Israel’s fatal shooting of leading Al Jazeera reporter Shireen Abu Akleh as she covered clashes in the West Bank city of Jenin is a serious violation of the Geneva Conventions and UN Security Council Resolution 2222 on the protection of journalists, says the Paris-based media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

It has called for an independent international investigation into her death as soon as possible.

Witnesses said Abu Akleh, a Palestinian American, was killed by a shot to the head although she was wearing a bulletproof vest with the word “PRESS” that clearly identified her as a journalist.

Ali al-Samudi, a Palestinian journalist working as an Al Jazeera producer who was beside her at the time, was also targeted, sustaining a gunshot wound in the back, RSF reported.

Samudi, who is now in hospital, said in a video: “We were filming. They did not ask us to stop filming or to leave. They fired a shot that hit me and another shot that killed Shireen in cold blood.”

Following Abu Akleh’s death, Israeli security forces raided her East Jerusalem home as her family was making arrangements for her funeral.

Her body was transferred to Nablus for an autopsy prior to be taken to Jerusalem, where her funeral took place yesterday in emotional scenes with massive crowds. She was buried beside her parents in Mount Zion.

Israeli riot police attacked the pallbearers and a hearse carrying her coffin in the peaceful march, and ripped away Palestinian flags. International protests have followed this latest attack.

Popular in Middle East
Abu Akleh was very popular in the Middle East and was respected by fellow journalists for her experience in the field.

Al Jazeera issued a statement accusing the Israeli security forces of “deliberately” targeting Abu Akleh and of killing her “in cold blood.”

The Israel Defence Forces announced an investigation into her death, but IDF spokesman Amnon Shefler said Israeli soldiers “would never deliberately target non-combatants”.

Several witnesses, including an AFP photographer, denied seeing any armed Palestinians at the place where Abu Akleh was killed. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas said he held the Israeli authorities “fully responsible” for her death.

“RSF is not satisfied with Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid’s proposal of a joint investigation into this journalist’s death,” said RSF secretary-general Christophe Deloire.

“An independent international investigation must be launched as soon as possible.”

The shooting of these two Palestinian reporters during an IDF “anti-terrorist operation” in Jenin is the latest of many disturbing cases.

Two journalists fatally shot
In the spring of 2018, two Palestinian journalists were fatally shot by Israeli snipers while covering the weekly “Great March of Return” protests near the Israeli border in the Gaza Strip.

Also in 2018, Ain Media founder Yaser Murtaja was killed on the spot on March 30, while Radio Sawt al Shabab reporter Ahmed Abu Hussein died in hospital on April 25 from the gunshot injury he suffered on April 13.

According to RSF’s tallies, more than 140 journalists have been the victims of violations by the Israeli security forces on Friday’s marches since 2018, and at least 30 journalists have been killed since 2000.

Israel is 86th in the RSF 2022 World Press Freedom Index, and Palestine is 170th.

And now they won’t even let one of Palestine’s giants in journalism have a dignified and peaceful funeral — all in plain sight. (There’s a reason Reporters Without Borders ranks Israel 86th in Press Freedom.) https://t.co/y8SLL1qY7P

— Abdallah Fayyad (@abdallah_fayyad) May 13, 2022

Pacific Media Watch collaborates with Reporters Without Borders.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The Papua Province Humanitarian Team for Cases of Violence Against Religious Figures in Intan Jaya District [referred to as the Humanitarian Team from now on], has completed documenting the cases of extrajudicial killing of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani on 19 September 2020. This report documents facts about Pastor Zanambani’s murder.
It also provides an analysis of the context of violence by significant security actors, namely the TNI (Indonesian National Armed Forces) and TPNPB (National Liberation Army of West Papua), and its impact on civilians in Intan Jaya district.

The shooting of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani’s incident cannot be seen as an isolated event. There has been previous incidents of violence since 17-19 September 2020. Starting with the gathering of Hitadipa residents twice on 19 September 2020, at 9am and 12 noon at the headquarters of the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil and the Imanuel Hitadipa Church yard. In the gathering of residents, Pastor Yeremia Zanambani – along with five other residents – was branded an “enemy” by the Deputy Commander of the Sub-District Military (Wadanramil) Alpius Hasim Madi.

The intimidation and threats given by Madi to make the residents return rifles belonging to the TNI made several residents present cry out in fear. An hour later, the TPNPB attack on the Preparatory Koramil Headquarters resulted in the death of Pratu Dwi Akbar Utomo. In that incident, the official house of the health worker in Taundugu was burned by TNI officers, then the shooting and stabbing took place which killed Pastor Yeremia Zanambani.

Pastor Zanambani is not the first victim in a series of police violence in Intan Jaya. He is the 10th civilian victim who has been shot at Intan Jaya between October 2019 and 2020. The armed conflict that has occurred in Intan Jaya since October 2019 is the latest in the series of violent episodes that have emerged since the Intan Jaya regency was formed in 2008.

The Humanitarian Team documented four problem groups in analysing the violence in Intan Jaya. First, there were changes in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya over several periods – 2014-2016, 2017-2018, and 2019-2020.

In the 2014-2016 period, Intan Jaya district was marked by several cases of violence perpetrated by the Indonesian security forces against civilians. According to the Humanitarian Team’s records, violence involving Brimob (Mobile brigade) members caused at least one citizen to die, and at least 21 residents were wounded.

Meanwhile, another security apparatus committed an additional case in which one civilian victim was killed. The violence was not directly related to political reasons but was incidental with personal motives or as a result of provocation.

Entering the beginning of 2017 to 2018, regional head elections (Pilkada) rivalry added to the dynamics of the conflict in Intan Jaya. The clash occurred between sympathisers of the regent candidate pair Yulius Yapugau-Yunus Kalabetme and the incumbent Natalis Tabuni-Robert Kobogoyauw.

Three residents killed, 101 wounded
At least three residents died, and 101 others were wounded. As tensions escalated, the Papua police called in reinforcements for security. This tension has increased the fragility of the civilian government in responding to local security dynamics.

The change in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya has been clear since 25 October 2019. Intan Jaya has become a new armed conflict zone in Papua, due to the presence of two significant security actors, namely the TNI and TPNPB.

Violence has been escalating in the conflict since the shooting incident of Indonesian Army soldiers on 17 December 2019 to 6 November 2020.

The results of the Humanitarian Team documentation show that there were 17 cases of violence committed by both the TNI and TPNPB. The violence resulted in 17 deaths. A total of 12 civilians were killed, including a child.

The shift in the conflict trend is a significant change, because previously Intan Jaya district was not included in the conflict zone between the TNI and TPNPB. Previous conflicts were more related to communal issues, land ownership issues, clashes between residents and various other disturbances to security and public order.

When social conflicts such as tribal wars occur, traditional value-based conflict resolution is carried out by warring community groups to find a middle way.

The expansion of Intan Jaya from Paniai Regency in 2008 had implications for changing the trend of the conflict. The struggle for power by local elites through Pilkada elections in 2017 has had an impact on the legitimacy of the local government and its effectiveness.

On the one hand, the addition of organic and non-organic troops for the sake of securing the Pilkada election and in responding to various local security dynamics afterwards, has significantly increased the role of the TNI-Polri in the regency with a population of 49,293 people.

Struggle consolidated
On the other hand, TPNPB is increasingly consolidating its struggle by expanding Kodap [1] and reunification. After the TPNPB Summit in Biak Numfor on 1-5 May 2012, TPNPB already has 33 Kodap throughout Papua.

Intan Jaya itself is included in Kodap VIII. Internal consolidation was also strengthened by a meeting of Reunification and the Declaration of Unity and Unity of the TPNPB-Free Papua Organisation on 1 August 2019 Ilaga, Puncak Regency.[2]

Since then, the intensity of the conflict between the TNI-TPNPB has increased in Intan Jaya district.

The interaction of these various factors contributed directly or indirectly to the changes in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya regency in 2014-2020. Now, Intan Jaya regency has become a new zone for a deadly security conflict.

According to the Humanitarian Team’s record, the highest number of victims in the conflict between the TNI and TPNPB were civilians, both Papuan and non-Papuan.

Second, it is difficult to obtain clear information about the addition of organic and non-organic troops to the TNI/Polri operations in Intan Jaya. After the restructuring of the TNI organisation on 27 September 2019, the Humanitarian Team also found it difficult to identify the division of tasks among stakeholders such as the XVII/Cenderawasih Regional Military Command, Korem 173/PVB, and Kogabwilhan III.

However, Kogabwilhan III seems to have more authority and plays a role in security operations in Intan Jaya.

Information dissemination
Throughout the series of violent and armed conflicts in Intan Jaya, information dissemination to the public was mostly carried out by the Kogabwilhan III Information.

After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, for example, the Head of Information for the Joint Defence Region Command III, Colonel Czi IGN Suriastawa, made a unilateral statement, saying that Pastor Zanambani was shot by the TPNPB. In the previous period, the delivery of similar information was mostly carried out by the XVII/Cenderawasih Military Command Information.

The implication is that it is difficult to ensure the accountability of the TNI for various human rights violations in Intan Jaya. The lack of independent and impartial investigations into various violence in TNI operations in Intan Jaya has further strengthened the structure of violence within the institution, including the practice of impunity.

Apart from the lack of information regarding the presence of TNI troops in Intan Jaya, the TNI has also violated International Humanitarian Law for occupying YPPGI Hitadipa Elementary School. The school was even used as the Headquarters of the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil (Military Rayon Commando). The use of public facilities for war purposes violates human rights. This deprivation has taken away the rights of students to attend school.

Third, there is neglect of victims’ rights to justice and reparation after various violent events since October 2019. In a number of cases of extrajudicial killings, there is minimal investigation and legal process against the TNI members involved. Until November 12, 2020, only the case of burning the official house of health workers in Taundugu has reached the investigation stage. The Indonesian Army Military Police Center (Puspomad) named eight Indonesian Army soldiers as suspects in the arson case.[3]

The lack of legal proceedings for various extrajudicial killings by security forces has resulted in impunity. People in Intan Jaya do not have access to justice and remedies for the various human rights violations that have occurred.

The Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power defines victims as “people who individually or in groups have suffered harm, including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering, economic loss or real deprivation of basic rights, either because of actions (by act) or because of negligence (by omission)”. So that the people of Hitadipa and Intan Jaya who experience direct and structural violence as a result of the conflict by security actors have the right to feel safe. Therefore, the State is obliged to guarantee justice and restoration of rights (reparations) for the people of Intan Jaya.

Fourth, the escalation of violence between the TNI-TPNPB also has an impact on the problem of refugees. Based on data compiled from the Indonesian Gospel Tent Church (GKII), the Timika Diocese Catholic Church and the Intan Jaya regency government, around 466 people were displaced.

Scattered in districts
They are scattered in several districts around Intan Jaya Regency and several other districts such as Nabire, Mimika and Puncak. This number is estimated to be even higher due to the difficulty of collecting data by the Humanitarian Team. In addition, the feeling of trauma experienced by residents causes fear of reporting to government agencies.

The large number of patrols by security forces in Sugapa and Hitadipa districts has also made it difficult for church pastors to record the overall distribution of refugees.

The problem of refugees from the previous armed conflict, such as refugees from Nduga district, for example, also shows a tendency for many civilians to flee into the forest, moving away from residential centres or government locations where the security forces are based.

Data collection difficulties will cause various humanitarian problems such as limited access to basic needs such as food, adequate housing, sanitation, education and health. The presence of refugee women, children and elderly people also require immediate special attention.

Another urgent matter is the fulfilment of security guarantees for the refugees to return to their hometowns to celebrate Christmas.

Fifth, the existence of the Wabu gold block risks triggering a new conflict (a resource war). Previous findings indicate a causal relationship between exploitation of natural resources, armed conflict and escalation of violence.[4]

In the analysis of the conflict in Papua, injustice in natural resource management has become one of the triggers.[5] Such exploitative development has an impact on the marginalization of local communities. With the social, political, economic and cultural background of the people of Intan Jaya, the patterns of injustice and marginalisation could worsen in the future.

Conflict-triggering elements
When people’s grievances due to imbalances in the distribution of results coincide with other conflict-triggering elements, other significant actors can construct these grievances to legitimise new violence. Because the most worrying thing about strategic natural resources such as gold is the manipulative competition between parties with different interests.[6]

The plan to mine the Wabu gold block in the midst of a situation of armed conflict between the TNI and TPNPB, will only lead to a conflict that is more complicated to resolve. TPNPB has conveyed its rejection of the Wabu block mining existence and specifically asked the Governor of Papua to withdraw the recommendation letter for the Special Mining Business Permit Area (WIUPK) Number 540/11625/SET issued in Jayapura on 24 July 2020.[7]

This resistance can produce a new cycle of violence if marginalisation worsens and the government continues to prioritise a security approach in its conflict resolution.

The Humanitarian Team’s findings indicate the risk of more widespread violence and conflict in the future. The security approach chosen by the government is dangerous, because the security forces have shown no attempt to change the culture of violence inherent in their institutional structures.

Groups of security forces have even shown a tendency to obscure the facts of the various violations they have committed, in order to protect perpetrators from legal traps by continuing to practice impunity.

The shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was an extrajudicial murder that violated human rights, international law, and the Indonesian Constitution. Pastor Jeremiah’s case proved not to be the last case, because afterwards there were the murders of two catechists of the Timika diocese.

The culture of violence inherent in the TNI institutional structure can only be changed if the practice of impunity is stopped by bringing the perpetrators of violence to justice.

To the Humanitarian Team, Mama Miriam Zoani, wife of the late Pastor Zanambani and family hopes that the security forces will leave Hitadipa, so that she can see the pastor grave for the first time. Mama Miriam Zoani also hopes that the displaced people will return to their homes, and together with their families do a thanksgiving service after Pastor Zanambani ‘s death.

It seems simple to most people. However, the presence of TNI officers in Hitadipa made it difficult for the family of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani to make it “simple”.

Translated from the original Tabloid Jubi article by a special Pacific Media Watch correspondent. Jubi articles are republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Notes:
[1] Kodap adalah nama satuan teritorial TPNPB, yang biasanya berbasis kepada wilayah administrasi kabupaten di Papua.

[2] https://suarapapua.com/2019/08/14/perkuat-tpnpb-goliat-tabuni-cs-tolak-organisasi-tandingan/

[3] https://jubi.co.id/papua-delapan-oknum-tni-ad-tersangka-pembakaran/

[4] Edward Aspinall. The Construction of Grievance. Natural Resources and Identity in a Separatist Conflict. Journal of Conflict Resolution. 51(6), December 2017.

[5] The Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) mentions four roots of conflict in Papua, including the history of integration, political violence and human rights violations, development failures and problems of marginalization and inconsistency in the special autonomy policy. Various inequalities in development due to exploitation of natural resources cause social jealousy and become the root of conflict. According to Amich Alhumami, there are two main dimensions of the Papua conflict, namely the economic dimension and political domination. The economic dimension relates to the massive exploitation of natural resources without benefiting local communities. A sense of injustice due to economic problems can lead to conflict in the political sphere. See Suma Riella and Cahyo Pamungkas. Updating Papua Road Map. Peace Process, Youth Politics and Papuan Diaspora. (Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia, 2017)

[6] Ichsan Malik. Resolusi Konflik, Jembatan Perdamaian (Jakarta: Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2017)

[7] https://suarapapua.com/2020/10/25/tpnpb-tegas-menolak-penambangan-emas-blok-b-wabu-intan-jaya/

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Philippine authorities should independently investigate the circumstances surrounding the killing of journalist Ronnie Villamor and hold those responsible to account, says the Committee to Protect Journalists.

In the afternoon of November 14, Philippine Army soldiers shot and killed Villamor, a contributor to the local independent Dos Kantos Balita weekly tabloid, outside a military checkpoint in Milagros, a town in Masbate province in the central Philippines.

He was on his way to cover a disputed land survey, according to press reports.

The troops, led by Second Lieutenant Maydim Jomadil, were investigating reports of armed men in the area, according to local broadcaster ABS-CBN.

Major Aldrin Rosales, the local police chief, alleged that the troops ordered Villamor to stop his motorcycle, and opened fire when the journalist drew a firearm, according to that report.

In a statement posted to Facebook, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines denied that version of events, saying that soldiers stopped Villamor and four surveyors he was accompanying despite the group having coordinated with police to be in the area.

When the five decided to call local police to assist them in passing through the army checkpoint, the soldiers opened fire and killed Villamor, the statement said.

‘Swift, independent investigation’ needed
“Authorities must conduct a swift and independent investigation into the killing of journalist Ronnie Villamor, and ensure that any soldiers who acted unlawfully are brought to justice,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative.

“Soldiers cannot simply gun down a journalist without fear that their actions will be thoroughly investigated and any wrongdoing punished. Prosecution of the perpetrators is the only way the cycle of impunity will be broken in the Philippines.”

Local English-language outlet Butalat reported that the army and police claimed Villamor was a member of the New People’s Army (NPA), an anti-government armed insurgent group active in the region.

The Presidential Task Force on Media Security, a government body tasked with resolving journalist killings, did not reply to CPJ’s repeated emailed requests for its assessment of Villamor’s killing and information on the status of any investigations into the case.

Villamor covered land disputes and other political issues for Dos Kantos Balita, according to the NUJP. The tabloid covers many hard-hitting issues, including illegal logging, drug trafficking, and illegal fishing in the region, according to a CPJ review of the publication’s Facebook page.

The Philippine Army did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment on the circumstances surrounding Villamor’s killing.

In October, CPJ published its annual Global Impunity Index, a ranking of nations where journalists are slain and their killers go free – the Philippines ranked seventh, with at least 11 unsolved journalist killings.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Witnesses told police he was shot by two men on a motorcycle who immediately made their getaway. The F-16 is an assault rifle used by the US army, reports RSF.

A specialist in covering the mining industry, along with other subjects, Bercasio used to work for Bicol Today, a local news website, before launching his own online video outlet, Balangibog TV.

In a programme broadcast every Monday to Thursday, he interviewed viewers by telephone and often denounced deforestation and illegal mining in his region.

In his last Facebook post before his murder, Bercasio referred to the presence, near a quarry, of suspicious trucks that did not have the necessary permits and were using false licence plates. He had previously posted photos of these trucks five days earlier.

Impunity
“Given the modus operandi, which is typical of the murders of journalists in the Philippines, everything indicates that those who gunned down Jobert Bercasio were acting on the orders of someone who was annoyed by his reporting,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk.

“We urge the Philippine government to shed light on this case by appointing an independent investigation. It is time to end the impunity that characterizes crimes of violence against media personnel in the Philippines.”

Cornelio “Rex” Pepino, a radio journalist who was gunned down in May in Dumaguete City, in the central province of Negros Oriental, was probably targeted because of his coverage of local bribery and corruption related to illegal mining.

The Philippines is ranked 136th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index, two places lower than in 2019.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By Rambo Talabong in Manila

The top lawyer of the Philippine Bureau of Corrections (BuCor) who was a controversial witness in Senate hearings on the Good Conduct Time Allowance (GCTA) controversy has been shot dead.

According to the police report, lawyer Fredric Santos was gunned down yesterday afternoon by two unidentified suspects in front of his daughter’s school in Muntinlupa City, as he was about to pick her up.

Santos suffered gunshot wounds to the head and was declared dead on the spot by the Muntinlupa City rescue team, police said.

READ MORE: Timeline – The GCTA law and the controversy it has stirred

Santos was the legal division chief of the BuCor who was suspended by the Office of the Ombudsman and once detained by the Senate in September 2019 over controversies in the GCTA law’s implementation.

Santos’ office is not included in the process of screening for GCTA grants. But he was grilled by the Senate blue ribbon committee on his role in providing legal opinion on whether the BuCor chief needs the Justice Secretary’s approval to release inmates sentenced to reclusion perpetua.

At the Senate, Santos said he had told then-BuCor chief Nicanor Faeldon of the rule requiring the justice secretary’s approval for releases.

But when Faeldon denied this, Santos backtracked and said he could not recall whether it was just relayed to a staff member.

Rambo Talabong is a Rappler journalist. This report was written with a file by Lian Buan.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By Jigger J. Jerusalem in Cagayan De Oro, Mindanao, Philippines

In the wake of an attack against a hard-hitting Filipino broadcaster in Kidapawan City – the 14th media practitioner to be killed during the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte – the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) is holding a forum in Cagayan De Oro this weekend to discuss the safety of journalists in Mindanao.

Pamela Jay Orias, chair of NUJP’s Cagayan de Oro chapter, said the forum gathered the union’s key officers throughout Mindanao to discuss the current state of media safety and security in the region.

Orias described the present situation as “alarming and the atmosphere no longer secure for journalists working in Mindanao”.

READ MORE: 13 journalists killed under Duterte admininistration

On Wednesday night, Kidapawan City broadcaster Eduardo Dizon was gunned down while driving home.

Prior to the shooting, Dizon had received threats to his life.

The continuing attack against journalists in the country since the end of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 has left a bad mark on its democratic credentials.

Most dangerous
The Paris-based media freedom organisation Reporters Without Borders listed the Philippines as among the most dangerous countries – 134th – for media workers in the Asia-Pacific region.

Adding to the muddled scene is the continued imposition of martial law throughout Mindanao, Orias explained.

The forum, Orias said, hoped to provide “a much-needed venue for journalists to bring these issues and discuss them with colleagues” in the spirit of sharing approaches and techniques in handling similar situations.

The NUJP, according to Orias, has kept reminding journalists of the utmost importance of safety “in doing coverage, especially in conflict areas, or when tackling sensitive topics”.

“As they say, ‘no story is worth dying for,’” Orias said.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By RNZ Pacific

Murder charges have been laid in the case of the French Polynesian journalist Jean-Pascal Couraud, who vanished in 1997.

The accused are Couraud’s ex-partner Miri Tatarata and a friend, Francis Stein, who are said to have had an affair at the time.

The two, who are both top officials in the French Polynesian administration, were charged after being detained for two days of interrogations.

READ MORE: Walter Zweifel feature on the background to the case of “JPK”

French Polynesian journalist Jean-Pascal Couraud, who disappeared 20 years ago, was believed to be investigating links between Gaston Flosse and French President Jacques Chirac.

The pair have been released but are under judicial control pending further action.

Tatarata’s lawyer has described the murder charge as scandalous.

Reports say the two accused have given conflicting accounts of the day when the journalist, known locally as “JPK”, was last seen.

Courarud was famous for researching the affairs of the then-strongman and territory president, Gaston Flosse, who ruled a militia known as the GIP.

Read more about the 1997 disappearance of Jean-Pascal Couraud.

An investigation was first opened in 2004 after a former spy claimed that Couraud had been kidnapped and killed by the GIP, which dumped him in the sea between Mo’orea and Tahiti.

Murder charges against two members of the now disbanded militia, the GIP, were dismissed five years ago, after incriminating wiretaps were ruled inadmissible because they were obtained illegally.

This article is published under the Pacific Media Centre’s content partnership with Radio New Zealand.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By RNZ Pacific

Commemorations have been held in New Caledonia over the weekend to mark the 30th anniversary of the assassination of the pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou and his deputy on 4 May 1989.

Tjibaou, leader of the pro-indeoendence Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), was killed along with Yeiwéné Yeiwéné.

The two Kanak leaders were gunned down on the island of Ouvéa by a local independence advocate Djubelly Wéa who was upset with the signing of the 1988 Matignon Accord which ended years of unrest.

READ MORE: Blood in the Pacific: 30 years on from the Ouvéa massacre

Wea was in turn shot dead by Tjibaou’s bodyguard.

On the island of Ouvéa, there was also a remembrance of the 19 Kanaks killed by French commandos in the Ouvéa cave hostage crisis a year earlier.

In Hienghène in the north east of the main island, where Tjibaou used to be the mayor, this year’s Tjibaou Cup sports events have been timed to conincide with the anniversary.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

By InterAksyon with Cris Sansano in Manila

Nueva Ecija priests led by Bishop Robero Mallari are appealing to the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte to seek justice for the death of 72-year-old retired Filipino social activist priest Marcelito “Tito” Paez who has been gunned down by unidentified assailants in Jaen town.

The slain priest visited New Zealand in November 1990 as a member of the Philippine delegation to the Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) conference at Pawarenga marae, north of Hokianga.

“Kami ay nanawagan na sa mga kinauukulan sa pamahalaan na bigyang linaw at katarungan ang kanyang kamatayan [We are calling on authorities in the government to shed light on the killing and give justice to his death],” the priests said in a statement signed yesterday by Bishop Mallari.

READ MORE: Duterte declares New People’s Army a ‘terrorist group’

Two motorcycle-riding attackers killed Paez in Sitio Sanggalang, Barangay Lambakin, on Monday.

The victim was on his way home to Barangay Baloc in Sto. Domingo, Nueva Ecija and was onboard a Toyota Innova with plate number AAB 2391 around 8 p.m. when the attackers shot Paez with a .45-calibre pistol.

-Partners-

He was rushed to a hospital in San Leonardo, Nueva Ecija, but died there while undergoing treatment.

A day before he was slain, Paez helped facilitate the release of political detainee Rommel Tucay, a peasant union organiser of the Alyansa ng Magbubukid sa Gitnang Luzon, who was abducted and tortured in March 2017 allegedly by state security forces.

Championed peasant rights
Paez dedicated most of his life to defending the rights of Filipinos, especially the rights of poor workers and peasants, according to the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Jose, Nueva Ecija where Paez served as a priest starting in 1984 when the parish was established until he retired in 2015.

“Sa kanyang paglilingkod sa Simbahan, siya ay aktibong nakisangkot sa mga usaping panlipunan, lalo na sa mga usapin na may kinalaman sa karapatang pantao, magsasaka, at mahihirap [In serving the Church, he involved himself in social issues, especially on those that had to do with human rights, farmers, and the poor],” said Mallari.

The bishop added that Paez was also part of the Catholic Church’s Social Action Commission and headed a unit within it called Justice and Peace Office, whose main goal is to help ensure the rights of the poor and the marginalised, especially that of workers and farmers.

Paez, former parish priest of Guimba town, was also the coordinator of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines in Central Luzon.

In the 1980s, Paez also became a leader of the Central Luzon Alliance for a Sovereign Philippines, which campaigned for the removal of the US military bases in the region.

The left-leaning Bagong Alyansang Makabayan yesterday condemned “in the strongest terms” the killing of Paez, who the group said was among the founders of Bayan in Central Luzon and “the first Catholic priest to be killed under the Duterte regime”.

Bayan denounces killings
Bayan also denounced the killing of Pastor Novelito Quinones, who was slain reportedly in Mindoro last Sunday, during an anti-rebel police operation in the province.

“He was later made to appear as a member of the NPA (New People’s Army) even his congregation attests otherwise” the group said.

Bayan likewise condemned the attempt to serve a warrant of arrest against PISTON transport group leader George San Mateo “who faces trumped up charges for allegedly violating Commonwealth Act 146, a law that dates back to 1936.”

“The case is pure harassment and indication,” it said.

“These attacks come in the wake of Duterte’s threats of a crackdown of legal activists, and his slandering of mass organisations as mere legal fronts of the CPP (Communist Party of the Philippines),” said Bayan.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz