Roger Norman Fowler: 12 September 1948 – 21 February 2026
Roger Fowler, an activist legend of social justice solidarity movements from Bastion Point to resisting apartheid and racist rugby tours and freedom for Palestine, has died after a long illness. He was 77.
Described by some as a “true Tāne Toa”, his protest warrior courage and his commitment to a bicultural and cross-cultural vision for Aotearoa New Zealand, was perhaps best represented by his “Songs of Struggle and Solidarity” vinyl album launched last year.
The first of 14 tracks on the album produced by Banana Boat Records, was “We Are All Palestinians”, which has become an anthem for the Gaza solidarity movement for the past 124 weeks of protest against the Israeli genocide.
Roger Fowler and his wife, Dr Lyn Doherty, with whānau and friends at a community concert in his honour in November 2025. Image: Hone Fowler
Ironically, this was sung yet again by a group in Te Komititanga Square yesterday within hours of his death.
It was written by Fowler after the Viva Palestina solidarity convoy from London to Gaza in 2010.
Tigilau Ness and Roger Fowler at the launch of his album last September 2025. Ness recorded his version of “We Are All Palestinians” here. Image: APR
Fowler led the Kia Ora Gaza team of six Kiwis who drove three of 135 aid-packed ambulances – funded by New Zealand donations — into the besieged enclave. This was followed later by two other land convoys and three Gaza Freedom Flotillas.
In April 2026, a massive new siege-breaking Sumud Flotilla to Gaza with 100 boats and carrying some 1000 activists is being planned.
Gaza solidarity rallies In spite of failing health in recent months, Fowler was frequently seen at Gaza rallies, speaking and singing in his rousing voice.
Close comrade and friend, John Minto, co-chair of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA), paid tribute to his contribution in a statement today.
“Roger has been a legend of the solidarity movement for many decades as the founder and co-cordinator of Kia Ora Gaza which delivered aid to the besieged Gaza strip by land and by sea,” he said.
“He was a man of great integrity and character with passion for justice. He will remain a guiding light for the solidarity movement here.”
The Palestinian community presenting Roger Fowler an award at the launch of his album last September 2025. Image: APR
Co-chair Maher Nazzal presented Fowler an award for his contribution to Palestinian solidarity last September.
Another comrade, especially during Fowler’s activism in the 1960s and 1970s, Tony Fala, recalls his “dauntless courage, tireless optimism, boundless energy, and vast strategic capacity was profoundly inspiring.”
“Roger was one of the humblest and kindest people I have ever met. He could build coalitions and strengthen community bonds with ease. He sought what brought people together, not what kept them apart.
Belief in ordinary people “He believed in ordinary people and possessed a deep, instinctive understanding of justice. He was strong yet carried no ego.”
Fala praised Fowler’s commitment to Te Tiriti o Waitangi and to Te Ao Māori community life, describing him as a “born oral historian”.
“He gave selflessly to every cause he committed himself to and would move mountains to achieve victory for the struggles he served.”
“We are all Palestinians.” Video: Banana Boat Records
In the weeks before his death, he and his whanau were working hard to complete a history of the socialist Ponsonby People’s Union, “Struggle and Solidarity”, due to be published soon. Fowler met his future wife, Dr Lyn Doherty (Ngati Porou and Ngāpuhi), then while they were activists campaigning to stop landlords evicting tenants.
Activist author Dean Parker once described Fowler as “the Great Helmsman of the legendary Ponsonby People’s Union, brave hero of so many struggles”.
Fowler had lived for almost four decades in Mangere East, a multicultural quarter of South Auckland.
He was manager of the Mangere East Community Learning Centre and an executive member of Out of School Care Network.
The “Free Palestine” photo on the Roger Fowler album launched in September 2025. Image: Banana Boat Records
Impressive community tribute In 1999, he was a recipient of the Queen’s Service Medal for his “services to community” and the people of Mangere East paid an impressive tribute to him with a daytime concert last November.
One of his best remembered local campaigns was the community coalition in 2010 that saved Mangere East’s Postshop.
A one-time bus driver, Fowler strongly campaigned for public transport.
He was also involved with amateur theatre for several decades, including Auckland Light Opera, “The Aunties” children’s theatre and Manukau Performing Arts.
Fowler was a founding member of the Palestine Human Rights Campaign in the 1970s and he was part of the anti-apartheid movement for 15 years.
In 1969, along with a large group of activists — including Alan Robson, Pat Bolster and Graeme Whimp — he opened the first Resistance Bookshop in Queen Street and he was co-director for a time.
During his lifelong protests, he was arrested and jailed four times and with colleagues he set up a free prison visiting service in 1972 for Paremoremo and Waikeria.
The last track on Fowler’s album is titled “The Final Song” but his music will be long remembered as the hallmark of the life of an extraordinary community and political activist.
• Roger Fowler’s life will be celebrated at Ngā Tapuwae Community Centre, 255 Buckland Road, Mangere, 10-2pm, Wednesday, February 25.
Asia Pacific Report’s David Robie and Del Abcede with Roger Fowler in November 2025. Image: Tony Fala
Doug Allan has travelled the world filming wildlife, often with legendary nature documentarian Sir David Attenborough.
When the crew is observing a fight between predator and prey, he says, every effort is made to let nature take its course.
“It might be the best ending in the world for the animal to somehow escape, especially if you’ve built up empathy from the way it’s edited. But some animals eat other animals in order to make a living, and as such, you shouldn’t interfere… You are there as a privileged observer,” Allan tells RNZ’s Saturday Morning.
After getting a degree in marine biology, Allan was working as a deep-sea diver in the Antarctic when Sir David Attenborough turned up with a BBC film crew.
On the side, Allan had started taking still photos of the local wildlife and while giving Attenborough and his crew a tour of places to view animals, he got to see that they were “great fun.”
“They all took the job seriously, but at the same time, they had great respect for each other. No big egos involved. It was just so hopelessly romantic. I thought, boy, what a job. Who wouldn’t want to get into that profession?”
Although he’d never picked up a movie camera before, Allan thought it was something he could learn to do. The next time he went to the Antarctic as a diver, he took a movie camera, filmed some emperor penguins, and sold the footage to the BBC.
“That was it. I was off on a freelance full-time career as a wildlife cameraman.”
Of all the animals Allan has interacted with in the wild, he says the most exciting encounters have been with are polar bears – very clever although on the ice with them you are “potentially a prey item” – and beluga whales – who’ll swim close if you make yourself “acoustically interesting”.
Both polar bears and whales – as well as dogs and horses- are our fellow mammals, and when asked Allan names our warm-blooded vertebrate group his “favourite animal”.
While protecting ourselves and our fellow mammals against the effects of climate change will be an “uphill battle”, the 75-year-old says, we can all do “small random acts of kindness” to support the natural environment.
“We can do lots of acts of kindness, not necessarily random, but thoughtful acts of kindness for the planet. That comes down to choosing where you get your electricity from, making sure it’s a renewable supplier. Where is your money in the bank? Is it with an ethical bank, which doesn’t take your money and invest in fossil fuels? It can come down to what kind of car you own, where you go on holiday, a whole lot of things.”
Thanks to human effort, things are changing, Allan says, and predictions for temperature increase are much lower today than they were 10 years ago.
“The big change is the renewable transformation that’s happening around the world. That is having a big effect. And if we carry on doing that, then the damage will not be as bad as it might be if we did nothing.”
Doug Allan is currently taking his Life Behind The Lens tour around the South Island, giving talks in Glenorchy, Wānaka, Queenstown, Blenheim, Kaikōura, Dunedin, Christchurch and Te Anau.
– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
Last week, New Zealand First leader Winston Peters said Aotearoa’s immigration settings were “no way to treat our Pacific cousins”.
“All Pacific people want is a fair go, equivalent to what other nations are getting, and they’re not getting it,” he said outside Parliament.
While Peters’ comments were made in the context of the Pacific Justice petition, the concept of the Pacific as “family” has become a common rhetoric used by politicians and leaders across New Zealand.
In 2018, former Prime Minister Dame Jacinda Ardern spoke on such issues facing the Pacific.
“We are the Pacific too, and we are doing our best to stand with our family as they face these threats,” she said during a talk at the Paris Institute.
At the Pacific Islands Forum last year, New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said: “This is the Pacific family and we prioritise the centrality of the Pacific Islands Forum.”
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon at the 2025 Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ meeting . . . “This is the Pacific family.” Image: RNZ Pacific/Caleb Fotheringham
But is Aotearoa doing enough to live up to this “Pacific family” rhetoric in the face of daunting and life-changing threats, such as climate change, continues to reshape the region?
Discussions and comparisons continue to arise off the back of Australia’s Falepili Union Treaty, which saw the first group of Tuvaluan migrants relocate towards the end of 2025.
Australia’s implementation of the treaty has sparked criticism over whether New Zealand is failing its Pacific neighbours when it comes to climate-related migration.
‘Increasingly perilous situations’ For Pacific Islanders hoping to move to Aotearoa, there is a pathway.
Under the Pacific Access Category (PAC) ballot, 150 people from specifically Kiribati and 250 from Tuvalu — two of the most vulnerable nations at the forefront of climate impacts — can gain residency every year.
Applicants must pay $1385, pass health checks, meet English requirements, be under 45, and secure a job offer.
Dr Olivia Yates has spent years researching climate mobility from Kiribati and Tuvalu.
University student Olivia Yates at the Auckland march. Image: RNZ/Kate Gregan
She said the tension around climate mobility sits not in a lack of awareness, but in the design of the system itself.
“I think the main takeaway is that New Zealand’s current approach to climate mobility, or at least for the last five years — things are starting to change now — but initially — we do a lot of research, get a lot more information, and leave immigration systems as they are,” she said.
She said Pacific neighbours islands are facing “increasingly difficult” circumstances.
“Disasters are becoming more frequent … the access to food and to water is being challenged because of these creeping impacts of climate change. So as the New Zealand government takes one step forward, I feel like climate change is sort of a step ahead of us,” Dr Yates said.
“It sounds very doom and gloom, but the other thing I would say is that our Pacific neighbours, fundamentally and primarily, want to stay in place. Nobody wants to have to leave.”
In the meantime, people are moving, often through pathways never intended to respond to climate pressure.
“People are using these laws to come to the country and their laws that were not really set up to address climate change and the movement of people in response to climate change,” Dr Yates said.
“They’re primarily economically motivated, and so this creates a whole bunch of issues that are the downstream consequence of using a system for something that is not what it was designed for.”
She said that PAC ballot, created in 2001, has effectively become “the de facto pathway for people from Kiribati and Tuvalu to move here for reasons related to climate change”.
While many migrants cite work, family or opportunity as the primary motivations, these distinctions are becoming blurred.
“It’s kind of becoming increasingly difficult to separate climate change drivers from these factors,” Dr Yates explained.
NZ’s immigration laws are being used in a way that they were not designed for, says Dr Yates. Image: UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
And the consequences can be significant. When visas hinge on employment and strict eligibility criteria, families can find themselves vulnerable if those circumstances shift.
“Our current immigration laws are being used in a way that they weren’t designed for, and this is having really negative consequences on people, specifically from Kiribati and Tuvalu,” she said.
“On the other side of that, those that wish to stay, whether because they choose to or because they can’t afford to leave, that visas aren’t available to them, and they start to face increasingly perilous situations that breach their rights.”
Lacking a plan Kiribati community leader Kinaua Ewels, who works closely with Pacific migrants settling in Aotearoa, said the system’s rigidity has left many feeling excluded and unsupported.
She does not believe New Zealand is set up to deal with the realities of climate migration
“I’m hoping the New Zealand government could help the people who are able to move on their own, using their own money, but when they get here, they can actually access work opportunities,” she said.
Kinaua Ewels . . . the PAC still feels restrictive. Image: mpp.govt.nz
Ewels said the PAC still feels restrictive, and lacks a plan to help new arrivals adapt or secure employment.
“They pressure them to look for their own job. There’s no plan for the government to help them settle very easily, to run away from climate change and their life situations back on the island,” Ewels said.
“More can be done.”
According to Ewels, the families who do arrive with the hopes of safety and stability, end up struggling to navigate basic systems, such as healthcare and employment, and get no formal support.
“It’s very restricted in the way that it’s not supportive to the people from the Pacific Islands,” she said.
NZ govt ‘not ready to bring climate refugees’
Ewels said that while New Zealand spoke of the Pacific as “family,” those words continued ringing hollow for communities who saw little practical support.
“They use the family name, which is a very meaningful and deep word back home, but the process is not done yet,” she said.
“In reality, the government is not actually ready to bring people over here in terms of climate refugees or people needing to move because of climate change.”
Ewels said if New Zealand truly viewed the Pacific as family, that connection would extend itself into some meaningful collaboration with Pacific community leaders here in Aotearoa, who could help them navigate the complexities of this situation.
“If the government talks about family, they should work with us, the community leaders, so we can help them at least make sure people are warmly welcomed and supported when they come here,” Ewels said.
Dr Yates said the government was making efforts, but warned the the pace of policy was struggling to keep up with the pace of change happening in the world today.
“I would say that the New Zealand government is trying. But as the government takes one step forward, climate change is starting to outpace us.”
Pacific sea levels have risen by as much as 15cm over the past three decades.
There are predictions that around 50,000 Pacific people across the region could lose their homes each year as the climate crisis reshapes their environments.
In the past decade, one in 10 people from Kiribati, Nauru and Tuvalu have already migrated.
Kiribati dancers performing at the opening ceremony of the Wellington Pasifika Festival. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton
Kiribati community leader Charles Kiata told RNZ Pacific in October last year that life on the Micronesian island nation was becoming increasingly difficult, as it was being hit by severe storms, with higher temperatures and drought.
“Every part of life, food, shelter, health, is being affected and what hurts the most is that our people feel trapped. They love their home, but their home is slowly disappearing,” Kiata said at the time.
Crops are dying and fresh drinking water is becoming increasingly scarce for the island nation.
Kiata said Kiribati overstayers in New Zealand were anxious they would be sent back home.
“Deporting them back to flooded lands or places with no clean water like Kiribati is not only cruel but it also goes against our shared Pacific values.”
In 2020, Kiribati man Ioane Teitiota took New Zealand to the United Nations Human Rights Committee after his refugee claim, based on sea-level rise, was rejected.
The committee did find his deportation lawful, although ruled that governments must consider the human rights impacts of climate change when assessing deportations.
The term “climate refugee” remains unrecognised in binding international law. It is a term Dr Yates has previously told RNZ was always flawed.
“Climate change is this unique phenomenon because what is forcing people out of their countries comes from elsewhere,” she said.
“At face value, the idea of being a refugee didn’t fit.”
Many communities suffering at the hands of climate change do not want to leave their home, their culture, their land, their community.
Dr Yates said the term “climate mobility” was a better fit — describing it as a spectrum that recognises the desire for communities to have options.
Australia’s Falepili Treaty v NZ’s climate pathways In late 2025, the first Tuvaluans began relocating to Australia under the Falepili Union, a bilateral treaty signed with Tuvalu in 2023.
The agreement creates a new permanent visa for up to 280 Tuvaluans each year, allocated by ballot. Applicants do not need a job offer, there is no age cap, nor disability exclusion.
The treaty has led debate on online platforms around why New Zealand does not offer a similar pathway.
Australia and Tuvalu signing the Falepili Union Treaty in Rarotonga in 2023. Image: Twitter.com/@PatConroy1/RNZ
International law expert Professor Jane McAdam is cautious against simplistic comparisons between New Zealand and Australia.
“It has been mislabelled in a lot of the international media as a climate refugee visa when it’s nothing of the sort,” Prof McAdam said.
“There’s often nothing in this visa that requires you to show that you’re concerned about the impacts of climate change in the future,” she said.
Professor McAdam pointed out that New Zealand had never been viewed as “totally useless” in climate-related migration of Pacific peoples.
“Historically, New Zealand has been seen as leading the way when it comes to providing pathways for people in the Pacific to move,” she said, noting the PAC visa and labour mobility schemes as examples.
“New Zealand has been leading the way globally in recognising how existing international refugee law and human rights work,” she added.
That includes influential tribunal decisions examining how climate impacts intersect with refugee and human rights law, even where claims ultimately failed.
New Zealand has been seen as leading the way when it comes to providing pathways for people in the Pacific to move, says Professor McAdams. Image: RNZ Pacific
In 2023, Pacific leaders endorsed the Pacific Regional Framework on Climate Mobility, the first regional document to formally acknowledge climate-related migration and commit states to cooperate on safe and dignified pathways.
Dr Yates said New Zealand was “furiously involved” in shaping the framework.
“The framework is the first time, put down on paper, that people are migrating because of climate-related reasons,” she said.
However, the document is non-binding.
“It means our government is ready to take this seriously. But I wouldn’t say they are taking this seriously, yet.”
She added a dedicated, rights-based climate mobility visa is needed that can account for a wide-range of people, including those with disabilities and others disproportionately affected.
RNZ Pacific approached the Immigration Minister Erica Stanford’s office for comment on whether New Zealand immigration law does explicitly recognise climate change or climate-induced displacement as grounds for special protection or a dedicated visa category.
We were advised Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters was the appropriate person to comment on the issue.
However, a spokesperson for Peters told RNZ Pacific the specific issue “would be a question for the Minister of Immigration, or the Climate Change Minister”.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
The government has confirmed it will give police powers to issue move-on notices.Nick Monro
The government insists move-on orders are just one tool in the toolkit, as it seeks to curb anti-social behaviour and rough sleeping in city and town centres across New Zealand.
Opposition parties have slammed the proposal, however, describing it as “cruel” and “despicable.”
The government has confirmed it will give police powers to issue move-on notices.
The notices will apply for disorderly or threatening behaviour, as well as for begging or rough sleeping.
It will be left to the individual officer to decide exactly how long the order lasts, with a limit of 24 hours, the distance the person needs to move away from, and what support the person needs, if any.
Officers will have to make it clear to the individual that a breach will be an offence, with maximum penalties of fines up to $2000, or up to three months imprisonment.
At the announcement, justice minister Paul Goldsmith insisted the government was not criminalising homelessness.
“What we’re criminalising is a refusal to follow a move-on order,” he said.
Justice minister Paul Goldsmith.RNZ / Samuel Rillstone
Goldsmith said a ‘reasonable distance’ would mean different things in different parts of the country, and denied it would simply shift the problem elsewhere.
“If you’re told to move on and you go up the road and you start doing the same behaviours again, well then you’ll be subject to another move-on order until the message gets through that society doesn’t tolerate these activities.”
Police minister Mark Mitchell said police use discretion “thousands of times a week,” and there was a range of options available to them.
He said the move-on orders filled a “gap” in the police response.
Police minister Mark Mitchell.RNZ / Mark Papalii
“We’ve got something that will formalise it, that will actually hopefully get them engaging with those services and actually fix those issues, and at the same time we won’t have people living on our streets. I don’t think any fair-minded Kiwi in our country wants to see people out living on our streets.”
Mitchell said the “default setting” would be to work with someone, to try and find whether the solution was a health, mental health, or housing response.
But some simply did not want to listen to police.
“Many of the people that choose to come in and set up and live on the streets and cause the social problems that we see are also vulnerable themselves.”
Minister for Auckland Simeon Brown said he had met with non-government organisations and government agencies across Auckland, as well as the council, to see what actions could be taken to improve safety.
Welcomed by business
Auckland’s central business association Heart of the City had lobbied for social and economic needs to be addressed, and while there had been improvements, anti-social behaviour continued to cause concern.
Its chief executive Viv Beck said she was pleased the government had “listened” in terms of bringing in additional police, a new downtown police station, a housing and outreach ‘action plan,’ and now the move-on orders.
Heart of the City chief executive Viv Beck.Supplied / HOTC
Beck said Auckland was an “aspirational city,” which meant ensuring people were housed and looked after.
“This is another, if you like, another tool in the kit to be able to ensure that we are really ready to capitalise on now, after ten years of disruption for a whole variety of reasons, that our city can actually grow, we can continue to attract investment, and that we’re aspirational so people are looked after if they’re in need but that it’s a really safe, welcoming place for everyone.”
Ian Wright, property manager of the Queen’s Arcade in downtown Auckland, said there was no use creating a “beautiful place” if it was unsafe outside.
He said the council and Heart of the City had started to bring in guards, and the government had allowed for more police on the beat, which had made a difference.
“We’re not where we need to be. But I think this is very much another key tool in the toolbox that will greatly facilitate the change process and just put the icing on the cake to where we’ve been,” he said.
Wright said it was mostly “recidivist offenders” engaging in intimidation, harassment, and general unsocial behaviour.
“We had a gentleman that was around living on the street on Commerce Street, around the corner. He was there for months, and he wouldn’t accept help, but now he’s accepted help, and he’s obviously been taken back into care and he’s getting the care he needs.
“So I don’t see it as displacement of the problem. That’s not a solution. It’s very much about holding people to account, drawing the line in the sand, and saying we’ve actually got a right to be here too. The people, the visitors, we want it to be safe and secure. I don’t think that’s too much to ask.”
‘Punch-down politics’ – opposition
Labour was concerned the policy would not just be a tool, but the go-to tool.
Deputy leader Carmel Sepuloni said the policy was cruel.
“This is another instance of the government oversimplifying a problem, trying to sweep it under the carpet, acting like it’s just a law and order issue, when the reality is it’s so much more complex than that,” she said.
Labour deputy leader Carmel SepuloniRNZ / Angus Dreaver
“The government need to be investing in mental health. They need to be building the homes that New Zealanders need. They need to be investing in addiction services. They need to be supporting and resourcing the social and health services that work with so many of the people that we’re seeing on our streets. They’re not doing any of that. Instead, they’re saying that they’re going to criminalise these people and then effectively saying that it will become the police’s responsibility.”
Goldsmith said the government had put additional resources into housing, with 300 extra spots for homeless people, and not all of them were being taken up.
The move-on orders, he said, were to deal with those who refused to take up that extra help.
Green Party co-leader and Auckland Central MP Chlöe Swarbrick, said the policy was some of the most “despicable, bottom of the barrel, punch-down politics” she had seen from the government.
“You are not solving a problem if you are simply trying to move it out of sight and out of mind,” she said.
Green Party co-leader and Auckland Central MP Chlöe Swarbrick.RNZ / Reece Baker
Frontline police she had spoken to had made it “pretty abundantly clear” they did not have the resources to solve the issues either.
“If the government wants to deal with the issue of homelessness, I have a very clear solution for them: provide housing and the necessary wrap-around support for people to be able to stay in that housing. Unfortunately, the government has decided to do the complete opposite of that, shredding the necessary resources for our communities to thrive.”
Advocate fears ‘street-to-prison pipeline’
Aaron Hendry, director of youth development organisation Kick Back, was particularly concerned the orders could be used on people as young as 14.
His organisation worked with tamariki as young as 9 who were experiencing homelessness, often coming from complex situations where their whole family needed support.
“The idea that police will just be moving children on without intensively providing support to these kids is really concerning,” he said.
“We are concerned around what is looking like a really clear street-to-prison pipeline, with the lack of resources invested to ensure that people are looked after.”
He said social service providers had made it clear to ministers that the resources were not there, and that the move-on orders would not solve the problem and could cause more harm.
“Whānau that are sleeping rough in the city centre are often reaching out to Work and Income for support, being denied support, and as a result are ending up on our streets. That’s a real clear decision the government’s making to criminalise whānau for experiencing homelessness, as a consequence of the decisions they have made to restrict access to shelter and support.”
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
The place of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, former prince and brother of the king, in the line of succession to the British throne appears to be under threat in the United Kingdom.
Currently, Mountbatten-Windsor is eighth in line (after the families of princes William and Harry) to the Crowns of the United Kingdom and Australia. This makes it extremely unlikely he would ever become monarch, but his removal is more a symbolic act of repudiation.
Is it possible to remove him? The short answer is yes – but it would most likely be a time-consuming process involving many parliaments passing legislation.
Does the same line of succession apply to the British and Australian Crowns?
At the time of Australia’s federation in 1901, the British Crown was described as “one and indivisible”. Queen Victoria exercised constitutional powers over all her colonies, acting on the advice of British ministers.
That changed after the first world war, due to a series of Imperial Conferences, with the self-governing “dominions” (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, the Irish Free State and Newfoundland) having separate Crowns by 1930. This meant the Australian prime minister could advise the monarch about the appointment of the governor-general of Australia and other federal (but not state) Australian matters.
However, the rules of succession to these separate Crowns remained the same. They are a hotch-potch of English laws, including common law rules of inheritance and statutes, such as the Bill of Rights 1689 and the Act of Settlement 1701.
These laws became part of Australian law in the 18th century, but for a long time Australian parliaments had no power to alter them. This changed in 1931 with the enactment of the Statute of Westminster. It gave the dominions power to repeal or alter British laws that applied in their country.
However, recognising this could cause havoc in relation to succession to the Crown, a clause was included in the preamble to the statute, making it a convention that “any alteration in the law touching the Succession to the Throne” shall require the assent of the parliaments of all of the dominions and the United Kingdom. Section 4 of the statute continued the power of the UK parliament to legislate for a dominion, but only if it gave its request and consent.
In 1936, when King Edward VIII abdicated, the UK parliament enacted a statute to alter the rules of succession to the throne, to exclude any children he might have. Australia assented to the British parliament extending its law so it applied to Australia too.
That option is no longer available since the enactment of section 1 of the Australia Act 1986. It says that no act of the UK parliament shall extend as part of the law of the Commonwealth, or a state or territory. Any changes made to the operation of the laws of succession to the Crown of Australia must be made in Australia.
How could Australia change the law of succession?
When the Commonwealth Constitution was enacted, the Crown was still “one and indivisible”. This meant no one inserted a section giving the Commonwealth parliament power to make laws about succession to the Crown. However, the framers of the Constitution were clever enough to insert a mechanism to deal with such unanticipated developments.
Section 51(xxxviii) of the Constitution says the Commonwealth parliament may exercise a power, at the request or with the concurrence of all the states directly concerned, which only the UK parliament could have exercised at the time of federation. This means the Commonwealth and state parliaments can cooperate to change the rules of succession to the Crown of Australia.
This issue arose in 2011, when the various realms (being countries that retained Queen Elizabeth II as head of state) agreed to change the rules of succession so that males would no longer be given preference over females, and heirs would no longer be disqualified for marrying a Catholic.
The UK parliament enacted the Succession to the Crown Act 2013 to give legal effect to this change. However, it delayed commencing the act until other realms had enacted their changes too. The British act only made the change with respect to the Crown of the United Kingdom.
The 2013 changes to the line of succession mean that Princess Charlotte is now third in line to the British throne.Dave Shopland/AP/AAP
Some realms accepted they needed to change the law in relation to their own Crown. Others concluded they didn’t need to act, because their Constitution makes their sovereign the same person who is king or queen of the United Kingdom. Legislation was ultimately enacted in Australia, Barbados, Canada, New Zealand, St Kitts and Nevis, and St Vincent and the Grenadines.
In Australia, each state enacted the Succession to the Crown Act 2015. The Australian process took a long time, due to different legislative priorities and sitting periods, and the intervention of state election periods.
Australia was the last to enact its law, after which the alteration in succession was brought into effect simultaneously across all the realms.
How would the process operate today?
If it were proposed to remove Mountbatten-Windsor from the line of succession today, the UK government would probably first seek the agreement of all the realms. While not legally necessary, it is important if a shared monarch is to be retained for all realms to be consulted.
The UK parliament would then prepare its own bill, providing a template for other jurisdictions. This means the changes are uniform across the realms. The bill would probably also specify whether Mountbatten-Windsor’s exclusion affects his heirs, princesses Beatrice and Eugenie, and their children. Under the old law, a person who married a Catholic was treated as “dead” for the purposes of succession, so that their exclusion from the succession did not affect the hereditary position of their heirs. The same approach might be taken in relation to the exclusion of Mountbatten-Windsor.
The same parliaments that enacted laws in relation to the last change of succession (apart from Barbados, which is now a republic), would also need to enact an equivalent law, if they wish to maintain symmetry in such rules across the realms. Putting such a bill before a parliament runs the risk that other issues will be raised, opening broader questions concerning the role of the monarchy in different realms.
Could Australia make such a change on its own?
While Australia could unilaterally enact a law to exclude Mountbatten–Windsor from succession to the Crown of Australia, it is unlikely it would do so. There are two reasons for this.
First, it involves a lot of legislative hassle, getting seven parliaments to enact a law that will probably have no substantive effect, given how far Mountbatten-Windsor is down the line of succession.
Second, covering clause 2 of the Commonwealth Constitution says that references to “the Queen” in the Constitution shall “extend to Her Majesty’s heirs and successors in the sovereignty of the United Kingdom”.
There is considerable disagreement about whether this is just an interpretative provision about updating references, or whether it has a substantive effect.
Keeping Australia’s rules of succession in sync with those of the United Kingdom avoids opening that potential Pandora’s box.
A teacher who was experiencing a manic episode of bipolar disorder accessed pornography at school, swore at students and made inappropriate comments to other staff members.
The man had only been teaching in New Zealand for a week, and had told the school about his condition, but had little support and ended up in hospital under a compulsory treatment order after his mental health deteriorated significantly.
The Teaching Council then opted to charge him for serious misconduct, despite acknowledging that the incidents occurred because he was seriously mentally unwell.
The man wasn’t provided any training, had no local family or medical support and had told the school’s principal about his disorder before he started teaching there.
After the series of incidents, the school made a referral to the Teaching Council, which then opted to press charges of serious misconduct against the man, who had returned to his home country and was no longer teaching in New Zealand.
According to a ruling by the Teachers Disciplinary Tribunal made last year but only released this week, the teacher was trained overseas and arrived in New Zealand in March 2023.
Because of delays with his visa he’d only been in the country five days before he started teaching, and had no formal training in the New Zealand education system.
The teacher had a history of Bipolar Affective Disorder and received regular treatment overseas, including hospitalisation. He disclosed this to the principal of the school where he was to be working.
However, he did not have appropriate accommodation or a psychiatric care plan in place to manage his bipolar condition and while he was still taking his prescribed mood stabiliser on a daily basis, he did not augment this with antipsychotic medication to appropriately manage the heightened stress of transitioning to a new country.
Over seven days of teaching at the new school, his mental health deteriorated, and there were a series of incidents that led to the Teaching Council charging him for misconduct.
According to the summary of facts, the teacher was found drinking beer on school grounds, swore at students, made inappropriate comments about a student’s mother, and similar comments to two female teachers, as well as sharing information about his personal life that made staff feel uncomfortable.
The man also made comments about violence as well as other homophobic comments, removed his shirt to show people his back tattoo and accessed pornography on his personal cellphone using his school account, during school hours.
At the instigation of school staff, the teacher was assessed by the Mental Health Crisis Assessment Team and underwent a period of inpatient treatment under a compulsory treatment order.
The school filed a report to the Teaching Council and subsequently dismissed the man, who has since returned overseas.
‘Overbearing, aggressive and reckless’
The teacher admitted the charges against him but noted that the “homophobic comments do not reflect his views on the LGBT community when he is stable”.
He also said that while he had accessed pornography at school, he’d done so inadvertently when he opened his internet browser for the first time during the day.
A report was prepared by a clinical psychologist for the Teaching Council, which found that the man was insightful about what factors contributed to his manic episode, and that he were to work in teaching again he would need appropriate therapeutic support.
A Complaints Assessment Committee appointed by the Teaching Council to lay charges against the teacher before the tribunal said that his behaviour exhibited a pattern that was “overbearing, aggressive and reckless” and met the criteria for sexual misconduct.
The committee said that the swearing at students, drinking alcohol in front of them and viewing pornography at school could have had an impact on student wellbeing.
Overall, the committee said that the teacher had failed to manage his disorder and had “a tendency to act aggressively, inappropriately and impulsively towards a student and staff”.
The tribunal found that the teacher was guilty of serious misconduct, but noted that the incidents occurred in the context of his deteriorating mental health.
“The tribunal does not have the evidence or the expertise to determine whether the respondent was aware that he was about to experience a manic episode or the extent to which he then was competent to control his disinhibited behaviour,” the tribunal said.
“Fundamentally, managing personal factors including health issues is necessary to show due regard for maintaining professional relationships with students and working respectfully alongside colleagues.”
The tribunal ordered that the teacher be censured, and if he returns to teach in New Zealand must tell any prospective employer about the finding against him. He was also ordered to pay $6500 in legal costs.
In a statement to NZME, a spokesperson for the Teaching Council said the teacher was granted a provisional practising certificate, which meant he would have been mentored for two years before becoming fully registered.
“A disclosure of a mental health condition such as bipolar disorder does not automatically prevent someone from being registered or certificated,” the spokesperson said.
“The key consideration in the decision-making is whether the diagnosis impacts a person’s ability to teach safely and effectively. Each case is assessed individually, with careful consideration given to fitness to teach and the safety and wellbeing of learners.”
Under the current requirements for teachers to become registered, applicants must declare their commitment to the code and standards and confirm they are physically and mentally able to carry out a teaching role safely and satisfactorily.
Jeremy Wilkinson is an Open Justice reporter based in Manawatū, covering courts and justice issues with an interest in tribunals. He has been a journalist for nearly a decade and has worked for NZME since 2022.
Henry Cooke in The Post last week analysing responses to the free trade agreement with India.The Post
A recent European industry summit at a chateau in Belgium wasn’t expected to make headlines.
But when British boss Sir Jim Ratcliffe complained to Sky News UK about “huge levels of immigrants coming in”, it was bulletin-leading stuff in Britain.
“The UK has been colonised by immigrants really. The population of the UK was 58 million in 2020, now it’s 70 million,” said the billionaire founder of the global chemical company INEOS.
He went on to claim the current UK Labour government and its under-pressure leader Sir Keir Starmer lacked the courage to confront that – and rising numbers of people on benefits.
These days men of means criticising the British government is not out of the ordinary – or sounding off about immigration.
Several billionaires backed Brexit and now back Nigel Farage’s new anti-immigration political party Reform which is surging in opinion polls right now.
To its credit, Sky News UK said Sir Jim Ratcliffe was off by about 10m on the UK’s recent population growth – an egregious error for a business tycoon with a ruthless focus on budgets and bottom lines.
A further fact check by the BBC revealed only 6.5 million Britons not working today receive benefits – not the 9 million Ratcliffe claimed.
A billboard depicting INEOS Chairman and Manchester United shareholder Sir Jim Ratcliffe, near Old Trafford stadium, in Manchester.AFP
The fact Sir Jim Ratcliffe himself migrated to Monaco for tax reasons – not paying tax being the main one – amplified outrage in the UK.
And Ratcliffe’s blurt made back-page headlines as well as front-page ones because he is also the part-owner of Manchester United. Many of its players, staff and supporters are either immigrants or the children of immigrants.
(NZ Rugby could have been dragged into this too, but Ratcliffe controversially backed out of its INEOS sponsorship deal in mid-2025.)
Guardian sportswriter Barney Ronay was not surprised by the comments.
“He knows that a slash-and-burn Reform government would be good for business. Immigration is just a wedge issue in this dynamic. This is pre-electioneering on behalf of the super wealthy.”
Wedging immigration into party politics
The anti-immigration One Nation party is polling above 20 percent nationally in Australia. That’s more than the Liberal and National parties of the centre-right put together.
Here, the proposed free trade agreement (FTA) with India has pumped immigration up the political agenda.
When the Prime Minister announced an agreement had been reached with India just before Christmas, NZ First issued a statement criticising it.
Winston Peters told Richard Harman’s subscriber news service Politik that family members of about 5000 people on a new employment visa would be eligible to come to New Zealand.
“You go from saying it’s one child – that’s 10,000 people – to possibly 25,000 or more. They’re not the most populous country in the world for nothing,” Peters told Politik.
“It’s an open secret around Parliament that Peters wants to campaign this year on immigration,” Richard Harman concluded at the time, noting that the NZ First statement condemning the FTA attracted a stream of racist comments on social media.
Two months on, that’s no secret anymore.
“On the question of immigration, which is going to be massive in this matter, the truth is not being told. It means we can have tens of thousands of people getting here by right …taking those opportunities away from New Zealanders,” Peters told the Herald’s Ryan Bridge show at the end of January.
The next day the Prime Minister told reporters Peters was wrong and trade minister Todd McClay later told RNZ that NZ First had pulled support for the India FTA before he’d actually secured it.
But the problem for the news media was the terms deal with India still weren’t clear.
What’s the deal?
Last month the Herald’sAudrey Young reported an Indian government fact-sheet had said that the agreement removes caps on Indian students here – but the Trade Minister Todd McLay had already told Parliament that it doesn’t.
And last week, Todd McClay couldn’t confirm that.
In a long sit-down chat on last Sunday’s TVNZ Q+A show, host Jack Tame repeatedly asked if the total number of temporary Indian migrants in New Zealand will increase.
McLay said the FTA doesn’t extend the rights of visa holders to bring relatives in, though most temporary migrants can after a period of time anyway – and New Zealand doesn’t discriminate.
“It appears sometime in the last two weeks the government has decided that – unlike almost all other temporary work visas… that for some reason this visa that applies only to Indians will mean that people cannot bring their families,” Tame asked, hinting that NZ First’s stance could explain the change.
“Under the Free Trade Agreement there is no right extended further. This is something that a government could do in the future if it wants,” McClay countered.
That followed Herald political editor Thomas Coughlan clearing things up after obtaining part of the yet-to-be published agreement’s text.
But the lack of clarity had allowed anti-immigration advocates to make hay.
Immigration angst
Last week, The Post’s deputy political editor Henry Cooke noted just 5 percent named “immigration” as a worry issue in the most recent IPSOS issues monitor poll – and a later opinion poll showed majority public support for the FTA.
But simply posting results of the latter online surfaced “seething prejudice and racism one finds against Indians online right now, right here in New Zealand.”
“It is possible that anti-immigration sentiment has ticked up now that this deal has huge prominence in news media, with Winston Peters standing against it and Labour slowly finding its way to probably supporting it,” Cooke wrote.
It’s not hard to find concerns about cultural decline and references to racist replacement theory in the output of local alternative media.
“You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to know that if you dilute a culture up to a particular point, that culture disappears,” Reality Check Radio’s Paul Brennan said recently while also insisting the media ignore that issue.
On the same platform, after Winston Peters first sounded the alarm earlier this year, self-described Christian nationalist William McGimpsey said the India Free Trade Agreement has “significant migration risks” Under the heading: Is mass immigration tearing at the social fabric of New Zealand? McGimpsey reckoned 20 percent of people living in New Zealand were not citizens. And some should “politely be asked to leave to reduce the size of the immigrant population to manageable levels and reclaim our country.”
McGimpsey listed news stories that he claimed “show the problems that occur when people from foreign cultures with different values and ways of life are imported here.”
He cited reports of Auckland area beaches stripped of seafood.
This week NZ First’s Shane Jones announced a ban on collecting kaimoana from rock pools along Auckland’s east coast for two years to crack down on what he called “turbocharged foraging.”
On The Platform, host Sean Plunket had no qualms about asking Shane Jones if the problem was created by “recent arrivals to New Zealand.”
“I’ve already said in other parts of the media landscape, that this is a Peking duck problem. We have groups organised via social media on Chinese language sites,” he said.
“I’m coming under attack for my remarks. I don’t care. The vast majority of New Zealanders have been excluded from discussion as to who decided to change the demography of our country,” Jones added.
“I don’t care if I come on your programme or anywhere in New Zealand and I get called out as a racist. You watch me campaign on this issue, buddy,” he told Plunket.
Debating immigration out loud
While some say the media ignores the issue, immigration had aired extensively often in the news.
It also raised the rather clunky question: ‘How do we grow without losing who we are?’
“In an election year, it’s so predictable that immigration becomes a really contested issue,” Tahu Kukutai from the Te Ngira Institute for Population Research told the forum.
“On the one hand we really need skilled migrant labour to fuel our economy. On the other hand… we don’t want m migrants, you know? ‘They’re changing our country.’ That sort of polarised view on immigration is really unhelpful,” she said.
The panel chair Josie Pagani said a recent UN study predicted a halving of the population by the end of the century in more than 20 developed countries.
Leading demography expert Professor Paul Spoonley said New Zealand’s fertility rate was 25 percent below where it needed to be for our population replacement.
Treasury Secretary Ian Rennie made headlines with warnings of the Silver Tsunami on its way. And he said 20 to 40 percent of New Zealand graduates were migrating, often in their peak years of productivity.
On Newstalk ZB, host Mike Hosking agreed – but had a different interpretation of our migration problem.
“Immigrants have replaced our kids. We’ve been dumbed down. Our brightest haven’t been replaced with America’s brightest or Europe’s brightest, but from countries like India and the Philippines. We’re exporting scientists and doctors and bringing in nurses and baristas,” he said.
But it isn’t just scientists leaving and kitchenhands coming in. Some migrants from India and the Philippines do have urgently needed skills – and plenty of people with middling work skills are leaving the country too.
But Hosking was at pains to say: “I love immigration.”
“But we are being forced into this. Not long ago, our net gain was in excess of 100,000 a year. We brought them in and the good ones didn’t leave. See, I figure we can recapture all of that, but a mindset shift is needed.”
Part of that mind shift could be being really clear about what you mean by ‘good’ ones and ‘bad.’
In The Post this week, columnist Dave Armstrong pointed out the unintended consequences of the immigration bar being raised.
Dozens of immigrant bus drivers who rescued Wellington from its recent bustastrophe might now have to leave the country at the end of their visas because new higher English language standards brought in recently will be tough to meet.
“By all means, spend money to train good, dependable bus drivers from New Zealand, but in the meantime, it seems madness to send perfectly good bus drivers home because they didn’t complete a 300-word essay to the standard of a postgraduate university student,” Armstrong wrote.
Whether we’re breeding bus drivers or brain surgeons here, it’s taking longer.
Fresh figures out this week also showed that just 14 percent of births were to mothers younger than 25. And as the gap between generations grows, living together under one roof is also in the up
On Newstalk ZB, Heather Du Plessis-Allan asked Paul Spoonley to ask if this was immigration at work as well.
“You’ve got people from countries like India where, for example, where it is absolutely fine and it’s normal. Or is this actually us, like native New Zealanders, people who’ve been here for a few generations also starting to do this?” she asked.
“No, it’s us. There are definitely some cultural practices, but no – it’s us. We’re changing,” he said.
The ‘us’ and ‘them’ was a little awkward there – and a reminder of just how few of ‘them’ are heard when ‘we’ in the media cover this issue.
Last Wednesday Winston Peters interrupted Green MP Teanau Tuiono to ask why “someone from Rarotonga” should say ‘Aotearoa’.
Teanau Tuiono was born here in New Zealand.
Accused of racism and scapegoating, Winston Peters told Parliament the next day he wasn’t sorry.
“We are going to continue to remind Kiwis that unfettered immigration is going to fatefully change the trajectory and the character of our nation. And we’re not having it and people are not campaigning on it,” Jones bullishly told host Jamie McKay.
“You’re just being racist. Some of these Indians who might be migrants here will do the work that some of the drug addled Northlanders won’t do,” McKay countered.
Mackay, who also cited Filipinos sustaining dairy farming and Catholic churches in the south.
“But we don’t need any more Uber drivers,” Jones replied.
“Just because I said that the people that are plundering all the rock pools around Auckland happen to be from the migrant community – and in a playful way I use the term the Orient Express – doesn’t mean that I’m a racist.”
Stereotyping migrants as seafood plunderers and Uber drivers clearly is not ‘playful.’ And whether people think it is racist or not, it is a play for political support.
There will be plenty more of this in our media in election year as NZ First – and others concerned about immigration – make this an issue in terms certain to cause offence and attract media attention.
“It’s not hard to imagine anti-migration politics taking a real hold here,” Henry Cooke warned in The Post last week.
“If our major party politicians want to avoid that, MPs will have to explain why immigration is so crucial to a country facing such a demographic challenge.”
Hopefully the news media will sort fact from fiction as we go – as the Herald and others have done lately with claims about the FTA with India.
And hopefully journalists will also sort the facts about immigration from the opinions of people in politics who seem inspired by those exploiting the issue for political support overseas.
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
The arrest of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor on suspicion of misconduct in public office will heap yet more pressure on the beleaguered government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
Mountbatten-Windsor’s arrest over allegations he passed government documents to sex offender Jeffrey Epstein comes directly on the heels of the resignation of Peter Mandelson, Starmer’s ambassador to the United States, due to his own alleged associations with Epstein.
The fallout from the scandal is hugely damaging to public trust in both the political establishment and institutions in the United Kingdom, including the royal family.
Trust in the royals already declining
It’s hard to separate the fate and popularity of the royal family from the institutions of British governance because they’re very much part of it.
The monarchy, specifically the Crown, is part of the British constitution. The monarch gives assent to all legislation that’s passed by parliament (in other words, he or she has to sign it for it to pass). While that might seem like a rubber-stamping exercise and that the monarch is a mere symbol in British politics, King Charles and, in slightly different ways, Queen Elizabeth II certainly have had their political preferences.
And despite the impression you get during royal occasions like weddings, funerals and coronations, the royals don’t enjoy unanimous support in Britain. In fact, public support has been declining in recent years, especially among the young.
In an Ipsos survey released this week, just 47% of Britons said they had a favourable opinion of the royal family on the whole (a seven-point decline from November). And just 28% of Britons believe the royal family has handled the allegations against Mountbatten-Windsor well, compared to 37% in November.
Importantly, there’s been a long-term trend of steady decline in support for the monarchy since 1983, when the British Social Attitudes survey first asked about this.
More broadly, and in common with many other liberal democracies, there is a pervasive sense the Epstein scandal is more evidence of the existence of a self-serving, corrupt elite making good for itself and harming others, while many people in the “left behind” and “squeezed middle” of society are struggling.
Politically, this perception adds further fuel to the notion that the inequality between the rulers and the ruled has become unjustifiable. Something has to change.
Pressure mounting on Labour
Starmer’s Labour government was already deeply unpopular before Mandelson’s alleged ties to Epstein were revealed. Now, it has entered some sort of permanent crisis mode.
Mandelson was one of the key figures behind the so-called “New Labour” project associated with the leadership of Prime Minister Tony Blair from 1997–2007.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, right, talks with Britain’s ambassador to the United States, Peter Mandelson, at the ambassador’s residence in Washington in February 2025.Carl Court/Pool Getty Images/AP
New Labour has a dual legacy in British politics. On one level, it was the most electorally successful Labour government ever. But that electoral success seemed to come at the expense of a clearly defined sense of what a Labour Party stood for. Key players like Mandelson courted wealthy backers and moved Labour to the centre of British politics to, not unreasonably, win elections.
As such, many Labour supporters started to drift away from the party and towards other, at times diametrically opposed, political parties. In Scotland, this benefited the pro-independence parties. In England, it benefitted the radical-right Reform UK.
Reform has precious little governing experience, but that is its appeal. Its radical messages are finding traction with a large number of voters, many of whom formerly supported Conservative or Labour.
So in this context, when Mandelson, an already divisive figure, was named ambassador to the US in the belief he could help manage President Donald Trump, Starmer’s political gamble to reinstate him to a public role backfired.
Reform could ultimately benefit
The British government’s travails represent another gilt-edged opportunity for Reform UK to capitalise on the unpopularity of Starmer, Labour and politics more broadly. But there is a risk for Reform, too.
Radical-right parties tend to place a great emphasis on the figure of the leader. For Reform UK, this is Nigel Farage.
Farage has had an incredible impact on British politics, especially since Brexit. But Farage, a former merchant banker, is also part of this global elite, despite pitching his politics at the “left behinds”. He has spent years courting Trump’s friendship. So, while there are no allegations against him related to Epstein, the public anger towards elites in general may eventually rebound on Farage, too.
Reform UK, however, is positioning itself successfully as an alternative to the two major parties in the UK, and could form a minority government at the next UK-wide elections in 2029.
The Conservative Party has shot its bolt as a result of its 14 years in government. And Labour came to power more as a rejection of the Conservatives than an endorsement of its policies. It has thus far excelled in failing to meet these low expectations, to Reform’s benefit.
Excluding a by-election in February, the first major political test will be local government elections in England, and elections to the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Senedd in May. A poor Labour showing will quite possibly lead to a leadership challenge against Starmer, whose government seems incapable of stemming the rise of support for an emboldened Reform.
A boost to republicanism
“Unprecedented” is an over-worn term. However, the arrest of a member of the royal family is the first in England since 1647 (it didn’t end well).
Prince William is still very popular. But there could still be very serious consequences for support for the monarchy in the various nations of the United Kingdom.
There isn’t the same sort of support for republicanism in England as there is in Australia, where republicans can de-legitimnise the king as a “foreign” monarch. Although this argument is made by republicans in Northern Ireland, English republicanism needs to be driven by some other sentiment.
And the Epstein crisis could be it, given it is drawing attention to gross inequality and damaging entitlement. It’s hard to see where exactly all this will end up, but it is quite possible this will give the greatest boost to anti-monarchical sentiment in England for some centuries.
It is important not to forget the women and girls who were victims of this rich man’s cabal. Yet, one great harm of the Epstein scandal in Britain is the further damage done to trust in institutions of governance and the boost it provides for the illiberal critics of what seems like a decaying order.
Leicester Fainga’anuku of the Crusaders is tackled by Charlie Cale and Rob Valetini of the Brumbies during their Super Rugby Pacific match at the Apollo Projects Stadium.PhotoSport / John Davidson
The Crusaders have gone down 50-24 to the Brumbies in their Super Rugby Pacific clash at Apollo Projects Stadium in Christchurch.
The Brumbies led the Crusaders 19-14 at half time.
See how the game unfolded here:
George Bell scores for the Crusaders during the Crusaders v Brumbies Super Rugby match at the Apollo Projects Stadium.PhotoSport / John Davidson
Team list
Crusaders: 1 Finlay Brewis, 2 George Bell, 3 Fletcher Newell, 4 Antonio Shalfoon, 5 Jamie Hannah, 6 Dom Gardiner, 7 Ethan Blackadder, 8 Christian Lio-Willie, 9 Noah Hotham, 10 Rivez Reihana, 11 Sevu Reece, 12 David Havili (c), 13 Braydon Ennor, 14 Chay Fihaki, 15 Will Jordan
Back in 2015, Steffanie Holmes decided to have a crack at becoming a full-time writer in the genre she loved to read – paranormal romance.
Nine years later, she’s got over 55 books under her belt and an international fanbase.
Holmes tells Saturday Morning about her journey to finally paying the bills with her books, the adversity she’s faced being legally blind, and the game-changer that is self-publishing.
This video is hosted on Youtube.
– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on February 22, 2026.
Trump hikes global tariffs to 15% as the fallout from Supreme Court loss continues Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Felicity Deane, Professor of Trade Law and Taxation, Queensland University of Technology US President Donald Trump has announced the United States will increase baseline tariffs on all foreign imports to 15%, as the fallout continues from a seismic Supreme Court ruling on Friday. Trump had imposed sweeping
Activists tell of ‘apocalyptic’ ecocide on top of Israel’s Gaza genocide at rally Asia Pacific Report Two Extinction Rebellion activists joined the speakers today at an Auckland protest over Israel’s genocide and ecocide in Gaza and occupied Palestine, condemning the “apocalyptic” assault on both people and their living environment. Caril Cowan, a de facto coordinator of Extinction Rebellion Tāmaki Makaurau, spoke of the climate crisis this month in
Indonesia’s human rights law being revised under a global spotlight ANAYSIS: By Laurens Ikinia in Jakarta The global human rights landscape has witnessed a significant diplomatic milestone. Indonesia, for the first time since the body’s establishment in 2006, has officially taken the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Indonesia’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva, Ambassador Sidharto Reza Suryodipuro, is currently
US President Donald Trump has announced the United States will increase baseline tariffs on all foreign imports to 15%, as the fallout continues from a seismic Supreme Court ruling on Friday.
Trump had imposed sweeping “reciprocal tariffs” last year under an emergency powers act, but the court ruled this law did not authorise him to do so.
Speaking in the wake of the ruling on Friday, Trump admonished the justices of the Supreme Court. He called the democratic justices who ruled against the tariffs a “disgrace to the nation”.
He also said he felt “ashamed” of members of the court he considered conservative who had voted against his use of emergency powers.
Trump’s statement was riddled with insults and inaccuracies. However, he admitted he had tried to “make things simple” by using the emergency powers act. He went on to say he does have other options, but those options would take more time. This was one part of his speech that was indeed accurate.
With the clock already ticking on his landmark trade agenda, and the multi-billion dollar question of refunds looming, what might Trump do next? Here’s what could now be in store for both Australia and the world.
This part of the law has never been used. However, it appears to clearly allow the president to impose tariffs of up to 15%, and for a period of no more than 150 days.
This section does allow the President to impose tariffs in response to foreign countries who violate US rights under international trade agreements, or that burden or restrict US commerce in “unjustifiable”, “unreasonable” or “discriminatory” ways. However, it requires some steps to be followed.
The process for using this law is detailed and can not be subverted. It would likely take either years or vast amounts of resources to introduce tariffs that were anywhere near the “Liberation Day” tariffs.
If nothing else, it requires consultations with the countries upon whose goods those tariffs will be imposed.
Section 301 has previously been used to impose tariffs on China, following an investigation by the United States Trade Representative in 2018.
Another option
Another avenue for the president to bypass Congress is a specific section of a different law, Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, that applies to a particular sector of the economy.
However, it can’t be used to recreate sweeping tariffs on all foreign imports. This provision is generally product-specific and requires an investigation into the national security threat.
Its use to impose steel and aluminium tariffs has been challenged by multiple trading partners at the World Trade Organization. A panel of experts ruled the US had used a special national security exception erroneously.
If all collected duties are refunded, it’s estimated the total repayment could reach approximately US$175 billion (A$247 billion).
Much to the president’s frustration, there was no clarity within the Supreme Court’s ruling on the process for refunds of illegally collected tariffs.
That silence, which prompted Trump to refer to the decision as “terrible” and “defective”, was likely because this would be handled by other courts.
Back in December, the US Court of International Trade stated it would have the authority to order reliquidation and refunds of the sweeping tariffs if the Supreme Court ultimately ruled them unlawful.
Many large companies had already anticipated this ruling, and acted to get on the front foot. For example, in late November, large retailer Costco sued the Trump administration to secure a full refund of tariffs in the event the Supreme Court deemed them unlawful.
In late December, faced with an avalanche of similar cases, the Court of International Trade temporarily halted all cases where companies were claiming relief from of IEEPA tariffs ahead of the Supreme Court’s ruling.
Refunds may not be straightforward
Some importers have argued that because the tariff payments were itemised, receiving refunds should not be messy.
But the process for refunds may not be as straightforward as it should be. Trump suggested they could be “in court for the next five years”.
What does this all mean for Australia?
Australia’s previous 10% rate was much lower than many other nations, but now at 15% the playing field has been levelled – at least for the next 150 days.
Australian exporters don’t pay these tariffs directly themselves, but may be pressured to absorb some of the cost, and it makes their imports less competitive in the US market.
However, not all Australian exporters are in the same position. The proclamation issued by the White House listed some exceptions, including beef, critical minerals, energy products and pharmaceuticals.
At Friday’s press conference, Trump said “great certainty” had been brought back to the United States and the world. In truth, the uncertainty is far from over.
Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.123RF
A crash near Redwood Pass has left two people dead and three others in a critical condition.
Emergency Services were called to the two-vehicle crash around 10.30am on Sunday.
Police said two people were dead at the scene.
Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.
It said two people were airlifted to Wellington hospital in a critical condition, while another was taken taken to Christchurch hospital, also in a critical condition.
Police said the Serious Crash Unit had been advised.
The New Zealand Transport Agency warned motorists to avoid the area until the incident site was cleared.
Those travelling between Marlborough and Canterbury were advised to detour via the inland route, with State Highway 1 closed.
The detour could add between two and three hours from Christchurch.
There is no current estimate for when State Highway 1 would reopen.
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
Giancarlo Italiano has quit as Wellington Phoenix coach.photosport
Giancarlo Italiano’s dramatic exit as Wellington Phoenix’s head coach leaves the struggling A-League club in limbo with eight games remaining in the season.
Italiano stepped away from the team he had been the head coach of since 2023 after another hefty derby loss to Auckland FC.
He publicly announced his departure not long after the final whistle on Saturday.
The Phoenix play title-contenders Sydney FC in Wellington on Sunday, so the club will need to make some quick decisions about who takes on the head coach role either in an interim or permanent capacity.
Unless the 10th placed Phoenix can string wins together and get other results to fall their way, they will miss the play-offs and the season will be over in nine weeks time.
Italiano was the Phoenix’s sixth permanent head coach in 19 seasons, but this is not the first time the club has been left scrambling to fill the role.
The question is whether the club will turn to the same man that has temporarily filled in three times previously – Chris Greenacre – to see out the season.
Former Phoenix coach Ufuk Talay with assistant Chris Greenacre in 2021.Andrew Cornaga / www.photosport.nz
The club’s first coach, former All Whites coach Ricki Herbert, was in charge for six seasons before he resigned during the season after a run of poor results in 2013.
Former Phoenix player Greenacre, at the time an assistant coach with the team, stepped in for the remainder of the 2013 season.
Experienced A-League coach Ernie Merrick was next to take on the permanent role for three seasons before leaving in similar circumstances to Herbert and Italiano in 2016.
Again Greenacre was part of the solution, helping to fill the void before the club’s third coach Darije Kalezic joined.
When Kalezic left during the 2017/18 season after a breakdown in contract negotiations for the following season, Greenacre, who was then a youth programme head coach with the Phoenix took charge of training and head coach duties.
Fourth coach Mark Rudan had success with the Phoenix before leaving for family reasons, but at least he made until the end of the 2018/19 season before returning to Australia.
Australian Ufuk Talay became head coach in the 2019/20 season and brought with him Italiano as a analyst and second assistant coach.
Talay left the club four seasons later, at season’s end, with the accolade as the club’s most successful coach and Italiano moved into the head coach role.
The Phoenix have yet to announce the plan to replace Italiano but they will not have to look far to find Greenacre should they decide he is again the go-to.
Player to coach
Chris Greenacre celebrates scoring for the Phoenix in 2010.Dave Lintott/Photosport
Greenacre, a former Manchester City and Tranmere Rovers striker, played 84 times for the Phoenix between 2009 and 2012.
He scored 19 goals during his Phoenix playing days and became a fan favourite along the way.
A long held ambition to coach started at the Phoenix in 2012 when he made the quick transition from player to assistant coach.
Greenacre has served as an assistant coach under Phoenix coaches – Herbert, Merrick, Kalezic, Rudan and Talay.
He is the Phoenix academy’s head of pro development and has coached the reserves team since 2017.
In 2024 Greenacre also coached the New Zealand Under 20 team.
Licensed to do the job
Des Buckingham and Chris Greenacre.Photosport
Coaching qualifications, in the form of licences, matter in football.
When Greenacre was leading the Phoenix in an interim capacity after Merrick quit, he was doing so in a co-coach role with Des Buckingham.
At the time, under Football Federation Australia (now Football Australia) regulations the coach needed a Pro Licence which Buckingham held and Greenacre did not.
Buckingham became the head coach and the Phoenix said Greenacre, with a UEFA A Licence, was the co-coach.
Greenacre has since upskilled and in 2022 completed the AFC Pro Diploma.
Kelly Guimaraes
Brazilian Kelly Guimaraes was Italiano’s lead assistant coach for the 2025-26 A-League season and could also get the call-up to the top job.
He arrived in Wellington with a decade of assistant coach experience with the likes of Paranaense, Corinithians and Gremio in Brazil.
At the time of his appointment he said the assistant coach “needs to be very close with the players so they can act as an intermediary between them and the head coach”.
“We also have to be another set of eyes for the head coach.
“The head coach has a lot of things to think about, to plan and to organise and sometimes the assistant coach can see something that helps the coach.”
Guimaraes and Italiano would have worked closely together and it may cause less disruption to the squad for him transition to the head coach role, even if just until the end of the season.
“In Brazil as a footballer and coach I have learned the players need the freedom to play and use their creativity,” Guimaraes said in July.
“I think we’re going to motivate the players to be free and create.
“Of course they will respect the team’s tactical plans, but they will be free to create and to make something different.”
The players and the team could use something different to get them through the remainder of the competition before the club will face some big decisions about the future.
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A video posted on YouTube shows about a dozen people approaching a police car, which then reverses, with people running after it.Supplied / YouTube
Police officers retreated after their car was surrounded by what they describe as a “hostile” group of people at a car meet in Taranaki early this morning.
Police said they were notified of a group of antisocial road users gathering at Kina Road, Oaonui at about 1am.
A video posted on YouTube shows about a dozen people approaching a police car, which then reverses, with people running after it.
Officers spoke to some of the people, but found them hostile, police said.
“Due to the hostile nature of the group, it was determined that the safest course of action was to monitor the meet from nearby and gather information.”
Police will use the information they gathered for follow-up enquiries.
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Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.123RF
A crash near Redwood Pass has left two people dead and a third in a critical condition.
Emergency Services were called to the two-vehicle crash around 10.30am on Sunday.
Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.
It said two people were airlifted to Wellington hospital in a critical condition, while another was taken taken to Christchurch hospital, also in a critical condition.
Two people have since died.
Police said the Serious Crash Unit had been advised.
The New Zealand Transport Agency warned motorists to avoid the area until the incident site was cleared.
Those travelling between Marlborough and Canterbury were advised to detour via the inland route, with State Highway 1 closed.
The detour could add between two and three hours from Christchurch.
There is no current estimate for when State Highway 1 would reopen.
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Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.123RF
A crash near Redwood Pass has left three people in a critical condition and closed State Highway 1.
Emergency Services were called to the two-vehicle crash around 10.30am on Sunday.
Hato Hone St John sent four helicopters, three ambulances and two managers to the scene.
It said two people were airlifted to Wellington hospital in a critical condition, while another was taken taken to Christchurch hospital, also in a critical condition.
Police said the Serious Crash Unit had been advised.
The New Zealand Transport Agency warned motorists to avoid the area until the incident site was cleared.
Those travelling between Marlborough and Canterbury were advised to detour via the inland route, which was significantly longer.
The detour could add between two and three hours from Christchurch.
There is no current estimate for when State Highway 1 would reopen.
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One person has critical injuries, another was seriously injured, and a third was treated for minor injuries at the scene.
Animal control officers seized two dogs after the attack.
Fendalton ward councillor David Cartwright said it was “absolutely devastating”.
“My thoughts go out to [the victims], their family, and obviously the first responders who would have been faced with what I understand is quite a gruesome situation when they arrived.”
Staff would now work through what happens to the dogs, he said.
“My understanding is that there will be an investigation, and then a possible euthanasia for the dogs, if it’s found that they are … violent or uncontrollable.”
Staff would work alongside police, talk to any witnesses, and be sure that they had impounded the correct dogs, said Cartwright.
The Dog Control Act says dogs can be impounded if they’ve attacked a person or another dog.
The owner of a dog that causes serious injury can be imprisoned for up to three years or fined up to $20,000.
The court will also order the dog destroyed if they owner is convicted, unless there are exceptional circumstances.
Christchurch City Council referred RNZ to police, who are investigating.
Cartwright said he also planned to ask staff to review local bylaws to ensure they were fit for purpose.
But he said a central government review of the Dog Control Act would have the biggest impact in preventing attacks.
Shane Jones says dog owners must be held accountable with hefty jail termsRNZ / Mark Papalii
The Christchurch attack comes the same week 62-year-old Mihiata Te Rore was killed by dogs while visiting a home in the Northland town of Kaihu.
Northland local and cabinet ministerShane Jones said the current laws were not fit for purpose and “homicidal dogs” were scattered around Northland – with the problem worsening over years.
Dog owners must be held accountable with hefty jail terms, he said.
Te Rore was the fourth person in New Zealand killed by dogs in the last four years, three of which were in Northland.
Elizabeth Whittaker was killed in an attack in 2023 while Neville Thomson died in a 2022 attack. A four-year-old boy was also killed in an attack in the Bay of Plenty last year.
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Showing us they’ve still got talent and charisma in spadefuls, Pulp’s Auckland show was a great reminder (if we needed one) of why they were such a supremely popular band in the 1990s.
Last night, the British band gave no sign of age wearying them, nor creative juices drying up.
At 63, frontman Jarvis Cocker still oozes cool from every pore, and his distinctive all-limbs-in-up-and-out performance was as iconic as ever.
Pulp performing at Auckland’s Spark Arena on 21 February 2026.
Nik Dirga
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The government has confirmed it will give police the power to issue move-on orders – not just in Auckland, but all town centres across the country.
The powers will mean police can move on rough sleepers or people displaying disorderly behaviour as young as 14 years old.
That is despite data showing public order, health and safety offence proceedings reaching levels much lower than they were a decade ago, and the police minister expressing a reluctance towards police leading a homelessness response in Auckland’s CBD and an expectation other agencies “step up and own” social issues.
At the time, the prime minister said the government was “up for those”, but there had to be supports in place for the homeless.
Now, Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith and Police Minister Mark Mitchell have revealed details of the policy, confirming it will be rolled out everywhere, and it will be left to police officers to decide what support a person needs, if at all.
Goldsmith said New Zealand’s main streets and town centres had been “blighted” by disruption and disturbance, with businesses “declining” as bad behaviour went unchecked.
He said police officers currently had limited options to respond, particularly if behaviour did not reach the level of offending.
“It means many disruptive, distressing and potentially harmful acts can occur before officers have any means of intervention. It doesn’t make sense,” he said.
Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith.RNZ / Samuel Rillstone
The government will amend the Summary Offences Act to give police the power to issue move-on orders to people who are displaying disorderly, disruptive, threatening, or intimidating behaviour.
They will also apply to people who are obstructing or impeding someone entering a business, breaching the peace, begging, rough sleeping, or displaying behaviour indicating an attempt to inhabit a public place.
The orders will require someone to leave that area for a specified time – up to 24 hours – and distance determined by the officer.
When the order is issued, the person will be warned it is an offence to breach it, unless they have a reasonable excuse for being there. The penalty for a breach would be a maximum fine of $2,000 or up to three months imprisonment.
Specifics on where people could be moved to were light.
Mitchell said someone would be required to move to a “reasonable distance” away from the area, “as specified by the constable.”
He said every situation would be different, and police had the expertise to assess and determine what support would be required.
“They do this every day,” Mitchell said.
Police Minister Mark MitchellRNZ / Samuel Rillstone
Officers were familiar with their area and already had strong networks and partnerships with social and housing services, and Mitchell expected police would work closely with these services as the frontline operational guidance was developed.
However, emails released to RNZ under the Official Information Act showed Mitchell’s office expressing a reluctance for police to lead a homelessness response in Auckland’s CBD.
In the email, dated 5 November, a staff member said: “Feel it is important just to flag that Minister Mitchell does not believe that police has a leadership role in this and has in the past ended up picking up the work of other agencies, which stretches their resources in other areas.”
The staffer said police “obviously” had powers that others did not, and would assist, but Mitchell was “very keen to disabuse anyone of the notion that Police will lead a response to homelessness.”
“Police are already doing good work to curb offending in the CBD. Minister Mitchell’s view is that this needs to be cross agency work led elsewhere, with police continuing to do their part on the offending piece, but that the social issues require other agencies to step up and own those issues.”
The emails showed the government was considering adding in a commitment regarding antisocial behaviour to the Auckland City Deal, with police and Internal Affairs working with the Council to “support enforcement tools and powers, including strengthened bylaws and legislative change, where required.”
Mitchell’s staffer said they were “slightly frustrated” that the wording had progressed somewhat quickly, “as it looks to me like police may end up carrying a leadership role – acknowledge that this may end up having to be feedback on the CRD paper when it comes through, but I doubt Minister Mitchell would support that wording as framed.”
Rough sleeper tents in Wellington’s Shelly Bay.RNZ / Samuel Rillstone
The changes will have to go through a legislative process before coming into effect.
Police data shows public order, health and safety offence proceedings in Auckland City were at a 10-year low in 2025, with just 39 proceedings in December 2025 compared to 168 in December 2015.
Nationwide, there were 428 public order, health and safety offence proceedings in December 2025, compared to 1663 in December 2015.
When they were first mooted in November, the Auckland City Mission said any enforcement approach would be “totally and utterly ineffective”, while Green Party co-leader and Auckland Central MP Chlöe Swarbrick said moving homeless people out of the city centre would only shift the problem elsewhere.
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Life Flight chief executive Mark Johnston and Health Minister Simeon Brown officially open the new aeromedical airbase for the upper north island at Hamilton airport.Libby Kirkby-McLeod
Life Flight’s new aeromedical airbase for the upper North Island has been officially opened by Health Minister Simeon Brown, after quietly operating from a hangar at Hamilton airport since 2024.
The charity began fifty years ago after the founder, Peter Button, witnessed the sinking of the Wahine ferry and felt that a helicopter would have saved lives. It was best known for the Westpac Rescue Helicopters.
The Hamilton hanger is the upper North Island base for two of Life Flight’s air ambulance planes which provide bed-to-bed hospital transfers for critically ill and injured patients.
Life Flight’s board chair, Richard Stone, said that the airbase showed how different sectors could work together to build resilience into the health system.
“This hub is a clear example of what can be achieved when government, the community and corporate partners work together to strengthen health care for all New Zealanders,” he said.
Life Flight’s air ambulance planes which provide bed-to-bed hospital transfers for critically ill and injured patients at the new base in HamiltonLibby Kirkby-McLeod
Health Minister Simeon Brown echoed the focus on partnership.
“Fixed wing and rotary services are critically important to our health care service in New Zealand; transferring patients, providing emergency health care, and making sure everyone, no matter where they are in the country have that access to the tertiary hospitals that are needed,” he said.
Life Flight chief executive Mark Johnston said the planes flew patients around the country to where they can get the best treatment.
“From premature babies to stroke victims, Life Flight is often the only way for them to get to that care in time. Our Waikato airbase is going to provide us with faster access to this urgent care for those patients. It’s going to help us to deliver better outcomes, particularly for rural patients, and provide care to them that’s closer to home,” he said.
Johnston said it was the difference between reaching care in minutes, rather than hours.
Chief pilot for Life Flight Luke Rohloff.Libby Kirkby-McLeod
Chief pilot for Life Flight Luke Rohloff was at the event and said the New Zealand health care system was a hub and spoke service, which relied on a good transportation system for patients to get to services.
The aircraft are fitted out with intensive care equipment to enable transfer of even the most vulnerable patients.
“If you are talking about a baby needing neonatal care, sometimes we’ll see them as early as 25 weeks, and they are very small, and then maybe six months later you might be bringing them home and they’ve grown up and they are outside of the incubator, and that’s really neat,” he said.
Waipa mayor, Mike Pettit, was at the opening and said the service was fundamentally important to Waikato and surrounding regions.
‘It’s super important to keep the regions connected,” he said.
The mayor also had a personal connection to the service as his cousin, Paul Pettit, was one of Life Flight’s pilots.
Mike Pettit said every time he saw the air ambulance he would stop, look up, and tell people he was with that was his cousin up there.
“I know it’s not always Paul!” he said.
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Gloria Masters founded Handing the Shame Back, a campaign and charitable initiative aimed at combating sexual abuse against children.GLORIA MASTERS / SUPPLIED
Jeffrey Epstein’s trafficking of young girls shines light on a ‘silent epidemic’, says survivor
She wants mandatory reporting by teachers if they suspect a child has been abused
Research suggests one in three girls and one in five boys are sexually abused
A woman who was sex trafficked by her family from infancy wants to see the government make it mandatory for teachers to reports signs of abuse to police or child welfare officers.
Gloria Masters founded Handing the Shame Back, a campaign and charitable initiativeaimed at combating sexual abuse against children and a US philanthropist has paid for her book, Keeping Kids Safe, to be supplied to every New Zealand school.
“If we did have a mandate for teachers to speak, I think we would find the floodgates would open,” she said. “I think there is so much concern out there. I know schools and teachers that I have addressed on this issue, usually, most of the teachers in that presentation will indicate that they have concerns about one or two children in their class.”
With international research suggesting one in three girls experienced sexual abuse before the age of 16 and one in five boys, she said it was time to start talking about a difficult topic.
“The powers-that-be do not necessarily accept the prolific nature of child sexual abuse in our country, which then leads to others who may wish to act on it feeling hamstrung or unable to. This is such a quiet, hidden subject, I call it the silent epidemic, it’s very unlikely that a teacher would raise their head above the parapet and say, I think this child’s being abused, it’s very hard for them to do so.
“It needs to be reported because we can’t keep expecting children to protect themselves. Teachers are often the first people that notice anything. Until it’s mandated, it’s a little bit difficult for them, because they’re under no obligation to do so. I think at the end of the day, most good people wish to stop this, but first of all, they have to be given permission to discuss it, and therein lies the issue.”
The education minister’s office had not responded to requests for comment.
Helping children speak up
People stayed quiet because of the cognitive dissonance or discomfort of believing such things happened at all, and they also tended to accept an adult’s word over a child’s – especially if it was someone well-thought of in their community, Masters said.
“The problem with silence is that it only serves one group, and they are the predators. All it does is ensure that more children get harmed because society doesn’t want to accept it, which means voices are not being heard.”
She was advocating for children to be taught a global hand sign, adopted by schools in America, to alert adults discreetly that they need help.
The global hand sign to alert adults discreetly a child needs help.SUPPLIED
Her book gave tips on how parents could protect their children, and how adults could spot telltale signs of abuse, such as a sudden and significant shift in their behaviour or self-soothing behaviours like thumb-sucking.
“It may be a child that was normally quite sunny and outgoing becoming withdrawn, they may show unexplained clinginess,” she said. “They may stop wanting to join in things where clothes need to be changed like PE or swimming.”
Other symptoms children might display included anxiety when someone arrived, having unexplained money or gifts, having aggressive or sexualised behaviour, or changed eating habits.
Epstein case shines light on trafficking
The scale of offending was clear from the number of cases in the news, Masters said, and abuse came in many guises, including online sexual content, grooming and child sex trafficking.
While Epstein may have highlighted elite and cross-border trafficking, much of it remained offending within one country.
“It’s surprising to the world somewhat that this horror ensued with people at the top of the tree,” Masters said.
“The concern I hold is there can also be a lot of copycat stuff, and we know there are cults out there who are actively engaged in this type of behaviour as well.
“I was born and bred in New Zealand. I was raised in a family where I was sex trafficked and abused from infancy, and this was to go on for 16 years within New Zealand. There were many groups involved, and my family who were the main perpetrators and traders of me were the ones who made a significant amount of money.”
It was time for action and advocacy on behalf of children, she said.
“At the end of the day, I’m just one person. Come on New Zealand – if this was motor vehicle accidents, including children being seriously maimed or even killed at these rates, there would be a billion, a multi-billion dollar campaign overnight to save our kids.
“We need community behind it. We need leaders in every sphere speaking out, in terms of law change and what needs to happen for this to be almost impossible to continue to occur. We need education and we need information and awareness.”
Dozens of sound systems seized by noise control officers in New Plymouth are about to go on sale at a charity op shop after their owners failed to pay the administration fee to have them returned.
Once the bane of sleeping neighbours, 18 sets of sound equipment – including stereos, Bluetooth sets, speakers and an amplifier – were confiscated between late 2023 and early last year after council received repeated noise complaints about the owners.
Council community health and animal services lead, Kimberley Laurence, said another nine sets of equipment seized later last year were set to join them at the charity sale unless their owners reclaimed them and paid a $130 administration fee.
“Confiscating noisy equipment is a last resort, but if someone is repeatedly deemed to be making excessive noise and won’t let their neighbours get a decent night’s sleep, then we have no choice,” said Laurence.
“We received 1399 complaints about residential noise last year and the vast majority of people making the noise were quick to turn it down after a noise control officer visited.”
The government changed the Resource Management Act last year to make it easier for councils to seize noise equipment from partiers.
Laurence said previously equipment could only be taken if someone was repeatedly deemed to be causing excessive noise within three days, but the new rules in August extended that period to eight days.
“So, if we get complaints about one property over two consecutive weekends, and the noise is deemed to be excessive, then we’ll have to pull the plug and take the sound systems away, so it pays to be considerate and get along with your neighbours.”
At a glance:
People should ask their noisy neighbours to turn it down before making a noise complaint, but if that was not possible, call the New Plymouth complaints line was open 24/7 on 06-759 6060.
Excessive noise was defined as noise that unreasonably interfered with the peace, comfort, and convenience of others.
NPDC donated confiscated items to charity op shops if they were unclaimed within six months.
Different rules apply to vehicle and construction noise – find out more on npdc.govt.nz/noise.
On Strangers Again, the debut album by Wellington singer Hemi Hemingway (Waitaha, Ngāi Tahu, Kāti Māmoe, Te Āti Awa, Ngāti Mutunga), he wore his love of ‘50s and ‘60s song structure on his sleeve. The sounds were modern, the vibe less so.
His followup Wings of Desire involved expansion behind the scenes, working with a producer and embracing collaboration in general. The result is a clear levelling-up, both sonically and song-wise.
Most apparently, influences from the 1980s have joined the mix, Hemingway drawing on post-punk and New Romantic styles to great effect. This new aesthetic goes well with the yearning that fuelled his past work, and he leans into it here with abandon.
The words “dramatic” and “indulgent” have come up in PR and interviews with Hemingway, and while they could have negative connotations, Wings of Desire’s biggest strength is exactly these aspects. He’s been open that the songs stemmed from a breakup, and knowing that tempers any desire to label this music ironic.
Certainly there are moments like in the title track, when a saxophone mirrors the vocal line, followed by two succinct handclaps, that feel like a sly wink at certain types of 1980s music. But it’s all performed with such depth of feeling, and is so exhilarating, that these thoughts quickly pass. After all, sincerity sits side by side with pastiche in a lot of modern music.
There’s a hint of Springsteen-ish chest-beating on ‘Wings of Desire’, and a bit of Bowie in the next track ‘This City’s Tryna Break My Heart’. ‘Long Distance Lover’ sounds like the work of a Nile Rogers fan, and has some of the sleaze of modern-day Jonathan Bree. Guitar parts throughout the album evoke King Crimson’s Robert Fripp.
Whether any of this is intentional is not for me to say, but it does add up to a rich aural blend. Still, the most exciting moments are when Hemingway opens his mouth, moving between a smooth baritone, occasional falsetto, and selective moments of upper-register anguish.
One of those comes on ‘Promises’, when he wails “It’s all over now”. Lyrically on the nose and better for it, the line has been replaying in my head in between listens. He’s joined on the song by Georgia Gets By, their voices merging gorgeously.
On another duet called ‘Oh, My Albertine’, Vera Ellen trades verses with Hemingway before they unite in a devastating-yet-rousing chorus. Other highlights include the slinky ‘(To Be) Without You’ (my personal favourite), and closing tune ‘No Future No Future No Future’, which ends things with an explosion of catharsis.
It adds up to one of the most emotive local releases in recent memory, a record threaded with humour and tasteful arrangement that really soars when it lets the feelings fly freely.
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A concept image showing the view over the development site from Devon Street.Supplied / New Plymouth District Council
Demolition of central New Plymouth’s Metro Plaza building will begin next month, starting a three-stage project to bring daylight back to a section of the Huatoki Stream after almost a century under cover.
The project is part of a $10 million City Centre Strategy, which includes ongoing work to create the West End Crossing shared space in Queen Street and replace Devon Street’s ageing alder trees with native plants.
The council bought the Metro Plaza in 2019 to make way for a greener, more vibrant city centre by opening up the awa as part of a private/public partnership.
The Metro Plaza has covered the Huatoki since 1929.
The new development will include a public walkway and footbridge across the Huatoki, connecting Devon and Brougham streets, alongside new developments by KD Holdings (KDH) on both sides of the awa.
Council general manager delivery and enablement, Helena Williams, said the city centre was entering a busy period of revitalisation, with the Huatoki, West End and greening projects underway alongside the completion of the TSB Showplace upgrade and the start of exterior maintenance at Puke Ariki Library.
“These projects will help keep our city centre thriving, supporting businesses and drawing more people into the city centre. We’re working with contractors to keep noise and disruption to a minimum and we apologise to businesses and other people in the city centre for any issues this work will cause and thank them for their patience and understanding,” said Williams.
“The Huatoki project is a first as we’re partnering with KDH, which owns the property on either side of the Huatoki, and Ngāti te Whiti hapū, in our first-ever public-private partnership.
“Together, we’re supporting the heart of our city as it adapts to changes in the way people live, work and shop, while delivering savings for our ratepayers.”
KDH owner Kevin Doody said the $1.1m demolition of the Metro Plaza was scheduled to be finished in the first half of 2026 and construction of the new development was scheduled to be complete later next year.
“We’ll aim to keep disruption to a minimum as we create this new green space and commercial area. Working with our partners, we’ll be able to streamline construction and complete the work safely and efficiently,” said Doody.
Ngāti Te Whiti Hapū spokesperson, Julie Healey, said opening up the Huatoki reflected Ngāti Te Whiti Hapū values as supported in the City Centre Strategy.
“The awa has great historical and cultural significance for Ngāti Te Whiti and we look forward to bringing its presence back into the city for the community to enjoy.”
At a glance:
NPDC bought the Metro Plaza in 2019 and it has been unoccupied since late last year (2025).
The demolition and construction would be carried out by KDH along with the demolition of KDH-owned buildings on Devon and Brougham streets.
The Ngāmotu New Plymouth City Centre Strategy was adopted by the mayor and councillors in December 2021.
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Police were alerted to the incident at about 6.30pm, where a vehicle had hit a parked car and flipped near the intersection of Frederick Street and Belfast Street.RNZ
One person has died following a crash in the Auckland suburb Hillsborough last night.
Police were alerted to the incident at about 6.30pm Saturday, where a vehicle had hit a parked car and flipped near the intersection of Frederick Street and Belfast Street.
Despite emergency services’ efforts, one person died at the scene, police said.
Diversions are in place while the Serious Crash Unit conducts a scene examination.
Enquiries into the crash are ongoing, police said.
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The magnitude 6.3 quake on 22 February left 185 people dead, while thousands of homes were demolished because of damage to the buildings or land.RNZ / SIMON ROGERS
A public memorial service will be held in Christchurch today to mark the 15th anniversary of the 2011 February earthquake.
The magnitude 6.3 quake on 22 February left 185 people dead, while thousands of homes were demolished because of damage to the buildings or land.
The service will be held at the Canterbury National Earthquake Memorial at the corner of Cambridge Terrace and Montreal Street in central Christchurch.
A minute’s silence will be held at 12.51pm, the time the earthquake hit, then the names of the 185 people who died will be read aloud while the HMNZS Canterbury bell tolls.
Christchurch City Council spokesman Duncan Sandeman said deputy mayor Victoria Henstock would lay a wreath at the memorial wall on behalf of the people of Christchurch, while members of the public were invited to lay floral tributes after the ceremony.
“We welcome all members of the community who wish to attend to join and reflect on the impact the destructive earthquakes had on our district and remember those lives that were lost,” he said.
Fifteen years on, much of the land cleared of houses, known as the red zone, is now parkland.
An 11km cycle and walking path called the City to Sea Pathway winds through some of the red zone land from New Brighton to the central city.
Christchurch Cathedral in 2025, 14 years after the Canterbury earthquakes partially destroyed it.Frank Film
The Anglican Christ Church Cathedral, for many years the symbol of Christchurch, was badly damaged in the February earthquake and is still fenced off in Cathedral Square.
Work was done to stabilise and strengthen the building but worked stopped in August 2024 because of a budget shortfall of around $85 million.
The Christ Church Cathedral Reinstatement Limited’s (CCRL) current plan is to re-open the cathedral in stages, with the first stage including the tower, nave and western wall which features the rose window.
The plan would allow seating for about 700 people.
The cathedral has occasionally opened for events and tours, with visitors donning hard hats and high-vis vests to venture inside.
Under the new staged-plan the CCRL hopes the cathedral can completely reopen by 2030.
CTV building collapse ‘a preventable disaster’
For those who lost loved ones in the collapse of the Canterbury Television (CTV) building during the earthquake, this anniversary is also a reminder of what they say was “a preventable disaster and of a justice system that has yet to reflect that truth”.
A total 115 people were killed when the six-storey building collapsed – a building that was later found to have significant deficiencies to its design.
However, in 2017 police confirmed they would not prosecute those believed to be responsible, despite uncovering negligence.
CTV Families Group spokesperson Maan Alkaisi, whose wife was killed in the collapse, said the ongoing lack of legal accountability revealed deep flaws within the justice system.
Professor Maan Alkaisi – Spokesperson, CTV Families GroupSupplied
“For the CTV families, the absence of prosecutions is not a legal endpoint. It is a continuing wound that raises hard questions about whose lives are protected by the law, and how far institutions are willing, or able, to go to match public expectations of justice.”
He said he would be inviting Attourney-General Judith Collins to meet with him in Christchurch to explain why police reversed their original intent to prosecute those who had been found negligent.
“This request is not an attempt to politicise the issue. It is an attempt to restore confidence in a system that appears to have failed 115 New Zealanders and their families.”
The CTV collapse was not unavoidable, but rather a preventable disaster, he said.
“Fifteen years on, our resolve has not diminished. What has changed is the narrative. It has evolved from ‘Still No Justice, Still No Accountability, Still No Closure’, to a new, determined stance: ‘The Story Does Not Finish Here’.”
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
Fin Melville Ives, after crashing out in qualification for the Freeski Halfpipe competition at the 2026 Milano Cortina Winter Olympic games.KIRILL KUDRYAVTSEV / AFP
The medical assessments are in and it’s been confirmed that New Zealand Freeskier Fin Melville Ives broke his collarbone in crashing out during the qualification rounds of the Halfpipe competition at the Winter Olympics.
Melville Ives, the current world champion and one of New Zealand’s best medal hopes, was stretchered off after the heavy fall during his second run after being knocked unconscious.
He’s now recovering and remains in good spirits, jesting his injuries are “nothing but a scratch”.
“It was really a game of two halves,” he said afterwards, with his sense of humour intact.
Melville Ives, 19, has also thanked the medical staff that have helped him so far, and his coach Murray Buchan.
Another Kiwi halfpipe freeskier Ben Harrington, who finished ninth, dedicated his second run to Melville Ives, saying to cameras on the slopes, “Hey Finski, this one’s for you, brother, love you, let’s go skiing.”
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– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
“The event is so momentous that historians may, one day, view it as a landmark in the decline of the British Empire.”
That was dramatic framing by CBS News of The Beatles’s break-up in April 1970.
It was illustrative of the intense hyperbole that followed this band, who went from Liverpool teenagers to the biggest musical act in history in under a decade.
This video is hosted on Youtube.
– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand
Two Extinction Rebellion activists joined the speakers today at an Auckland protest over Israel’s genocide and ecocide in Gaza and occupied Palestine, condemning the “apocalyptic” assault on both people and their living environment.
Caril Cowan, a de facto coordinator of Extinction Rebellion Tāmaki Makaurau, spoke of the climate crisis this month in Aotearoa New Zealand to provide an insight into the Gaza emergency.
“One of our climate scientists, says this is normal – get used to it. We are going to have killing storms over, and over, and over …
“As we are saying, ‘We are all Palestine’, I just think of the people of South America, I think of the people of Africa, I think of Europe, where people are dying now because of the climate.
“They are dying of heat exhaustion, they are dying from floods, they are dying from landslides, like we have been having, not just a few. It’s happening. It is here now.”
After the rally, the protesters marched around the corner from Te Komititanga Square to the US Consulate in Auckland for a “Blood on your hands “ protest over the US role in funding and enabling Israel’s atrocities in Gaza.
Cowan was among those protesters who symbolically raised blood on their hands over the “shameful” US role under President Donald Trump and previous presidents.
Extension Rebellion speaker Caril Cowan . . . “people are dying now because of the climate crisis.” Image: APR
US pays part UN dues This week in Washington, a UN spokesperson said the United States had paid about US$160 million (NZ$268 million) of the more than US$4 billion it owes to the UN, just as Trump hosted the first meeting of his so-called “Board of Peace” initiative over Gaza that critics say could undermine the United Nations.
The US is the biggest contributor to the UN budget, but under the Trump administration it has refused to make mandatory payments to regular and peacekeeping budgets, and slashed voluntary funding to UN agencies with their own budgets.
Washington has also withdrawn from dozens of UN agencies.
Another speaker at today’s rally, Adam Jordan, from both Extinction Rebellion and the Palestinian movement, talked about the “connection” between the Gaza genocide and anthropogenic climate breakdown.
“As is so often the case with colonialism, and the capitalist system more generally, ecological destruction has always been inherent to the Zionist, settler-colonial project,” Jordan said.
Extension Rebellion’s Adam Jordan . . . the destruction in Gaza has reached such “apocalyptic proportions that the damage is visible from space”. Image: APR
“From contaminated soil and groundwater to decimated farmland and burning down centuries old olive groves that had been lovingly tended by countless generations of Palestinians.
“Rather than ‘making the desert bloom’ as they often claim, the colonisers are engaged in a process of ‘desertification’ — transforming once fertile and active farmland into an area devoid of both vegetation and biodiversity.”
Damage visible from space Jordan said that destruction of both people and the land itself in Gaza had reached such “apocalyptic proportions that the damage is visible from space”.
“The people who have not yet been killed by the bunker buster bombs, the forced starvation, disease, sniper fire and autonomous killer drones live in a wasteland of undrinkable water, unexploded munitions, overflowing landfills, contaminated soil and toxic debris, with orchards and fields reduced to dust in which life itself is being rendered impossible for the long term,” he said.
Gaza pollution environmental threats Video: Al Jazeera
“Ecocide here fuses with genocide in a manner never seen before.”
But where was the real connection between Palestine and the climate crisis?
“Despite all the rhetoric from governments and corporations about how they’re taking climate change seriously, the 2020s have so far seen an accelerated expansion of fossil fuel production, just when it had to be reined in and inverted into a sustained dismantling — for the world to avoid a warming of more than 2°C, and ideally no more than 1.5°C above the pre-industrial baseline.
“Currently we’re at 1.6°C above that baseline, and this is already proving to be absolutely catastrophic. In fact it’s proving again and again to be deadly,” Jordan said.
“The destruction of Gaza is of course executed by tanks and fighter jets, sending their projectiles that turn everything into rubble — but only after the explosive force of fossil fuel combustion has put them on the right path.
“All these military vehicles run on oil. As do the supply flights from the US, UK and Germany.’
A young protester with a Palestinian flag at the Auckland rally today. Image: APR
Emissions burden One study had estimated that from October 2023 to January 2025 the emission burden of the Gaza genocide by Israel and the West to be 32 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent.
“That’s more than the annual emissions of many countries,” Jordan said.
“It has generated more than 36 million metric tonnes of debris from buildings being either severely damaged or completely destroyed. It would take as long as four decades to remove and process all of this debris.”
Jordan said what was happening in Gaza was not just a transnational effort, but “a stain on the so called ‘international law’ that cannot be washed clean”.
“For over two years now we have watched as the corrupt corporate media has dehumanised the victims and attempted to humanise those committing this genocide,” he said.
“We have watched as academic institutions, politicians and governments all over the world have denied or justified the unspeakable horrors taking place in Gaza, just as they deny the severity and the consequences of the climate crisis and justify the continuation of business as usual, no matter how destructive it is to our environmental life support systems.
“But this is just business, this is just how the capitalist system works. Both people and the environment are seen as expendable, here only for the purposes of wealth extraction by the ultra wealthy ruling class — or as I prefer to call them, ‘The Epstein class’.”
New flotilla plans Among other speakers, Rana Hamida spoke about the new Global Sumud Flotilla plans to break the military siege of Gaza in April.
The flotilla has announced plans to send more than 100 boats carrying up 1000 activists, including medics and war crimes investigators, to the besieged enclave.
Hamida appealed for more volunteers from New Zealand to join the fleet.
Not just climate change – but a “system change” call for action. Image: APR
Blues face Western Force in Super Rugby Pacific.Liam Swiggs / RNZ
First-five Stephen Perofeta converted all six of his team’s tries and scored one himself, as the Blues overhauled Western Force 42-32 at Perth.
After a controversial loss to the Chiefs in their opener last week, the Auckland-based side took advantage of a big wind at their backs in the second half to overcome a 17-14 deficit, outscoring their rivals 21-3 during the 20 minutes after the break.
Prop Josh Fusitua and Perofeta touched down in the first 40 minutes, but a try to flanker Carlo Tizzano gave the home side a surprise lead at halfway.
After the restart, fullback Zarn Sullivan, flanker Torian Barnes and wing Cole Forbes rattled on three tries that gave their team the momentum and a 15-point lead, that provided a buffer to withstand a late Force rally.
The global human rights landscape has witnessed a significant diplomatic milestone.
Indonesia, for the first time since the body’s establishment in 2006, has officially taken the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
Indonesia’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva, Ambassador Sidharto Reza Suryodipuro, is currently guiding the procedural and diplomatic course of the world’s foremost human rights forum for the coming year.
Indonesian Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai . . . seeking to ensure the revised law is “more progressive and advanced”. Image: Antara
This appointment, backed by consensus within the Asia-Pacific regional group and subsequently endorsed by the full council, is far more than a routine procedural rotation.
It is a mirror reflecting diplomatic success, yet also a fragile piñata — ready to spill forth either in praise or sharp criticism depending on the blows dealt by reality and unfolding dynamics.
This moment is not the end of a journey, but the opening of a new chapter rife with interpretation — a complex test of Indonesia’s credibility, capacity, and consistency on the stage of global issues.
The test begins not only in the halls of Geneva but simultaneously in the halls of power in Jakarta, where the government is pushing for the ratification of a revised Human Rights Law by this year.
This legislative endeavour has now become inextricably linked to the credibility of its international leadership.
Foundations and mandate To understand the seriousness of this position, one must look to its foundational pillars.
The UN Charter, as the supreme constitution of global governance, clearly places the promotion and respect for human rights as a central pillar for maintaining international peace and security.
This charter provides an undeniable moral and political mandate. Indonesia’s presidency, within this framework, is an operational instrument to realise the charter’s noble aims — a collective trust bestowed by the community of nations.
The Human Rights Council itself is a product of the post-Cold War collective consciousness and the failures of its predecessor, the Commission on Human Rights. Established by General Assembly Resolution 60/251, it was designed as a more legitimate intergovernmental body with a mandate to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights globally.
It is a space of often-tense dialogue, a tireless advocacy arena for civil society, and a stage where mechanisms like the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) and Special Procedures strive to illuminate dark corners of violations.
Within this complexity, the council president is not merely a passive moderator but a pacesetter, agenda-shaper, balance-keeper, and often a mediator in intricate political deadlocks. This position holds the key that can either unlock discussions on neglected issues or bury them in procedure.
The normative compass for the council is the International Bill of Human Rights — comprising the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
These standards are the shared measure, the common language, and the basis for demands.
Indonesia’s leadership will be judged on its ability to advance the language and spirit of these covenants, not only within the halls of Geneva but also through their resonance and enactment at the national level. It is here that the ongoing revision of Indonesia’s own Human Rights Law (Law Number 30 of 1999) transforms from a domestic legislative process into a litmus test for its international posture.
Two sides of the coin Globally, this presidency represents the pinnacle of Indonesia’s soft power diplomacy. It affirms the image of a consequential developing nation deemed capable of leading even the most sensitive conversations.
It is an invaluable platform to voice Global South perspectives, emphasise the interdependence of civil-political and socio-economic rights, and champion dialogue over confrontation.
Indonesia has the opportunity to act as a bridge-builder, spanning the divides between West and East, North and South, in an increasingly polarised human rights discourse.
Yet, behind the stage lights, the shadows are long and critical. Organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently warned that leadership on the council must align with tangible commitment.
They are watching closely: Will Indonesia use its influence to push for access by special mandate-holders to global conflict zones, or will it cloak inaction in the rhetoric of state sovereignty?
Will its voice be loud in highlighting violations in one region while falling silent on another due to geopolitical and geostrategic considerations?
Herein lies the ultimate credibility test. The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) criticises Indonesia’s presidency, arguing it could swiftly become “hollow prestige” if seen merely as a product of regional rotation, not a recognition of substantive capability.
The ULMWP asserts that Indonesia is unfit for the role, pointing to allegations of a 60-year conflict in Papua, historical casualties, and comparing the situation to past international controversies.
They challenge Indonesia’s moral standing, citing unresolved historical allegations, internal displacement, and the long-standing refusal to grant access to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.
This opposition underscores the profound domestic scrutiny the presidency faces: every action on the global stage will be measured against conditions in Papua, where critics describe ongoing tensions and demand immediate access for journalists and a UN visit.
The most profound implications may, in fact, unfold domestically. This presidency is a mirror forcibly held up to the nation itself. It creates unique political and moral pressure to address longstanding homework.
Issues such as freedom of expression, protection of minorities and vulnerable groups, law enforcement in cases of alleged violations, and the state of labour and environmental rights will come under a brighter international spotlight. Image: Laurens Ikinia/APR
Issues such as freedom of expression, protection of minorities and vulnerable groups, law enforcement in cases of alleged violations, and the state of labour and environmental rights will come under a brighter international spotlight.
In this context, the government’s move to revise the Human Rights Law is a direct response to this pressure.
Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai, in a meeting with Commission III of the House of Representatives (DPR) on February 2, 2026, emphasised that the drafting process involves prominent national human rights figures — including Professor Jimly Asshiddiqie, Makarim Wibisono, Haris Azhar, Rocky Gerung, Ifdhal Kasim, and Roichatul Aswidah — to ensure the revised law is “more progressive and advanced”.
The government is targeting ratification in 2026, aiming to synchronise domestic legal progress with its international leadership year.
The government thus faces a stark choice: leverage this historic moment as a catalyst for deeper legal and institutional human rights reforms, open wider dialogue with civil society, and demonstrate tangible progress anchored in a stronger law; or, wield the position merely as a diplomatic shield to deflect criticism, content with symbolism over substance, even if that symbolism includes a newly passed but weakly implemented law.
The latter would be a damaging boomerang, deepening a crisis of trust both in the eyes of its own citizens and the global community.
Indonesian civil society, conversely, holds a golden opportunity. They now have a wider door to elevate domestic issues to the global forum, using their own nation’s presidential position as an accountability tool. The involvement of activists in the law revision process is a start, but the presidency must be seen not as the sole property of the government, but as a national asset to be filled with diverse and critical voices, both sweet and bitter, to ensure the promised progress is real.
Navigating the terrain A clear-eyed SWOT analysis is indispensable for Indonesia to strategically navigate its historic presidency of the UN Human Rights Council. This framework illuminates the internal and external factors that will define its tenure, balancing inherent advantages against palpable risks, all while the domestic reform clock ticks.
Strengths: Indonesia enters this role with a formidable diplomatic toolkit. Its long-standing tradition of “free and active” foreign policy has cultivated a wide non-aligned network and substantial credibility as an independent voice in the Global South.
As the world’s third-largest democracy, it offers a practical case study in balancing governance, diversity, and development. Furthermore, its soft power assets — embodied in the national motto Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) and its narrative of moderate Islam — provide unique cultural and religious leverage to mediate polarised debates on sensitive issues like religious freedom.
Operationally, the presidency itself confers significant agenda-setting power, allowing Indonesia to prioritise thematic issues such as the right to development, climate justice, and interfaith tolerance, while influencing the appointment of key human rights investigators.
The concurrent push for a progressive Human Rights Law revision can be framed as a strength, showcasing a commitment to aligning domestic norms with international aspirations.
Weaknesses: Indonesia’s most significant vulnerability remains the perceived gap between its international advocacy and its domestic human rights landscape. Longstanding, contentious issues — including restrictions on civil liberties, protections for minorities, and unresolved past alleged violations — provide immediate fodder for critics and undermine its moral authority.
This credibility deficit is a strategic weakness that adversaries will exploit. The revision of the Human Rights Law, if perceived as a rushed or cosmetic exercise to coincide with the presidency, could exacerbate this weakness rather than alleviate it.
Additionally, the technical and political capacity of its permanent mission in Geneva will be under immense strain, tested by the need to master complex procedural rules while managing intensely politicised negotiations among competing global blocs in real-time.
Opportunities: This presidency is an unparalleled platform for strategic nation-branding, casting Indonesia as a consensus-driven, responsible global leader. Domestically, it creates a powerful political catalyst to accelerate and deepen stalled legislative reforms.
The targeted 2026 ratification of the Human Rights Law is the prime opportunity; it must be used to revitalise national human rights institutions like the National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and pass long-delayed bills like the Domestic Workers Protection Bill.
Internationally, it offers the chance to operationalise its bridge-builder identity, mediating in protracted conflicts or humanitarian crises where dialogue has stalled, thereby translating diplomatic principle into tangible impact.
Successfully shepherding a meaningful domestic reform would give Indonesia undeniable moral currency in these international efforts.
Threats: The external environment is fraught with challenges. The council is often an arena for great power politicisation, where human rights issues are weaponised for geopolitical ends. Indonesia risks being ensnared in these zero-sum games, which could drain diplomatic capital and compromise its neutral stance.
Simultaneously, it faces relentless scrutiny from a vigilant transnational civil society and global media, ensuring that any perceived stagnation or regression at home — such as a watered-down Human Rights Law or continued restrictions in Papua — will trigger amplified criticism internationally.
The paramount threat, however, is the boomerang effect: that the heightened visibility of the presidency exponentially raises expectations, and the subsequent failure to demonstrate concrete progress — both in Geneva through effective leadership and in Jakarta through substantive reform—could severely damage Indonesia’s hard-won diplomatic reputation, leaving it weaker than before it assumed the chair.
Thus, Indonesia’s tenure will be a constant balancing act: leveraging its strengths to seize opportunities, while meticulously managing its weaknesses to mitigate existential threats.
The presidency is not merely a position of honour, but a high-stakes test of strategic foresight and authentic commitment, where domestic legislative action is now part of the international exam.
From symbol to substance: The path forward Indonesia’s election as the 2026 President of the UNHRC is an acknowledgment of its role and potential on the global stage. However, this acknowledgment comes as a loan of trust with very high interest: increased accountability and consistency.
The government’s own timeline, aiming to ratify a revised Human Rights Law within this same year, has voluntarily raised the stakes, tying its legacy directly to tangible domestic output.
This year of leadership is not a celebratory party, but a laboratory for authentic leadership. Its success will not be measured by the smoothness of procedural sessions or the number of meetings chaired.
It will be measured by the extent to which Indonesia can articulate and champion a vision of inclusive and just human rights globally, and — just as crucially — by the degree to which this office leaves a positive legacy for the advancement of human rights at home.
The revised Human Rights Law is poised to be the most visible component of that domestic legacy. Minister Pigai’s confidence in its progressiveness, bolstered by the involvement of respected figures, must translate into a law that meaningfully addresses past shortcomings and empowers institutions.
Indonesia stands at a crossroads. One path leads to transformative leadership, using this position to strengthen global norms while cleansing the domestic mirror through courageous reform and open engagement. The other leads to transactional leadership, leveraging prestige and a new but potentially inert law to impress without touching the core of the issues.
Indonesia’s choice will determine whether history records 2026 as the year Indonesia truly led the world on human rights by exemplifying the change it advocates, or merely performed a protocol duty on a stage where the lights are slowly fading on its credibility.
A historic mandate and its dual imperative This strategic position is a historic achievement, cementing the country’s role while presenting a real-time test of its global credibility. As a body of 47 member states, the UNHRC holds vital authority in investigating violations, conducting periodic reviews, and shaping international human rights norms. The Council President controls the agenda, guides dialogue, and, most importantly, builds consensus from diverse interests.
Indonesia is no newcomer, currently serving its sixth membership term and often as a Vice-President. Securing the top seat opens the chance to shift from “player” to “game-setter,” potentially shaping a more inclusive global human rights discourse.
This achievement is built on active diplomacy: vigorous economic and peace diplomacy (including Indonesia’s peacemaker initiatives), strengthened regional diplomacy emphasising ASEAN centrality and Global South solidarity, and a consistent multilateral commitment as a strong UN system supporter.
The Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has affirmed its commitment to lead the council objectively, inclusively, and in a balanced manner. Potential agenda paths include advocating for contextualising human rights principles to be more sensitive to the historical, developmental, and socio-cultural contexts of developing nations; expanding the discourse to seriously discuss issues like corruption, environmental degradation, and electoral governance in the Council; and testing its bridge-builder capacity in acute conflicts, such as the Palestinian issue, by leading constructive diplomatic initiatives.
Ultimately, history will record not just the prestigious title of “UNHRC President,” but the substance and impact of the leadership. This position is a mirror: Is Indonesia ready to lead with consistency and firm moral principle, or will it become trapped in the contradiction between rhetoric in Geneva and reality at home?
The parallel process to revise the Human Rights Law is now part of that reflection. Its quality, its process, and its final enactment will be scrutinised as evidence of Indonesia’s sincerity.
True leadership will be measured by the courage to build bridges amid global divisions and the ability to connect words with concrete action and accountability domestically. The year 2026 will determine whether this moment is remembered as a renaissance of moral diplomacy, backed by genuine legal evolution at home, or merely a display window of symbolism where even new laws ring hollow.
The final word rests not on the title itself, but on the government’s collective actions in both the international arena and the national legislature. Success in this dual mission would add a brilliant and coherent achievement to the international record of the administration of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming Raka.
The choice — and the test — is in Indonesia’s hands.
Laurens Ikinia is a Papuan lecturer and researcher at the Institute of Pacific Studies, Indonesian Christian University, Jakarta. He is also an honorary member of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) in Aotearoa New Zealand.
