The Media Council of Papua New Guinea has condemned an attack by male students at the University of Papua New Guinea on a media team covering a protest staged by female students on Tuesday, reports the PNG Post-Courier.

The council said that the actions of these students was an act against Article 11 of the International Human Rights Act, which talks about Freedom of Assembly and Association, and Sections 46, 47 and 55 of the country’s Constitution, which talks about the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association and equality of citizens.

The council is disappointed that these male students, who are supposed to be part of the elite of our tertiary student population, could use a mob rule approach, to harass and intimidate their female colleagues as well as the media.

The students were protesting against increased incidents of harassment against female students, and media representatives were there doing their job.

MCPNG is also saddened that the students who profess to come from a premier university in the Pacific could act in such an ignorant, rowdy manner and protect would-be criminals and sexual predators in the country’s leading university under the pretext of safeguarding the institution’s reputation.

The council believes strongly that continued coverage and exposure of ongoing social problems such as this, will help concerned authorities and the university administration address them, to make the university improve its image and reputation for the better.

MCPNG is now calling on the university administration and the council to immediately look into this matter and to ensure that female students’ safety and wellbeing on campus is guaranteed.

Republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The fear that has led for years to silence dozens of children, allegedly victims of sexual abuse by a former priest who begins trial today in Timor-Leste’s western enclave, still shrouds the case.

Witnesses, victims and others who knew about the abuse – including people involved in the process – prefer not to speak, pointing in some cases to the feeling of deference to the figure of the accused American Richard Daschbach, 84.

Even after being expelled from the priesthood and officially condemned by the Vatican, Daschbach continues to be venerated by many who call him “master” and who minimise or ignore the crimes he is accused of.

Instead, they highlight his humanitarian action and even the support he gave during the Indonesian occupation, in some cases, mixing truths with myths.

When he recently turned 84, for example, some of his supporters posted a photo of him in traditional Timorese clothing on Facebook.

The publication had hundreds of congratulatory votes and even a “tag” on the page of one of its alleged victims.

Even if the rumours circulated, the matter was rarely more than half conversations or references in secret, a situation that would have continued if one of the victims had not brought her abuse report to the congregation.

Punished by the Vatican
Richard Daschbach, detained in 2019, who has already been punished by the Vatican, is accused of abusing at least two dozen children at the orphanage where he worked, Topu Honis, located in Oecusse.

The prosecutor also charges Daschbach with the crimes of child pornography and domestic violence.

Unprecedented in Timor-Leste, as it involved a former church member, the case has sparked controversy and intense debate.

Current and past sources in the Timorese judicial sector, heard by Lusa, highlight the importance of the process, admitting that the outcome, whatever it may be, can have a significant impact, silencing or giving confidence to other victims.

Part of the debates focuses on the public perception that Daschbach has had support from some individuals in Timor-Leste, namely two former Presidents of the Republic, Xanana Gusmão and Taur Matan Ruak, the latter current prime minister.

Judicial sources indicated to Lusa that Xanana Gusmão was even listed as a defence witness, among a range of people, most of whom were linked to the orphanage where the crimes were committed.

In 2018, for example, after confessing his crimes to the congregation – the Vatican was beginning the process that would end in his expulsion from the priesthood -, Daschbach was visited by Taur Matan Ruak and his wife, Isabel Ferreira, at headquarters SVD in Dili.

Ex-priest’s return to Oecusse
A visit in which, explained Yohanes Suban Gapun, SVD regional supervisor, Taur Matan Ruak had asked them to let the ex-priest return to Oecusse.

“Mr Taur Matan Ruak and his wife came to visit us and spoke to Daschbach. I was also asked if I would please let him return to Oecusse because many people like him there and still respect him a lot. Please let him go to Oecusse too because he is old and let him die there in peace,” he said.

Asked by Lusa in 2019 about the reason for this visit, Taur Matan Ruak said he did it out of respect.

“I had no intention of passing the priest an immunity card. Just as a human being, out of respect, we visited to find out what was going on and to express our concern about the issues,” he said.

Even more evident has been the support given by former President Xanana Gusmão, which began to be publicly noticed in October last year when Juu’s, which represents the victims, introduced a precautionary measure against the Archdiocese of Dili, to stop the publication of a controversial report on the case prepared by the then head of the Justice and Peace Commission.

Xanana Gusmão, who was outside the Dili Court with an organised demonstration in support of the diocese, was listed as a witness because a copy of the report had been given to him and because he later sent a copy to Juu’s.

In his testimony, the Timorese leader ended up deviating several times from the audience’s purpose, questioning the fact that there were accusations against the former priest only recently, despite the fact that he had been in Timor-Leste for a long time.

Justice ‘has to be fair’
“There has to be justice, but justice has to be fair, obey procedures, criteria that dignify justice itself. I realised that there was something in this case that was not in accordance with the rules of investigation”, he told Lusa at the time.

More controversial was the recent visit that Xanana Gusmão made to the house in Dili where Daschbach was under house arrest, at the time of the defendant’s birthday, and about which he informed some East Timorese press, later distributing a statement that was practically published in full in several newspapers .

The visit led the ex-president’s three children to write letters to the alleged victims, regretting that their father visited Daschbach.

The news coverage of this visit drew criticism from the president of the Timorese Press Council, Virgílio Guterres, who considered that the news in the national press tried to “whiten” the former American priest.

Xanana Gusmão has so far not reacted to the controversy, but on Thursday he traveled with an entourage to accompany Daschbach on the ferry that took him from Dili to Oecusse.

Mateus Assunção Mendes, chief superintendent and commander of the National Police of Timor-Leste (PNTL), confirmed to Lusa that Xanana Gusmão, Daschbach and the rest of the delegation are staying at the same hotel in Pante Macassar, capital of the enclave.

“Yes, they are in the same place,” he confirmed.

Lusa tried several times to talk to Xanana Gusmão, without success.

Little Timorese media attention
Another factor that has conditioned the environment around the case has been the reduced attention of almost all Timorese media, which, in some situations, has even been accused by the Press Council of trying to “whiten” Daschbach.

Exceptions are the publication Tempo Timor, the first to report the case of the former priest and who has already presented testimonies of victims and details of the case, and Néon Metin, which has also written about the case, including recently publishing testimonies of victims.

José Belo, the journalist for Tempo Timor who, with journalist Tjistske Lingsma, first reported the case, tells Lusa that it has been difficult to convince people to talk about the case.

“It is very difficult to convince people to speak. When planning interviews, everyone prefers to remain silent. Some people look at this man as a god,” he told Lusa.

The trial, which takes place behind closed doors, begins today at the Oecusse Court in Pante Macassar.

PNTL plans to install a security perimeter around the building.

This article has been translated by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent and is published with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Key findings from the 2016 to 2018 Papua New Guinea Demographic and Health Survey reveals that 56 percent of women aged 15 to 49 in PNG have experienced physical violence around the age of 15.

And 28 percent have experienced sexual violence.

Also 18 percent of women who have been pregnant have experienced violence during their pregnancy.

READ MORE: Background and reports on gender-based violence in PNG

Researcher and leading anti-violence campaigner Dr Fiona Hukula said that according to the survey this revealed the higher a woman’s education was, the more likely she would face violence.

“That is very scary in this country where we are trying to advocate for women’s lives and for better empowerment,” she said.

The death of 19-year-old mother Jenelyn Kennedy almost two weeks ago and a spate of protests over gender-based violence has focused national attention on the issue.

According to the survey, in terms of spousal violence, about 63 percent of ever-married women have experienced spousal physical, sexual, or emotional violence.

“The most common type of spousal violence is physical violence where 54 percent have experienced it, followed by emotional violence with 51 per cent.

Periodic demographic, health update
“Twenty-nine per cent of women have experienced spousal sexual violence, including injuries due to cuts, bruises, or aches.

In terms of seeking help, about 35 percent of women who have ever experienced physical or sexual violence have sought help, while 13 percent have never sought help but have told someone about the violence.

Thirty-nine percent of women who have experienced any type of physical or sexual violence have not sought help or told anyone about the violence.

The PNG Demographic and Health Survey is a nationally representative survey conducted as a periodic update of the demographic and health situation in Papua New Guinea.

The 2016-18 findings was the first DHS report conducted in PNG in collaboration with the worldwide Demographic and Health Surveys Programme, which is a global initiative coordinated by ICF, based in Rockville, Maryland, USA.

The survey was implemented by the PNG National Statistical Office.

The 2016-18 PNG DHS final report provides information on basic indicators of fertility, fertility preferences, family planning practices, childhood mortality, maternal and child health, knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS, domestic violence, and other related health issues.

Grace Auka-Salmang is a PNG Post-Courier reporter.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By the Samoa Observer Editorial Board

Samoan Prime Minister Tuilaepa Dr Sa’ilele Malielegaoi’s insistence on telling the media how to do its job is unnecessary. Coming at a time when there are so many pressing issues he should be dealing with as the leader of this nation, we humbly suggest he should focus all his energy there.

The simple truth is that Tuilaepa has a job to do, and that is to run the country, and we, in the media, have ours. He should concentrate on his job and allow us in the media to do the same.

People who know and follow the political discourse in this country would understand that it is not unusual for Prime Minister Tuilaepa to get involved in all spheres of life in Samoa.

READ MORE: Media should play down sex crimes: PM

From sports, religion, villages, families to government affairs, he comes across as a one-man authority who perhaps feels it is his divine purpose to say whatever and expect people to swallow it without question.

On the pages of the Weekend Observer yesterday, a story with the headline “Media should play down sex crimes: P.M.” was a typical example. It immediately drew attention especially during a week when Samoa has hosted the 84th Extraordinary Session of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, where Tuilaepa himself had repeatedly called on the public to “break the culture of silence” about sex crimes and violence against women and children.

Away from the international audiences where he had been saying all the right things to keep them happy, when Tuilaepa fronted up to the local media, he was singing a different tune. He turned on the local media for reporting sexual crimes, saying they depict Samoa in a negative light.

“It doesn’t happen often but the problem is the media enjoys publicising these cases involving an elderly man doing filthy things to his daughter,” Tuilaepa said.

Reports read overseas
“The cases are probably nowhere near 10 in a year but it’s being reported week in and week out. These reports are being read by those overseas and it sounds like this is all that men in Samoa do from Monday to Sunday.”

Tuilaepa continued that when he sees reports being televised about sexual crimes he switches off his TV set.

But he didn’t stop there. ilaepaHe also criticised comments made by a student during the 84th Extraordinary Session of the Committee on the Rights of the Child that his peers were being beaten up on a regular basis.  He said the student’s comments sounded like something that was rehearsed.

“This is what the people in the media are doing and it includes those that are in the programme [CRC] who are badmouthing the country,” he said. While he did not name anyone in particular, he said such people have no pride in their country.

Well that’s tough, isn’t it? How does a person speaking their mind about what is happening to them come across as someone who has no pride in his/her country?

Besides, what about this nagging thing called the “truth”? When it comes to sexual crimes, the truth is staring at us unblinkingly everyday. Down at Mulinu’u at the halls of justice, judges of the courts have been telling us for years that sexual crimes against women and young girls have been rising dramatically.

What’s more, the details of these crimes have become more disturbing by the day since they involve the violation of the sanctity of the homes, where women, girls and young boys should be protected from harm.

Bigger threat a concern
If there is a bigger threat that we should be concerned about as a nation, it is an attack on the value of families, including sexual crimes. Charity begins at home and if our homes are dysfunctional as a result of these attacks, this will obviously have a flow on effect on the nation as a whole.

Which is why we should be talking about this stuff. It is why we should bring it out in the open and come together to find solutions so we could strategically deal with them.

Does that mean we have no pride in our country? Absolutely not.

If anything, it shows how much we care. And when it comes to the protection of our most vulnerable citizens, women and children, we should not let pride get in the way. We should swallow that silly pride and humble ourselves to do what needs to be done.

Who cares about what the world thinks? We say this knowing that these problems are not confined to Samoa. They are happening all over the world, in some places much, much worse.

What’s important is that we are being proactive and instead of trying to bury it under the mat, Prime Minister Tuilaepa and his government should take the lead to address them. How? By being transparent and accountable about it. That’s all it will take.

This is also why Tuilaepa’s suggestion that the media should turn a blind eye to the reporting of sex crimes is absurd. That stuff only happens in countries where censorship dictates what the media can and cannot do. As far as we are concerned, Samoa is a democracy, not a dictatorship.

Talk to JAWS
Perhaps Prime Minister Tuilaepa should spend some time with the president of the Journalists Association of [Western] Samoa (JAWS), Rudy Bartley and listen to what he has to say. In response to the Prime Minister’s comments about the work of the media, Bartley makes a lot more sense.

“Some issues may not be favorable to some but reporting on it highlights the need for such issues to be addressed by government and responsible authorities,” Bartley said.

“In exposing such issues, this opens up discussion and possible solutions to these problems. The people’s right to know is the driving force in finding solutions to many of the challenges that Samoa is facing. Exposing issues which may be unpopular is one way of making the government act in finding solutions.”

Precisely. We couldn’t agree more.

What this country should insist on is the truth.

Pride comes before the fall and if we look at all the problems Samoa is having to deal with today, they all point to a misguided sense of pride which masks the truth so that all appears well when things are really rotting beneath the surface.

What do you think?

Have a peaceful Sunday Samoa, God bless!

This editorial was published by the Sunday Samoan newspaper today.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Analysis by Dr Bryce Edwards – The integrity of Jacinda Ardern and the Labour Party is currently under question, following revelations about how allegations of sexual assault in Labour have been handled by the party. Party president, Nigel Haworth, has now resigned over the matter, but this is unlikely to resolve unanswered questions.

Critics allege some sort of cover-up has taken place to protect one of Ardern’s staff members from some very serious allegations. Although the party president has resigned, pressure on the Prime Minister remains. She will continue to be asked to clarify her role in what has gone on, and justify not being more active in dealing with the allegations.

The allegations of harassment and sexual assault have been around for months, but they have only been covered in a minor way by the news media. This changed on Monday when online news site The Spinoff published an account of some of the allegations and the story turned into a full-blown scandal. You can read Alex Casey’s harrowing report here: A Labour volunteer alleged a violent sexual assault by a Labour staffer. This is her story.

This story followed on from one the day before by Andrea Vance and Alison Mau, which revealed that staff working for the Labour Party who had made complaints about the alleged offender working for Ardern, had been instructed to keep away from certain parts of the parliamentary workplace – see: Young Labour abuse victims barred from Parliament offices.

The article details more complaints about how they were treated at work, and how a number of key Labour Party staff and officials had been kept in the loop about some of the allegations: “senior Labour figures were already aware of the allegations. These included: Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, and her chief of staff Mike Munro, deputy chief of staff Raj Nahna, and chief press secretary Andrew Campbell. Finance Minister Grant Robertson and MPs Kiritapu Allen and Paul Eagle were also in the loop, as well as union official and party Council member Paul Tolich and Wellington city councillor Fleur Fitzsimons, also on the Council.”

Another complainant, a male, appeared on RNZ’s Checkpoint programme last night with a further account of how badly the whole situation has been handled by the Labour Party – see RNZ’s Labour assault investigation retraumatised victims – witness.

The complainant explained his experience of appearing before the party’s investigation into the allegations: “It was horrific. The whole thing felt like it was orchestrated to protect [the Labour staffer] and his image. And the power imbalance was huge. It was clear that the party had no idea what it was doing.”

Related to this, RNZ’s Craig McCulloch reports that “The complainant said he had previously confronted the Labour staffer about his behaviour and the man had tried to hit him” – see: Labour complainants say party president let them down.

This article also reports on a statement made by complainants to RNZ: “The statement was also critical of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and suggested she should have followed up with more questions when sexual assault claims were reported five weeks ago. The complainants said several of them got their start in the party volunteering for Ms Ardern’s campaign to win the Mount Albert electorate and it was time for her to return the help.”

For more detail on the whole scandal and how it has unfolded it’s worth reading Claire Trevett’s in-depth feature today: Jacinda Ardern and the Labour sex assault inquiry: Who knew what, when? (paywalled).

Amongst other revelations, Trevett says that various media outlets were informed of the allegations on 12 July, receiving an email from the complainants. This arose from anger at the outcome of an internal Labour Party investigation which recommended that no further action be taken.

Of course, the investigations have been going on for a while now, and also relate to the events at the Labour Youth summer camp, with the official review of that also unsatisfactory for the complainants – see Andrea Vance and Alison Mau’s Labour took six months to investigate serious sexual assault complaint.

For more on how the details came out, see Toby Manhire’s Timeline: Everything we know about the Labour staffer inquiry. He says that two main question arise out of the scandal: Is the party’s claim of ignorance about the allegations really tenable? And, is the party’s failed process defensible?

Leftwing blogger, No Right Turn has suggested that the whole episode points to either incompetence or a cover-up, and he calls for “the whole lot of them” to go – see: Disgust.

Here’s his main point: “Charitably, we’re expected to believe that the people Labour appointed to investigate a complaint of sexual assault are so incompetent that they had no idea that that was what the complaint was about, despite being told repeatedly and at length… Uncharitably, it just looks like an institution trying to protect itself and one of its insiders by the usual tactics of minimising the complaint and trying to shuffle the whole thing under the carpet.”

A challenge to the integrity of Jacinda Ardern

Given that the alleged offender works in the Labour Leader’s Office in Parliament, Jacinda Ardern has been questioned this week about how much she knew about the allegations and her role in dealing with them. She has given some contradictory answers. On the one hand, she has suggested that she went to the Labour Party organisation some weeks ago to tell them that they were not well equipped to deal with allegations of sexual assault, but on the other hand she has said that she wasn’t aware of the allegations of sexual assault until she read the story on Monday in the Spinoff.

Some of the contradictions in Ardern’s account are exposed by Newstalk ZB’s Heather du Plessis-Allan in her column last night: We must question PM’s honesty over Labour sexual assault allegations. She provides examples of the media reporting on the sexual assault allegations in the past, and even an example of when Ardern has discussed it in the media herself.

Du Plessis-Allan suggests that Ardern’s claim of ignorance is therefore not credible: “That is very hard to believe. This has been reported in the media for the last five weeks. If you believe that yesterday was the first the Prime Minister heard of this, then you must believe that the Prime Minister of this country does not watch, read or listen to the news reported in this country. That she for the last five weeks has missed every bulletin, newspaper and programme that mentioned the fact this guy is alleged to have committed a sexual crime.”

The issue of whether there has been an attempted coverup is also raised: “Did she fail in her duty of care to staffers and volunteers?  Was this supposed to be covered up? But mostly it’s important because this is now about her integrity. It’s becoming increasingly hard to believe her version of events, and possibly this is the first time that we’ve had reason to question Jacinda Ardern’s honesty.”

Similarly, Barry Soper is disbelieving: “It beggars belief that the leadership of the Labour Party didn’t know something about the allegations of sexual abuse levelled at a Labour staffer. This man was after all sent packing from Parliament five weeks ago and is apparently now working from home” – see: Labour Party’s handling of sex attack claims beggars belief.

Soper even raises the question of whether Ardern might be willing to resign if found to have mishandled the situation: “If Haworth’s found wanting, Ardern says she expects him to do the decent thing and resign. But what if she’s found wanting? I can’t see her doing the same thing.”

Another Newstalk ZB broadcaster – Mike Hosking – outlines what he sees as a lack of leadership on Ardern’s part, which has contributed to the mess: “One, she didn’t own it. Two, she let it drag. Three, she didn’t seem to want to know. Four, she showed no real direct concern for the alleged victims. Five, she seemed to think she and the Labour Party are two different things. Six, her strength is empathy – and that’s been found wanting. Seven, when she finally got to it she hired someone to sort it, the QC” – see: Labour sex abuse scandal – where’s Jacinda Ardern’s famous empathy now?

For Hosking, this scandal is “a major blow to her credibility”, as well as her reputation for empathy: “The image she has increasingly earned, and is looking like she is now stuck with, is a hands-off operator, a person for the press release and photo shoot, not for the detail. There isn’t an issue that a report, working group, chinwag, or minister can’t deal with. And what makes this egregious, is this is her area of so-called expertise: empathy. Having won attention, and praise post-March 15, on a matter of a deeply personal and emotive nature within her own party, she seems to have completely missed the memo.”

Today’s Dominion Post editorial makes some similar arguments, suggesting that Ardern’s empathetic reputation is at risk: “Ardern’s empathy and sensitivity are her strongest political assets. The public responds to her warmth and personal sincerity. But further allegations of sexual assault, this time by a Labour staffer, are starting to test even the most loyal supporters” – see: A second Labour scandal looks like carelessness.

The newspaper foresaw the resignation of party president Nigel Haworth, and suggests that one sacrificial lamb shouldn’t be enough to satisfy the complainants. And to underline the point, they quote Ardern herself, from 2016, making this same point about another scandal: “These conversations stop the moment there’s a resignation… It’s the PR quick fix – usher the source of the controversy away. But that solves nothing. After all, apologies followed by silence changes nothing, and change is what we need.”

Finally, although there are few people coming out in defence of the Labour Party’s handling of the matter, one blogger has given it a go – see Martyn Bradbury’s In defence of Jacinda Ardern’s handling of the sex scandal & the danger of trials by media.

Pacific Media Centre Newsdesk

Hundreds of women’s rights activists commemorating International Women’s Day yesterday gathered near the Horse Statue monument before holding a long march to the Aspiration Park in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta.

IWD is commemorated globally on March 8 to commemorate the gains won by women working in economic, political and social fields.

About 65 different social organisations took part in the long march with rally organisers estimating that thousands of people took part in the rally.

READ MORE: International Women’s Day

The protesters, who wore various kinds of head bands, arm bands and purple banners, were not just made up of women, but men who also took part calling for women’s equality.

Taking up the momentum of the 2019 presidential and legislative elections, the theme taken up IWD 2019 was “An Independent Political Platform for Women”.

-Partners-

This year’s peaceful action focused on the movement to awaken women’s consciousness and demand political space for women which is democratic, equal and free from violence.

“We know that the state has failed to provide security and protection for us, women, because we are still seen as objects, we are seen as dead objects which have a voice but our voices are never listened to, our voices have been lost from the Indonesian political stage”, said IWD committee member Dian Septi in a speech.

‘Child marriage, no!’
The peaceful action was also aimed at calling for women’s rights and other demands such the exploitation of women, sexual violence, decent wages, polygamy, child marriage and for the ratification of the Draft Law on the Elimination of Sexual Violence (RUU PKS).

“Polygamy, no; child marriage, no; RUU PKS? Yes!,” shouted the protesters.

Following the action, representatives from IWD 2019 planned to meet with the Minister for Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection in order to convey eight types of problems being faced by women:

• women and labour;
• women and education;
• women and sexual violence;
• women and health;
• women, identity and expression;
• living space and agrarian rights;
• women, policy and legal protection; and
• women, media and technology

Translated by James Balowski of Indoleft News. The original title of the article was “Peringati Hari Perempuan Internasional, Aktivis Long March ke Istana”.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

An leading Indonesian university’s initial response to a recent sexual assault case allegedly involving two of its students has angered thousands of people, who have signed a petition demanding that the Yogyakarta institution punish the student perpetrator and the campus officials who had penalised the student victim.

In less than 24 hours, the online petition protesting against the 70-year-old Gadjah Mada University (UGM) on change.org had garnered more than 55,000 signatories by Wednesday morning, with more people signing every second to reach more than 167,000 signatories by mid-afternoon today.

“We demand that the UGM rector, the advisory board and the Research, Technology and Higher Education Ministry to strengthen regulations on preventing sexual assault and law enforcement against sex offenders,” the petition states as one of its demands.

READ MORE: An alumna at UGM appeals to the university to be a pioneer against sexual abuse

A separate call to a rally on Thursday has been circulating on social media to demand that the university thoroughly investigate the case and create a safe campus environment.

The call says that UGM is facing “a sexual violence emergency”, pointing out that the latest case was not the university’s first and that UGM has not been siding with victims.

On November 5, Balairung published an investigative report based on the testimony of a female student under the pseudonym Agni, who gave the UGM student magazine permission to publish the full details of her account.

Agni said that a fellow student had assaulted her during a community service project (KKN) at a Maluku village on June 30, 2017. The KKN is a kind of field school programme that lasts several months, during which the students live with local families in the target village.

Homestay lodging
Agni said she was visiting a villager until late evening at their home where fellow KKN student “HS” was staying, so she decided to spend the night at HS’ homestay and return to her own lodging in the morning.

They had to share a single room that night, Agni said, but that they were separated by some distance in the room. She also said she slept fully clothed and still in her headscarf.

Early the following morning, she said she felt HS groping her, opening her top, kissing her breasts and inserting his fingers in her genitalia. She froze in momentary shock until she felt pain that prompted her to yell at HS, “What are you doing!”

Agni said she immediately reported the incident to the KKN supervisor and the UGM Community Service Department (DKPM), which managed the programme. The university officials cut short HS’ programme and sent him back to Yogyakarta, but Agni said they also blamed her for the incident, with one official telling her to “repent”, reported Balairung.

Agni said that after the assault, she often felt scared at night and ended up staying awake all night. She also had suicidal thoughts, she said as quoted by Balairung.

In November 2017, Agni learned that she received a C for her KKN assignment, while her peers on the same programme received an A or a B. Agni said she asked about the reason for her low grade, and that the KKN management responded that she had to share the blame for the incident that “embarrassed UGM” in front of the local villagers.

In the Balairung article, a university official who declined to be named said that the student press should not be in a rush to call Agni a victim. “Like a cat given salted fish, it will at least sniff it and might even eat the fish, right?” Balairung quoted the official as saying in reference to Agni.

Low grade reported
In December 2017, Agni reported the C she received for her KKN assignment and the circumstances surrounding it to her academic department, the Social and Political Sciences Faculty (Fisipol).

The Fisipol’s cooperation, alumni and research deputy dean, Poppy Sulistyaning Winanti, and the deputy dean for academics and student affairs, Wawan Mas’udi, followed up on her case to the top administrative level.

An inter-departmental independent investigation team was formed that recommended Agni’s KKN grade be revise from C to A/B. The team also recommended that the perpetrator write an apology and attend a mandatory counseling session for sexual abusers.

On Tuesday, in response to the Balairung article, Fisipol UGM posted a statement on its Instagram account, @fisipolugm, reiterating its commitment to “side with victim”.

“With this, Fisipol UGM states that we side with the survivor to find justice and a thorough solution to the problem,” the statement said.

It also said that steps had been taken to deal with “Agni’s” case, including a letter it sent to the rector on December 22, 2017, that asked the university to manage the case thoroughly.

Fisipol said that the rector arranged a closed meeting with relevant parties in response to its letter, and agreed during the meeting to set up an investigation team that involved several departments. The rector also agreed to sanction the DKPM officials for their “ignorance” in their initial handling of the incident until “the survivor” reported the case to Fisipol.

Trauma counselling
During the same meeting, Fisipol said it agreed to engage psychologists to provide trauma counseling for “the survivor”.

The statement continued that, after an intensive investigation, the team submitted its recommendations to the rector on July 20, 2018, which included punishment for the perpetrator, protection and support for the victim and improvements to managing the KKN programme.

“This is why Fisipol UGM is pushing for a thorough and speedy management of the case by implementing the follow-up measures as recommended by the investigation team,” the statement said, ending with a call to all parties to create a campus that was free from sexual abuse.

Separately, UGM public relations and protocol head Ariani said the university would continue its work to make sure that the victim received protection and justice.

“Next, UGM will soon take the necessary real steps to take the case to the legal domain,” Ariana said in a statement issued on Tuesday.

Other UGM cases
In 2016, a sexual abuse case that involved several female victims among Fisipol students rocked the university. The perpetrator, EH, was a respected lecturer and the head of the international relations department at the time of the incident.

EH was stripped of his positions, but is still officially employed as a UGM lecturer.

The investigative report in the Balairung student magazine also cited other unresolved sexual assault cases at UGM.

Sexual assault at universities

Many commentators believe that the incidents of sexual assault at universities that have emerged in the public eye are a mere tip of the iceberg.

In 2008, the University of Indonesia (UI) Law School received sexual assault reports from several students on a lecturer, TN.

As in the case of UGM’s EH, TN also sexually assaulted his students during one-on-one thesis consultations. TN was later dismissed from UI but he was still being interviewed by the media.

Women’s empowerment and rights activist Damairia Pakpahan said she had represented a sexual assault victim of a humanities lecturer at UGM, but that the case did not go anywhere.

The reporters are Jakarta Post journalists.

#kitaAGNI

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

At this week’s gathering of key Pacific Island leaders on the Micronesian island of Nauru, conspicuously missing were journalists from Australia’s public broadcaster.

This was because the South Pacific’s smallest nation has refused visas to journalists from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation to enable them to attend and cover the four-day Pacific Islands Forum leaders summit.

And one of the Pacific’s most experienced journalists, Television New Zealand’s Barbara Dreaver was detained for more than three hours yesterday after interviewing refugees from the notorious Australian-established detention centres on the island. The Nauru government claims she was not “detained”, merely “questioned’.

READ MORE: Self-immolation, hunger strikes and suicide: Children on Nauru want to die

The Nauru government’s ban on the ABC, it says, is in retaliation for the news organisation’s “blatant interference in Nauru’s domestic politics prior to the 2016 elections, harassment of and lack of respect towards our President and… continued biased and false reporting about our country.”

But some say ABC’s criticism of Nauru’s policies on notorious Australian-run refugee detention centre on the island – plagued by widespread reports of physical, psychological and sexual abuse, with at least five suicide deaths to date – may have more to do with it.

Those controversial camps are not on the agenda and not likely to be a subject of much discussion within the forum which ended today.

And neither is the issue of free speech and media freedom, since efforts to repress critical reporting has become increasingly common among Pacific governments.

Climate change
It is not only climate change and rising sea levels that threaten the lives and wellbeing of Pacific Islanders. Rising levels of official intolerance of dissent and free speech across the region pose a threat to the wellbeing of their democracies.

Indeed, CIVICUS Monitor, an online platform that tracks threats to civil society across the globe, has found that these violations of freedom of expression appear to be systemic in the region.

In Fiji, attempts by the government to intimidate and silence free speech is creating a chilling effect ahead of upcoming national elections and before the date has even been set.

In February, Island Business magazine’s editor and two of its journalists were questioned under the Public Order Act over articles on the firing of a magistrate who had presided over a union dispute.

The 2016 sedition charges against The Fiji Times – widely regarded as the country’s last independent news outlet – saw its publisher, editor-in-chief and two others hauled through the courts over a reader’s letter to the editor that allegedly contained controversial views about Muslims.

Human rights groups believe the charges were politically motivated. The state has filed an appeal against their acquittal.

Journalists in Papua New Guinea often work in fear and many believe media freedom has been eroded. In February this year, PNG Post Courier reporter, Franky Kapin, was attacked and assaulted by staff from the Morobe Province Governor’s office for alleged biased reporting.

Journalists threatened
Journalists continue to be threatened and barred from covering the ongoing crisis at the Australian refugee detention center on Manus Island (after its closure) in the country’s north.

Senior Papua New Guinean journalist Titi Gabi says that increasing outside interference of the editorial process and the bribing and threatening of journalists has led to media freedom no longer being enjoyed in the country.

After a passenger ferry sank in Kiribati in February, leaving 93 people dead, authorities barred foreign journalists from entering the country to report on the disaster.

Meanwhile, the government of Samoa was criticised by a media freedom lobby group earlier this year for seeking to repress freedom of expression by reintroducing legislation on criminal libel without proper public consultation

Civil society groups in the regional power of Australia are extremely concerned about the impact that changes to security laws will have on fundamental freedoms. The National Security Legislation Amendment (Espionage and Foreign Interference) Bill 2017 and the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Bill 2017 were met with a storm of protest from media outlets and civil society organisations.

Australian Lawyers for Human Rights has criticised the legislation, warning that the measures will have a “severely chilling effect upon academic research, free speech, and particularly constitutionally-protected free political speech”.

According to Amnesty International Australia, the draconian laws will make it a crime for charities to expose human rights violations, and to communicate with the United Nations about those violations.

Stifled free speech
So, why are governments in the region working to increasingly stifle free speech?

For one, they are coming under growing public scrutiny, led by journalists and civil society using social media, for abuse of power, lack of transparency and corruption at various government levels.

News stories exposing official human rights violations have received global attention, thanks to the efforts of international media and non-governmental organisations. Averse to the negative publicity, Pacific governments have responded with repressive action.

Also, civil society groups in the Pacific are increasingly raising not just national concerns but sensitive regional ones as well, such as rights abuses in West Papua, a region in Indonesia where there is an active pro-independence movement, and in refugee detention centres in Nauru and PNG’s Manus Island.

Seeking to appease regional powerhouses Indonesia and Australia as they appeal for economic investment, governments of small island states have no qualms trying to silence those speaking out on these issues at home.

In turn, the “growing influence of China” has also been cited as a justification for Australia’s new security policies. But many believe another objective is to keep government dealings from the public.

This regional trend flies in the face of Pacific countries’ clear commitments to respect and protect freedom of expression.

Good governance
In 2000, governments signed the Biketawa Declaration committing themselves to democracy, good governance, protection of human rights and maintenance of the rule of law. At the meeting in Nauru, leaders are expected to sign a Biketawa Plus Declaration, building on the original document.

In recent years, island nations have also made commitments to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which include the promotion of peaceful and inclusive societies, access to justice for all and effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels contained in Goal 16. Ensuring fundamental freedoms is pivotal to meeting this goal, as well as the other 16 SDGs.

Leaders at the gathering needed to reiterate their nations’ commitment to fundamental freedoms in its communique and demonstrate it – to create an enabling environment for both the media and civil society to work without fear of criminalisation, harassment and reprisals.

Failing to do so – and the detention of Barbara Dreaver yesterday – are clear signs that the forum is willing to undermine its international obligations and its commitment to democracy and the rule of law.

Josef Benedict is a civic space research officer with global civil society alliance Civicus and a contributor to Asian Correspondent. This article is republished from Asian Correspondent with the permission of the author.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

AL Jazeera’s report on the crisis in Myanmar: The video includes exclusive interviews with villagers who reveal accounts of military officers killing a 13-year-old boy and women in a village being held down and raped. Video: Al Jazeera English

Media organisations which, are attempting to report on soldiers committing human rights abuses against villagers in Myanmar are being obstructed and harassed, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

The restriction comes after allegations of abuse including sexual violence by the Myanmar military, amid the conflict in the country’s northern Rakhine state.

The Irrawaddy, reported border guards and military officers in mid-October blocked journalists and photographers from several news organisations, including: The Irrawaddy, Myanmar Times, Democratic Voice of Burma, and 7 Day Daily. Media were blocked from traveling north of the state’s Kyikanpyin police station to areas in the Maungdaw Township, where joint military-police security operations are underway.

‘Unsafe’

The same report stated, security officials told reporters they could not travel to the area because it was unsafe for journalists.

Military officials also ordered journalists to delete photographs they had taken of the aftermath of an October 9, 2016, attack on a border guard post that killed several police officers. The reporters refused and also declined to tell officers their names or the media outlets they worked for.

‘Nothing to hide’

CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative, Shawn Crispin, said that if the government truly has nothing to hide, media should be allowed to report freely in the state.

“The best way to prove or disprove allegations of rights abuses is to allow independent media to probe the accusations,” Crispin said in the CPJ report.

Reuters have also reported of dozens of women being raped or sexually assaulted by Myanmar soldiers.

Zaw Htay, the spokesman for President Htin Kyaw, has denied the reports.

‘No logical way’

According to a Reuters news article, Htay said: “There’s no logical way of committing rape in the middle of a big village of 800 homes, where insurgents are hiding.”

Htay accused, Fiona MacGregor, an investigative editor at the independent Myanmar Times, for being biased against the government after she reported on allegations that claimed security forces raped around 30 ethnic women.

Acccoring to CPJ, MacGregor said she believed Htay aimed to stifle reporting on the allegations.

Myanmar Times managers soon fired MacGregor for breaching company policy against damaging national reconciliation and damaging the paper’s reputation by publishing the article.