for workers at different career stages, how AI is reshaping our economy – and what you can do to prepare.
In the United States, the unemployment rate for recent college graduates is now higher than the broader unemployment rate.
Experts say this is due to economic uncertainty, high competition for jobs, and the slowing of white-collar job growth. But some argue the impacts of AI are also a factor, especially in fields like IT.
The International Labour Organization has published a list of “exposure indices” ranking a range of occupations from those deemed “not exposed” to generative AI to those that are highly exposed.
You can search yours below:
Replaced – or enhanced?
To help unpack some of AI’s impacts, it is helpful to quickly differentiate between the idea of “automation” AI, where jobs are replaced, and “augmentation” AI, which improves the output of existing workers.
Findings from a recent study suggest different kinds of work may differ in their exposure to these kinds of disruptions.
The study found in low-skilled occupations, automation AI could negatively impact new work, employment and wages. In high-skilled occupations, augmentation AI may raise wages and help create new work.
The study’s author, David Marguerit, suggests this could have negative implications for wage inequality.
Not the first time
AI is not the first technology to threaten the automation of young workers and early career tasks. From the introduction of calculators and computers to email and communication systems, technological innovations have steadily reshaped the nature of working roles.
Each of these innovations removed or transformed certain routine duties, often sparking fears of job losses, but also creating space for new responsibilities and skills. What makes the current wave of AI distinct is the breadth of cognitive and creative functions it can perform, and the speed at which these capabilities can be deployed across industries.
A 2022 study explored the potential risks of job automation for young Australians as they entered the workforce between 2009 and 2019.
Interestingly, its findings suggest young Australians often began in jobs at high risk of automation but reduced this risk by gaining qualifications, changing roles, or avoiding part-time or casual work.
Fewer options existed for avoiding jobs at high risk of change, such as data entry. Successful strategies for doing so were influenced by parental wealth, computer access, and ability to apply knowledge in new contexts.
This repositions the AI debate. Rather than predicting which jobs will last, we should tackle socio-economic divides by ensuring equal access to technology at home and in education, promoting the developmental use of AI and fostering critical reflection. For example, we could do this through structured classroom discussions about AI’s ethical and social impacts.
We also need to build a labour market that protects entry-level workers from soon-to-be automated roles to augmentation AI roles. In other words, getting them on the ladder.
What we all can do
How can we prepare for an AI-driven future? For those new to choosing career pathways, it’s worth looking at which industries are growing and which skills are hard to automate.
Jobs that require empathy, creativity and complex critical thinking are at less risk of AI automation, such as health care, education, creative arts, renewable energy and construction.
Recent research showcases a critical gap between the support students expect during placements and what they actually receive from workplace supervisors.
This means an investment in targeted upskilling, relevant AI-focused internships, AI-informed learning and teaching, as well as prioritising career learning as a core graduate outcome.
Rachael Hains-Wesson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Australia’s Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance has condemned the continued targeted killing of media workers in Gaza and the baseless smearing of working journalists as “terrorists”, following the deaths of five Al Jazeera staff over the weekend.
Al Jazeera journalists Anas Al Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh, and camera operators Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal, and assistant Moamen Aliwa were killed on Sunday when Israel bombed a tent housing journalists in Gaza City, near Al-Shifa Hospital.
Shockingly, the Israeli military confirmed the targeted killing on social media, with a post to X accompanied by a target emoji.
The latest deaths come after Israel had conducted a long smear campaign of unsubstantiated allegations against Al Sharif and other journalists, labelling them “Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists”, which the International Federation of Journalists has condemned.
As Al Jazeera has said, this was a “dangerous attempt to justify the targeting of journalists in the field”.
“The targeting of journalists is a blatant attack on press freedom, and it is also a war crime.
“It must stop.”
Call for ‘unfettered coverage’ MEAA also said the Israeli ban preventing the world’s media from accessing the region and providing unfettered coverage of the worsening humanitarian crisis must stop.
The silencing of Palestinian journalists via a rising death toll that the Gaza Media Office puts at 242 must also stop, the union said.
“In his final words, Al-Sharif said he never hesitated for a single day to convey the truth as it is — without distortion or falsification,” said MEAA
“His reports brought to the world the reality of the horrors being inflicted by the Israeli government on the civilians in Gaza.
“He asked the world to not forget Gaza and to not forget him.”
MEAA said it stood up against attacks on press freedom around the world.
Pacific Media Watch says there has been no equivalent condemnation by New Zealand journalists, who have mostly remained silent during the 22 months of Israel’s war on Gaza.
The war between Russia and Ukraine is taking place in Europe, but its security implications are increasingly being felt in Asia, too.
North Korea has benefited tremendously from its decision to supply enormous quantities of ammunition and soldiers to Russia in return for advanced nuclear and missile technology and diplomatic cover.
North Korea’s involvement in the conflict is transforming it into a much more capable and technologically advanced rogue state in east Asia. This evolving threat may soon prompt South Korea to reassess its security strategies in an increasingly challenging international environment.
How has North Korea helped Russia?
As Russia’s invasion of Ukraine began to turn into a protracted conflict in late 2022, Moscow faced a problem: it was at risk of running low on ammunition and soldiers to send to the front lines.
Its diplomatic overtures to North Korea began soon after.
In July 2023, Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu was warmly received by North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in a visit to the North Korean capital, Pyongyang.
In a matter of weeks, high-resolution satellite imagery showed what looked like the establishment of a new munitions supply route from North Korea to Russia.
Around that time, Russia was using about 5,000 artillery shells per day. Around the time the first North Korean shells would have arrived at the front lines several months later, the rate suddenly increased to an average of 15,000 per day.
In September 2023, Kim travelled to Russia for a meeting with President Vladimir Putin, where he was given the red-carpet treatment at a space satellite launch facility.
In mid-2024, Putin repaid the favour, making his first visit to Pyongyang in 24 years. He signed a new strategic partnership treaty with North Korea that included mutual defence clauses – each country pledged to provide immediate military assistance if either faced armed aggression.
Soon after, a deployment of 11,000 North Korean troops was headed to the front lines to help Russia retake the Russian region of Kursk, part of which had been captured by Ukraine.
North Korea is also sending thousands of builders and deminers to help rebuild the Kursk region.
What is North Korea getting out of the deal?
Estimates from a German think tank suggest North Korea has earned anywhere from US$1.7 billion to $5.5 billion (A$2.6 billion to $8.5 billion) from selling war materiel to Russia since 2023. The think tank also estimates North Korea may also be receiving up to half a billion US dollars annually from the troop deployments.
Russia is also helping North Korea modernise its ageing Soviet-era military.
For example, Russia appears to have provided assistance to Pyongyang in building a critical new air-defence system, an airborne early warning system, tanks with improved electronic warfare systems, a naval destroyer with supersonic cruise missiles, and air-to-air missiles.
In addition, North Korean soldiers have received valuable modern combat experience using artificial intelligence and drones against a highly skilled Ukrainian military.
And Russian soldiers have also tested North Korea’s weapons in combat, such as ballistic missiles, which will assist in their future research and development.
With Russian expertise, North Korea has also made recent progress on technologies associated with launching satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles, which can deliver numerous miniaturised nuclear warheads.
These developments mean South Korea and its allies will need to deal with a much more battle-hardened and technologically advanced North Korean military. Its antiquated systems, historically limited by isolation and a range of international sanctions, are now being rapidly transformed, making it a much more formidable foe.
How can South Korea adapt to the new threats?
South Korea’s new liberal president, Lee Jae Myung, is much less hawkish on North Korea and Russia than his predecessors.
Instead, Lee is doing his best to ease tensions with the North. For instance, he recently ordered propaganda speakers to be removed from the North Korean border, which I visited this week.
Though North Korea also dismantled its own propaganda speakers from the border, it has largely rebuffed other overtures from South Korea. The regime’s rapidly expanding Russian ties give it little incentive to resume international talks aimed at reducing sanctions.
Lee may soon find the evolving situation across the border requires a much more proactive security policy.
South Korea may seek to bolster coordination with its main ally, the United States, and others in the region, such as Australia.
For example, joint military exercises between South Korea and the US later this month will specifically focus on the threats posed by the North’s advancing missile program, as well as drones, GPS jamming and cyber attacks.
Current South Korean law prohibits it from sending arms to war zones, but Seoul has helped Ukraine indirectly and stepped up its sales of weapons elsewhere in Europe.
And though Lee skipped the recent NATO summit that his predecessor had attended three years in a row, he may need to reverse course and continue deepening ties with the bloc if his soft diplomacy approach with the North doesn’t bear fruit.
Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
You’ll pay substantially less to charge an electric vehicle (EV) than if you were refuelling a petrol car to go the same distance.
But what often surprises new EV owners is how much the cost of a charge can vary. Using a smart charger to draw from rooftop solar at home can cost as little as 10 cents per kilowatt-hour — or almost nothing if you use “excess” solar that would otherwise be exported for a low feed-in tariff or not paid for at all. Charging from the grid off-peak might cost around 20 cents per kWh.
For an EV with a 60kWh battery, paying 10 cents per kWH means it would cost about A$6 for a full charge – enough to drive 300–400 kilometres. But if you’re on a road trip and want to charge quickly at an ultra-fast public charger, it might cost up to 60c per kWh – or about $36 for a 60kWh battery. By contrast, driving the same 350km in a new petrol car would cost almost $50 at Sydney’s recent average of 203.5c per litre – and likely more, given petrol cars often burn more fuel than their manufacturers claim.
It makes sense to charge your EV as cheaply as possible, given many drivers are switching to save on running costs and help tight household budgets. Here’s how.
How does EV charging work?
Charging an EV is like charging your phone, but on a larger scale.
How much driving range you gain per hour depends on the charging speed (measured in kilowatts) and the battery’s total capacity (measured in kilowatt-hours). On average, EVs use about 18kWh per 100km of driving, and most EVs have battery capacities between 40kWh and 120kWh.
There are three main charger levels. Each offers different speeds of charging and are designed for different situations.
EV drivers in Australia will come across three different charger speeds. Here’s how they work.
Level 1: Trickle chargers (1.4–2.4kWh)
Trickle chargers are essentially slow portable chargers plugged into a standard home power point. They add 10–15km of range per hour, making them best suited to overnight charging or emergency top-ups. On the plus side, these chargers come with the car and typically only need access to a standard plug.
Level 2: Top-up chargers (7–22kWh)
Level 2 chargers include home wallbox chargers and destination chargers at hotels, car parks and shopping centres. These AC chargers are faster, adding about 40–120km of range per hour – great for when your car is parked for a while.
Level 3: Rapid chargers (25–350kWh)
You’ll find these fast and ultra-fast DC chargers at motorway rest stops and along major travel routes. They can add 150–300km of range per hour. They’re ideal for long trips and short breaks with quick turnarounds, but they usually cost more.
Home charging is cheapest – if it’s available
If you live in a standalone house with off-street parking, home charging is generally the cheapest option. You can easily use Level 1 or 2 chargers at home, although Level 2 speeds require a wallbox charger. These can cost $1,000–2,000, plus installation.
If you have solar power, it makes sense to plug in your car on sunny days. Over the past 15 years, the value of home solar power exports has fallen 99% as the market hits saturation point. It’s now much more useful to just use the power at home.
Alternatively, charge from the grid overnight on off-peak rates. With the right electricity plan, charging at 20c per kWh is possible.
Not everyone can access cheap charging
Making the EV transition fair will mean ensuring broad access to affordable charging. Apartment residents and regional drivers may be forced to rely on more expensive public options due to a lack of access to dedicated chargers or the need for strata approval.
Community chargers, standardised pricing and smart grid incentives can help here. New South Wales is now offering grants to help apartment residents get EV-ready.
Public charging is fast and convenient – but watch the fees
Public charging stations often offer Level 2 destination chargers for longer stops and Level 3 rapid chargers for quick top-ups. There’s a wide range of pricing models and fees.
These networks may charge by kilowatt-hour or by time. Many apply idle or congestion fees to encourage drivers not to leave their cars plugged in after charging – especially at busy highway sites.
Level 3 fast chargers are great for topping up quickly, but speed usually means they cost more.
Apps such as PlugShare and NextCharge offer useful ways to find available chargers in real time and check the price.
It’s smart to limit charging to between 20% and 80% of your battery capacity. Charging slows down substantially when almost full, meaning more time and cost for relatively little gain.
Charging on the cheap
It’s hard to give definitive answers on the cheapest way to charge your EV, as costs can vary by charger type, location, electricity tariff, EV efficiency and driving habits. But it is possible to offer general estimates.
Timing, planning and avoiding unnecessary fees will help too, such as:
charging overnight at home using off-peak or time-of-use electricity tariffs. If you have solar, charge up while solar generation is highest
consider installing a smart charger so you can schedule and automate charging via an app
plan your longer trips carefully to avoid expensive or busy chargers.
Cheaper than petrol – and cheaper still with planning
Overall, EVs are more affordable to drive than petrol cars. But you can make the most of the technology by charging smartly.
Charging at home on solar or off-peak electricity offers the best value by far. Public charging adds flexibility but comes at a cost, especially at ultra-fast motorway sites. With a little planning, most drivers can avoid expensive options most of the time.
Making the EV transition fair will mean expanding access to affordable, reliable charging for everyone – not just those with off-street parking or rooftop solar.
Hussein Dia receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the iMOVE Australia Cooperative Research Centre, Transport for New South Wales, Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads, Victorian Department of Transport and Planning, and Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts.
Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs – Analysis-Reportage
By William Camacaro
New York
Since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998 Washington has waged a relentless war against the Bolivarian revolution. The Trump administration continues to deploy political, economic and military measures aimed at the overthrow of Venezuela’s government and the reversal of advances in regional independence and integration: the two pillars of the Bolivarian cause. At the present juncture, it is critically important to make no mistake about Washington’s duplicitous policy towards the Maduro administration of simultaneous negotiation and intensifying aggression. This aggression is not a mere show to placate the Trump administration’s hard line anti-Chavista allies in Miami; it is an imminent threat to Venezuela’s national security and part of a strategy to recuperate U.S. domination of the Americas.
On June 12, 2024, newspapers astonishingly published Donald Trump’s incredibly candid opinion: “When I left, Venezuela was ready to collapse.We would have taken all the oil.” This is why it comes as no surprise when Miami-based Venezuelan opposition journalist Carla Angola comments thatDonald Trump is interested in having absolute control of Venezuela’s oilreserves. She adds that the opposition leader, Maria Corina Machado is promising the United States government absolute control of these natural resources, not because this radical sector of the Venezuelan opposition is interested in managing them, but rather in privatizing them.
This terrorist plot cannot be written off as an isolated incident. Washington is pulling out all the stops to prepare public opinion for new acts of aggression by portraying President Nicolas Maduro, through U.S. corporate media, as a narcotrafficker with a price on his head.
The most recent and series of attacks against the Bolivarian Revolution began with a press release by theU.S. Treasury Departmenton July 25 of this year. Titled “Treasury Sanctions Venezuelan Cartel Headed by Maduro,” the release designated the so-called “Cartel of the Suns” as a terrorist entity and named President Maduro as its head. It further pointed to his alleged relationships with both the Tren de Aragua and the Sinaloa Cartel, and accused them of being “violent narco-terrorists.” A few days laterPresident Donald Trump directed the Pentagon to prepare options for the possible use ofU.S. military force against drug cartelsdesignated as terrorist organizations authorizing military intervention in countries with drug trafficking. This came weeks after Secretary of State Marco Rubio publiclyaccused Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro of being the head of the “Cartel of the Suns.” In a further escalation, Rubio stated that the recent designation of the “Cartel of the Suns” as a “terrorist organization”now provides a pretext for Washington to use military and intelligence tools against Maduro and his allies.
All of these accusations sound very ominous, but there is no evidence for them. This narco-mythology is viewed by some political analysts as political cover for eventual attacks on not only Venezuela but also its regional allies like Nicaragua, Cuba, and Bolivia. For this reason Venezuelan security forces have issued strong statements of loyalty and defiance in the face of threats from the North.The Trump administration is doubling a reward to$50 millionfor the arrest of President Maduro, accusing him of being one of the world’s largest drug traffickers and working with cartels to flood the U.S. with fentanyl-laced cocaine. Historically, rewards of this magnitude for political leaders are rare. The first similar historical case was the reward for the apprehension ofPancho Villaafter his raid on Columbus, New Mexico, on March 9, 1916. The reward for Pancho Villa was $5,000, while a smaller reward of $1,000 was offered for his lieutenants. More recently, the State Department formalized its “Rewards for Justice” program in 1984. Its first high-profile case was Manuel Noriega of Panama in 1989, accused of drug trafficking. The reward for Saddam Hussein in 2003 was $25 million.
Drug trafficking ruse for U.S. intervention
Washington demonstrates its contempt for the people of the Global South by treating their presidents as pawns, making accusations without any evidence, and imposing unilateral and illegal sanctions against those who resist imperial domination. This latest bizarre accusation should remind us of the allegations of the existence of weapons of mass destruction that served as an excuse to destroy Iraq, murder a million people, displace thousands from their homes, and deprive the nation of control over their natural resources.
The hypocrisy of the narco-mythology could not be more blatant. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has publicly supported former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, particularly in the context of Uribe’s recent conviction for witness tampering and bribery. Rubio’s statements have drawn criticism from some who view it as interference in Colombia’s judicial system. Rubio’s defense of the former Colombian president is nonetheless troubling given that the same entity he leads designated Alvaro Uribe in 1991 as amajor drug trafficker, a member of thecartel of Medellinand a personal friend of Pablo Escobar. .
Colombian President Gustavo Petro affirmed that his Venezuelan counterpart, Nicolás Maduro, has backed the fight against drug trafficking on the border and that this “support has been forceful and must continue.” Petro warned last Sunday that a military operation against Venezuela without the approval of “brother countries”would be an act of aggression against Latin America and the Caribbean.
There have also been a series of strong pronouncements fromTegucigalpa,Havana,Managua, La Paz and the Caribbean countries against this designation that seeks to stigmatize the Bolivarian Revolution. After the US attorney general accused the Venezuelan president of working with the Sinaloa Cartel, Mexican PresidentClaudia Sheinbaumresponded, “Mexico has no investigation under way and no proof that Maduro is linked to the Sinaloa Cartel.”
The statements by Secretary of State Rubio and Attorney GeneralPamela Bondiare extremely ridiculous, especially considering that the U.S. has been engaged in a “war on drugs” in Colombia for over 50 years. Since the 1990s, this war has resulted in over450,000 deaths. Far from diminishing drug production, this war has seen Colombia become the world’s largest drug producer.
It is notable that the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in its most comprehensive annual report on the subject,the 2023 World Drug Report, states that Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are the main cocaine producers. The same report identifies Australia, New Zealand, US, and Spain as the largest cocaine consumers worldwide. Curiously, Venezuela is not mentioned in any of these reports, neither as a producer nor as a major consumer.
At a press conference on August 9, Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello reported that a foiled plot was sponsored by “narco-gangs” of the far-right Venezuelan opposition, in direct coordination with the US government. The plot involved a criminal group from the Zulia region, led by Francisco Javier Linol, and a representative from Colombia’s Guajira Cartel. The authorities arrested José Daniel García, who confessed to being offered $20,000 to carry out the attack. This confession led to the capture of 13 other individuals in Venezuela and an additional suspect in Colombia.
Cabello’s said “This proves the ties between narco-paramilitarism, the fascist far-right, and the U.S. government… It confirms the script we’ve long warned about.” This underscores the Venezuelan government’s perspective that these are not isolated incidents but part of a larger, orchestrated plan. Two days later, in Monagas state, Cabello displayed a new, massive cache of explosives, including various types of explosives and electric detonators, found in boxes inside a warehouse.
History of US attacks on the Bolivarian Revolution
These actions are paralleled by diplomatic attacks. On August 6th of this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS), an organization from which Venezuela withdrew, launched avirulent attackon Venezuelan democracy. The Rapporteur on the Rights of Afro-Descendants,Gloria Monique de Mees, accused the government of a systematic violation of human rights and the imprisonment of more than 900 political prisoners. This accusation, coming a day before the foiled attack and Rubio’s militaristic rhetoric, adds another layer of coordinated pressure and raises questions about the political motivations behind such reports.
Since its inception in 1998, the Bolivarian Revolution has endured a large number of attacks. The first major blow was the 2002 coup d’état against the elected leader Hugo Chávez. This coup, which was widely celebrated bythe corporate media, was ultimately reversed thanks to the massive public support that saw people take to the streets, risking their lives to defend the constitution and demand Chávez’s return to power. This was an unprecedented situation in Latin American history. The celebratory tone of the US media at the time is revealing. For example,theNew York Timesinitially welcomed his removal before being forced to retract its triumphant narrative just a day later when Chávez was reinstated. Shortly after, at the end of that year and beginning of 2003, a brutal oil strike occurred, causing losses of billions of dollars.
After President Nicolás Maduro assumed the presidency, the attacks evolved into multiple hybrid forms, including assassination attempts. One of the most audacious was a drone attack on August 4, 2018, during a live-streamed military event in Caracas.Two drones loaded with explosiveswere detonated near the platform where Maduro was speaking. This event set a grim precedent as the first assassination attempt using commercial drones against a head of state.
In 2019, a virtually unknown congressman namedJuan Guaidóswore himself in as interim president of Venezuela with the immediate support of the U.S. and the European community. This was followed in 2020 by another attack on Venezuelan democracy through a mercenary invasion known as “Operation Gideon.”
Following the 2024 presidential elections,rioters ( comanditos ),some with firearms, took to the streets to demand foreign intervention, leading to small skirmishes in Caracas. The attacks against the Bolivarian Revolution are innumerable, and what has been truly amazing is its capacity to resist and reinvent itself in the face of every challenge.
Current threat
Despite this history of attacks, there is a belief among some supporters of the Bolivarian Revolution that relations with the U.S. are improving. They point to dialogue and the continued operation of Chevron in Venezuela as evidence of an evolving more cooperative relationship. The reality is that it is in Washington’s interest to maintain a foothold in the Venezuelan oil business.
The Trump administration, however, has so far carried out only symbolic actions at détente. Concrete actions would involve dismantling the sanctions and eliminating the bounty on the president and members of his cabinet. They are not going to eliminate them. They do not want Venezuela to stand on its own two feet. The talks underway between Washington and Caracas do not preclude an attack on the constitutional government of Venezuela..
The proximity and interconnectedness of these events—the terrorist plots in Caracas and Maturín, the alleged links to Colombian paramilitary forces and the Venezuelan far-right, and the explicit threats from the United States—serve as a grave warning.
For Venezuela and its supporters, these incidents are not coincidental; they represent a coordinated effort to destabilize the nation through a combination of domestic terrorism, international political pressure, and the looming threat of military intervention. The government’s successful dismantling of these plots has, for now, averted major disasters, but it also confirms the ongoing and complex nature of the threats facing the country.
The Bolivarian Revolution is a project of Latin American integration that represents the search for social justice; it is a project of liberation. Washington commits a huge injustice by deploying more than athousand unilateral and coercive measures against Venezuela, as these only bring hardship and death to the nation’s most humble citizens.
It is essential to reflect on the fate of Augusto Sandino, who, after leading a 21-year guerrilla war against the U.S. military occupation of Nicaragua, successfully expelled foreign forces from his homeland. A revered revolutionary and emblem of anti-imperialist resistance, Sandino was tragically assassinated by the Somoza regime shortly after initiating a dialogue with representatives of the North American government, following a dinner at the national palace—a dinner with the enemy.
Photo Credit: VTV
William Camacaro is a Senior Analyst for the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). He is a co-founder of the Bolivarian Circle of New York “Alberto Lovera” a holds a Master’s Degree of Fine Arts and a Master’s Degree in Latin American Literature from City University of New York. He has published in the Monthly Review, Counterpunch, COHA, the Afro-America Magazine, Ecology, Orinoco Tribune and other venues. He has organized delegations to Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela.
Youth vaping is a major public health concern in many countries, with New Zealand’s youth vaping rates among the highest in the world, and rising.
In 2017, 3% of New Zealanders aged between 15 and 24 vaped daily, but by 2024, this was up to 21.3%.
Globally, one of the main drivers is the promotion of vapes on social media. Like many other countries, New Zealand introduced vape advertising restrictions, including on social media, as part of efforts to curb this problem.
But vape manufacturers mirror the techniques of traditional tobacco marketing, including stylish branding, flavours and sponsorship, and use global channels to get around domestic regulations.
This raises the question of whether New Zealand’s rules can be effective in a globalised digital world.
Our new study investigates the content posted to the global Instagram account of British American Tobacco’s vape brand Vuse, which holds more than 25% of the global market. We identify and describe the marketing strategies used to promote the brand to a global audience.
Collaborations and sponsorship
We assessed the marketing strategies used by the account by analysing all posts made by @Vuse.Worldwide – including imagery, audio and text – during the year from August 2023 to 2024.
We looked for brand and influencer collaborations and posts with high engagement (likes and views). We found the company formed several high-profile collaborations as a major part of its marketing strategy.
The most notable collaboration is with the Formula 1 motor racing team, McLaren. As a key sponsor, the car is heavily emblazoned with the Vuse logo and is frequently promoted on the Instagram account.
Sharing content between the McLaren and Vuse Instagram accounts increased the @Vuse.Worldwide audience from around 17,000 followers to the nearly 14 million followers of the McLaren race team.
The four most viewed video posts in our study featured the motorsport partnership, with one clip viewed more than 225,000 times.
British American Tobacco has maintained a decades-long partnership with Formula 1, dating back to when traditional cigarette advertising was still allowed.
Social media influencers
The Vuse Instagram account also features other lifestyle and entertainment collaborations. In a series of posts related to music festivals, Vuse employed DJs, artists, digital content creators and social media influencers to create engaging and stylish videos and photographs.
The tobacco industry has undertaken music festival marketing for generations as an effective strategy to reach young people.
“Get ready with me” videos are popular on Instagram, especially among young women. Four of the ten most viewed posts on the Vuse account were in this style, featuring young women filming themselves selecting fashion, makeup and hairstyles, and explaining their choices or setting the video to popular music.
In these videos, the vape may appear only briefly, for example slipped into a handbag as the final touch before a night out. Yet this placement connects the product and brand with glamorous, fun or exciting settings, creating an important association between the brand and appealing lifestyles and experiences.
The influencers often shared this content directly with their existing followers.
Instagram policy requires users to disclose paid partnerships with the #ad hashtag or paid partnership tag. Of the nearly 700 times an influencer or brand was tagged in the posts, only 14 were disclosed in this way.
Workarounds and weak policies
Vape companies often use workarounds to bypass restrictions on marketing to maintain a presence in youth-oriented settings.
Instagram lists @Vuse.Worldwide as a verified account, based in the UK, where advertising standards permit only “factual” vape content on a company’s social media account, but paid influencer marketing and “imagery unrelated to the product” are banned. The official @Vuse.UK account appears to align more clearly with these parameters.
Instagram’s own policies on vape marketing are difficult to decipher, with complicated rules that leave significant loopholes. For example, vape advertisements and paid influencer marketing for vape products are banned on Instagram. However, these rules do not extend to the brand content on a company’s own account.
Our research shows Vuse uses the worldwide account to promote brand associations, an indirect but powerful form of marketing that sits outside Instagram policies. Cross-posting to other accounts enables Vuse to reach new audiences without paid advertising on the platform.
Dealing with these issues will require global cooperation to require social media platforms to prohibit vape marketing more broadly. It will also require active monitoring and enforcement of breaches to hold social media platforms and vape brands to account. Domestic laws and rules must also apply to international content.
Lucy Hardie has received funding for public health-related e-cigarette research from the University of Auckland, Maurice & Phyllis Paykel Trust and the Auckland Medical Research Foundation. She is an advisor for the Health Coalition Aotearoa.
Becky Freeman is an unpaid expert advisor to the Cancer Council tobacco issues committee and a member of the Cancer Institute vaping communications advisory panel. She has received relevant competitive grants from the NHMRC, MRFF, NSW Health, the Ian Potter Foundation, VicHealth, and Healthway WA; consulting fees from the World Health Organization, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Department of Health, the US FDA, the NHMRC e-cigarette working committee, NSW Health, and Cancer Council; and travel expenses from the Oceania Tobacco Control Conference and the Australia Public Health Association preventive health conference.
Christina Watts has received consultancy payment from Cancer Council NSW, on behalf of Cancer Council Australia and the Australian Department of Health and Aged Care relating to adolescent and young adult e-cigarette use.
Judith McCool receives funding from the Health Research Council NZ.
Australia is home to a unique bunch of native land mammals, such as koalas, wombats and wallabies. These furballs evolved in isolation on this island continent and have become Australian symbols.
But between 27 and 23 million years ago, the coastal seas of Australia were also home to sea mammals found almost nowhere else: whales.
But not just any old whales. These creatures were among the strangest of all whales, called mammalodontids. If alive today, mammalodontids would be as iconically Australian as kangaroos.
Recent fossil discoveries from coastal Victoria reveal that not just one or two species, but a cornucopia of these wonderfully weird whales once called Australia home.
Our latest find, a roughly 25-million-year-old fossil of a newly named whale species Janjucetus dullardi, joins their bizarre ranks. Our discovery is published today in the Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society.
Baleen whales without baleen
Today, some of the most iconic whale species, such as blue and humpback whales, are baleen whales. These ocean giants use hair-like structures in their mouths, called baleen, to filter plankton – their main food source.
By contrast, mammalodontids were small-bodied (no longer than three metres), big-eyed, and had short jaws lined with teeth. Despite this description, we know that mammalodontids were, in fact, baleen whales … that lacked baleen. They were like an offshoot from the main evolutionary branch leading to today’s toothless giants.
All mammalodontid fossils date from the late Oligocene epoch – 27 to 23 million years ago. And three out of four named species have been found on Victoria’s Surf Coast, south-east of Melbourne.
Mammalodontid whales of Jan Juc, Victoria. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
The first mammalodontid was found in 1932, and in 1939 was given the name Mammalodon colliveri. It had blunt jaw bones with extensive blood and nerve supply for face and lip muscles. Curiously, the teeth were worn down to the gums, suggesting it fed by slurping prey (along with abrasive grit) from the seabed.
In 2006, local naturalist Staumn Hunder found the first fossil of a species later named after him, Janjucetus hunderi. This whale sported a robust triangular snout with sharp teeth and powerful jaw-closing muscles.
Although Mammalodon colliveri and Janjucetus hunderi hint at a surprisingly wide range of lifestyles for mammalodontids, the details of exactly how and when they became so different from other whales remain murky.
Fossil skulls of mammalodontid whales from left to right: Mammalodon colliveri, Janjucetus dullardi, Janjucetus hunderi. Tom Breakwell, Museums Victoria
A tiny new whale
In 2019, school principal Ross Dullard found a whale fossil eroding out of rocks along the coast at Jan Juc in Victoria.
Dullard donated his find to Museums Victoria, where it was painstakingly cleaned and repaired in the laboratory so we could study it.
The fossil skull of Janjucetus dullardi was found along the coast of Jan Juc in the south-east of Australia. Art by Ruairidh Duncan, graphic by Erich Fitzgerald
As we describe in our new paper, Dullard’s find is a mammalodontid like Janjucetus hunderi, yet with different enough teeth and ear bones to warrant the naming of a new species: Janjucetus dullardi.
Incomplete fusion between skull bones, minimal tooth wear, and open tooth root canals tell us the animal was not fully grown when it died, possibly being a juvenile.
Artist’s reconstruction of the complete skull of Janjucetus dullardi. Parts preserved in the fossil are white and light grey. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
But just how small was it?
Using an equation that takes into account measurements of skull width compared with the total length of whales, we predicted that Janjucetus dullardi was about two metres long – small enough to fit on a standard single bed.
This makes it the smallest fossil whale discovered in Australia, and perhaps the first fossil of a juvenile whale found here.
The newly described fossil whale Janjucetus dullardi (2 metres long) next to a modern fin whale (26 metres) and a human diver (2 metres). Art by Ruairidh Duncan, graphic by Erich Fitzgerald
A warm-water paradise
Janjucetus dullardi and its fellow mammalodontids lived during the Late Oligocene Warming, between 26 and 23 million years ago. The coastal waters of Victoria were as warm as those off present-day northeast New South Wales, and the sea level was higher.
Small, toothy whales clearly didn’t mind this long summer of balmy, sunlit waters: 80% of the dozens of whale fossils found in Victoria from that era are mammalodontids – mostly unnamed species. In contrast, rocks of the same age in New Zealand have yielded just one mammalodontid from a century of intensive fossil whale collecting.
Unfortunately, the mammalodontid paradise was lost. By about 22 million years ago, mammalodontids had gone extinct, no longer playing a part in the ongoing saga of baleen whale evolution. Global cooling at about 23 million years ago resulted in lower sea levels and the loss of the mammalodontids’ shallow coastal habitat.
Janjucetus dullardi calf and mother swimming through the shallow seas off Victoria, 25 million years ago. Art by Ruairidh Duncan
If we know how their story ends, the beginning is still a mystery. Our research on Janjucetus dullardi and its kin suggests mammalodontids must have originated long before the age of their oldest known fossils, maybe 34 million years ago.
We suspect that the cradle of their evolution was here, in splendid isolation off southern Australia – home of the mammalodontids.
Ruairidh Duncan receives funding from the Australian Government Research Program scholarship and the Monash University–Museums Victoria Robert Blackwood scholarship.
Erich Fitzgerald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Have you ever been part of a large group project? You might assume that with more people involved, the work gets done better and faster.
However, as more team members join the group, the effectiveness of each individual doesn’t increase. It doesn’t even stay constant – it gets worse. Many hands may make light work, but too many cooks spoil the broth.
This paradox is known as the Ringelmann effect, named after French engineer Max Ringelmann who discovered it in the late 19th century. When he measured the force produced by students pulling on a rope, he found that as more students joined the task, the total pulling force increased – but the average effort per individual decreased.
This decline was due to two main factors: the difficulty of coordinating within larger teams, and “social loafing”, the tendency for individuals to reduce effort when they feel less accountable within a group.
But many animal species, from fish schools to lion prides, cooperate successfully in large groups. Could they somehow overcome this decline in efficiency?
If any animal could, it would be ants. In a new study published in Current Biology, we aimed to find out whether weaver ant chains suffered from the Ringelmann effect.
Group work – for ants
Ants are champions of collective action, seamlessly coordinating complex tasks across colonies of millions. And among all ant species, the weaver ants (Oecophylla smaragdina) are a standout example.
Weaver ants craft treetop nests by pulling living leaves together and binding them with larval silk. To do so, they form “pulling chains” – each ant gripping the waist of another with its jaws and pulling in unison. The mechanical advantage of these chains has never been investigated.
Weaver ants build a treetop leaf nest. Chris Reid
We encouraged ants to form chains to pull an artificial paper leaf attached to a force meter which continuously monitored their collective force output. As more ants joined and left the pulling team, we could see how the group’s output changed in real time.
We hypothesised that the force per individual would decrease as chains grew, an idea supported by previous ant research. For instance, fire ants (Solenopsis invicta) are known to link together into sticky, raft-like balls to survive floods. When researchers pulled apart balls of varying size, larger groups showed signs of the Ringelmann effect, displaying less resistance per ant as group size increased.
To our surprise, we found that as more weaver ants joined the pulling team, the total force increased as expected – but so did the force per ant. In other words, individual weaver ants actually became more effective as team size grew.
The weaver ants, it seems, are not only able to avoid the Ringelmann effect – they are “superefficient” in their teamwork.
Weaver ants formed chains to pull the paper ‘leaf’ into a nest shape. Chris Reid
A division of labour
How do weaver ants achieve superefficiency? Is it just a matter of adding more ants to the mix?
Not necessarily.
Superefficiency seems to depend on how ants arrange themselves. Weaver ants performed best when arranging into a single, long chain rather than several short ones.
We also noticed that the posture of ants differed depending on their position in a chain. Ants at the rear stretched out their hind legs – a posture which helps them passively resist the counter-force of the leaf.
Ants positioned in the middle or front of the chain instead maintained a more crouched posture, typically associated with active pulling. This pattern hinted at a division of labour within chains.
Ants change their roles in the pulling chain depending on where they are positioned. Chris Reid
In our study, we propose a mechanism we call the “force ratchet”. The weakest link in pulling chains is not the ants’ connections to each other, but their grip on the ground.
When pulling alone, the maximum pulling force an ant can produce is limited by slipping. But in a chain, rear ants can act as passive resisters, increasing the contact to the ground and preventing slippage.
This allows the front ants to pull harder, storing and transmitting force through the chain itself. This division of labour locks in the force and prevents backsliding.
More is different
While speculative, our model provides a compelling new perspective on how teams might overcome the common pitfall of the Ringelmann effect, at least in the application of physical force.
Future experiments – such as varying the slipperiness of the ground or the leaf weight – will be critical to confirm our force ratchet hypothesis.
In a chain, rear ants can help the group increase contact with the ground to prevent slippage. Chris Reid
Our research has broad implications, especially for the field of autonomous robotics. In swarm robotics, teams of small, inexpensive robots are designed to collaborate to achieve tasks beyond the capabilities of any single group member.
Yet, so far, pulling robot teams have at best achieved linear scaling: doubling the number of robots doubles the force output. This means robots may not be suffering from the Ringelmann effect, but they’re also not “superefficient”.
Programming robots with ant-mimicking strategies – such as the weaver ants’ force ratchet – could improve their performance and allow machines to become more than the sum of their parts.
Our study also challenges the ubiquity of the Ringelmann effect. Sometimes, when it comes to teamwork, more is different. And for some animals at least, more really is better. If weaver ants were cooks, it’s fair to say they might just make the best broth.
Chris R. Reid receives funding from the Australian Research Council and Macquarie University. He is secretary of both the Australasian Society for the Study of Animal Behaviour, and the Australasian Section of the International Union for the Study of Social Insects. He is also on the education committee for the Australasian Entomological Society.
Daniele Carlesso receives funding from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and Max Planck Institute for Animal Behavior.
Many families find feeding children a constant challenge. A favourite food is suddenly refused, someone is grumpy after a long day, siblings fight at the table.
But if parents and caregivers are turning to social media for advice, it may do more harm than good. Because here, feeding kids looks downright easy.
Our new research found Instagram is flooded with highly polished content that can perpetuate unrealistic standards of mealtimes. This could be adding to the frustration and guilt many caregivers already face.
Our study
We know parents face many pressures when it comes to feeding their kids, but little is known about how social media may be contributing to these pressures.
To find out how family meals are portrayed on social media, we looked at a popular platform, Instagram. With about 2 billion users, Instagram proffers a seemingly endless carousel of images and videos related to food, cooking and eating.
For our study, we downloaded the top 15 posts from the hashtags #familymeals, #familybreakfast, #familylunch and #familydinner every week for 14 weeks from February to May 2024, to analyse what was being posted.
Lots of ‘meals on a plate’
Unsurprisingly, most posts depicted food and drink, typically meals on a plate, the cooking process, or step-by-step recipe instructions.
Many posts included “healthy foods” from the five core food groups. Interestingly, #familybreakfast contained the most “unhealthy foods”, such as pancakes, waffles and big fry-ups.
But few posts promoted realistic, everyday family meals. Most images depicted highly polished and staged kitchens, plated foods and mealtimes.
To meet the ethics approval for our research, we are not able to publicly share the posts in our study. But below are images similar to those we found.
Where’s the mess?
It was rare to see posts with a toddler hanging off mum’s leg while she cooked, or a kid getting cranky because they are hungry. We didn’t see many kitchen benchtops with scattered ingredients, or plated food with sauce around the edges.
In reality, family meals are often made in a rush, squeezed between daycare pickups, sports training, work and school. Caregivers often describe mealtimes as messy, chaotic and noisy.
Image captions often contained recipes described as “quick”, “easy” or “family-friendly”.
However, there were few posts with families actually eating these meals together – which makes us question how “easy” these meals might actually be. These “easy” recipe posts also assume life always goes to plan, kids help set the table and want to eat what has been prepared (sometimes a simple meal of baked beans on toast can still result in chaos).
Few posts depicted people – they were more about the “perfect” food. Where they did, it was usually a woman or mother.
Instagram may offer caregivers quick, easy and family-friendly meal ideas. But it’s important to remember not everything you see on social media is real.
Algorithms favour popular content, and as a visual platform, Instagram posts are often picture-perfect and aesthetically pleasing. Messy kitchens and chaotic mealtimes do not make for visually appealing content.
So try not to compare your meals to the curated content and perfect dishes you see on social media. It is unlikely this is how a family cooks or eats every day. Food content may also be professionally filmed or photographed.
What works for one family may not work for yours. If you see a new recipe or idea, give it a try. But don’t be discouraged if it doesn’t work out. It can take up to ten exposures to a new food for a child to even agree to taste it, and some children are more adventurous eaters than others.
Also remember, healthy meals don’t need to be complicated. Look out for simple recipes with plenty of vegetables.
Mealtimes also do not need to look perfect to be healthy and enjoyable.
Post about real life
To promote more realistic, relatable social media content, we need to start posting it. Sharing images or videos of everyday dishes and family meals may support other parents to feel more comfortable and less guilty about their own mealtimes.
‘I’ll just play with the bread, thanks’. It’s important to depict family meals as they really are. Lisa from Pexels/ Pexels, CC BY
We know many men and dads are involved in family mealtimes. Sharing these moments may also help other men feel more comfortable getting into the kitchen.
Promoting gender diversity and real-life mealtimes on social media can help shift family mealtime norms, including easing some of the burden of feeding families that often falls on women and mothers.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Here, we serve some food for thought – the taxation of owner-occupied housing. This may seem distasteful, but there are some strong arguments for doing so.
Tax breaks for owner-occupied housing are very large
The size of tax concessions for owner-occupied housing is similar to that of superannuation, and much larger than for investment property. Treasury estimates it forgoes more than A$50 billion per year by exempting owner-occupied housing from capital gains tax (CGT).
There is also no tax on the rental value of owner-occupied housing, although we did tax such “imputed rental income” (what a homeowner would pay in rent) briefly between 1915 and 1923.
Owner-occupied housing exacerbates inequality
Australia prides itself on being a fair society. In reality, we are near the middle among developed countries on standard measures of income inequality. But such statistics ignore the income that owner-occupiers derive from their homes.
In a new paper, we see what happens to income inequality if owner-occupied housing income is included. This non-cash housing income refers to the imputed rent and unrealised capital gains on the property.
When these are included in the income measure, inequality is higher, and it increases more strongly over time. The effect is large enough to shift Australia’s inequality from 16th to tenth highest amongst OECD countries (though we haven’t conducted the same exercise for other countries).
Unsurprisingly, outright home owners are much better off than renters when income from the home is counted. They have an average income 86% higher than the average income of renters – compared with 34% higher if housing income is ignored, as it usually is.
Australia’s progressive tax system is largely a mirage
Income taxes reduce inequality because the tax rate is higher for people with higher incomes. That is what is meant by a “progressive” tax system.
Our paper finds that this changes greatly when income from owner-occupied housing is included. The income tax system reduces inequality by a lot less (about 40.5% less) if we include such housing income. Because this income is tax-free, the average tax rate for the rich is much lower than it seems. So the tax system is less progressive than it appears to be.
The same is true for government pensions and benefits. They also reduce inequality, since they are targeted to people with limited means.
But housing wealth is excluded from the pension assets test, so pensions are not as as targeted as they appear to be. Repeating the exercise above, we find the effect of pensions and benefits on inequality is 18.9% smaller when housing income is included.
Overall, the combined impact of income taxes and pensions/benefits on inequality is 26.7% lower when we include income from the family home.
Favourable tax treatment is built into house prices
These tax concessions may also increase house prices and encourage inefficient allocation of resources. Income from investing in owner-occupied housing is tax-free, while all other investments attract tax. So Australians plough their money into their home instead of other, more economically productive, investments. These funds could instead be invested into private firms (directly or through the stock market), stimulating entrepreneurial activity and lifting productivity, wages and profits.
While stamp duty is typically payable on home purchases, the value of the income tax exemption is much larger. That lifts demand for housing, and hence housing prices. We know of no recent studies that have estimated the size of this effect, but it is likely to be large and therefore make the move into home ownership more difficult.
The absence of recent studies may be because taxing owner-occupied housing is not seen as a politically viable option. Much more attention has been placed on the much smaller tax concessions for investment property income.
Home owners have an average income 86% higher than the average income of renters, new research shows. Artem Podrez/Pexels, CC BY
Most people would be better off
The Australian community as a whole would benefit from a reduced incentive to invest in housing because it would lead to increased investment in productive activities.
In terms of who would benefit most, renters stand out as obvious beneficiaries, since the tax burden would shift towards homeowners. But a progressive tax on housing could also benefit owners of modest homes, as part of a broader redesign of the tax system.
There is a temptation to equate a new tax with more total tax. This depends on the design. But it is certainly possible to implement a progressive tax on housing wealth, perhaps combined with an income tax cut, which could leave most people better off.
How would this look in practice?
There are many policy options for more fairly incorporating owner-occupied housing in the tax system. We do not make a specific proposal here, but options include:
a broad-based land tax would go a long way to addressing the issue, and should be on the government’s agenda. This is an economically efficient tax that is advocated by many economists
an explicit tax on owner-occupied housing wealth is also justifiable, since it is the only large asset that generates income that is not taxed
a broader wealth tax could also be considered.
We also believe there is a strong case for reconsidering the exemption of housing from the pension assets test. Many wealthy retirees benefit from public pensions, which are funded by taxes on the incomes of younger workers and renters.
Too important to be squeamish
We should have a national conversation on whether the current tax treatment of owner-occupied housing is sensible. Moving away from complete exemption would open up opportunities for reduced reliance on income taxes and more food on the table for renters, and owners of modest homes.
Will the reform roundtable etiquette permit consideration of reforming the taxation of owner-occupied housing? This is an important and much neglected consideration in assessing the overall fairness and efficiency of the tax system.
Peter Siminski receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Roger Wilkins receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
So proclaims Denzel Washington in Spike Lee’s new film, Highest 2 Lowest, where Washington portrays a hip hop mogul, David King, who finds himself the centre of a high-profile kidnapping case.
Highest 2 Lowest is a remake of Akira Kurosawa’s 1963 classic crime drama High and Low. In that film, Toshiro Mifune plays high powered executive Kingo Gondo, who, on the eve of the most important night of his career, receives a surprising phone call informing him that his son has been kidnapped.
Kurosawa’s film begins as a corporate thriller before transforming into a police procedural as detectives traverse the streets of Yokohama in the hope of solving the crime. At the same time, the film sees the director examining social tensions under the surface of reconstruction-era Japan.
More than just a historical document, the film stands up as a remarkable example in nail-biting tension, 60 years after release.
From America …
Kurosawa’s original film is already derived from an American source, adapted from King’s Ransom (1959), an instalment in a series of police procedural paperbacks collectively titled 87th precinct, from author Ed McBain.
The novel’s prose is streamlined and action oriented. Simple sentences like “The room was full of cigarette smoke” or “The 87th Precinct building was on Grover Avenue” read like blueprints for a screenplay.
McBain was a pseudonym for the screenwriter Evan Hunter, who would adapt many of his own novels, including King’s Ransom, for a short lived TV series of the same name which aired from 1961–62.
The series was a late entry in a trend of procedural TV shows popular in Eisenhower’s America, epitomised by The Naked City (1958–63) and Dragnet (1951–59).
… to Japan
The Japanese studio Toho bought the rights for King’s Ransom for US$5,000 in 1961. Kurosawa must have sensed the opportunity for second chance, having been disappointed in his earlier attempt to make a detective film with 1949’s Stray Dog.
However, believing McBain’s novel “wasn’t particularly well written”, he started to make radical adjustments.
The biggest change Kurosawa makes to the novel is to split it into two distinct sections.
In the first half, Kurosawa takes the majority of McBain’s novel and restricts it to the sleek living room of Gondo’s nouveau riche mansion. Gondo’s luxurious air conditioned home overlooks the sweltering overcrowded shanty towns of Yokohama – yet the curtains are often drawn.
This section resembles a chamber-play. Kurosawa’s masterful blocking of the actors forces the audience’s eyes to shift around the widescreen frame; examining each character’s reaction in real time to every gradual reveal of information.
In the second half, Kurosawa abandons the claustrophobia of Gondo’s living room and sends the investigation into the streets below. Abandoning the plot of the novel, this is when the film’s observations of contemporary Japanese society come to the forefront.
An era of Americanisation
The film comments on the “Americanisation” of Japan that took place in the postwar era. Following the end of American Occupation, Japan entered into an unprecedented period of production, prosperity and profit known as the Economic Miracle.
A huge demand for “Western” cultural and commercial goods reshaped much of private and public life. The “three sacred treasures” of domestic goods during the 1960s would be the colour television, the automobile and the air conditioner. The continued presence of United States Army bases allowed the proliferation of American comic books and magazines, jazz and rock ‘n’ roll records.
But for the Japanese, America was both a figure of aspirational culture, and of ongoing military control. During protests in 1960 hundreds of thousands protested against American military expansion. Violent clashes with the police ensued, and one young student was killed. US President Dwight D. Eisenhower cancelled a scheduled visit and Japanese Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi was forced to resign.
In the first half, the film resembles a chamber-play. Toho
This split vision of America is almost directly reflected in the dual structure of High and Low. Gondo’s home represents desire; the streets of Yokohama represent violence, and Kurosawa employs the aesthetic of film noir in intensifying the anxiety of the urban environment.
The film was released one year prior to the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, which sought to reintroduce Japan onto the world stage, showcasing the country’s remarkable transformation.
Kurosawa presents audiences with the repercussions of such progression, asking us to consider the lives and choices of those who have been left behind.
And back to America again
Kurosawa’s films have proved fertile material for American remakes. Seven Samurai (1954) became The Magnificent Seven (1960 and 2016); Yojimbo (1961) became A Fistful of Dollars (1964); and Last Man Standing (1996) and The Hidden Fortress (1958) were an inspiration behind Star Wars (1977).
High and Low has long been earmarked for an American remake. In 1993, Martin Scorsese tried to get a version off the ground, and in 2008 Scorsese tried to pass directing duties to Mike Nichols. Now finally, Lee’s version has premiered at Cannes and to positive reviews.
Kurosawa’s original film continues to impress over half a decade later. Toho
Kurosawa’s original film continues to impress over half a decade later.
In late 2024, the film received a 4K restoration and, along with numerous other Kurosawa classics, was part of a Kurosawa retrospective across cinemas worldwide.
The film has had a remarkable shelf life. It has transcended not only its low brow source material but also language, culture and history.
If Lee’s remake manages to capture even a small portion of the original, then it’s sure to be a great film.
Kristian Ramsden receives funding from The University of Adelaide in the form of a research stipend.
A stroke happens when the blood supply to part of the brain is cut off, either because of a blockage (called an ischaemic stroke) or bleeding (a haemorrhagic stroke). Around 83% of strokes are ischaemic.
The main emergency treatment for ischaemic strokes is a “clot-busting” process called intravenous thrombolysis. But this only works if administered quickly – ideally within an hour of arriving to hospital, and no later than 4.5 hours after symptoms begin. The faster treatment is given, the better the person’s chance of survival and recovery.
However, not everyone gets an equal chance of receiving this treatment quickly. Notably, research has shown ambulance staff are significantly less likely to correctly identify a stroke in women compared to men.
In a recent study, we modelled the potential health gains and cost savings of closing this gap. And they’re substantial.
The sex gap in stroke diagnosis
In Australia, about three-quarters of people who experience stroke arrive at hospital by ambulance. If paramedics suspect a stroke, they can take patients directly to a hospital which specialises in stroke care, and alert the hospital team so scans and treatment can start immediately.
Research has shown women aged under 70 are 11% less likely than men to have their stroke recognised by paramedics before they arrive at the hospital.
While younger men and women experience stroke at a similar rate, the symptoms they present with may be different, with “typical” symptoms more common in men and “atypical” symptoms more common in women.
Research has shown women and men are equally likely to present with movement and speech problems when having a stroke. However, women are more likely to show vague symptoms, such as general weakness, changes in alertness, or confusion.
These “atypical” symptoms can be overlooked, leaving women more vulnerable to misdiagnosis, delayed treatment, and preventable harm.
What we did
In our study, published recently in the Medical Journal of Australia (MJA), we used ambulance and hospital data from a 2022 MJA study in New South Wales. This is the study we mentioned above that showed paramedics correctly identified stroke more often in men than women under 70.
From this dataset, we identified more than 5,500 women under 70 who had an ischaemic stroke between 2005 and 2018. Using this group, we built a model to compare two scenarios:
the status quo, where women’s strokes are identified at the current rate of accuracy; and
an improved scenario, where women’s strokes are identified at the same rate as men’s.
We then projected patients’ health over time, including their level of impairment, risk of another stroke, and immediate and long-term survival.
Closing the diagnosis gap would save lives and money
When women’s stroke diagnosis rate was improved to match men’s, each woman gained an average of 0.14 extra years of life (roughly 51 days) and 0.08 extra quality-adjusted life years (QALYs), meaning an additional 29 days in full health.
Scenario two also meant A$2,984 in health-care costs would be saved per woman.
Scaled to the national level based on the number of women under 70 hospitalised with ischaemic stroke each year, closing this gap would mean 252 extra years of life, 144 extra QALYs, and $5.4 million in cost savings annually.
Some limitations
We didn’t have sex-specific data for every aspect of the model, which is in itself a telling sign of the lack of recognition of sex as an important factor in understanding disease. Because of this, we used combined data from both men and women in some parts of our model, which may have affected the results.
Further, the NSW data we used for rates of treatment with intravenous thrombolysis were higher than the national average, so our national figures may be slightly over-estimated.
Beyond stroke – why all this matters
The disparity we found is one example of a broader, systemic issue in women’s health: sex-based differences in diagnosis and treatment that favour men.
Too often, women’s symptoms are misinterpreted or dismissed because they don’t match a “typical” pattern. This can lead to delays, missed opportunities for early treatment, and worse outcomes for women.
In stroke, faster and more accurate diagnosis means people are less likely to die or require long-term care, and more likely to recover better and get back to their daily lives sooner.
So what can we do to close the diagnosis gap?
Investing in better training for paramedics and other emergency responders, so they can recognise a wider range of stroke presentations, could pay off many times over. Public awareness campaigns that highlight atypical stroke symptoms could also help.
Technologies such as mobile stroke units and telemedicine support may be part of the solution, but they must be implemented with attention to sex-specific needs.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
An artistic representation of a North Canterbury beach some 62 millions years ago.Canterbury Museum and Tom Simpson, CC BY-SA
Remarkable new fossil discoveries in New Zealand are driving a significant reassessment of our understanding of the early evolution of penguins.
We know Antarctica was home to at least ten species, including giant penguins, during the Eocene epoch from about 56 to 34 million years ago.
Now, our latest findings based on fossils from a site in North Canterbury reveal an even richer and earlier period of diversification.
These discoveries are reshaping the 66-million-year story of how penguins evolved in the wake of the devastating Cretaceous-Paleogene mass extinction
which followed the cataclysmic asteroid impact that wiped out most dinosaurs and many terrestrial and marine organisms.
For a long time, the early evolutionary journey of penguins remained largely shrouded in mystery. The fossil record for these seabirds was very sparse, particularly for the crucial period immediately after the mass extinction event.
This made it difficult to piece together how and where penguins first developed their distinctive aquatic adaptations. Our previous knowledge was limited to a mere handful of specimens, revealing only fragments of the group’s deep past.
But the new fossils help us track how penguins evolved from their earliest ancestors into the iconic divers we recognise today.
The Waipara Greensand: a palaeontological goldmine
An hour north of Christchurch in New Zealand’s South Island, North Canterbury’s Waipara Greensand is a true palaeontological treasure trove.
This unique geological formation spans a critical time period from about 62.5 million to 58 million years ago. Historically, it yielded few vertebrate fossils. But recent intensive collecting efforts have unearthed multiple exceptionally preserved specimens of ancestral penguins as well as of the earliest known representatives of other marine bird lineages, including tropicbirds and extinct bony-toothed birds.
Our latest study reports on a wealth of new ancestral penguins from this locality. We’ve identified four new species that lived around 62 million to 57 million years ago, during the Paleocene. These range from just bigger than little penguins to the size of an emperor penguin.
Crucially, we also found significant new material for known ancient species, including the first complete skull of Muriwaimanu tuatahi, one of the earliest described penguin species from the Waipara Greensand. These remarkable fossils significantly expand the known diversity and size range of early penguins.
Fossils unearthed from the Waipara Greensands include a skull of one of the earliest penguin species. Author provided, CC BY-SA
The Waipara Greensand fauna now includes at least ten distinct penguin species, with the biggest standing about 1.6 metres tall. These primitive penguins likely emerged after the extinction of large marine reptiles, suggesting they may have flourished by capitalising on newly opened ecological niches, free from formidable mammalian competitors or predators.
Intensive collecting efforts have unearthed exceptionally preserved specimens of ancestral penguins and other marine bird lineages. Al Mannering, CC BY-SA
The evolution of diving adaptations
Our findings show early penguin evolution primarily focused on profound changes to their wings, pectoral girdle (shoulder bones) and feet. All were optimised for powerful underwater propulsion.
Unlike their modern counterparts, these early forms likely possessed more flexible, “auk-like” wings with a movable carpal joint, rather than the rigid, stiff flippers we see today.
A key piece of evidence comes from the humerus (upper arm bone). The earliest species had a shorter attachment point for the supracoracoideus muscle. This lengthened progressively in later species, providing compelling evidence of increasing specialisation for wing-propelled diving, as this muscle is crucial for elevating the wing during the powerful underwater stroke.
These rapid evolutionary changes in the wing apparatus during the Paleocene likely represented a major adaptive leap. It paved the way for further radiations of penguins later in the Eocene.
Intriguingly, these early forms sported exceptionally long, dagger-like beaks, suggesting a vastly different feeding strategy compared to modern penguins. It possibly involved spearing fish rather than actively pursuing prey with shorter, more robust beaks.
This represents a profound shift in feeding ecology that unfolded over millions of years. The beak length remained surprisingly stable for more than 20 million years during early penguin evolution while limb morphology was refined rapidly.
In a truly exciting discovery, we also recorded gastroliths (stomach stones) for the first time in these ancient penguins. Living penguins ingest these stones regularly, and the finding offers vital clues about the diet and potentially the buoyancy control of ancient species.
New Zealand as a cradle of penguin evolution
The succession of increasingly more modern looking penguin forms found within the Waipara Greensand fossils supports New Zealand as a critical region for penguin evolution.
The newly discovered species span a broad range, with some of the oldest forms also being the smallest. This suggests early forms were likely outcompeted by later, more advanced ones, indicating strong selective pressures drove early penguin evolution.
New Zealand’s ancient environment, characterised by a notable absence of larger terrestrial predators, likely provided a setting conducive to the evolution of flightlessness in various avian lineages, including penguins.
The refinement of the wing apparatus probably enabled these early penguins to disperse beyond the New Zealand region towards the late Paleocene, colonising new waters.
The Waipara Greensand stands as one of the most productive fossil sites globally for understanding the earliest stages of penguin evolution. This locality promises to deliver more discoveries and further enrich our understanding of how these iconic seabirds came to be.
The authors thank Gerald Mayr at the Senckenberg Research Institute and Museum in Frankfurt for his help in preparing this article.
Vanesa De Pietri receives funding from the Royal Society Te Apārangi Marsden Fund.
Paul Scofield receives funding from the Royal Society of New Zealand.