Page 653

PNG’s proposed policy could lead to government control of the press

ANALYSIS: By Mong Palatino

Various stakeholders have warned that the draft National Media Development Policy released by Papua New Guinea’s Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) on February 5 could undermine media freedom if approved by the government.

The DICT asked stakeholders to share their input within 12 days, but this was extended for another week after Papua New Guinea’s Community Coalition Against Corruption (CCAC) criticised the short period for the consultation process.

The draft policy lays the framework “for the use of media as a tool for development.” The state emphasised that “it includes provisions for the regulation of media, ensuring press freedom and the protection of journalists, and promoting media literacy among the population.”

A controversial proposal in the draft is to transform the PNG Media Council into a body “that will have legal mandate that covers an effective and enforceable regulatory framework.”

According to the draft policy, the new PNG Media Council “will ensure press freedom, protect journalists, and promote ethical standards in the media sector”.

At present, the council is a nonprofit group promoting media freedom and the welfare of journalists. The draft recognises that “its primary role has been to promote ethical journalism and to support journalists in the pursuit of their professional duties.

The Media Council of PNG working with Transparency International PNG in 2021.
The Media Council of PNG working with Transparency International PNG in 2021 . . . community collaboration. Image: TI-PNG/FB

Journalist Scott Waide underscored that “over three decades, its role has shifted to being a representative body for media professionals and a voice for media freedom.” He pointed out the implications of re-establishing the council with a broad mandate as defined in the draft policy, suggesting that the government hopes to gain control over the media sphere:

The government’s intention to impose greater control over aspects of the media, including the MCPNG [Media Council], is ringing alarm bells through the region. This is to be done by re-establishing the council through the enactment of legislation. The policy envisages the council as a regulatory agency with licensing authority over journalists.

The regulatory framework proposed for the new media council includes licensing for journalists. Licensing is one of the biggest red flags that screams of government control.

The draft policy proposes to grant the media council powers to offer licences and accreditation to journalists and media outlets, handle complaints and sanctions, among other powers:

Licensing and Accreditation: Requirements for media outlets and journalists to be licensed or accredited, including provisions for renewing licenses and for revoking licenses in cases of violations.

Complaints and Sanctions: Mechanisms for the resolution of complaints against the media, including procedures for investigations and sanctions for breaches of ethical standards.

Media Council PNG president Neville Choi, who is also co-chair of CCAC, reminded authorities of another way to improve journalism in the country:

If the concern is poor journalism, then the solution is more investment in schools of journalism at tertiary institutions, this will also increase diversity and pluralism in the quality of journalism.

We need newsrooms with access to trainings on media ethics and legal protection from harassment.

Writer Fraser Liu rejected the proposed state regulation and urged authorities to review current legal options that can be used to deal with media reporting that violates the country’s laws.

My view is the government should stay away from the fourth estate completely. This is a sinister move with obvious intentions.

Government should not be regulating the media in any form as it infringes on rights to free speech. It can run media organisations to bring its own message out, but it should never exert control over the entire industry.

Media agencies and agents must be left alone to their own ends, being free from cohesion of any sort, and if media reporting does in fact raise any legal issues like defamation, then the courts are the avenue for resolution. There is no shortage in Common law of such case precedent.

Transparency International PNG chair Peter Aitsi added that disinformation on social media should be addressed without undermining free speech.

While the abuse of social media platforms is a new issue that is given as justification for the media policy, there are already existing laws that address the issue without undermining media freedom.

News about the draft policy also alarmed media groups in the region. The New Zealand-based Asia Pacific Media Network Inc. said that “media must be free to speak truth to power in the public interest not the politicians’ interest.” Adding:

In our view, the ministry is misguided in seeking to legislate for a codified PNG Media Council which flies in the face of global norms for self-regulatory media councils and this development would have the potential to dangerously undermine media freedom in Papua New Guinea.

Australia’s media union also tweeted their concern:

The International Federation of Journalists and Reporters Without Borders asked the government to withdraw regulations that restrict independent journalism. Susan Merrell, a lecturer at Sydney University on cultural studies and communication, commented that “instead of the media being the government’s watchdog, the government is trying to become the media’s watchdog.”

Reporters Without Borders on PNG media
Reporters Without Borders on PNG . . . “The policy’s most alarming measures concern the Media Council, which is currently a non-governmental entity representing media professionals.” Image: RSF screenshot APR

The government insisted that it is committed to upholding media freedom.

Scott Waide sums up the state of media in the country:

While the PNG media has been resilient in the face of many challenges, journalists who have chosen to cover issues of national importance have been targeted with pressure coming directly from within government circles.

Global Voices has previously reported about the suspension of a journalist in Papua New Guinea’s EMTV news, the new rule prohibiting reporters to directly contact the prime minister, and a stricter regulation for foreign correspondents. Mong Palatino is regional editor for Southeast Asia of Global Voices, an activist and former two-term member of the Philippine House of Representatives. Republished under a Creative Commons licence.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘Leave media alone – let them do their job,’ Ipatas tells PNG

By Rebecca Kuku in Port Moresby

Enga Governor Sir Peter Ipatas has told the Papua New Guinean government and national leaders to allow the media to carry out its role “unfettered” and accept public criticism.

“You are in a public office. As leaders, we must be prepared for anything. If they write negative reports, let’s learn to build on criticisms,” Sir Peter said.

He was responding to a government statement last week saying that a proposed national media development policy circulated to all stakeholders for comment was not meant to control the media or the freedom of expression.

Sir Peter said: “The government needs to understand that the office we hold is a public office, and we are answerable to the people. The media’s job is to hold us accountable.”

He questioned why the government was wasting money and time on a draft media policy when it had bigger issues to worry about.

Detrimental for democracy
Sir Peter warned that the Constitution provided for a free media and any attempt to put restrictions on that crucial role would be detrimental to a democratic society.

“Do not look at today only. Look at the future too because you will not be in office forever,” he said.

“There are also avenues provided for in the Constitution to address issues.

“If you have an issue with a news report, take it to court and get it sorted out there.

“I’ve been a politician for over 20 years. I don’t care what the media reports — positive news or negative news so long as it’s not [lies],” he said.

“It is the media’s job to report facts as it is. Let the media do its job and let’s do our job.”

Rebecca Kuku is a reporter with The National. Republished with permission.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Halftime chat fires up Fiji Drua to thrilling win over Moana Pasifika

By Sri Krishnamurthi

Fiji Drua beat Moana Pasifika in both teams’ first match of Super Rugby Pacific 2023 in a pulsating game that went to the wire before Fiji Drua triumphed 36-34 at Mt Smart stadium.

There were 11 tries in a fast-paced encounter on Saturday, with the Drua’s sixth score, in the 77th minute to substitute wing Taniela Rakuro, who was elevated from the development squad on Thursday.

The contest could have gone either way, and while it wasn’t a game for the purists given the high rate of errors, it was an engrossing game.

Moana Pasifika attempted to dominate up front and were rewarded early on with tries to Abraham Pole and Chris Apoua.

However, the Drua always looked threatening with hooker and captain Tevita Ikanavere, who was in standout form making barging runs. He was rewarded with two tries.

Other notable performances were from loose forwards Joseva Tamani and Kitione Salawa and backline star Iosefo Masi.

Moana Pasifika’s 12-0 early lead was extended to 26-19 at half-time.

It remained an even contest before Masi completed his brace to level the scores at 31-31.

Skipper Christian Leali’ifano put Moana Pasifika back in front with the only penalty shot of the match before the Drua produced a mesmerising try to snatch the lead and victory, with Rakuro going over.

Impressive second half
Fiji Drua coach Mick Byrne was delighted by the effort.

“We started slowly but the boys got into it after we had a chat at half-time, and they played with the freedom that I allowed them,” he said.

“Put it this way, we were looking forward to playing our games in front of our fans and do they deserve it?”

Aaron Mauger was disappointed for his Pasifika team.

“I am proud of the guys for putting in the effort against a team that came at them.

“They started really well we gave them a couple of opportunities to get back into the game and I think our game management was poor.

“We gave them opportunities and they were good enough to take them.”

At Mount Smart Stadium, Auckland: Fijian Drua 36 (Tevita Ikanivere 2 tries 20min, 45min, Joseva Tamani try 28min, Iosefo Masi 2 tries 36min, 58min, Taniela Rakuro try 77min; Teti Tela 2 con; Caleb Muntz con), Moana Pasifika 34 (Abraham Pole 2 tries 2min, 50min, Chris Apoua try 8min, Mike Curry try 24min, Danny Toala try 39min; Christian Lealiifano pen, 3 con). Ht: 19-26.

Yellow card: Sam Slade (Moana) 26min.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Two countries, two kidnappings – but Jakarta and Port Moresby responses different with 3 PNG hostages freed

ANALYSIS: By David Robie

Two countries. A common border. Two hostage crises. But the responses of both Asia-Pacific nations have been like chalk and cheese.

On February 7, a militant cell of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), the armed wing of the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) — a fragmented organisation that been fighting for freedom for their Melanesian homeland from Indonesian rule for more than half a century — seized a Susi Air plane at the remote highlands airstrip of Paro, torched it and kidnapped the New Zealand pilot.

It was a desperate ploy by the rebels to attract attention to their struggle, ignored by the world, especially by their South Pacific near neighbours Australia and New Zealand.

Many critics deplore the hypocrisy of the region which reacts with concern over the Russian invasion and war against Ukraine a year ago at the weekend and also a perceived threat from China, while closing a blind eye to the plight of the West Papuans – the only actual war happening in the Pacific.

Phillip Mehrtens
Phillip Mehrtens, the New Zealand pilot taken hostage at Paro, and his torched aircraft. Image: Jubi News

The rebels’ initial demand for releasing pilot Phillip Merhtens is for Australia and New Zealand to be a party to negotiations with Indonesia to “free Papua”.

But they also want the United Nations involved and they reject the “sham referendum” conducted with 1025 handpicked voters that endorsed Indonesian annexation in 1969.

Twelve days later, a group of armed men in the neighbouring country of Papua New Guinea seized a research party of four led by an Australian-based New Zealand archaeology professor Bryce Barker of the University of Southern Queensland (USQ) — along with three Papua New Guinean women, programme coordinator Cathy Alex, Jemina Haro and PhD student Teppsy Beni — as hostages in the Mount Bosavi mountains on the Southern Highlands-Hela provincial border.

The good news is that the professor, Haro and Beni have now been freed safely after a complex operation involving negotiations, a big security deployment involving both police and military, and with the backing of Australian and New Zealand officials. Programme coordinator Cathy Alex had been freed earlier on Wednesday.

PNG Prime Minister James Marape shared this photo on Facebook of Professor Bryce Barker and one of his research colleagues
PNG Prime Minister James Marape shared this photo on Facebook of Professor Bryce Barker and one of his research colleagues after their release. Image: PM James Marape/FB

Prime Minister James Marape announced their release on his Facebook page, thanking Police Commissioner David Manning, the police force, military, leaders and community involved.

“We apologise to the families of those taken as hostages for ransom. It took us a while but the last three [captives] has [sic] been successfully returned through covert operations with no $K3.5m paid.

“To criminals, there is no profit in crime. We thank God that life was protected.”

How the PNG Post-Courier reported the kidnap 210223
How the PNG Post-Courier reported the kidnap on Tuesday’s front page. Image: Jim Marbrook/APR/PC screenshot

Ransom demanded
The kidnappers had demanded a ransom, as much as K3.5 million (NZ$1.6 million), according to one of PNG’s two daily newspapers, the Post-Courier, and Police Commissioner David Manning declared: “At the end of the day, we’re dealing with a criminal gang with no other established motive but greed.”

ABC News reports that it understood a ransom payment was discussed as part of the negotiations, although it was significantly smaller than the original amount demanded.

A "colonisation" map of Papua New Guinea and West Papua
A “colonisation” map of Papua New Guinea and West Papua. Image: File

It was a coincidence that these hostage dramas were happening in Papua New Guinea and West Papua in the same time frame, but the contrast between how the Indonesian and PNG authorities have tackled the crises is salutary.

Jakarta was immediately poised to mount a special forces operation to “rescue” the 37-year-old pilot, which undoubtedly would have triggered a bloody outcome as happened in 1996 with another West Papuan hostage emergency at Mapenduma in the Highlands.

That year nine hostages were eventually freed, but two Indonesian students were killed in crossfire, and eight OPM guerrillas were killed and two captured. Six days earlier another rescue bid had ended in disaster when an Indonesian military helicopter crashed killing all five soldiers on board.

Reprisals were also taken against Papuan villagers suspected of assisting the rebels.

This month, only intervention by New Zealand diplomats, according to the ABC quoting Indonesian Security Minister Mahfud Mahmodin, prevented a bloody rescue bid by Indonesian special forces because they requested that there be no acts of violence to free its NZ citizen.

Mahmodin said Indonesian authorities would instead negotiate with the rebels to free the pilot. There is still hope that there will be a peaceful resolution, as in Papua New Guinea.

PNG sought negotiation
In the PNG hostage case, police and authorities had sought to de-escalate the crisis from the start and to negotiate the freedom of the hostages in the traditional “Melanesian way” with local villager go-betweens while buying time to set up their security operation.

The gang of between 13 and 21 armed men released one of the women researchers — Cathy Alex on Wednesday, reportedly to carry demands from the kidnappers.

PNG's Police Commissioner David Manning
PNG’s Police Commissioner David Manning .. . “We are working to negotiate an outcome, it is our intent to ensure the safe release of all and their safe return to their families.” Image: Jim Marbrook/Post-Courier screenshot APR

But the Papua New Guinean police were under no illusions about the tough action needed if negotiation failed with the gang which had terrorised the region for some months.

While Commissioner Manning made it clear that police had a special operations unit ready in reserve to use “lethal force” if necessary, he warned the gunmen they “can release their captives and they will be treated fairly through the criminal justice system, but failure to comply and resisting arrest could cost these criminals their lives”.

Now after the release of the hostages Commissioner Manning says: “We still have some unfinished business and we hope to resolve that within a reasonable timeframe.”

Earlier in the week, while Prime Minister Marape was in Fiji for the Pacific Islands Forum “unity” summit, he appealed to the hostage takers to free their captives, saying the identities of 13 captors were known — and “you have no place to hide”.

Deputy Opposition Leader Douglas Tomuriesa flagged a wider problem in Papua New Guinea by highlighting the fact that warlords and armed bandits posed a threat to the country’s national security.

“Warlords and armed bandits are very dangerous and . . . must be destroyed,” he said. “Police and the military are simply outgunned and outnumbered.”

‘Open’ media in PNG
Another major difference between the Indonesian and Papua New Guinea responses to the hostage dramas was the relatively “open” news media and extensive coverage in Port Moresby while the reporting across the border was mostly in Jakarta media with the narrative carefully managed to minimise the “independence” issue and the demands of the freedom fighters.

Media coverage in Jayapura was limited but with local news groups such as Jubi TV making their reportage far more nuanced.

West Papuan kidnap rebel leader Egianus Kogoya
West Papuan kidnap rebel leader Egianus Kogoya . . . “There are those who regard him as a Papuan hero and there are those who view him as a criminal.” Image: TPNPB

An Asia Pacific Report correspondent, Yamin Kogoya, has highlighted the pilot kidnapping from a West Papuan perspective and with background on the rebel leader Egianus Kogoya. (Note: Yamin’s last name represents the extended Kogoya clan across the Highlands – the largest clan group in West Papua, but it is not the immediate family of the rebel leader).

“There are those who regard Egianus Kogoya as a Papuan hero and there are those who view him as a criminal,” he wrote.

“It is essential that we understand how concepts of morality, justice, and peace function in a world where one group oppresses another.

“A good person is not necessarily right, and a person who is right is not necessarily good. A hero’s journey is often filled with betrayal, rejection, error, tragedy, and compassion.

“Whenever a figure such as Egianus Kogoya emerges, people tend to make moral judgments without necessarily understanding the larger story.

‘Heroic figures’
“And heroic figures themselves have their own notions of morality and virtue, which are not always accepted by societal moralities.”

He also points out that there are “no happy monks or saints, nor are there happy revolutionary leaders”.

“Patrice Émery Lumumba, Thomas Sankara, Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, Malcom X, Ho Chi Minh, Marcus Garvey, Steve Biko, Arnold Aap and the many others are all deeply unfortunate on a human level.”

Indonesian security forces on patrol guarding roads around Sinakma, Wamena
Indonesian security forces on patrol guarding roads around Sinakma, Wamena District, after last week’s rioting. Image: Jubi News

Last week, a riot in Wamena in the mountainous Highlands erupted over rumours about the abduction of a preschool child who was taken to a police station along with the alleged kidnapper. When protesters began throwing stones at the police station, Indonesian security forces shot dead nine people and wounded 14.

More than 200 extra security forces – military and police – were deployed to the Papuan town as part of a familiar story of repression and human rights violations, claimed by critics as part of a pattern of “genocide”.

West Papua breakthrough
Meanwhile, headlines over the pilot kidnapping and the Wamena riot have overshadowed a remarkable diplomatic breakthrough in Fiji by Benny Wenda, president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), a group that is waging a peaceful and diplomatic struggle for self-determination and justice for Papuans.

West Papua leader Benny Wenda (left) shaking hands with Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka
West Papua leader Benny Wenda (left) shaking hands with Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka . . . a remarkable diplomatic breakthrough. Image: @slrabuka

Wenda met new Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, the original 1987 coup leader, who was narrowly elected the country’s leader last December and is ushering in a host of more open policies after 16 years of authoritarian rule.

The West Papuan leader won a pledge from Rabuka that he would support the independence campaigners to become full members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), while also warning that they needed to be careful about “sovereignty issues”.

Under the FijiFirst government led by Voreqe Bainimarama, Fiji had been one of the countries that blocked the West Papuans in their previous bids in 2015 and 2019.

The MSG bloc includes Fiji, the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) representing New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, traditionally the strongest supporter of the Papuans.

Indonesia surprisingly became an associate member in 2015, a move that a former Vanuatu prime minister, Joe Natuman, has admitted was “a mistake”.

An elated Wenda, who had strongly distanced his peaceful diplomacy movement from the hostage crisis and appealed for the unconditional release of the pilot, declared after his meeting with Rabuka, “Melanesia is changing”.

However, many West Papuan supporters and commentators long for the day when Australia and New Zealand also shed their hypocrisy and step up to back self-determination for the Indonesian-ruled Melanesian region.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Religious schools can build a community of faith without discriminating. The law should reflect that

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Liam Elphick, Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Monash University

Dean Lewins/AAP

In 2018, Australians were shocked to learn that religious schools still had the right to discriminate against LGBTQ students and staff.

Politicians called it “utter crap”. Polling found 74% of Australians opposed it.

Federally, both the then-Coalition government and Labor opposition committed to protect LGBTQ students from discrimination. Yet, almost five years later, laws allowing religious schools to expel LGBTQ students and sack LGBTQ staff remain in place.

Late last year, Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus asked the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) to inquire into how to end discrimination against LGBTQ students and staff while allowing religious schools to build and maintain their communities of faith.

Last month, the ALRC released its consultation paper. It recommended the exceptions in federal discrimination law allowing religious schools to discriminate be removed.

In response, some faith leaders and commentators have argued the ALRC proposals threaten the future of religious education, represent a “fundamental attack” on religious freedom, and would be “catastrophic” for religious schools.

This is entirely untrue.

The ALRC proposals are sensible, clear and necessary. They cut through the noise that has surrounded these issues for many years. They appropriately protect both the rights of LGBTQ kids and teachers to be treated with dignity and respect, and of religious schools to maintain their connection to faith.

There are still some improvements that can be made. But this is our best opportunity to ensure federal discrimination laws finally catch up with contemporary values.




Read more:
Schools can still expel LGBTQ+ kids. The Religious Discrimination Bill only makes it worse


What are the ALRC proposals?

At the federal level in Australia, exceptions for religious schools have always existed.

Currently, the Sex Discrimination Act allows religious schools to discriminate on the basis of sex, sexuality, gender identity, marital status, and pregnancy where the discrimination is in “good faith in order to avoid injury to the religious susceptibilities of adherents of that religion or creed”.

This sounds like a complicated test, but it is very easy to satisfy. A religious school simply has to prove there are some members of its religion who would want to keep out, or treat differently, particular students or teachers – such as LGBTQ students or unwed teachers.

The ALRC proposes removing these exceptions. This would, finally, make it unlawful for religious schools to discriminate in this way.

The ALRC proposals would prevent discrimination against LGBTQ students and teachers while allowing faith schools to maintain a religious community.
Shutterstock

The ALRC also proposes reforms to ensure religious schools can still build and maintain a community of faith through hiring and termination of staff. These reforms would allow schools to preference staff on the basis of their religion – but not sex, sexuality or gender identity – where religion is a genuine occupational requirement of their role.

Christian schools could hire Christian teachers, Jewish schools could hire Jewish teachers, and Islamic schools could hire Muslim teachers.

Several states and territories, including Tasmania and Victoria, already adopt a similar approach. Not only has the sky not fallen, but religious schools in Australia only seem to be growing.

The ALRC has also proposed that religious schools be granted a right to terminate the employment of staff who actively undermine the “ethos” of the school’s religion, where the termination is proportionate in the circumstances.




Read more:
Australians reject discrimination that is based on religious belief: new research


How would the proposals affect religious schools?

The ALRC proposals would stop religious schools from expelling students or subjecting them to different treatment to their peers because they are gay or transgender. These proposals would also stop a religious school from sacking a teacher because, for instance, they are a single mother or in a relationship outside of marriage.

What the proposals would not do is force religious schools to hire or continue the employment of staff who fail to uphold reasonable and non-discriminatory codes of conduct and behaviour.

All employers, including religious schools, can adopt non-discriminatory codes of conduct – and the vast majority do. Such codes give employers the right to protect the culture and values of their organisation, including religious values and culture. As long as they are reasonable, nothing in the ALRC proposals affects such codes of conduct.

These proposals simply mean that religious schools would be in the same position as other schools and employers. They will be able to protect their organisational culture and values through existing discrimination law mechanisms.

How should the proposals be improved?

As we set out in the Australian Discrimination Law Experts Group’s submission to this inquiry, there are three ways in which the proposals should be improved.

First, because of the complex relationship between the Fair Work Act and federal discrimination laws, some of the ALRC’s proposals regarding the Fair Work Act have unintended consequences.

Certain proposals would actually allow an alternative route – enterprise agreements – through which religious schools could discriminate against LGBTQ staff.

This should be fixed by amending the Sex Discrimination Act to stop it being overridden by Fair Work Act enterprise agreements, and fixing the legal language in the ALRC’s Fair Work Act proposals.

Second, the ALRC has proposed that school curriculums should be entirely exempt from the Sex Discrimination Act. This undermines one of the purposes of the inquiry: to stop LGBTQ kids from being discriminated against at religious schools.

Instead of directly excluding them, schools and teachers could instead use the cloak of the “curriculum” to vilify and discriminate against students on the basis of their sexuality or gender identity.

It is difficult to see how this proposal is consistent with the duty of care owed by schools to students. It is also unclear how such a proposal would operate in conjunction with the development and implementation of the national curriculum. It should be rejected.

Third, the terms “ethos” and “religious ethos” are used throughout the ALRC’s proposals.

The term “ethos” has never been used in any of Australia’s 13 federal, state or territory discrimination laws. Nor is it found in the international human rights treaties on which those laws rely.

Importing the concept of an institution having an “ethos” is unnecessary and confounding. References to “ethos” should be removed.

These three proposals undermine the value of the ALRC’s otherwise sensible proposals. They give rise to confusion and legal complexity. Fixing them will ensure the great promise of the ALRC inquiry is fulfilled.

School is not just about learning maths and English. It is the place young people learn some of their most important formative lessons about their individual worth and the worth of their peers.

Religious schools can build and maintain a community of faith without discriminating against LGBTQ students and staff – indeed, many already do. It is well and truly time for the law to reflect that.

The Conversation

Liam Elphick is affiliated with the Victorian Pride Lobby, an organisation that works toward equality and social justice for the Victorian LGBTIQA+ community.

Robin Banks is affiliated with Outside the Box / Earth Arts Rights, and A Fairer World, both not-for-profit groups that work to promote human rights and social justice, and the inclusion of all people in the full range of societal opportunities.

Alice Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Religious schools can build a community of faith without discriminating. The law should reflect that – https://theconversation.com/religious-schools-can-build-a-community-of-faith-without-discriminating-the-law-should-reflect-that-200532

What is delirium?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christina Aggar, Associate Professor of Nursing, Southern Cross University

Shutterstock

Delirium is a sudden decline in a person’s usual mental function. It occurs when signals in the brain aren’t sending and receiving properly, causing confusion in thinking and altered behaviour or levels of consciousness.

Delirium isn’t a disease – it’s a clinical syndrome or condition that is usually temporary and treatable. It’s often mistaken for dementia because both conditions have similar symptoms, such as confusion, agitation and delusions. If a health-care professional doesn’t know the patient, it can be difficult to tell the difference.




Read more:
How much memory loss is normal with ageing?


Up to one-third of older people admitted to hospital are diagnosed with delirium. This increases the risk of unnecessary functional decline, a longer hospital stay, falls, needing to be admitted to a residential aged care facility, and death.

However, identifying the condition early reduces these risks. Delirium can also be prevented by identifying who is vulnerable to the condition and finding ways of reducing the person’s risk.

What causes delirium?

Delirium is usually caused by a number of underlying acute (short-term) illnesses and medical complications. Elderly people are vulnerable to delirium because their bodies have fewer reserves than younger people to respond to these stressors. People with dementia are particularly at risk.

Factors that cause or increase the risk of delirium include:

  • malnutrition
  • dehydration
  • new medications
  • a fall
  • surgery
  • infection
  • admission to the intensive care unit
  • multiple bed moves
  • pain.
Older man cools his forehead with a facewasher
Dehydration is a risk for delirium.
Shutterstock

A diagnosis of delirium is made on the basis of clinical history, behavioural observation and a cognitive assessment by a clinician trained to assess delirium.

The patient and their family or carer should also be asked about any recent changes in the patient’s behaviour or thinking.

So how can it be prevented or treated?

Clinical care focuses on preventing delirium, managing risk factors and symptoms, and reducing the chance of complications, which prolong or worsen the condition.

To help prevent delirium we can:

  • frequently reorient the person (reminding them of their location, the date and time)
  • encourage the person to get out of bed and, where appropriate, to walk around, while ensuring they’re safe from falling
  • manage their pain
  • ensure adequate nutrition and hydration
  • reduce their sensory impairments (helping them put on glasses and hearing aids and ensuring they’re working)
  • ensure proper sleep patterns.

Why is delirium under-diagnosed?

While delirium is potentially preventable, it’s poorly recognised, and cases are often missed. This is due to inadequate knowledge among the attending health-care staff, a lack of routine formal screening and assessment, and health-care staff not knowing the patient.

Diagnosing delirium can be difficult when symptoms fluctuate during the day. Changes in alertness come and go, with people usually more alert in the morning and less so at night.




Read more:
Preventing delirium protects seniors in hospital, but could also ease overcrowding and emergency room backlogs


Delirium is also under-recognised because it can present very differently. In some people it can result in hyperactivity (hallucinations, delusions or uncooperative behaviour), and in other people, hypoactivity (decreased arousal which can be mistaken for fatigue or depression), or mixture of both.

Around 50% of people who are discharged from hospital with unresolved delirium symptoms can experience symptoms lasting for months. Alarmingly, some people transition into permanent states of cognitive impairment.

Delirium takes a toll on carers

Delirium costs the Australian government around A$8.8 billion a year.

The greater cost, however, is that experienced by the patient and their family. The sudden change in a person’s behaviour and/or emotions as a result of delirium causes high levels of stress and anxiety for family carers.

Older person in nursing home holds a cane
Early identification and management of delirium is important.
Shutterstock

Carers of older adults diagnosed with delirium report high levels of psychological distress, poor wellbeing and less satisfaction with life because of their care-giving role.

The identification and management of risk for delirium is therefore imperative for safe and quality care for both patients and their family.

Partnering with family carers

Partnering with family carers can improve the care outcomes for older people who are hospitalised.

Family carers and friends are well placed to detect changes in patients’ cognition and behaviour. Close family members, in particular, have intimate knowledge about the person’s previous mental state and can identify subtle changes in their behaviour.

However, many carers of patients discharged from hospital with delirium receive little advice or ongoing support. Despite recent clinical standards recommending family carers be active participants in care, they’re often left out. This has been compounded by the COVID pandemic.




Read more:
Delirium, depression, anxiety, PTSD – the less discussed effects of COVID-19


To address this shortfall, we have developed a model of care to support the integration of carers as partners in the prevention and management of delirium to improve health outcomes.

Using a web-based toolkit, we’re hoping to increase awareness and knowledge of delirium among carers of older adults in hospital who are at risk of delirium. It also aims to support the carer’s wellbeing.

The toolkit is currently being trialled and evaluated at Tweed Hospital and, if successful, could be rolled out to all hospitals.

The Conversation

Christina Aggar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is delirium? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-delirium-194631

This freaky slime mould from HBO’s The Last of Us isn’t a fungus at all – but it is a brainless predator

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris R. Reid, ARC Future Fellow, Macquarie University

Slime mould navigating a food grid. Chris R. Reid/Macquarie University, Author provided

In HBO’s post-apocalyptic drama The Last of Us, human civilisation has fallen in the face of a fungal takeover triggered by climate change.

The show’s opening credits and creature designs are inspired by the slime mould Physarum polycephalum. But while the show’s “infected” (i.e. zombies) are meant to be victims of a fungal pandemic, slime moulds are not actually fungi at all.

Opening credits for The Last of Us. HBO Max/YouTube.

They are in fact much more ancient, and less closely related to fungi than even we are. Since scientists first tried to classify slime moulds, they have been wrongly grouped with plants, animals, and in particular, fungi.

This is because they typically occur in the same ecosystems as fungi, and because they produce structures to help spread their spores, much like their fungal cousins do.

Molecular methods for grouping lifeforms by comparing their DNA have helped us better understand slime moulds’ distinct heritage. Yet their exact place on the tree of life is still unclear.




Read more:
Before The Last of Us, I was part of an international team to chart the threat of killer fungi. This is what we found


A fierce predator

Despite bearing a superficial similarity to fungi, there are many aspects of the slime mould’s biology that are strikingly unique. This yellow blob of goo may not look like much, but it is in fact a fierce predator of bacteria, yeasts and other microorganisms, including fungi.

Though they can grow quite large – up to several square metres across – each slime mould is a single cell, containing millions of nuclei and all the other complex machinery that lies inside cells like ours.

The slime mould’s “body” is a network of veins and tubes that can move at the rapid pace of up to five centimetres per hour to locate and capture their prey.

Inside the slime mould, a rich soup of cell components and food particles flows back and forth within the network. This flow transmits nutrients, chemical signals and information between different regions of the slime mould.

These rippling, sprawling movements are likely what makes slime mould so appealingly creepy to horror artists and filmmakers.

A prosthetic humanoid corpse against a brick wall, with orange bracket fungi growing from the skin and network-like yellow material spreading out from the body onto the wall.
In this behind the scenes shot, one of ‘the infected’ from HBO’s The Last of Us is plastered to the wall by what looks like giant slime moulds.
@barriegower/Instagram



Read more:
The Last of Us: fungal infections really can kill – and they’re getting more dangerous


Zombie intelligence

Slime mould physiology and anatomy is as alien as it is fascinating. But it’s their behaviour that separates them from their peers, and perhaps mirrors our own a little too closely for comfort.

Far from being simple cells moving blindly through the leaf litter, slime moulds can gather a huge amount of information from their environment, and use it to make smart decisions about where to move and look for food, much like the infected in The Last of Us, which operate as one large organism in search of prey.

So far, the slime mould has been shown to sense and move toward or away from carbohydrates, proteins, amino acids, free nucleotides, volatile organic chemicals, salts, pH, light, humidity and temperature, even sensing the direction of gravity and magnetic fields.

When a slime mould finds several food sources at the same time, it tries to cover each food with as much of itself as it can (to absorb it), without splitting into disconnected individuals. The most efficient way to do this is to have a single tube connecting the two foods along the shortest path between them.

Slime moulds have evolved over millions of years to become master network engineers. They are expert maze-solvers, and researchers have begun to build computer algorithms for the design of human train and telecommunication networks based on slime mould approaches.

The yellow blob of goo is a single network (and single cell) of Physarum polycephalum exploring the surface of an agar plate in search of food. The footage is sped up significantly (around 20x). Chris R. Reid/New Jersey Institute of Technology.



Read more:
The brainless slime mould that remembers where it’s been


No brain? No problem

Slime moulds’ problem-solving abilities are all the more fascinating because the creature doesn’t have a brain or even a single neuron. Nevertheless, they show signs of memorisation and even learning – two things which traditionally were thought possible only in animals with brains.

As they move, slime moulds leave behind a trail of slime similar to mucous. This slime trail serves as an externalised memory of areas it has explored in the past, which is very useful for solving mazes.

They can distinguish between their own trails, their neighbours’, and those of other slime mould species. They also use food signals left behind in the trails to judge their own chances of finding food in an area.

Researchers have also found slime moulds can learn to ignore a substance they normally find repellent (such as quinine or caffeine) after prolonged exposure. Researchers call this basic form of learning “habituation”.

Amazingly, when a habituated slime mould fuses together with an untrained slime mould (oh yeah, they can do that), the learned behaviour is observed in the new combined individual.

All this raises the (somewhat creepy) question: what other kinds of knowledge do slimy creatures pass between each other as they crawl beneath the forest floor?




Read more:
Nature’s traffic engineers have come up with many simple but effective solutions


The Conversation

Chris R. Reid receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. This freaky slime mould from HBO’s The Last of Us isn’t a fungus at all – but it is a brainless predator – https://theconversation.com/this-freaky-slime-mould-from-hbos-the-last-of-us-isnt-a-fungus-at-all-but-it-is-a-brainless-predator-200271

Labor’s lead reduced in a NSW Newspoll four weeks before election; Voice support steady

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

Paul Braven/Dan Himbrechts/AAP

The New South Wales state election will be held in nearly four weeks, on March 25. A Newspoll, conducted February 20-23 from a sample of 1,014, gave Labor a 52-48 lead, a two-point gain for the Coalition since a September NSW Newspoll. Primary votes were 37% Coalition (up two), 36% Labor (down four), 12% Greens (steady) and 15% for all Others (up two).

Liberal Premier Dominic Perrottet was at 50% satisfied (up three) and 41% dissatisfied (steady), for a net approval of +9, up three points, while Labor leader Chris Minns was at 41% satisfied (down one) and 33% dissatisfied (up six), for a net approval of +8, down seven points. Perrottet led Minns as better premier by 43-33 (39-35 in September).

On whether the Coalition deserves to be re-elected, by 48-36, voters thought it was time to give someone else a go (50-31 in September). This is the first NSW voting intentions poll conducted by anyone since January.

At the March 2019 NSW election, the Coalition won 48 of the 93 lower house seats, Labor 36 and there were three seats each for the Greens, the Shooters and independents. At February 2022 byelections, Labor gained Bega from the Liberals.

Ignoring defections, the Coalition begins with 47 of the 93 seats and Labor 37. So a single seat loss for the Coalition would be enough for them to lose their majority, but Labor needs to gain ten seats to win its own majority.

The Coalition won the 2019 election by a 52.0-48.0 statewide margin, so this poll suggests a 4% swing to Labor. Analyst Kevin Bonham’s seat model gives Labor 43 seats and the Coalition 40 if this poll is correct, so Labor would be short of a majority (47 seats).

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s ratings have dropped in federal Resolve and Essential polls. While federal Labor is still way ahead, their honeymoon appears to be waning.




Read more:
Labor’s lead drops in Resolve and Essential polls, but they are still far ahead


Perrottet has kept his ratings up, and the NSW Coalition may be assisted by federal Labor’s fading honeymoon. This poll is much better for the Coalition than two polls in January.

Newspoll’s final poll was accurate at the Victorian 2022 state election, and overstated Labor’s primary vote at the federal 2022 election. It’s best not to assume that Newspoll is biased against Labor.

If Labor wins the NSW election, they would control the federal government and every state or territory government except Tasmania. A Coalition win would be its fourth successive four-year term.

Old NSW Morgan poll: 52-48 to Labor

The New South Wales state election will be held on March 25. A Morgan poll, conducted in January from a sample of 1,147, gave Labor a 52-48 lead, a three-point gain for the Coalition since December. This poll was not released until February 21.

Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up 1.5), 32.5% Labor (down one), 9.5% Greens (down 2.5), 6.5% One Nation (up two), 1.5% Shooters (up 0.5) and 15% for all Others (down 0.5).

As this poll was released recently, it gives the impression of movement to the Coalition. But the fieldwork was taken in January, and two other polls taken in January – YouGov and Resolve polls – gave Labor much bigger leads.




Read more:
Labor maintains lead over Coalition in both federal and NSW Resolve polls


Additional federal Resolve questions: Voice support steady at 58%

In additional questions from last week’s federal Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, in a forced choice question on the Voice referendum, “yes” support was at 58-42, unchanged from the January Resolve poll, though four points below the 62-38 support for “yes” in December.

In the question that included undecided, 46% would vote “yes” (down one since the combined December and January result), 32% “no” (up two) and 21% were undecided (down two). On desire for information, 63% said they would like more information than is currently available, while 25% were happy to vote on the principle and current information.

The stage three tax cuts were introduced by the Morrison government, and are to be implemented in 2024, but could be changed by legislation before then. Support for these cuts was at 38-20 over opposition in early October, 57-23 after they were confirmed in the October budget, and has now fallen back to 41-21.

By 46-19, voters supported modifying the cuts to limit the benefits to those earning between $45,000 and $200,000 per year. The most popular proposals for increased taxes were an increase in the corporate tax rate (59-14 support) and an increase in tax on resources companies only (57-12 support).

There has been talk recently about reducing superannuation tax concessions, but these were the least popular of all options canvassed for increasing tax, at only 34-28 support.

By 65-14, voters agreed that young people who have not already bought a home will never be able to do so (57-16 in January 2022). All proposed solutions to housing affordability listed appear popular.

On economic conditions, 50% thought they would get worse in the next six months, 24% stay the same and 18% get better. If they had a major expense of a few thousand dollars, 40% agreed they would struggle to afford it, while 45% disagreed. By 78-9, voters agreed that the gap between the rich and the poor feels like it is getting bigger.

Morgan poll: 58.5-41.5 to Labor

In last week’s federal Morgan poll, conducted February 13-19, Labor led by 58.5-41.5, a two-point gain for Labor since the previous week. Primary votes were 37% Labor, 33% Coalition, 13% Greens and 17% for all Others.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Labor’s lead reduced in a NSW Newspoll four weeks before election; Voice support steady – https://theconversation.com/labors-lead-reduced-in-a-nsw-newspoll-four-weeks-before-election-voice-support-steady-200451

‘Build back better’ sounds great in theory, but does the government really know what it means in practice?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Suzanne Wilkinson, Professor of Construction Management, Massey University

Getty Images

In the aftermath of Cyclone Gabrielle, Prime Minister Chris Hipkins promised to invest billions in disaster-hit communities to “build back better”. But building community and infrastructure resilience will take more than just cash.

In our 2018 book, Resilient Post Disaster Recovery through Building Back Better, my co-authors and I argue for a systematic approach to disaster recovery that focuses on building resilience. This can be achieved by using the principles of building back better and embedding these in all disaster recovery practices.

The ultimate goal of building back better is to make communities stronger and more resilient following a disaster.

In the aftermath of Cyclone Gabrielle, the government will need to work with a wide range of groups – including community and industry leaders, businesses and insurance companies – to rebuild affected social and economic environments, rehabilitate and improve the natural environment and create a resilient built environment.

This is a challenging task that requires a systematic rethinking of how we create the places we live in now – and how we want to live in the future.

Learning from past disasters

A “build back better” approach was advocated in the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. Ten key principles proposed by former US president Bill Clinton were adopted in the aftermath of that disaster.

These principles included a commitment to community-led recovery, the promotion of fairness and equity and the goal of leaving communities safer by reducing risks and building resilience.




Read more:
Flooded Home Buyback scheme helps wash away the pain for Queenslanders


Closer to home, the post-earthquake Christchurch rebuild provides a case study of where opportunities to build back better were largely missed. Reconstruction was mainly focused on repairing the physical damage caused by the earthquakes.

Creating resilience, however, was largely seen as too costly, and building back better was not fully implemented in most of the city’s reconstruction.

Insurance payouts for damage were fraught with difficulty. Rebuilding with resilience wasn’t considered, with homeowners given like-for-like payouts, or payouts that didn’t fully meet market values. Faulty repairs were common.

Prime Minister Chris Hipkins has committed billions to the rebuild effort. But building back better requires more than cash.
Phil Yeo/Getty Images

Inadequate funding

That said, some build back better principles were applied in Christchurch, including initial community participation in rebuild planning. There were also building code changes to create stronger buildings that could withstand future earthquake damage and the repurposing of unsuitable land.

Big projects, such as the convention centre, justice and emergency precinct and bus interchange, were delivered with earthquake-resilient design features.

But these projects, and others like them, were also marred by controversy, lacked full community support, and have been mostly over-budget and delayed.

The Stronger Christchurch Infrastructure Rebuild Team was one of the few organisations seeking to create resilient infrastructure for future communities. But the funding didn’t fully match the intent, and there is still ongoing work to create genuinely resilient infrastructure in Christchurch.




Read more:
What Australia learned from recent devastating floods – and how New Zealand can apply those lessons now


Offsetting future risks

Building back better requires resilience to be fully costed into the rebuild. It requires a focus on disaster-risk reduction – improving how we build and where, putting the community at the centre of recovery decisions, providing effective governance, and providing mechanisms for recovery monitoring and evaluation.

New legislation and regulations can be used to facilitate post-disaster recovery activities, often by fast-tracking and exempting normal procedures.

As seen in Christchurch, improving the resilience of buildings and infrastructure meant changing building codes. But there needs to be caution, as building code changes can slow recovery efforts.

Changing land use, as with the Christchurch red zones, reduces future risk to life and livelihoods. Before the 2011 earthquake, some 10,000 people lived in suburbs along the Avon river. However, in the 12 years since, almost all of the houses have been torn down and the land largely reverted to public green spaces.

During the 2009 Australian bushfire recovery, town planning was addressed collectively by community recovery committees. These worked with relevant agencies to improve the functionality of town layouts, improve future resilience, and ensure communities understood future hazards and risks.

The 5 stages of recovery

But timing is essential. Our research showed the key stages of recovery after a disaster: chaos, realisation, mobilisation, struggle and new normal. It’s important for all of the groups involved in a recovery to understand the patterns that develop organically after an event, and what is needed at each stage.

For the regions hit by Cyclone Gabrielle, there will need to be a well-resourced authority to coordinate and lead recovery and to help communities move forward with their lives.




Read more:
Landslides and law: Cyclone Gabrielle raises serious questions about where we’ve been allowed to build


This is not just about rebuilding houses and infrastructure. The recovery agency also needs to offer support services – such as assistance with welfare and counselling services. Financial assistance, plus training and support for businesses trying to rebuild should also be provided – though this all comes at a high cost.

Reducing future risk, putting the community at the heart of decision making, and creating resilient infrastructure and buildings will be expensive and take time. But by following a systematic approach to building back better, communities will be safer from future events.

The Conversation

Suzanne Wilkinson receives funding from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) and the Building Research Association of New Zealand (BRANZ). She consults with buildbackbetter.co.nz

ref. ‘Build back better’ sounds great in theory, but does the government really know what it means in practice? – https://theconversation.com/build-back-better-sounds-great-in-theory-but-does-the-government-really-know-what-it-means-in-practice-200514

Can ideology-detecting algorithms catch online extremism before it takes hold?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rohit Ram, PhD Student, Social Data Science, University of Technology Sydney

Shutterstock

Rohit Ram receives funding from the Defence Science and Technology Group (DSTG) and was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship.
Ideology has always been a critical element in understanding how we view the world, form opinions and make political decisions.

However, the internet has revolutionised the way opinions and ideologies spread, leading to new forms of online radicalisation. Far-right ideologies, which advocate for ultra-nationalism, racism and opposition to immigration and multiculturalism, have proliferated on social platforms.

These ideologies have strong links with violence and terrorism. In recent years, as much as 40% of the caseload of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) was related to far-right extremism. This has declined, though, with the easing of COVID restrictions.

Detecting online radicalisation early could help prevent far-right ideology-motivated (and potentially violent) activity. To this end, we have developed a completely automatic system that can determine the ideology of social media users based on what they do online.

How it works

Our proposed pipeline is based on detecting the signals of ideology from people’s online behaviour.

There is no way to directly observe a person’s ideology. However, researchers can observe “ideological proxies” such as the use of political hashtags, retweeting politicians and following political parties.




Read more:
How far-right online spaces use mainstream media to spread their ideology


But using ideological proxies requires a lot of work: you need experts to understand and label the relationships between proxies and ideology. This can be expensive and time-consuming.

What’s more, online behaviour and contexts change between countries and social platforms. They also shift rapidly over time. This means even more work to keep your ideological proxies up to date and relevant.

You are what you post

Our pipeline simplifies this process and makes it automatic. It has two main components: a “media proxy”, which determines ideology via links to media, and an “inference architecture”, which helps us determine the ideology of people who don’t post links to media.

The media proxy measures the ideological leaning of an account by tracking which media sites it posts links to. Posting links to Fox News would indicate someone is more likely to lean right, for example, while linking to the Guardian indicates a leftward tendency.

To categorise the media sites users link to, we took the left-right ratings for a wide range of news sites from two datasets (though many are available). One was based on a Reuters survey and the other curated by experts at Allsides.com.

This works well for people who post links to media sites. However, most people don’t do that very often. So what do we do about them?




Read more:
COVID wasn’t a ‘bumper campaign’ for right-wing extremists. But the threat from terror remains


That’s where the inference architecture comes in. In our pipeline, we determine how ideologically similar people are to one another with three measures: the kind of language they use, the hashtags they use, and the other users whose content they reshare.

Measuring similarity in hashtags and resharing is relatively straightforward, but such signals are not always available. Language use is the key: it is always present, and a known indicator of people’s latent psychological states.

Using machine-learning techniques we found that people with different ideologies use different kinds of language.

Right-leaning individuals tend to use moral language relating to vice (for example, harm, cheating, betrayal, subversion and degradation), as opposed to virtue (care, fairness, loyalty, authority and sanctity), more than left-leaning individuals. Far-right individuals use grievance language (involving violence, hate and paranoia) significantly more than moderates.

By detecting these signals of ideology, our pipeline can identify and understand the psychological and social characteristics of extreme individuals and communities.

What’s next?

The ideology detection pipeline could be a crucial tool for understanding the spread of far-right ideologies and preventing violence and terrorism. By detecting signals of ideology from user behaviour online, the pipeline serves as an early warning systems for extreme ideology-motivated activity. It can provide law enforcement with methods to flag users for investigation and intervene before radicalisation takes hold.

The Conversation

Rohit Ram receives funding from the Defence Science and Technology Group (DSTG) and was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship.

Marian-Andrei Rizoiu receives funding from Meta (Facebook) Research, the Defence Science and Technology Group (DSTG), The Department of Home Affairs and the Defence Innovation Network.

ref. Can ideology-detecting algorithms catch online extremism before it takes hold? – https://theconversation.com/can-ideology-detecting-algorithms-catch-online-extremism-before-it-takes-hold-200629

Tiny houses and alternative homes are gaining councils’ approval as they wrestle with the housing crisis

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heather Shearer, Research Fellow, Cities Research Institute, Griffith University

Image: Heather Shearer, Author provided

Australia’s coastal cities and surrounding hinterlands have long been popular with tourists, sea-changers and retirees. But they have a darker side. In the early morning you will often find car parks crowded with cars, vans, caravans and even tents, where refugees from the housing crisis have spent the night.

People of all ages, including families with children, are cooking breakfast, using the cold-water showers and packing up for another day, always trying to keep one step ahead of council officers or police. These unhoused people don’t conform to homeless stereotypes. Many have jobs and children in school and no serious mental or physical health problems. They simply cannot find an affordable home to rent, or have lost or are unable to buy a home of their own.




Read more:
Homeless numbers have jumped since COVID housing efforts ended – and the problem is spreading beyond the big cities


Soaring rates of housing stress are forcing Australians to explore new options, including living smaller and in tiny houses. At Griffith University’s Cities Research Institute, we are surveying local government planners on whether they allow, encourage or limit tiny, temporary or alternative houses in their area.

In early findings (from a response rate of over 50% to date), nearly all respondents agree affordability is a problem for both home buyers and renters. While not representing formal council views, their responses indicate most councils now approve modular, manufactured and shipping container houses, despite a public perception they oppose such dwellings. Some have codes specifically for tiny houses on wheels.

As one planner explained:

We will have to think differently about how we live, given housing affordability, inflation, susceptibility to emergency events and the like, and perhaps be more lenient on allowing these types of dwellings – whether on a permanent or temporary basis.

Cumulative numbers of survey responses indicating types of dwellings permitted, considered or not allowed. Note: THOW is tiny houses on wheels, THSkids is tiny houses on skids.
Data: Cities Research Institute survey/Griffith University, Author provided



Read more:
Tiny and alternate houses can help ease Australia’s rental affordability crisis


All housing must comply with the law

Local governments in New South Wales and Queensland were the most progressive. Many councils (41%) already approve alternative housing types for permanent dwelling. But they must comply with local laws, be in an appropriate residential zone and approved as a residential dwelling, connected to services and protect local amenity.

Cumulative numbers of responses from each state indicating that the local council approves tiny houses and alternative housing types.
Data: Cities Research Institute survey/Griffith University, Author provided
Cumulative numbers of responses from each state indicating that the local council may approve tiny houses and alternative housing types.
Data: Cities Research Institute survey/Griffith University, Author provided
Cumulative numbers of responses from each state indicating that the local council does not approve tiny houses and alternative housing types.
Data: Cities Research Institute survey/Griffith University, Author provided

For example, a planner from a large regional city in NSW said options like tiny houses were possible, “subject to approval and compliance with Planning and Environment Act and Building Act requirements. All need to be approved for permanent use and hence comply with requirements for all dwellings.”

Another NSW planner said:

There are some temporary exemptions in the legislation for disaster event accommodation for up to two years, and [it] had to comply with planning and building act requirements. Local laws become involved if these structures are parked on council land e.g. on the side of the road or on public land. And environmental health issues arise when there is no waste management measure in place.

The Fraser Coast Council in Queensland recently allowed property owners “to accommodate family or friends in a caravan on the dwelling allotment for up to six months in a 12-month period”.

View from the outside of a home made from a shipping container
A basic container home can be very affordable.
Image: Heather Shearer, Author provided



Read more:
So, you want to live tiny? Here’s what to consider when choosing a house, van or caravan


What are the concerns about tiny houses?

Many respondents did voice concern about false advertising by the tiny house industry. As one said:

Tiny houses are the Uber and Airbnb of the housing industry. The idea that such structures can be temporary is in many cases fanciful.

Some manufacturers market their tiny houses as not needing council approval. They fail to mention the requirements that apply to water supply, waste disposal, bushfire and flood risk, and avoiding conflict with agriculture.

[Alternative housing] should be regulated to some extent to ensure that occupants and adjoining neighbourhoods experience a reasonable level of amenity (i.e. not unreasonably put a strain on existing infrastructure, not detract from local character (if prevailing), not cause overshadowing to adjoining neighbours, be fit for purpose etc).

Another concern is tiny houses that don’t comply with building regulations.

Most of these buildings do not comply with the minimum 2.4m ceiling height of the National Construction Code/Building Code of Australia. Even if they do comply […] unless a compliancy certificate has been issued by the manufacturer, there is practically no way of approving them as a certifier has no access to the specifications, can’t visually inspect the frame prior to cladding etc.

Potential conditions of approval that apply to tiny houses and alternative housing types as indicated by survey respondents.
Data: Cities Research Institute survey/Griffith University, Author provided

A quest for creative solutions

The tiny house movement, despite its limitations, could help deliver some of the creative solutions the housing crisis demands. It has sparked an important conversation about alternative housing solutions, with broader implications for housing design, construction, regulation, finance and insurance.

I personally would like to see more flexibility in allowing diverse house types (including temporary dwellings) to put less financial strain on people (put people into homes/home ownership who can’t afford traditional houses or can’t find a rental) and create opportunities for alternative lifestyles (i.e. more nomadic, work less, co-op). Keeping in mind there should be measures to preserve amenity.

A focus on good design, adaptability and affordability can make smaller dwellings more attractive to more people. Assembling prefabricated components on site can cut costs.




Read more:
Loving the idea of tiny house living, even if you don’t live in one


Looking down at the interior of a tiny house from the upper level
A focus on well-designed, adaptable and affordable tiny houses will broaden their appeal as a housing solution.
Image: Heather Shearer, Author provided

Tiny homes can be deployed and redeployed quickly if necessary. This is important for areas hit by disasters.

Their small scale offers a way of increasing density sensitively in built-up areas. They can also be clustered together to create new communities.

Conventional strategies such as more greenfield land releases, relaxed planning controls and subsidies for first-home buyers have failed to solve the complex challenges of a seriously dysfunctional housing market. We need to experiment with new approaches to housing, and learn as we go.

Unconventional dwellings like tiny homes can make an important contribution. Our survey suggests planners around the country are willing to join in the process of developing and regulating these news ways of living.


If you work for a local council and would like to participate in our survey, you can find it here.

The Conversation

Paul Burton receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the City of Gold Coast and is an active member of the Planning Institute of Australia.

Heather Shearer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tiny houses and alternative homes are gaining councils’ approval as they wrestle with the housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/tiny-houses-and-alternative-homes-are-gaining-councils-approval-as-they-wrestle-with-the-housing-crisis-199667

Is there a vaccine for RSV or respiratory syncytial virus? After almost 60 years, several come at once

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lara Herrero, Research Leader in Virology and Infectious Disease, Griffith University

Shutterstock

You might not have heard of respiratory syncytial virus, or RSV. But it caused more than 100,000 global deaths in 2019, making it a leading cause of death in children under one year old.

In Australia, child deaths are thankfully rare. But infection sends thousands to hospital each year, particularly babies and young children.

So for kids, this virus is a very big deal. And despite almost 60 years of research, there are no licensed vaccines to prevent it.

That may change soon. We’ve recently had results of late-stage clinical trials of RSV vaccines from Pfizer, Moderna and GSK. These vaccines are being assessed (or will be shortly) for regulatory approval in the United States.

However, these trials were conducted in adults and pregnant women, not children. So we still have a way to go before RSV vaccines are tested in children, shown to be safe and effective, are approved for use, then become widely available.

Here’s why it’s taken so long to develop a RSV vaccine and what we can expect next.




Read more:
RSV: experts explain why rates of this virus are surging this year


What is RSV?

RSV is a contagious virus causing respiratory infections in both adults and children.

The virus is transmitted from person to person by droplets when someone coughs or sneezes, or by touching their nose or eyes after touching contaminated surfaces.

Infections usually surge in winter, causing symptoms such as a runny nose, sneezing, sore throat, fever, headache and cough. Adults and children can be hospitalised with RSV and its complications, which include pneumonia and bronchiolitis.




Read more:
RSV FAQ: What is RSV? Who is at risk? When should I seek emergency care for my child?


We’ve had a few setbacks

The first RSV vaccine was given to infants and children in the mid-1960s.

Although this inactivated vaccine (composed of dead RSV particles) seemed to be well tolerated, it later caused a rare side effect called vaccine-enhanced disease. This is where the vaccine caused more serious RSV symptoms when infants and toddlers caught the virus, instead of protecting them.

This was almost 60 years ago, and the science of vaccine development has come a long way. Even though scientists later found new vaccine strategies, this disaster has unfortunately slowed down RSV vaccine research and development.




Read more:
Randomised control trials: what makes them the gold standard in medical research?


Newer technologies, fresh hope

Advances in what we know about the virus, and newer vaccine technologies, mean researchers are now more optimistic about the prospect of a RSV vaccine.

Ten years ago, scientists identified the structure of the RSV viral protein it uses to attach and enter human host cells. This allowed scientists to change strategies and develop protein-based RSV vaccines.

Protein-based vaccines consist of injecting a purified protein from the target virus that stimulates the immune cells. This technology is used in many existing vaccines, such as those for hepatitis B and pertussis (whooping cough).

But it’s not been plain sailing for protein-based vaccines either.

In 2019, Novavax announced its prototype protein-based RSV vaccine (ResVax) failed to prevent “medically significant” RSV in babies born to mothers who had been given the vaccine as part of a late-stage clinical trial.

Although the vaccine was shown to be safe, and protected babies from severe RSV, including hospitalisations, the vaccine has not yet made it to market, and further clinical trials are ongoing.

In recent years, we’ve seen another major technology development – mRNA vaccines. These have proved effective and robust during the COVID pandemic.

These mRNA vaccines involve injecting the information required for the human host cells to produce the viral protein, to later stimulate immune cells.

The front-runner RSV candidate vaccines – from GSK, Pfizer and Moderna – are either protein-based or use mRNA technology.




Read more:
The fascinating history of clinical trials


The GSK vaccines

GSK is going with protein-based technology for two of its candidate RSV vaccines.

One (known as RSVPreF3 OA), has had good results in late-stage clinical trials in adults 60 years or older, with data published in recent weeks. The US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is reviewing the vaccine, with results expected in May.

Another of GSK’s candidate RSV vaccines (GSK3888550A, RSVPreF3) is taking a different approach. The idea is to vaccinate pregnant women to confer immunity to the unborn baby.

Results of late-stage trials in healthy pregnant women aged 18-49 years are set to report in 2024. Earlier studies in non-pregnant women showed the vaccine was well tolerated and activated a good immune response.

Pregnant Muslim woman clutching belly looking at phone in hand in front of window
Some candidate RSV vaccines are given to pregnant women to protect their babies.
Shutterstock

The Pfizer vaccine

Pfizer has also gone with a protein-based RSV vaccine (RSVpreF). But this time it’s a bivalent vaccine. It contains proteins to stimulate immune protection against two types of RSV – RSV A and B. Again, the idea again is to vaccinate pregnant women to immunise their babies in the womb.

In November 2022, Pfizer announced interim results of its late-stage clinical trial showing 81.8% efficacy in protecting against severe disease in babies (one to 90 days old) of vaccinated pregnant women. Over time, that immunity decreased.

Final clinical trial results are expected any day now, and the vaccine is being submitted to the FDA for priority review, with a result expected in August.

The Moderna vaccine

Moderna is using mRNA technology for its candidate RSV vaccine (called mRNA-1345). It uses similar technology to its COVID mRNA vaccines.

It has been tested in late-stage clinical trials in people over the age of 60. The company announced earlier this year that the vaccine was mostly well tolerated and had an efficacy of 83.7%.

The company is set to make a full submission to the FDA in the first half of 2023.




Read more:
3 mRNA vaccines researchers are working on (that aren’t COVID)


Several hurdles ahead

Another candidate vaccine, from Janssen, uses a different type of technology (adenovirus vector technology), and is not so far advanced through clinical trials as the others. But it has shown promising preliminary results to date in adults.

And that’s the sticking point with all the RSV vaccines mentioned. They’ve only been tested in adults. To have the greatest impact, the vaccines must also be evaluated in young children and infants.

The biggest question is what age should a baby be vaccinated against RSV once it loses the immunity from its mother?

While we wait for RSV vaccines, the best way of slowing the spread of this viral illness are measures we’ve become used to during COVID. If you or your children have RSV, make sure you wear a mask, wash your hands and maintain your distance from others.


We would like to thank Masters (Doctor of Medicine) student Chloe Scott from Griffith University for her critical review and assistance with this article.

The Conversation

Lara Herrero receives funding from NHMRC

Wesley Freppel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is there a vaccine for RSV or respiratory syncytial virus? After almost 60 years, several come at once – https://theconversation.com/is-there-a-vaccine-for-rsv-or-respiratory-syncytial-virus-after-almost-60-years-several-come-at-once-198233

It’s been 3 years since COVID entered New Zealand — here are 3 ways to improve our response

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Baker, Professor of Public Health, University of Otago

Shutterstock/Photos Brian Scantlebury

February 28 marks three years since COVID was first reported in Aotearoa New Zealand. Since then there have been major advances in our understanding of this infection and the tools and strategies to combat it.

Here we describe three big opportunities to improve our response as we enter the fourth year of the pandemic.

Strategy is key to driving down infection

New Zealand’s response strategy started with elimination, which minimised infection and death from COVID during the first two years of the pandemic.

It also allowed time to roll out vaccines and improve treatments before widespread infection during the pandemic’s third year. These measures decreased the case fatality risk from about one in a hundred during the first two years to less than one in a thousand now.

The net effect was the lowest cumulative excess mortality in the OECD during this period.

This graph shows the excess mortality in New Zealand compared to other countries.
This graph shows the excess mortality in New Zealand compared to other countries.
Our Word in Data, CC BY-SA

The world is now transitioning from an emergency pandemic response to treating COVID as another important infectious disease to be controlled. The first big challenge is identifying an optimal strategy for managing infection now that COVID is always present.

Elimination is not currently feasible with available and acceptable interventions, so the decision is about the optimal level of control from suppression to mitigation. This is a risk assessment question based on acute and long-term impacts of COVID infections.




Read more:
To prepare for future pandemics, we can learn from the OECD’s top two performers: New Zealand and Iceland


In 2022, COVID became the second leading cause of death in New Zealand, behind ischaemic heart disease. Globally, it is likely to have been the third leading cause of death for the past three years (2020-22).

The immunity resulting from the cumulative effects of vaccination and prior exposure is reducing the severity of infection. Unfortunately, the evidence from multiple strands of research is that COVID infection is a multi-organ disease with symptoms commonly persisting after three months.

Infection may damage the circulatory system, brain and lungs. It also increases the risk of subsequent heart attacks and other circulatory diseases and appears to be driving an increase in excess mortality in many countries.

COVID is not influenza, where symptomatic infections typically occur years apart. With COVID, reinfections are common, and each carries a risk of illness, hospitalisation, death and disability from long COVID.




Read more:
When does COVID become long COVID? And what’s happening in the body when symptoms persist? Here’s what we’ve learnt so far


The life-course effects of experiencing multiple infections are not yet known.

This evidence supports a suppression strategy to minimise the frequency of infections and reinfections. Major international reviews describe this as a vaccines-plus approach which uses a mix of control measures as well as vaccines.

New Zealand has partially adopted this approach but will need to do more and clearly articulate a suppression strategy as a unifying goal for selecting interventions.

Effective and equitable delivery is critical

It can be argued we should treat COVID more like other infectious diseases. The converse strategy is that we should treat other infectious diseases more like COVID.

There is a convincing argument for an integrated approach to respiratory infections that builds on the co-benefits of addressing multiple infections, along with a strong emphasis on equity.

In the past we have accepted the annual death toll of around 500 from influenza and its big impact on our hospital system. Yet influenza largely disappeared during the time of COVID, in New Zealand and some other countries, even those with less stringent control measures. This finding shows that the burden of influenza is not inevitable.

We need to identify the most effective and cost-effective mix of respiratory protections. Examples include targeted and universal vaccine programmes, improved ventilation in public buildings and strategic mask use in enclosed public environments (for example, public transport).

These interventions need to be compared with other potential investments in health to decide the best use of available resources.

We know Māori and Pasifika have the highest rates of hospitalisation and death from COVID and lower levels of vaccination. This is a strong argument for continuing to strengthen Māori health leadership as exemplified by the new Māori Health Authority Te Aka Whai Ora.

An integrated programme addressing respiratory infections would be strengthened by research and surveillance. It is important to understand and address barriers to achieving high population coverage of key interventions. We also need ways to combat disinformation to help sustain the social license for public health measures.

High-quality integrated surveillance of respiratory infections would supply data on epidemiology, genomics and health equity.

We must learn and prevent the next pandemic

Given the extreme disruption the pandemic has caused, it is vital to learn from the experience. The terms of reference for the Royal Commission of Inquiry into New Zealand’s COVID response have a strong focus on managing future pandemics.

This goal is important as there are multiple infectious agents with pandemic potential. Avian influenza is a growing concern at present.

In our view, the greatest lesson from COVID is that elimination should be the default choice for future pandemics. A key priority is rapid elimination at source, followed by slowing the spread to give time to develop effective vaccines and other prevention measures.




Read more:
The costly lesson from COVID: why elimination should be the default global strategy for future pandemics


As we enter the fourth year of the pandemic, there is cause for optimism.

Evidence supports a suppression strategy that minimises the frequency of infections and their harmful consequences. Delivering such a strategy is likely to be more effective, equitable and sustainable if combined with a broad programme which treats all serious respiratory infections more like COVID.

While the threat of future pandemics may be increasing, we now have the ability to eliminate them. This is a huge advance in global health security.

The Conversation

Michael Baker’s employer, the University of Otago, receives funding for his research on Covid-19 and other infectious diseases from the Health Research Council of New Zealand and the New Zealand Ministry of Health.

Amanda Kvalsvig’s employer, the University of Otago, receives funding for her research on Covid-19 and other infectious diseases from the Health Research Council of New Zealand and the New Zealand Ministry of Health.

Matire Harwood works for the University of Auckland. She receives funding from Health Research Council. She is affiliated with Papakura Marae Health Clinic, Accidental Compensation Corporation, Medical Research Institute of New Zealand and MAS Foundation.

ref. It’s been 3 years since COVID entered New Zealand — here are 3 ways to improve our response – https://theconversation.com/its-been-3-years-since-covid-entered-new-zealand-here-are-3-ways-to-improve-our-response-196723

Australia’s red goshawk is disappearing. How can we save our rarest bird of prey from extinction?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher MacColl, PhD Candidate, The University of Queensland

Patrick Webster, Author provided

Australia’s red goshawk once ruled the skies. But now this almighty raptor, affectionately known as The Red, has become our nation’s rarest bird of prey.

Concern for the species prompted our new research. We completed the first comprehensive population assessment of the red goshawk using a dataset of all known records (1978–2020). The results were even worse than expected.

We were shocked to discover The Red had completely disappeared from more than a third (34%) of its range. The species is almost certainly extinct in New South Wales and the southern half of Queensland.

This bird is declining – and probably just barely hanging on – in a further 30% of its range, spanning northern Queensland from the Gulf to the Wet Tropics. The rest of northern Australia is the last stronghold for the species.

Although nationally listed as vulnerable, we argue this species requires urgent uplisting to endangered. High priority must be given to conservation action now, before it’s too late.

Adult female red goshawk with kookaburra prey.
Chris MacColl

A striking bird of prey

The red goshawk (Erythrotriorchis radiatus) is an evolutionary oddity, with no near relatives in this country. It is a top predator, with rainbow lorikeets, sulphur-crested cockatoos, and blue-winged kookaburras its preferred quarry.

Remarkably, the average female is nearly twice the size of the average male, with this relative size difference making it one of the most dimorphic raptors in the world.

This striking bird first came to the attention of Western scientists around 1790, when a specimen was found nailed to an early settler’s hut near Botany Bay.

Since then, it has captivated birdwatchers with its rich rufous (red) plumage, sharp gaze, and immense feet and talons.

Historically, it was found along Australia’s eastern and northern coastal fringe, from Sydney, north to Cape York Peninsula, and across to the Kimberley region of Western Australia. But over the years, keen observers noticed their occasional glimpses of this almighty hawk became rarer. Then suddenly people were no longer seeing them, in certain regions.

Slipping towards extinction

Recording the extinction and ongoing loss of the red goshawk over two thirds of its known range in our lifetime was shocking.

Map of Australia showing the distribution of the red goshawk within the various ecoregions
Map showing assessment of the red goshawk’s breeding status across its range.
Chris MacColl, Author provided

While the destruction of habitat through land clearing, which is still rampant in both New South Wales and Queensland, is a key reason for this loss, other factors must be at play.

We know that degraded forests, like those that are logged or suffer from inappropriate fire regimes, lose many of their species, particularly those higher up the food chain.

However, this doesn’t aptly describe the loss of red goshawk from seemingly large areas of intact habitat, such as Shoalwater Bay or Conondale National Park.

More research is needed to unpick why this species has disappeared so quickly and over such an immense area. Current efforts focus on potential disease threats, poor breeding, low juvenile survival rates, and developing a better understanding of how they use the Australian landscape.

The Red’s last refuge

Our research reveals northern Australia is the last stronghold for this species. Cape York Peninsula supports the last known breeding population in Queensland. The Top End, Tiwi Islands, and Kimberley regions also sustain vital breeding populations.

This is unsurprising given northern Australia supports the world’s largest intact tropical savanna ecosystem. Yet, despite limited broad scale habitat loss to date, these northern savannas are under threat from inappropriate fire regimes, weeds, cattle, and the onset of climate change. These threats can interact and compound one another, posing increasingly complex challenges for land managers trying to save species like the red goshawk.

For example, the fire-intensive gamba grass, an invasive weed, is spread by livestock. Climate change may extend the fire season, through lengthier dry spells. Hot treetop fires incinerate nests and the chicks inside them. The intensity and seasonality of storms is also increasing, as well as thermal extremes, threatening young during the nesting season.

Two small red goshawk nestlings, the maximum this species can have.
Chris MacColl

Tropical savannas may be increasingly compromised through large scale vegetation clearing and fragmentation. Preparing land for crops such as cotton or mines for minerals such as bauxite can remove big swathes of habitat. Efforts to obtain other natural resources such as timber and gas also fragment otherwise intact landscapes.

Large trees being felled as native forest is cleared in Queensland
Land clearing remains rife in Queensland, undermining efforts to conserve wildlife and reduce carbon emissions.
Kerry Trapnell/The Wilderness Society

The Red deserves better protection

Australia is blessed with unique bird life. Nearly half of our birds are found nowhere else on Earth.

But the nation’s rarest bird of prey is in trouble. The red goshawk deserves better protection. At the very least, the species needs to be uplisted from vulnerable to endangered by the federal government. This will more accurately reflect current extinction risk and prioritise conservation action. And there’s no time to waste, because red goshawk habitat continues to be cleared – permission was granted to clear a total of 15,689 hectares of red goshawk habitat between 2000 and 2015, which is more than any other threatened species had to contend with.

The Red needs to be recognised as a flagship species for northern Australia, to promote conservation of its remaining habitat. Intervention would benefit many other threatened species, because what’s good for them is good for many others. In this way, the red goshawk is one of the most cost-effective ‘umbrella species’ for conservation action.

To secure the longterm survival of this beautiful bird, we need better protection across the tropical north, expanding both Indigenous Protected Areas and national parks. These areas can be managed directly for conservation, but working with the agricultural and extractive industry is also critical. Low numbers of red goshawks are distributed across a vast area, covering multiple tenures, so all parties need to work together if this species is to persist in the north.

We must not repeat past mistakes and allow habitat in the tropical north to be fragmented, rendering the landscape unable to support native predators like the red goshawk. This means rigorously assessing developments and implementing protections commensurate with the large areas that The Red requires.

If we can’t look after such an ecologically important, charismatic, and iconic species such as The Red, what hope do we have for Australia’s many other threatened species?




Read more:
Native birds have vanished across the continent since colonisation. Now we know just how much we’ve lost


The Conversation

Christopher MacColl receives funding and support from Rio Tinto Weipa, the Australian Wildlife Conservancy, the Queensland Department of Environment and Sciences, and the University of Queensland.

James Watson has received funding from the Australian Research Council and National Environmental Science Program and receives funding from South Australia’s Department of Environment and Water. He serves on scientific committees for Bush Heritage Australia, SUBAK Australia, BirdLife Australia and has a long-term scientific relationship with the Wildlife Conservation Society. He serves on the Queensland Government’s Land Restoration Fund’s Investment Panel.

ref. Australia’s red goshawk is disappearing. How can we save our rarest bird of prey from extinction? – https://theconversation.com/australias-red-goshawk-is-disappearing-how-can-we-save-our-rarest-bird-of-prey-from-extinction-200339

School attendance rates are dropping. We need to ask students why

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nigel Howard, Research associate, Flinders University

Pixabay/Pexels

Today federal and state education ministers are meeting to talk about school attendance. Federal Education Minister Jason Clare has repeatedly flagged this as a key concern. As he told Channel 7’s Sunrise last week:

We’ve seen attendance at schools drop over the last ten years amongst boys and girls from five-year-olds to 15-year-olds. Whenever I ask the question to the experts, why are we seeing attendance rates drop, I get crickets. That’s not good enough.

We are former teachers who research student disengagement from school. To fully understand and address this issue, we need to speak to students themselves.

What is happening with school attendance?

There are two ways Australia measures school attendance. These are the attendance rate and the attendance level.

The attendance rate is the average number of students at school on any day. This has been declining steadily from 90% in 2014 to 86% in 2022. The further the school is from a major city, the more marked the decline is. There has been a 10% drop for remote schools.

Federal Education Minsiter Jason Clare and his stage colleagues walking at Parliament House in Canberra.
Education Minister Jason Clare and his state and territory colleagues will talk about school attendance on Monday.
Lukas Coch/AAP

The attendance level is the percentage of students who are attending for more than 90% of the time. This has also been dropping steadily.

In 2014 eight out of every ten students were attending school for more than 90% of the time. In 2022 only five in ten students were attending at that rate. This suggests there has been a marked increase in the number of students who are missing at least a week of school a year.

Attendance levels are important because if students are missing a significant chunk of lessons, they are not fully engaged in school. More importantly the empty desks keep changing as different students are absent on different days. Teachers are always playing catch-up and students get into a vicious cycle of missing out and not engaging because they have missed out.

Why is this happening?

These indicators are only a blunt measure. We don’t know the overall patterns of those who could be missing for longer periods and why this is so.

Parents and schools are certainly reporting increasing concerns about school refusal or avoidance (when a child regularly fails to attend class) since COVID. The Senate is conducting an inquiry into the issue, with a report due in March.

But if it was only a COVID response we would expect Victoria with the longest lockdowns would fare worst. However, this isn’t the case: Victoria is the only state where government school attendance level is above 50%.

The decline in attendance also pre-dates COVID.




Read more:
Back-to-school blues are normal, so how can you tell if it’s something more serious?


Our research

One way to address this issue is to talk to the students themselves, to understand what is going on in their lives, both at school and beyond it.

As teachers, we regularly spoke to and worked with students in our schools to reform currriculum and structures to build belonging and connectedness to school. As part of our wider research into alternative and new school designs, we talked to students from the Catholic and independent sectors in South Australia as well as students who attended new flexible schools.

What engaged and disengaged students say

When we talk to students who are engaged in school, they tell us how they fit in, how good they feel about fitting in and how they see themselves staying until the end of their schooling.

They believe their school will support them through to the senior years, they are confident their school will guide them to achieve their career goals, and they are confident their school will help them if they experience difficulties. Looking back on her primary years Lindsay* spoke about the feeling of safety and community:

My primary school only had about 120 kids. It was lovely community school; I grew up with everyone. I know everyone’s parents, if I was sick, I knew that like a friends parents would come over to pick me up from school […].

When we talk to young people who are disengaging or detached from school (meaning they no longer go at all), they tell us they did not feel as though they fitted into school. This can be socially, academically, or a belief the work they are doing at school does not connect with the work they see themselves doing in the future.

They tell us they could not see themselves staying on, they tell us they could not see how their learning was relevant to them and they tell us they didn’t believe their school would (or did) support them as they faced difficulties. They tell us of the disconnect between their lives at home and in the community and their experience of school.

Looking back on his early high school in a mainstream school Axel told us:

Let’s say that they put me in the wrong classes – classes that I didn’t want to do I wasn’t interested in. The more classes they put me in that I wasn’t interested in the more it just deterred me from wanting to go to school.

Why are students disengaging?

Another way to look at this issue is to look at how education policy has changed over the same period. Over the last decade, with the advent of NAPLAN, testing has become much more important in Australian schools.

This is part of a global trend where standardised tests are used as a measure of accountability in education systems. As we have seen with last week’s My School update, the results are published and encourage national and even international competition.

This cannot help but narrow what schools concentrate on and what kind of student they value, if they want to be seen as a “successful” school.

These standardised measures leave little room for principals and schools to cater for the needs of different communities and individual students, who will all have different strengths, weaknesses and interests.




Read more:
The My School website has just been updated. What makes a ‘good’ school?


Schools need to be able to focus on more than tests

School attendance is as complex issue, made more complex by the pandemic.

But research shows if schools are able tailor learning and the day-to-day experience of school to meet the diverse needs of their students, this will help more young people feel like they belong at school. And this will increase the chances they will turn up and stay.

*Names have been changed

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. School attendance rates are dropping. We need to ask students why – https://theconversation.com/school-attendance-rates-are-dropping-we-need-to-ask-students-why-200537

What is trauma insurance and what do I need to know if I am considering getting it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tania Driver, Lecturer in Financial Planning, James Cook University

Photo by Michelle Leman/Pexels, CC BY

Trauma insurance (also known as crisis cover or critical illness insurance) is not a widely understood cover. Many people don’t even know it exists.

So, what is trauma insurance, when does it pay out and how is it different to private health insurance?




Read more:
What is income protection insurance – and how’s it different to total and permanent disability insurance?


A lump sum for life-threatening medical conditions

Trauma insurance provides a benefit for life-threatening medical conditions that seriously compromise the insured person’s current and future quality of life.

Examples of major trauma medical conditions include:

  • cardiovascular conditions
  • cancer
  • stroke and
  • kidney failure.

So the word trauma here doesn’t refer to what you might usually think of as traumatising events, such as a car accident or abuse. Rather, it refers to specific life-threatening medical conditions.

The exact conditions covered will vary from policy to policy and are always defined in the policy document – so make sure you read it carefully.

The payout received from this cover ideally should be enough to pay off the mortgage (if you have one), with money left over for medical expenses, rehabilitation and any living expenses.

The amount you get will depend on your policy and your circumstances but could be in the hundreds of thousands or even millions.

A cancer patient looks out the window.
The exact conditions covered will vary from policy to policy.

When can you make a trauma insurance claim?

To be able to make a trauma insurance claim, the insured person does not have to die or be permanently disabled by severe medical trauma.

Instead, the benefit amount is payable if one of the “medical events” you’re insured against – a stroke, for example – occurs. However, you only get the payout if the definition of that event in your trauma insurance policy is satisfied.

It is important to understand what is covered and what is not.

Some insurance companies cover more than 30 conditions, but some limit themselves to just a few major ones.

So how is trauma insurance different to other types of insurance?

Trauma insurance pays a lump sum when a person becomes critically ill or injured. That’s regardless of whether or not the insured person can still work or will be able to work in future.

Unlike total and permanent disability insurance, the insured person does not need to be totally and permanently disabled.

Income protection insurance usually pays a percentage of the insured person’s income, so they can sustain the quality of life they had before illness or disability. Trauma insurance, on the other hand, pays out a lump sum.

And unlike trauma insurance, both total and permanent disability and income protection insurances can be purchased within a superannuation account. Superannuation funds are not permitted to offer trauma insurance, so if you want trauma insurance you have to pay for this cover from your own pocket.

Research interviews I conducted with financial advisers and consumers revealed most people who see financial advisers do not know much about trauma insurance. In fact, 25 out of 40 (63%) consumers I interviewed said they had never heard of it.

Some of the consumers I spoke to were confused about the difference between trauma insurance and private health insurance. Many thought they were very similar, if not the same.

Many people do not realise private health insurance pays only for a hospital stay (and, if you have extras cover, may reduce the cost of certain non-hospital treatments). It doesn’t cover ongoing living costs.

A woman looks at the fine print.
Always read the fine print.
Photo by Matilda Wormwood/Pexels, CC BY

Important things to check before you buy trauma insurance

Most trauma insurance policies have a waiting period before you can claim anything (usually about 90 days).

Importantly, most self-inflicted injuries or illnesses will not be covered by the majority of trauma policies.

Death or disability caused by attempted suicide usually has a waiting period of 13 months, after which, in most cases, the insurer will pay out. If you die by suicide then your next of kin will get the lump sum.

Any pre-existing medical conditions must be disclosed at the time of application; the insurer may choose to exclude those conditions or apply a loading (which makes premiums more expensive).

If pre-existing conditions are not disclosed at the start, you run the risk of particular claims being rejected in future.

Trauma insurance does not cover mental health conditions. This is probably due to the fact people who claim for a mental health condition are likely to claim again.

If you’ve got or are considering getting trauma insurance, make sure you check the definitions of what it covers, as well as the specific inclusions and exclusions.

Trauma insurance is relatively expensive. That’s chiefly because the possibility of a claim is higher than many other types of personal insurance.

A person does walking rehab exercises.
The payout received ideally should be enough to cover things like mortgage, medical expenses and rehabilitation.
Shutterstock

Possible peace of mind

Overall, trauma insurance is expensive but may offer some people peace of mind they will have the money needed to pay privately for medical expenses and treatments if a serious medical event strikes.

If the cover is high enough to pay off a person’s outstanding debts, this may take the financial pressure away so they can concentrate on recovering from illness.

This will also reduce the financial burden on the government, as the insured person will not need to claim any payments from Centrelink.




Read more:
How to switch health insurers if you’re worried about cybersecurity, costs or claims


The Conversation

Tania Driver does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is trauma insurance and what do I need to know if I am considering getting it? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-trauma-insurance-and-what-do-i-need-to-know-if-i-am-considering-getting-it-199104

Southeast Asian movies have never been a bigger hit at the local box office – and the boom may dampen streaming growth

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nasya Bahfen, Senior Lecturer, Department of Media and Communication, La Trobe University

Maryam Dari Pagi Ke Malam (Maryam From Day to Night) made its debut at Rotterdam Film Festival. Anomalous Films/Rhu Graha

After premiering at Venice and picking up a swag of awards on the festival circuit, Indonesian political thriller Autobiography began its theatrical run in its home country this month.

The allegorical tale looks at the lingering impact of decades of military dictatorship. It is timely, as fears grow that Indonesia appears to be retreating into its authoritarian past.

Meanwhile, Malaysian drama Maryam Dari Pagi Ke Malam (Maryam From Day to Night) made its international debut at the 2023 Rotterdam Film Festival.

The film looks at societal and bureaucratic hurdles faced by a Muslim woman in her 50s who wants to marry her younger partner from an African country.

Last year saw attendance records smashed at screenings of homegrown movies across the two Southeast Asian countries.

But as fans flock back to the cinema, what is the future of streaming services in these countries?




Read more:
Death of a film legacy: remembering Indonesia’s Bachtiar Siagian


The roller coaster ride of the local box office

Locally made films haven’t always enjoyed a steady run of commercial or critical success.

Domestic films in Indonesia and Malaysia were popular and financially viable in the 1950s and early 1960s. Hits included films like Tiga Dara (Three Maidens) in Indonesia and Do Re Mi in Malaysia.

This success began to decline from the 1970s in the face of competition from foreign films and television, a lack of government support, and the Asian financial crisis.

The resurgence of Indonesia’s film industry began in the early 21st century, when cinema was able to take advantage of greater media freedom following the 1998 fall of Suharto.

Tertiary-educated filmmakers began to make their mark after graduating from local schools such as the Jakarta Institute of the Arts, or after returning home with film and media degrees from overseas.

The commercial and critical success of Mira Lesmana and Riri Riza’s 2002 politics-infused teen flick Ada Apa Dengan Cinta (What’s Up With Love?) is credited with jump-starting the local industry.

Lesmana marked the 20th anniversary of the film’s release on her Instagram, calling it a cultural phenomenon.

Today, films made in the region range from critically acclaimed work that is screened at international festivals, to box office draws catering to local tastes.

Local difficulties

Unlike Indonesia’s film industry, Malaysian cinema gets some support from the government.

But the size of Indonesia’s market, with its estimated movie-going audience of more than 40 million people, dwarfs Malaysia’s. This causes a disparity in funding and distribution opportunities.

Maryam Pagi Ke Malam producer Lutfi Hakim Ariff is trying to secure local screenings of the film after its sold-out international debut at Rotterdam.

Speaking from the Netherlands, Ariff says the film’s exploration of women’s rights and xenophobia in Malaysia “makes it difficult to get serious interest from distributors”. He believes the film is unlikely to receive official approval for release “in its current form”.

He hopes the movie’s lead actor (Malaysian cinema icon Datin Sofia Jane) will be a drawcard given the apparent appetite for domestic film consumption following a temporary setback when movie theatres were shut across the region during the pandemic.

The post-pandemic popularity of local films

Attendance figures for domestic films across the two nations have now come back with a vengeance as audiences choose to support local films over Hollywood blockbusters.

Less than a month after its theatrical release in September 2022, Curse of the Dancing Village – a campy horror aimed squarely at the archipelago’s domestic market – became the highest-grossing Indonesian film in history.

Around the same time, the historical biopic Mat Kilau became the highest-grossing Malaysian film of all time.

The story of a Malay warrior chief who fought against the British Empire in the late 19th century, the movie prompted a resurgence of local interest in pencak silat – the Southeast Asian martial art brought to Western attention by the 2011 Indonesian action film The Raid.

Its success suggests that in this region, audiences prefer to fork out to see their own culture and history depicted on screen instead of stories from foreign lands.

The challenges for streaming services

So while the cinema is booming, what is the state of streaming services?

While Southeast Asia is a growth market for streaming services, two factors may hamper the success of these services.

Global streaming services like Netflix, Disney Plus and Amazon are competing with cinema-goers in the region, as well as Chinese streaming providers and each other.

There is another big competitor facing these services: movie pirating.

Countries like Indonesia have a history of lax enforcement of intellectual property.

When content can be watched on social or video streaming sites for free, paying for a streaming service is novel – unlike paying for a comparatively affordable movie ticket as part of a social activity.

The recent success of films like Curse of the Dancing Village and Mat Kilau shows local audiences are interested in local stories, which are in short supply on the global streaming giants.

Streaming services wanting to crack the Indonesian or Malaysian markets will need to navigate the stories and genres which are likely to have mass appeal.




Read more:
How Indonesia’s most innovative filmmakers portrayed society and culture through 70 years of cinema


The Conversation

Nasya Bahfen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Southeast Asian movies have never been a bigger hit at the local box office – and the boom may dampen streaming growth – https://theconversation.com/southeast-asian-movies-have-never-been-a-bigger-hit-at-the-local-box-office-and-the-boom-may-dampen-streaming-growth-198516

Albanese government to appoint Coordinator for Cyber Security, amid increasing threat to systems and data

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Shutterstock

The federal government is further stepping up its efforts to improve Australia’s protection against increasing cyber threats, with Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Monday announcing the establishment of a Coordinator for Cyber Security.

The aim is to “ensure a centrally coordinated approach” to the government’s cyber security responsibilities. This would include coordinating and “triaging” action after a major incident.

The new coordinator will be backed up by a National Office for Cyber Security in the Home Affairs department.

Australia has recently seen serious cyber breaches involving Optus and Medibank. In the latter case, clients’ health information was posted on the dark web, after a ransom bid was rejected.

The new coordinator post will be announced at a Cyber Security Roundtable in Sydney, attended by Home Affairs Minister Clare O’Neil, peak industry bodies and civil society groups.

Also at the roundtable will be the Cyber Security Strategy Expert Advisory Board comprising former CEO of Telstra Andy Penn, former Air Force chief Mel Hupfeld, and CEO of the Cyber Security Cooperative Research Centre, Rachael Falk. The government appointed the board late last year.

The government will release the 2023-2030 Australian Cyber Security Strategy – Discussion Paper, which has been produced by the advisory board.

This is part of the preparation for a new Cyber Security Strategy.

The paper canvasses ramping up the legislative framework to meet the challenges of a worsening threat environment.

Reform of the Security of Critical Infrastructure Act could include adding customer data and “systems” in the definition of critical assets. This would ensure the government’s power under the act extended to major data breaches such as in the Medibank and Optus attacks, not just operational disruptions.




Read more:
Optus under fire from government over delaying information handover


A new cyber security act could bring together the cyber-specific legal obligations and standards across industry and government.

The paper also looks at opportunities for Australia to build on its existing international cyber partnerships, and the scope for contributing more to the setting of international standards on cyber security.

The government has said priorities for its new cyber security policy include increasing whole-of-nation protection efforts, ensuring critical infrastructure and government systems are resilient, building sovereign capabilities to tackle cyber threats, strengthening international engagement, and growing a national cyber workforce.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Albanese government to appoint Coordinator for Cyber Security, amid increasing threat to systems and data – https://theconversation.com/albanese-government-to-appoint-coordinator-for-cyber-security-amid-increasing-threat-to-systems-and-data-200699

‘Thank God’ says PM Marape in tweet about 3 freed hostages

RNZ News

A New Zealand professor and his two Papua New Guinean colleagues have been released from captivity, more than a week after being kidnapped by an armed gang.

Archaeologist Professor Bryce Barker, who now lives in Australia and works with the University of Southern Queensland (USQ), was held alongside fellow members of his research team.

They were doing fieldwork in a remote part of PNG’s Highlands when they were taken by a criminal gang from Hela Province who demanded a ransom for their freedom.

Their release brings to an end days of negotiations, and a complex security operation involving PNG police and defence personnel, in consultation with the Australian and New Zealand governments.

It comes two days after another woman who had also been taken was set free.

Prime Minister James Marape announced their release on his Facebook page, thanking Police Commissioner David Manning, the police force, military, leaders and community involved.

“We apologise to the families of those taken as hostages for ransom. It took us a whole but the last three [captives] has [sic] been successfully returned through covert operations with no $K3.5m paid.

“To criminals, there is no profit in crime. We thank God that life was protected.”

The Post-Courier had earlier reported that the kidnappers had demanded K3.5 million (NZ$1.6 million) for their release.

Mahuta praises the release
Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta praised the release on Twitter, welcoming their safe return.

The ABC named the released fellow members of his research team as Cathy Alex (set free earlier), Jemina Haro and PhD student Teppsy Beni.

The ABC reported that on February 12, Barker had shared a picture of his arrival in PNG’s capital on social media, captioning it simply “Port Moresby”.

‘Welcome to Port Moresby’
His friend Cathy Alex, a highly regarded local programme coordinator, replied: “Welcome to PNG”.

The two would soon be reuniting and heading into the country’s highlands as part of an ongoing archaeological research program with the University of Southern Queensland (USQ).

In a statement released to the ABC, USQ vice-chancellor Geraldine Mackenzie said the university was relieved to hear their much-loved colleague and his research team had been released.

“Professor Barker and his research team were in Papua New Guinea undertaking archaeological research,” Ms Mackenzie said.

“Bryce is a highly regarded archaeologist and a valued colleague at USQ and in the wider archaeological community. He has many years experience in undertaking research in PNG.

“Our deepest thanks go to the governments of Papua New Guinea, Australia and New Zealand, and the many people who worked tirelessly during this extremely difficult and sensitive time to secure their release.”

NZ pilot held in West Papua
Another New Zealander, pilot Phillip Mehrtens, is still apparently in captivity with pro-independence rebels after he landed a plane in Papua’s remote highlands.

There is no new information about whether or not he will be released.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Cyclone Gabrielle: Police report number of uncontactable people down to single figures

RNZ Pacific

New Zealand police report that the number of people cited as uncontactable following Cyclone Gabrielle has dropped to eight — down from 13 on Friday night.

Some of those were people who, “for a variety of reasons, do not engage with authorities”, police said in a statement.

However, getting in touch with them remained a priority and all avenues were being explored to try and locate them.

Thousands had been reported as uncontactable after the cyclone caused widespread destruction across the North Island.

Monitoring crimes in storm-hit communities
Police said that in the 24 hours to 7pm on Saturday, 534 prevention activities had been carried out in the Eastern District, including reassurance patrols and proactive engagements with storm-hit communities.

Twenty-four people had been arrested for a variety of offences, including burglary, car theft, serious assault, and disorder.

Fourteen of the arrests were in Hawke’s Bay, police said, and 10 were in Tai Rāwhiti.

An investigation into an incident in which a police patrol car was damaged in Wairoa around 10.30pm last night was ongoing.

Police said a headlight on the patrol car was damaged after they responded to a breach of the peace in Churchill Avenue.

Three people were arrested when they attempted to leave the address and a firearm was seized, police said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Pacific leaders commit to Forum reforms and ‘family unity’

By Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific journalist, and Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific digital and social media journalist

The Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) is now “a family reconciled” as its leaders have reaffirmed their commitment to reforms to strengthen the regional body.

Stepping back into the fold, Kiribati President Taneti Maamau inked the final signature on the Suva Agreement ending two years of uncertainty and marking the start of a new chapter for Pacific solidarity.

“In unity we will surely succeed,” Maamau told RNZ Pacific.

“We have a duty as a Pacific family to keep us together and to meet the challenges together,” he added.

The reforms deemed “non-negotiables” include the endorsement of Micronesian candidates for certain regional roles and the establishment of two sub-regional offices in the north Pacific.

The result is Nauru’s former president, Baron Waqa, is set to become the next PIF secretary-general starting in 2024.

Current Forum Deputy Secretary-General Filimon Manoni, a Marshall Islander, will become the Pacific Ocean Commissioner hosted in Palau, and Kiribati will be home to the PIF sub-regional office in Micronesia.

All in the family - Pacific Islands Forum leaders pose for a photograph at a special retreat to chart the way forward for regional unity. Denarau, Fiji 24 February 2023
All in the family – Pacific Islands Forum leaders pose for a photograph at a special retreat to chart the way forward for regional unity at Denarau on Friday. Image: Pacific Islands Forum/RNZ Pacific

Australia and New Zealand have agreed to foot the bill and committed to “transitional funding of NZ$3 million towards the operationalisation of the Suva Agreement” over the next three years.

“The fracture is now history,” outgoing PIF Secretary-General Henry Puna said.

“We have all collectively decided to move on and today we have cemented that . . . we are not looking back at all,” Puna said.

A range of other issues were also discussed by the leaders, such as Japan’s plans to release over a million tonnes of treated nuclear wastewater into the Pacific Ocean.

“Forum leaders reaffirmed the importance of science and data to guide the political decisions on the proposed discharge,” the final communique for the 5th Forum Special Leaders Retreat stated.

They also agreed – in response to increased geopolitical tensions in the region – to establish a permanent representation at the UN and in Washington in the form of a PIF special envoy to the United States to “report back to Leaders at the 52nd Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting in the Cook Islands.”

Fiji passes baton to Cook Islands
Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka said he was “pleased to be able to contribute” towards the final outcomes of the Nadi meeting.

“As I hand over the baton, I know that we are in good hands as we paddle our drua (canoe) to achieve our collective aspirations,” said Rabuka in his final statement as outgoing Forum chair.

The chairmanship has been transferred to the Cook Islands which will host the 52nd PIF summit later this year.

Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown has promised to keep the region’s “unity intact”.

Brown said that while the main challenges in the Suva Agreement had been overcome with the allocation of offices within the region, “resourcing and financing” were issues that would need attention.

“We have to thank the governments of Australia and New Zealand for providing that support for the next three years,” he said.

“But I would expect that there will be more work done by officials to actually finalise what the financing requirements will be as negotiations will take place for costs and resources.”

The final member of the Forum Troika and next in line for chair is Tonga.

Other decisions
Other decisions set out in the communique included:

  • PIF leaders pledging their support for Australia’s joint bid to host COP31 alongside Pacific countries.
  • Support for a draft resolution to the UN General Assembly seeking an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on climate change and human rights.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

West Papua: ‘We’re proud Fijians today’ over Rabuka support

By Felix Chaudhary in Suva

“We are proud Fijians and Melanesians today” — Fiji Council of Social Services executive director Vani Catanasiga said this in the wake of news that Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka has confirmed his support for West Papua’s bid for full membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group.

“We are overjoyed and are in celebration right now as the news is being conveyed through various social media channels to our members across the country,” she said.

“This is the principled and compassionate leadership we have all been waiting for and were denied in the past 16 years.

“Vinaka vakalevu Mr Rabuka — we are proud Fijians and Melanesians today.

“Thank you to the chiefs who welcomed and committed support to the case, Ratu Epenisa Cakobau and Ro Teimumu Kepa.

“Thank you to the Reverend Kolivuso of Faith Harvest Church and his congregation for hosting the West Papua Delegation last Sunday.

‘Historical day’
“It is a historical day for Fiji and I’m sure this will be celebrated by our kinfolk in West Papua.

“This decision and announcement takes West Papua closer to their goal for self determination and freedom from oppression and abuse.”

Catanasiga issued the statement following a meeting between United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) president Benny Wenda and Prime Minister Rabuka in Nadi on Thursday.

After the historic meeting, Rabuka tweeted, “Yes, we will support them (United Liberation Movement for West Papua) because they are Melanesians. I am more hopeful (ULMWP) gaining full MSG membership. I am not taking it for granted.

“The dynamics may have changed slightly but the principles are the same”.

Speaking to The Fiji Times prior to meeting with Rabuka, Wenda said that by gaining full membership of the MSG he hoped to engage in discussions with Indonesia on the human rights abuses and issues facing his people and seek a way forward that would benefit both parties.

Felix Chaudhary is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Ukraine a year on – how the invasion changed NZ foreign policy

ANALYSIS: By Alexander Gillespie, University of Waikato

One year to the day since Russian tanks ran over the Ukraine border — and over the UN Charter and international law in the process — the world is less certain and more dangerous than ever.

For New Zealand, the war has also presented a unique foreign policy challenge.

The current generation of political leaders initially responded to the invasion in much the same way previous generations responded to the First and Second World Wars: if a sustainable peace was to be achieved, international treaties and law were the mechanism of choice.

But when it was apparent these higher levels of maintaining international order had gridlocked because of the Russian veto at the UN Security Council, New Zealand moved back towards its traditional security relationships.

Like other Western alliance countries, New Zealand didn’t put boots on the ground, which would have meant becoming active participants in the conflict. But nor did New Zealand plead neutrality.

It has not remained indifferent to the aggression and atrocities, or their implications for a rule-based world.

The issue one year on is whether this original position is still viable. And if not, what are the military, humanitarian, diplomatic and legal challenges now?

Military spending
While New Zealand has no troops or personnel in Ukraine, it has given direct support.

Defence force personnel assist with training, intelligence, logistics, liaison, and command and administration support. There has also been funding and supplied equipment worth more than NZ$22 million.

This has been welcomed, although it is considerably less on a proportional basis than the assistance offered by other like-minded countries. However, the deeper questions involve how the war has affected defence policies and spending overall internationally.

While New Zealand’s current Defence Policy Review is important at the policy level, the implications affect all citizens and political parties. Specifically, most countries — allies or not — are increasing military spending and collaborating to develop new generations of weapons.

For New Zealand, this calls into question the longer-term feasibility of its relatively low spending of 1.5 percent of GDP on defence. And Wellington is increasingly being left out of collaborative arrangements (AUKUS being just one example), which in turn reinforce alliances and provide pathways to technology.

This is tied to the largest question of all: whether New Zealand wishes to relegate itself to becoming a regional “police officer” or wants to carry its fair share of being part of an interlinked modern military deterrent.

Diplomacy and domestic law
New Zealand also needs to reconsider its commitment to humanitarian assistance. So far, almost $13 million has been spent and a special visa created allowing New Zealand-Ukrainians to bring family members in for two years. With the war showing no sign of ending, this will likely need to extend.

But New Zealand’s non-neutral status also means it has other responsibilities, and should consider greater assistance with the Ukrainian refugee emergency. This would require going beyond the current visa scheme, and opening and expanding the refugee quota programme’s current cap of 1500.

Diplomatically, New Zealand also has to start considering what peace would look like. This raises hard questions about territorial integrity, accountability for war crimes, reparations and what might happen to populations that do not want to be part of Ukraine.

New Zealand has enacted a stand-alone law to apply sanctions on Russia. But because this now sits outside the broken multilateral UN system, a degree of caution is called for, given the door is now open to sanction other countries, UN mandate or not.

Russian President Vladimir Putin
Russian President Vladimir Putin used his state-of-the-nation speech to announce Moscow was suspending participation in the New START nuclear arms reduction treaty. Image: Getty Images/The Conversation

Preparing for the worst
Finally, New Zealand needs to prepare for the worst. The war is showing no sign of calming down. Weapons and combatant numbers are escalating unsustainably.

Nuclear arms control is in freefall, with Russian President Vladimir Putin suspending participation in the New START Treaty, the last remaining agreement between Russia and the United States.

At the same time, the US has ramped up the rhetoric, suggesting China might supply arms to Russia, and declaring unequivocally that Russia has committed crimes against humanity in Ukraine.

Were China to go against Western demands and provide weapons, countries like New Zealand will be in a very difficult position: its leading security ally, the US, may expect penalties to be imposed against its leading trade partner, China.

While Putin may be able to live with the rising death toll of his own soldiers (already over 100,000), at some point the Russian population won’t be. As the US discovered in Vietnam, it was not the external enemy that ultimately prevailed, it was domestic unrest, as more people turned against an unpopular war.

How Putin will respond to a war he cannot win conventionally, while risking losing popularity and position at home, is impossible to predict.

Everyone might hope his nuclear threats are a bluff, but New Zealand’s leaders would be wise to plan for the worst.

Whether a small, distant, non-neutral South Pacific nation might be a direct target or not is conjecture. What is not speculation, however, is that if the Ukraine war spins out of control, New Zealand would be in an emergency unlike anything it’s witnessed before.The Conversation

Dr Alexander Gillespie, professor of law, University of Waikato. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

PNG’s Marape on the Mt Bosavi hostages: ‘Free them all’

By Rebecca Kuku in Port Moresby

Prime Minister James Marape has urged armed captors to free the remaining four hostages which includes an Australian-based New Zealand professor, following the release of a local woman and three local guides.

“These are citizens of our country and a friend of our country. Let’s settle this the Melanesian way,” Marape said.

“We know who you are.”

Marape, who is in Fiji for the Pacific Islands Forum “unity” summit this week, said the full names and pictures of the 13 people involved in the kidnapping were with police.

“[You have] been identified. So release the [remaining] four hostages,” he said.

The armed men, reported to be from Hela, kidnapped the seven researchers and guides on Sunday for a cash ransom at Fogomaiyu village near Mt Bosavi on the border of Southern Highlands and Hela.

The PNG woman was released with the four local guides.

One guide stays with professor
But one guide chose to remain with the professor, who is a permanent resident of Australia and teaches at the University of Southern Queensland.

The seven included a female staff of the National Museum, a Woman Leader Network member, an anthropology graduate of the University of Papua New Guinea, who is doing field work with the professor, and four local guides.

Marape called on the kidnappers, who were known to authorities, to release the four remaining hostages.

Marape said that the hostages were well.

“We are working with locals in the area as intermediaries to negotiate the safe release of the four,” he said.

Second such incident
Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso said this was the second such incident to happen in the area.

“It is not an organised crime, but a group of opportunists, who are heavily involved in the guns and drugs trade in the region who are doing this. It was a chance encounter,” he said.

“The safety of the remaining four people still held as hostages remain paramount.

“We are negotiating for their safe release.”

Deputy Police Commissioner Dr Philip Mitna said police were talking to the armed men through intermediaries.

“We are treating the matter as serious,” he said.

Rebecca Kuku is a reporter for The National. Republished with permission.

Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Cyclone Gabrielle: More heavy rain for NZ’s disaster-hit northern regions

RNZ News

New Zealand civil defence staff have sent out text alerts to residents in North and West Auckland today to avoid unecessary travel as thunderstorms brought localised downpours.

Those in Rodney, Helensville, Upper Harbour, Te Atatu and Henderson Valley received an emergency alert on their mobiles this evening as the rain has increased the risk of landsliding and flooding.

Bethells Beach, Piha, Karekare and Muriwai, which have been cut off since Cyclone Gabrielle, have also received the the mobile alert.

Areas north of Auckland were hit by the sudden torrential downpour this afternoon causing slips, road closures and surface flooding in towns including Mangawhai, Wellsford and Te Arai.

The intersection of State Highway 1 and Mangawhai Road is closed, say police.

Motorists are able to continue north on State Highway 1, but cannot access Mangawhai Road.

Police said there were slips in north-west Auckland, especially in Mangawhai.

Meanwhile, heavy rain warnings remained in place for Hawke’s Bay, Gisborne and the Coromandel — all regions devastated by last week’s cyclone — as they braced for more downpours this weekend.

Metservice said the heaviest rain for Hawke’s Bay would be during Saturday morning with the risk of thunderstorms.

An evacuation order has been issued for people in the Esk Valley ahead of the heavy rain. It took effect from 1.30pm today.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Australian emergency workers on alert for more flooding in the Esk Valley area, Hawke's Bay
Australian emergency workers on alert for more flooding in the Esk Valley area, Hawke’s Bay. Image: 1News screenshot APR
An Esk Valley house damaged by the floods after a week's clean-up operations
An Esk Valley house damaged by the floods after a week’s clean-up operations. Image: 1News screenshot APR
Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Billionaire stoush over alleged media bias highlights the need for greater media diversity

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tim Dwyer, Associate Professor, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney

The recent stoush between mining magnate Andrew “Twiggy” Forrest and media mogul Kerry Stokes is just the latest flashing neon sign above the parlous state of media diversity in Australia.

Laws protecting media diversity in Australia have been gradually dismantled in recent decades. Because of this, their objective of preventing a select few media owners or voices from having too much influence over public opinion and the political agenda has been placed at risk.

But traditional approaches to protecting media diversity may be less effective as the role of online news – now curated for us using algorithms – becomes ever more prominent in our news diets. This could require a new approach.

Misuse of media power?

Stokes’ Seven West Media owns the West Australian Newspaper, the only major daily paper in Perth. Stokes also has a controlling interest in the mining equipment company WesTrac, which supplies Caterpillar mining machinery.

Forrest’s Fortescue Metals previously had a supply arrangement with WesTrac. But he then placed on order to purchase 120 emission-free, hauling trucks from the German Liebherr company, putting him in direct competition with WesTrac.

Forrest claims this move was met with “biased, inflammatory and inaccurate” coverage about his company in Seven West Media.

In a complaint to Communications Minister Michelle Rowland, Mark Hutchinson, the chief executive of Fortescue Future Industries, described what he calls “the misuse of the West Australian newspaper to pursue commercial interests”. He added, according to the ABC:

The West’s coverage has gone far beyond fair scrutiny and is clearly driven by fossil fuel interests with the aim of damaging Fortescue’s green energy mission.

‘System not fit-for-purpose’

Hutchinson says the issues points to a wider problem: the lack of media diversity in Perth, which has only one major daily newspaper for a city of two million.

That Seven West Media is one of only three major commercial corporations owning the bulk of Australian media – alongside News Corp and Nine Entertainment – is a sad indictment of the state of our media ownership laws.

With such a highly concentrated media ownership, the partisanship of big news brands has become the norm. The Senate inquiry into media diversity has investigated a litany of problems associated with this, deeming Australian media regulation a “system not fit-for-purpose”.

For example, Australia’s relationship with China, its largest trading partner, is typically cast in hyperbolic “war drums” language by the Murdoch media. And during the pandemic, News Corp’s online tabloids were especially keen to link COVID with China. China scholar David Brophy documented in his book, China Panic, how Sky News seized on a “dodgy-dossier” linking COVID to a laboratory in the city of Wuhan.

More recently, News Corp is it again, this time airing an hour-long special advocating for a doubling of Australia’s military spending so the country can be protected against the imminent and “inevitable” Chinese invasion.

In its final report, the media diversity inquiry commented,

It is noteworthy that the overwhelming majority of the evidence to this inquiry relates to one dominant media organisation, News Corp.




Read more:
News Corp’s job cuts cast a shadow over the future of its newspapers


How Europe is leading the way

To counter unaccountable media power and a lack of transparency in media ownership, the European Commission has recently proposed a new regulatory framework: the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

Introducing the new framework, EU commissioner Thierry Breton said it contains

[…]common safeguards at EU level to guarantee a plurality of voices and that our media are able to operate without any interference, be it private or public.

He said a new European watchdog would be set up to ensure transparency in media ownership. Another key feature will require EU member states to test the impact of media market concentrations on media pluralism and editorial independence.

At a recent EU parliament hearing, a media freedom expert, Elda Brogi, explained how the new measures benefit the public as well as regulators:

[…] it helps media users to understand how ownership may influence the [news] content.

A better method for measuring media diversity

The Australian government and its principal media regulator, the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), have recently released a discussion paper seeking comment on developing a sophisticated new way to monitor media diversity in Australia.

This is the second phase of a process begun in 2020. The goal is to assess how Australians actually consume online news, including personalised news delivered to them through social media, search engines and news aggregators.

The current media diversity rules are based on an assessment of the ownership and control of media outlets. However, as ACMA says, this misses the volume of news being published and consumed online. This omission is “notable”, the group says, given 81% of Australians access news content online.

This news measurement model will be able to track the level of connection of stories (news connected to localities), the extent of originality (unique news stories), and the level of civic journalism (news of public significance).

This kind of internationally informed and evidenced-based approach is urgently needed to truly gauge the level of media concentration in Australia and determine its impact on public interest journalism and the news people read. Only then can we put in place new regulations that will have a real impact.




Read more:
Forget calls for a royal commission into Australia’s big media players – this is the inquiry we really need


The Conversation

Tim Dwyer receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Billionaire stoush over alleged media bias highlights the need for greater media diversity – https://theconversation.com/billionaire-stoush-over-alleged-media-bias-highlights-the-need-for-greater-media-diversity-200354

Passive vaping – time we see it like secondhand smoke and stand up for the right to clean air

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Renee Bittoun, Conjoint Professor of Nicotine Addiction, Avondale University and, University of Notre Dame Australia

Shutterstock

A medical student of mine recently said he loved the smell of vanilla in the house he shared with friends who vaped. “That’s OK, right?” he asked. “Well no,” I said, “If you can smell the vanilla you are probably getting nicotine as well.”

Nicotine is colourless and odourless, and is extremely well absorbed through your respiratory tract, including your nose, mouth, airways and even your ears.

Vapers exhale nicotine and chemicals, including the sweet-smelling flavourings. Bystanders can then breathe them in. The lung defences of smokers, vapers and bystanders are overwhelmed by repeated exposure.

There is a lot of vaping going on in young people aged between 18 and 24. Despite a good amount of debate about the health effects of vaping, there is scant discussion around the risk of passive vaping and the consequences for the health and wellbeing of non-vapers and their right to inhale clean air.




Read more:
Marketers are targeting teens with cheap and addictive vapes: 9 ways to stem rising rates of youth vaping


Breathing out, breathing in

Researchers have examined the content of exhaled vapour from users in confined spaces, like cars, and larger venues. Although levels were lower than for tobacco cigarettes, they described levels of the exhaled toxic substances as “ambient air pollution” that should be avoided to protect the health of non-smokers and non-vapers.

The evidence for the effects of passive vaping on the heart is emerging but researchers have compared it to passive smoking, which can clog arteries and cause clotting problems. Publications that demonstrate the harmful respiratory effects of passive vaping are growing.

man exhaling vapour
Australian state laws prohibit vaping in smoke-free areas.
Richard Mundl (CTK via AP Images)



Read more:
Vaping-related lung disease now has a name – and a likely cause. 5 things you need to know about EVALI


Lessons from passive smoking

In the late 1980s, passive smoking became the impetus to change legislation around tobacco use.

Health professionals had learnt decades earlier from a study of British doctors who smoked that tobacco smoking caused immense harm and early death in smokers. But later they began to understand that living with a smoker, working with smokers or having close repeated exposure to someone else’s smoke could cause lung cancer, chronic bronchitis, worsen asthma and heart diseases in a non-smoker. The effects of passive smoking on children too were very concerning.

Advocacy groups began defacing or “refacing” billboard tobacco advertising and ridiculing their advertising. In 1982, I wrote a paper published in the Medical Journal of Australia called A Tracheostomy for the Marlboro Man about these efforts, the legal repercussions and the challenges from the tobacco industry.

By the 1990s, people had started suing hospitality venues and workplaces for putting them in harms’ way by exposing them to “secondhand smoke”. Successes led to changes in legislation.

Attitudes changed and non-smokers’ rights came to the fore. We were all able to live in a smoke-free environment in Australia for decades.

What does the law say about secondhand vapour?

In Australia, vaping restrictions are in line with laws around smoke-free areas and World Health Organization recommendations.

For example, New South Wales legislation says people cannot use e-cigarettes in smoke-free areas under the Smoke-free Environment Act 2000. These include:

  • all enclosed public places
  • within ten metres of children’s play equipment
  • public swimming pools
  • spectator areas at sports grounds or other recreational areas used for organised sporting events
  • public transport stops and platforms, including ferry wharves and taxi ranks
  • within four metres of a pedestrian access point to a public building
  • commercial outdoor dining areas
  • in a car with a child under 16.

Vaping on public transport vehicles such as trains, buses, light rail, ferries is also banned.

But people are still vaping in their homes and other places where it’s permitted. The attitudinal change that made tobacco smoking around others socially unacceptable is yet to develop.

young person with cloud of smoke or vapour around her head
You can breathe in nicotine and flavourings from others’ vaping.
Shutterstock



Read more:
My teen’s vaping. What should I say? 3 expert tips on how to approach ‘the talk’


Are smoke-free areas enough?

Though debate continues about vaping, its safety and efficacy as a quitting aid, we cannot wait for years, to see the full effects of passive vaping.

Based on the public health precautionary principle, today’s challenge is to engage and inform non-vapers, particularly young non-vapers, about their rights to be “vape free”, breathe in clean air and take a stand.




Read more:
Passive vaping: an impending threat to bystanders


The Conversation

Renee Bittoun does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Passive vaping – time we see it like secondhand smoke and stand up for the right to clean air – https://theconversation.com/passive-vaping-time-we-see-it-like-secondhand-smoke-and-stand-up-for-the-right-to-clean-air-198766

What is Tourette syndrome, the condition Lewis Capaldi lives with?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Efron, Associate Professor, department of paediatrics, The University of Melbourne

You might have seen the news fans of singer Lewis Capaldi helped him finish a song at a concert this week, after symptoms of his Tourette syndrome suddenly flared up and temporarily prevented him from performing.

So, what is Tourette syndrome and how is it managed?

Here’s what you need to know.




Read more:
Billie Eilish and Tourette’s: our new study reveals what it’s really like to live with the condition


What is Tourette syndrome?

Georges Gilles de la Tourette
The condition is named after 19th century researcher Gilles de la Tourette.
Eugène Pirou/Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de santé/Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

Named after 19th century researcher Gilles de la Tourette, Tourette syndrome is a neurological or neurodevelopmental condition.

It’s characterised by tics, which are involuntary movements or vocalisations.

Many people have simple tics, especially children. But the official definition of Tourette syndrome is motor and vocal tics nearly every day over more than 12 months.

There are two types of tics: motor tics and vocal tics.

Common motor tics often involve the head and neck. They can include things like:

  • eye blinking

  • facial grimacing

  • jerking the head and neck

  • mouth movements

  • shoulder jerks or jerking other parts of the body.

Vocal tics can include:

  • throat clearing sounds

  • humming sounds

  • huffing or grunting

  • sniffing

  • high pitched squeals

  • part of a word or syllable

  • sometimes whole words or phrases.

Sometimes in more severe cases of Tourette syndrome, people might have more complex tics and more orchestrated sequences of movements. This can include, for example, turning in a certain direction or tapping something a certain number of times. Often it’s a sequence that feels right for that person, which they have to complete to relieve tension.

Initially there is what we call a “premonitory urge”. It’s like an itch or the feeling you get before you sneeze. There’s a build-up up of tension and it’s relieved by the expression of the tic.

People are often able to recognise this feeling prior to the tic and that’s an important part of tic management.

Tics usually have onset in childhood, typically in the early primary school years, but occasionally later in life.

Man with facial tic
Common motor tics often involve the head and neck.
Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock



Read more:
Why is my eye twitching?


Tourette syndrome often runs a frustratingly waxing and waning course. There may be periods where it’s not noticed for weeks or even months and then it comes back.

Sometimes tics get worse in response to stress, like the start of a new school term or moving house. Sometimes they get worse for no reason at all.

There can be an element of suggestibility; talking about a tic can bring on that tic.

There’s also a degree of suppressibility. People with tics can either subconsciously or consciously suppress them. Kids often don’t have many tics at school because they know they might get teased, but after school the parent often sees a lot of tics come flowing out.

People can often camouflage tics. For example, if they have an urge to jerk their arm, they may scratch their chin and transform it into something else. That’s often a part of treatment or a method their team may work with them on.

How is it treated?

Often we don’t need to do anything about Tourette syndrome because it’s not causing problems in terms of a person’s self-esteem or their broader life. They can still hold a pen or a spoon and it’s not affecting their day-to-day function.

Most cases are not severe and the tics don’t need any intervention.

But many kids with Tourette syndrome also have other conditions such as ADHD, OCD and anxiety. So if the Tourette syndrome isn’t causing harm the paediatrician may be more concerned about treating those issues first.

The marker for Tourette syndrome needing treatment is whether it’s bothering the child.

If it is, we consider what we can do about the tics themselves. They are quite hard to treat.

A psychologist will usually work on general anxiety management strategies, as anxiety can be a significant driver of tics.

There is also a treatment strategy known as comprehensive behavioural intervention for tics, which is a dedicated program to help people manage their tics. But it can be difficult to access due to availability.

There are medications for severe cases but they’re not very effective at reducing tics and can cause side effects.




Read more:
Tourette syndrome: Finally, something to shout about


Why do some people get Tourette syndrome?

We think Tourette is largely genetic.

It’s nothing to do with anything the parents have done or the child has done, and it’s not caused by anything that happened during pregnancy.

It’s not one gene that causes it but rather a combination.

Reducing stigma is key

Tourette syndrome is, by nature, a highly stigmatising condition because at the severe end people can do very unusual things and draw attention to themselves, through no fault of their own, which can cause embarrassment.

One thing we can do for kids, if they are able to, is suggest they go to their school with the support of a carer or parent and talk to classmates about their Tourette. They explain what it is and why they can’t help it. Often that can lead to more acceptance from other kids.

Most people with Tourette syndrome can live normal lives.

Education is key to reducing stigma. The Tourette Syndrome Association of Australia has some great information and resources.

The Conversation

Daryl Efron does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is Tourette syndrome, the condition Lewis Capaldi lives with? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-tourette-syndrome-the-condition-lewis-capaldi-lives-with-200630

King Gizzard and Sampa the Great abandoning Bluesfest highlights the power of artists to change the culture of the music industry

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine Strong, Associate professor, Music Industry, RMIT University

King Gizzard and the Lizard Wizard Jason Galea

On Monday, psychedelic rock band King Gizzard and the Lizard Wizard announced they were withdrawing from their scheduled headlining appearance at the Byron Bay Bluesfest in April.

On their social media they attributed this decision to Bluesfest “presenting content” that did not align with their values of being opposed to “misogyny, racism, transphobia and violence”.

Sampa the Great has since also withdrawn from the festival.

While not stated directly by either artist, the widely held assumption is that these decisions were prompted by the announcement the band Sticky Fingers had been added to the line-up.

Sticky Fingers have been a controversial group, with accusations of misogynist, racist and transphobic abuse having been levelled at lead singer Dylan Frost.

Bluesfest director Peter Noble defended his decision to include Sticky Fingers. He cited the length of time since the alleged offences and the singer’s mental health issues as reasons why they should be allowed to appear at the festival.

This response has echoes of Noble’s reaction to Bluesfest being called out in 2018 for a lineup that included only 15% women.

In both cases, his replies are marked by defensiveness and a refusal to admit there may be any issue to answer for.

What’s going on?

Understanding why many are frustrated by Noble’s responses requires a look at the context. The past few years have been something of a reckoning for the Australian music industry.

Women, LGBTIQ+ communities, First Nations people and people of colour have long been underrepresented, excluded and subject to harassment and violence in the Australian music industry. These groups are routinely underrepresented in festival line-ups, radio airplay and as the recipients of prestigious industry awards.

White men disproportionately hold positions of power in the industry.

The male-dominated nature of the industry has serious impacts. The “boys club” culture contributes towards the normalisation and occurrence of gender-based violence.

Women who have experienced sexism and violence reduce their participation or leave the industry. This limits whose voices and creative work we hear.

We all lose when people from marginalised groups are actively excluded.

Women and others within the industry are increasingly unwilling to remain silent about the sexual harassment, violence and discrimination to which they are subject.

Artists such as Camp Cope and Jaguar Jonze have been instrumental in drawing attention to these issues.




Read more:
Camp Cope leaves the Australian music industry forever changed by their fearless feminist activism


The activist Instagram account Beneath the Glass Ceiling routinely exposes incidents of sexual violence and harassment in the industry. Infamously, former Sony Australia boss Dennis Handlin was fired after a culture of endemic bullying was brought to light.

In 2022 several key industry bodies commissioned a study looking at working conditions within music in Australia. Raising Their Voices showed widespread discrimination, bullying and exclusion within music spaces. It noted “harmful behaviours can be normalised across the music industry”.

To create a more healthy and inclusive environment, one of the report’s recommendations was to create a centralised body where industry workers could report incidents, and where accountability might be possible.

The recent cultural policy Revive has provided for a body along these lines. The Centre for Arts and Entertainment Workplaces will provide support to people in the arts who have experienced discrimination, harassment or bullying.

But there are considerable challenges to reporting and addressing harassment within an industry where getting work is often dependent on “who you know”.

Those who speak up risk being ostracised.

Sampa The Great has also withdrawn from Bluesfest.
Travys Owen



Read more:
Pay, safety and welfare: how the new Centre for Arts and Entertainment Workplaces can strengthen the arts sector


The show must go on?

This is where the actions of King Gizzard and Sampa the Great are pivotal. Artists’ willingness to stand by their values is key to counteracting the normalisation of harmful behaviours noted by the Raising Their Voices report.

Taking a stance is important in keeping the discussion going around these issues. The withdrawal of these bands from performing consequently raises questions around the social licence of bands, festivals or organisations who repeatedly act as though harm minimisation and inclusiveness are not their problem.

It has been suggested – as it often is when artists take a stance – King Gizzard should not be political, but just be performers. This simplistic argument ignores the way art is often drawn from politics. It also ignores the significant social and cultural capital some artists possess, placing them in a position of power and influence to generate change.

This is not to say there should never be forgiveness, or that people who have caused harm should be “cancelled” in perpetuity (though in some cases this might be appropriate).

However, as we have seen with other high-profile men accused of sexual and other violence, they are often welcomed back into public life without having been held to account and without meaningful steps to make reparations or to change their attitudes and behaviour.

The experiences of their victims are often sidelined in this process. This perpetuates a culture in which harmful actions are condoned and excused at the expense of the safety and wellbeing of others.

Generating meaningful change

Building on the work of the Music Industry Review, there is a need for a sustained dialogue about how we can ensure those who cause harm are appropriately held to account. How can people make amends for their actions? How do we know if it is safe for them to be welcomed back into the industry?

In the absence of meaningful processes of accountability, artists using their position of influence to take a stand against harmful behaviour is a key lever for generating change.




Read more:
Is sexual abuse and exploitation rife in the music industry?


The Conversation

Catherine Strong receives funding from the National Careers Institute, APRA and the VMDO.

Bianca Fileborn receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the City of Sydney, and the Victorian Department of Justice and Community Safety.

ref. King Gizzard and Sampa the Great abandoning Bluesfest highlights the power of artists to change the culture of the music industry – https://theconversation.com/king-gizzard-and-sampa-the-great-abandoning-bluesfest-highlights-the-power-of-artists-to-change-the-culture-of-the-music-industry-200443

Curious Kids: where does wind actually come from?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steven Sherwood, Professor of Atmospheric Sciences, Climate Change Research Centre, UNSW Sydney

Saad Chaudhry/Unsplash

Where does wind come from? – Zoya, age 14, Bhopal, India

The short answer is wind happens because the Sun heats some parts of the planet more than others, and this uneven heating starts a wind going. That means wind energy is really a kind of solar energy!

All winds are made the same way

Wind systems on Earth vary from the global-scale trade winds and jet streams to local sea breezes, but they all ultimately depend on Earth being unevenly heated by the Sun.

When the ground is heated during the day and gets very hot, it heats the air above it by a process called heat conduction. This makes the air expand to occupy a larger volume. According to something called the “ideal gas law”, the volume increases in direct proportion to the temperature.

In other words, the heated air is less dense. If this happens to all air, no wind will be created; the whole air layer will just be a bit thicker.

However, if it happens to air in one location but not its surroundings, the heated air will rise. This is the principle that allows hot air balloons to remain buoyant in the air: the total weight of the air in the balloon, plus the basket and people inside, must be about the same as the weight of the same volume of colder air outside the balloon.

If there is no load or tether, the balloon will just keep accelerating upward until it cools off.

A rocky desert scene with several colourful hot air balloons in the sky
Hot air balloons use the principle of the air changing density as it heats up and cools down.
Timur Garifov/Unsplash

A rising hot air balloon doesn’t create any wind because it’s too small. But imagine if the same thing happens to all the air over a whole city or larger region!

When such a large amount of heated air rises away from the surface, other air near the ground has to flow in sideways to take its place. The larger the area over which this happens, the stronger the horizontal wind needs to be to get all that air into position.

This phenomenon gives us daytime sea breezes near coasts that can be fairly strong, where cooler ocean air flows in to replace the warmed continental air as it rises up.

Over many days, a similar process gives us monsoons, because the heating is stronger in summer and weaker in winter, leading to strong temperature contrasts and winds in summer (and often, opposite ones in winter).

In turn, this leads to seasonal shifts in the prevailing wind, which often bring rains during the warm season in tropical areas including India and the top end of Australia.




Read more:
Explainer: what is the Australian monsoon?


There are some very big wind systems

The biggest wind systems on the planet are called the general circulation of the atmosphere. They include the trade winds or easterlies, the middle-latitude westerlies and the Roaring Forties.

These large wind systems happen because the tropics get more Sun than the poles and (obviously) become a lot warmer. That warm air naturally starts to rise and wants to flow toward the poles, while polar air wants to come down to the tropics.

Of course, it takes a long time (many days) for the air to make such a long trip. Meanwhile Earth is constantly rotating, which means things trying to move in a straight line will seem to gradually turn.

The poleward-flowing wind gradually turns toward the east and becomes the middle-latitude westerlies (westerly means “from the west”).

The low-level wind heading toward the tropics turns toward the west and becomes the easterlies, also known as trade winds because ship captains have used these to cross the oceans for centuries. The middle-latitude westerlies are very strong at high altitude, approaching 300km per hour in some places!

You can see a great interactive visualisation of all the winds on the planet here.

The Conversation

Steven Sherwood receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Curious Kids: where does wind actually come from? – https://theconversation.com/curious-kids-where-does-wind-actually-come-from-198404

Clear nutrition labels can encourage healthier eating habits. Here’s how Australia’s food labelling can improve

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gary Sacks, Professor of Public Health Policy, Deakin University

Unsplash/Atoms

In your trips to the supermarket, you’ve probably come across the Health Star Rating on the front of some foods. You might even be one of the 70% of Australians who say they read the detailed nutrition information on the back of product packaging.

Nutrition labelling is designed to help people make informed food purchases, and encourage shoppers to select and eat healthier options.

But Australia’s food labelling system is under-performing. Here’s how we can make it more effective.




Read more:
Australia is dragging its feet on healthy eating. In 5 years we’ve made woeful progress


Labels help us choose healthier options

Nutrition labelling has been shown to lead to small but important improvements in the healthiness of what people eat.

A recent review concluded that food labels tend to encourage people to consume higher amounts of healthier foods. But most food label formats aren’t very effective in stopping people from selecting unhealthy foods.

While the effects of food labels may be small, such changes on a large scale can lead to healthier eating habits across the population.

Which labelling format works best?

Studies show people favour having front-of-pack nutrition labels in addition to the more detailed back-of-pack information.

People tend to understand simpler, colour-coded labels more easily than more complex, monochrome labels. And they consistently prefer “interpretive” labelling, like Australia’s Health Star Rating, that provides clear guidance on how healthy a particular product is.

Recent evidence indicates warning labels, such as those indicating high amounts of particular nutrients, are likely to be helpful in steering people away from unhealthy foods.

Chilean warning labels indicate high levels of energy (calories), sugar, saturated fats and sodium.
Shutterstock

Several countries have recently introduced warning labels on unhealthy foods. In Chile, for example, it is mandatory for products to display black, octagon-shaped “stop” signs on foods that exceed limits for sugar, sodium (salt), saturated fat and energy.

The introduction of Chile’s warning labels, as part of a comprehensive nutrition policy suite, has led to improvements in the healthiness of Chilean diets at the population level.

How do Australia’s labelling rules stack up?

Australia’s Health Star Rating system performs relatively well in helping people to understand the healthiness of different products.

And it has likely led to some improvements in product healthiness, as manufacturers have reformulated products to achieve a higher Health Star Rating.

But, as a voluntary scheme, Health Star Ratings have been implemented on less than half of eligible products. This limits people’s ability to compare product healthiness across the board.

Perhaps as a result of the limited rollout, there’s no compelling evidence to show that the Health Star Rating system has changed what people buy.

How can we make our food labelling more effective?

Research points to several suggestions to optimise the design of food labels in Australia.

First, if the Health Star Rating scheme were made mandatory, it would help people compare the healthiness of each product – not just the select few products that are labelled now.

This would work best if coupled with improvements to the algorithm used to calculate health stars to better align the scheme with the Australian Dietary Guidelines.




Read more:
We looked at the health star rating of 20,000 foods and this is what we found


Second, the addition of colour (through the use of a spectrum linked to the product’s healthiness) to the existing Health Star Rating design would increase its visibility and is likely to enhance the performance of the scheme.

One option for colour-coding would be for the healthiest rating to be green, with red for the least healthy.

Third, the addition of warning labels could be used to clearly show products high in risky nutrients such as sodium and sugar.

There is emerging evidence that the use of warning labels and Health Star Ratings in combination is more effective, and can discourage consumption of unhealthy products.

Flipping to the back of food packaging, public health groups consistently recommend including added sugar levels in the existing nutrition information panel. This is currently under consideration by the food standards regulatory body.

What else could we do?

In considering ways to enhance the impact of food labels, it’s worth looking to other elements of package design.

The packaging on many unhealthy Australian products, such as sugary breakfast cereals and snack bars, currently features cartoon characters and other promotional techniques designed to appeal to children.

Chile banned the use of cartoon characters on food packaging alongside the implementation of warning labels. This likely contributed to the benefits observed there.




Read more:
No, it’s not just a lack of control that makes Australians overweight. Here’s what’s driving our unhealthy food habits


More radical options include exploration of plain packaging for unhealthy food – similar to the packaging rules for tobacco. Evidence from New Zealand has shown plain packaging can lower young people’s desire to buy unhealthy products such as sugary drinks.

Experts have argued plain packaging would help challenge the marketing power of large food manufacturers. It would also put unhealthy foods on a level playing field with unbranded fruits and vegetables.

The inclusion of environmental sustainability labelling, alongside Health Star Ratings, is likely to provide additional important information for shoppers.

Woman looks at food label
Visual cues such as colour can make it easier to judge a product’s healthiness.
Shutterstock

We need a comprehensive approach

While food labelling is an important tool to inform people about product healthiness, it is only likely to play a supporting role in efforts to address unhealthy diets.

Broader changes to the way foods are produced and marketed are likely to be more potent. These changes, such as legislation to reduce children’s exposure to unhealthy food marketing and taxes on sugary drinks, can work in conjunction with food labelling regulations as part of a cohesive strategy to improve population health.




Read more:
Are home-brand foods healthy? If you read the label, you may be pleasantly surprised


The Conversation

Gary Sacks receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Australian Research Council (ARC), National Heart Foundation of Australia and VicHealth.

Jasmine Chan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Clear nutrition labels can encourage healthier eating habits. Here’s how Australia’s food labelling can improve – https://theconversation.com/clear-nutrition-labels-can-encourage-healthier-eating-habits-heres-how-australias-food-labelling-can-improve-200336

Rabuka backs call for West Papuan independence group to fully join MSG

By Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific digital and social media journalist, and Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific journalist

Fiji’s Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka is the first Fijian leader in 16 years to hold a one-on-one meeting with the president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), while also confirming his government will support the independence campaigners bid to become full members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).

However, “sovereignty issues” will need to be considered, Rabuka told RNZ Pacific.

ULMWP’s exiled president Benny Wenda said that “Melanesia is changing” following his meeting with the Fiji prime minister yesterday.

Wenda said Rabuka welcomed him with an “open heart” and listened about the human rights atrocities faced by indigenous Papuans.

He described Rabuka holding the Morning Star independence flag — which is banned by Indonesia — as “overwhelming”.

“The people of West Papua are celebrating because after 16 years somebody [from the Fiji government] has stood up for West Papua and held the Morning Star flag with the president of the United Liberation Movement.

“I think that gives us confidence that the issue now is in Melanesia’s hands,” Wenda said.

International ramifications
Rabuka said the ULMWP understood the international ramifications and objective of having discussions with governments.

The ULMWP have been campaigning to gain full membership with the MSG and currently has observer status.

The bloc includes Fiji, New Caledonia’s FLNKS, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, which is the current chair of the group. Indonesia has associate membership.

The West Papua independence campaigners have submitted its application for membership twice, in 2015 and 2019.

Rabuka said the MSG had precedent for granting full membership to an organisation.

“We had the FLNKS as full members of the MSG before New Caledonia as such became part of the MSG,” he said

“Yes, we will support them [ULMWP] because they are Melanesians.”

“I am more hopeful [of ULMWP gaining full membership],” he said, adding “I am not taking it for granted. The dynamics may have changed slightly but the principles are the same.”

Wenda said the MSG leaders were expected to meet in July and he felt assured after his meeting with Rabuka that Melanesian leaders would respond to their calls.

“I am going back with a good spirit and my people are all celebrating,” he said.

Marape: Indonesian control must be respected
But earlier this week at a joint press conference, Rabuka and Papua New Guinea’s PM, James Marape, stressed that Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua must be respected.

Marape said while PNG sympathised with the Melanesians of West Papua it “remains part of Indonesia.”

“We do not want to offset the balance and tempo,” Marape said.

Rabuka added there were also similar cases existing in the Pacific territories.

“We have Micronesian, Melanesian communities in Fiji and their original home countries now respect the sovereignty of Fiji,” he said.

“I am sure they [other Pacific nations] have people-to-people direct contact with [communities in Fiji] to enhance their livelihood here and also continue to promote their culture because of their heritage.”

He said it was the same for for the indigenous Papuans of Indonesia.

“We must respect the sovereignty issue there because it could also impact on us if we try to deal with them [West Papua and Indonesia] as separate nations within a sovereign nation.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Benny Wenda, left, hands a Morning Star flag to Sitiveni Rabuka
West Papuan leader Benny Wenda hands a Morning Star flag to Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka. Image: Fiji govt/RNZ Pacific
Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

NZ government ‘intervened’ to stop operation to save pilot, says Jakarta

RNZ Pacific

Indonesian security forces were about to launch a rescue operation for a pilot held hostage in Papua before New Zealand intervened, reports ABC News.

The ABC quoted Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law and Security, Mahfud Mahmodin, as saying his forces knew the exact location of New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens, who was captured two weeks ago by pro-independence West Papuan rebels after he landed a plane in Papua’s remote highlands.

The minister said soldiers almost moved in to attack the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) until New Zealand authorities requested there be no acts of violence to free its citizens.

The ABC said the New Zealand government wanted to prioritise the Susi Air pilot’s safety, and a military attack could become an international matter.

Instead, Mahmodin said Indonesia would negotiate with the rebels to release Mehrtens.

The rebels said they were refusing to release the pilot until Indonesia granted independence to the Papua region.

Mahmodin said he understood New Zealand’s decision.

‘No acts of violence’
“We already knew the place [where the pilot was being detained], at what coordinate points, but as soon as we were about to move, the New Zealand government came here asking for no acts of violence,” he said.

Philip Mehrtens
Philip Mehrtens, the New Zealand pilot taken hostage at remote Paro airstrip, and his aircraft being torched. Image: Jubi News

“Therefore, we are still waiting, hopefully there will be a resolution soon.”

Papua police chief Mathius Faakhiri told Indonesian news media Mehrtens was in “good health”.

“Currently, pilot Philip [Mehrtens] is still in the hands of the KKB [the name Indonesia gives to the Papuan armed group] led by Egianus Kogoya and is in good health,” he said.

Akoubou Amatus Douw, a spokesperson for the TPNPB, told the ABC they wanted the UN to mediate talks between New Zealand, Indonesia and TPNPB.

“That’s our position at the moment,” he said.

“He [Mehrtens] is part of our … people in the Pacific. We like to, you know, save his life. We respect human values, human rights for every individuals, according to the United Nations charter.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The Susi Air plane that Phillip Mehrtens was piloting being torched by the rebels
The Susi Air plane that Phillip Mehrtens was piloting being torched by the rebels two weeks ago. Image: TPNPB
Print Friendly, PDF & Email

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

PNG government must withdraw ‘media control’ policy, says RSF

The Paris-based media freedom watchdog said in a statement that “in what may be an example of the road to hell being paved with good intentions, the government has produced a ‘Draft National Media Development Policy’ with the declared aim of turning the media into “a tool for development” including “the promotion of democracy, good governance, human rights, and social and economic development.”

Daniel Bastard, head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk, said: “It is entirely commendable for a democracy to want to encourage the development of a healthy and dynamic news and information environment.

“But, as it stands, the policy proposed by Port Moresby clearly endangers the independence of the media by establishing government control over their work.

“We call on Information and Communication Technology Minister Timothy Masiu to abandon this proposal and start again from scratch by organising a real consultation and by providing proper safeguards for journalistic independence.”

The policy’s most alarming measures concern the Media Council of PNG, which is currently a non-governmental entity representing media professionals, said RSF.

It would be turned into a judicial commission with the power to determine who should or should not be regarded as a journalist, to issue a code of ethics and to impose sanctions on journalists who stray from it.

‘Regulatory government body’
“These are disproportionate powers, especially as there is no provision for ensuring the independence of those appointed as the new Media Council’s members,” the RSF statement said.

“There is also no provision for journalists and media outlets to challenge or appeal against its decisions.”

RSF also quoted from a recent DevPolicy article by Scott Waide, a blogger, media producer and analyst who was formerly a deputy regional head of news at EMTV News based at Lae:

“The policy envisages the media council as a regulatory and licensing body for journalists, which means, hypothetically, that it could penalise journalists if they present a narrative that is not in favour of the government.”

“The re-invented media council would be nothing more than a regulatory government body.”

The government’s new policy seemed all the more ill-considered, said RSF, given that, in the event of disputes with the media, there were already avenues for redress through the courts under the 1962 Defamation Act and 2016 Cybercrime Code Act.

Several journalists have been subjected to covert pressure from the government in recent years.

They include Waide himself, who was suspended from his EMTV News job in November 2018 over a story suggesting that the government had misused public funds by purchasing luxury cars.

EMTV’s then news chief Sincha Dimara suffered the same fate in February 2022 after three news stories annoyed a government minister.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

From TV to TikTok, young people are exposed to gambling promotions everywhere

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simone McCarthy, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Deakin University

Author provided

I’ve walked past two TABs pretty much weekly, because one’s near our ice cream shop and one’s next to the shopping centre. So, we go there a lot.

This quote from a 12-year-old girl in our latest research shines new light on young people’s exposure to gambling in their everyday lives. The 11- to 17-year-olds who took part in our study told us they regularly come into contact with gambling not just during sports, but in a range of everyday environments.

They saw promotions for gambling in local shopping centres, at post offices, during sporting matches, movies and television shows. They were also aware of a range of novel products and marketing strategies the gambling industry is using to reach the next generation of customers.

‘It must be something normal’

This constant exposure created a perception gambling was “always there in your face” and “a natural thing to do”. This was particularly the case when it was placed alongside non-gambling activities in everyday settings. As one 16-year-old boy told us:

I think just the number of ads and there’s posters up for it around shops. […] It makes it seem, because it’s everywhere, it must be something normal.

Advertisement on a phone booth for The Lott’s Instant Scratch-Its.
Author provided

While the excessive promotion of gambling in sports has been a catalyst for public concern, governments have largely failed to act. Rather, it appears they have decided the harms and costs associated with young people being exposed to gambling marketing are outweighed by any benefits to the gambling industry, sports (through sponsorships), and broadcasters (through advertising revenue).

There is also little publicly available evidence that school programs or public education campaigns run by organisations such as the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation are having a significant impact, or that they are able to compete with the might of commercial marketing strategies. The gambling industry’s own “educational activities” are at best useless, and may well be counterproductive.

NBA star Shaquille O’Neal on an advertisement for PointsBet on Instagram
NBA star Shaquille O’Neal on an advertisement for PointsBet on Instagram.
@pointsbet/instagram

How young people engage with gambling ads

Our research shows the clear impact of gambling marketing on young people. They are able to name gambling brands and can quote taglines and slogans. They report seeing different types of gambling promotions in sports, and on a range of popular television shows, including “Gogglebox” and “MasterChef”.

Young people also said they see gambling promotions “pop up in my feed” on social media sites such as Instagram and YouTube. As a 15-year-old boy told us:

[I see them] on YouTube before I watch a video. A funny Sportsbet skit comes on. It’s not about gambling though […] I see them when I watch highlights, too.

Our research also shows that inducements such as free bets and celebrity promotions have a particular influence on young people believing that gambling is a “risk-free” activity and the promotions they see can be trusted.




Read more:
As Netball Australia eyes betting sponsorship, women and girls are at increased risk of gambling harm


Is change possible?

However, there is a clear opportunity for change. The current Parliamentary Inquiry into Online Gambling is investigating the effectiveness of gambling advertising restrictions on limiting children’s exposure to gambling products and services.

Our own submission to the inquiry has argued for strong government restrictions and bans on marketing, with a key goal of protecting young people.

While such restrictions are opposed by a range of stakeholders, including sporting organisations, broadcasters, advertisers and sectors of the gambling industry, there is clearly growing public and political support for gambling marketing bans, including from young people themselves.

In developing robust policy responses to gambling, another issue needs to be addressed.

Recent revelations about donations from online bookmaker Sportsbet to the now- minister for communications, Michelle Rowland, before the 2022 federal election have also raised legitimate concerns about mechanisms to protect gambling policy from commercial and other vested interests.

This includes the extent to which we can trust the policy decisions that are made about gambling. This is especially important when considering policies that are concerned with the health and wellbeing of young people.

What do young people think is the way forward?

The young people in our research share similar views to public health experts when it comes to strategies to protect them from the predatory tactics of the gambling industry.

They are critical of “responsible” gambling messages, which they say are designed to absolve the gambling industry and governments of their responsibility for harm prevention. They tell us governments should be responsible for action, including

  • reducing the accessibility and availability of gambling products

  • making gambling products safer

  • removing gambling from sport, through regulation and sporting teams ending partnerships with gambling companies

  • implementing strong restrictions (including bans) on marketing, and

  • using public education to counter commercial messages about gambling, and provide honest information about the tactics of the gambling industry.

There is an “exceptionalism” surrounding government policies on gambling, in which gambling is not seen as needing the same robust public health policy response as other issues. A docile approach by governments that sees gambling as being somehow different from other unhealthy products must change if we are to see effective, evidence-based approaches to gambling harm prevention.

Effective measures to protect young people from gambling marketing will inevitably be opposed by the gambling industry and its allies. But young people, parents and the community understand the cause for concern and the need for action that will genuinely curb the promotional activities of this powerful but predatory industry.




Read more:
Pubs and clubs – your friendly neighbourhood money-laundering service, thanks to 86,640 pokies


The Conversation

Dr Simone McCarthy has been employed on research projects that are funded by the Australian Research Council and the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation.

Dr Hannah Pitt has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, the NSW Office for Responsible Gambling, VicHealth, and Deakin University.

Prof Samantha Thomas has received funding for gambling research from the Australian Research Council, the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, and the NSW Office for Responsible Gambling, and Healthway. She is a board member of the International Confederation of Alcohol, Tobacco and other Drug (ATOD) Research Associations. She is currently Editor in Chief for Health Promotion International an Oxford University Press journal.

ref. From TV to TikTok, young people are exposed to gambling promotions everywhere – https://theconversation.com/from-tv-to-tiktok-young-people-are-exposed-to-gambling-promotions-everywhere-200067

Looking for a financial adviser? 6 expert tips to find the best one for you

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ama Samarasinghe, Lecturer, RMIT University

Shutterstock

Financial decisions can make an enormous difference to the rest of your life.

As an example, the difference between having superannuation in one of the top-performing quarter of funds compared to bottom-performing quarter can mean retiring
with about A$1.1 million instead of $610,000, according to calculations by the Productivity Commission.

Getting good advice can pay for itself many times over. But how do you find it?

It isn’t cheap. According to research commissioned by the Financial Planning Association of Australia (which represents financial advisers), the average cost is about $3,300 upfront, then about $4,300 a year if you sign up for ongoing advice.

It used to appear to be free. Financial advisers were paid by commissions sent their way by the makers of the products they steered their clients into and taken from the client’s funds. These commissions were not only upfront but also ongoing each year, meaning they ended up costing clients a lot.

Commissions have been banned since 2013. In 2018, the Hayne royal commission into misconduct in the financial services industry recommended the government go further and ban the payment of commissions to mortgage brokers, a recommendation the government rejected, which is why mortgage brokers still don’t charge upfront.

Here are some tips about how to find the right adviser.

1. Work out what matters to you

What matters to you most? Do you care about maximising your returns no matter what, or do you value social and environmental responsibility? Are you interested in keeping risk to the absolute minimum, or are you happy to accept greater risk in pursuit of higher returns?

Your specific needs are also important. Some advisers offer guidance on a broad range of financial matters such as retirement planning, estate planning and the operation of a business. Others are more narrowly focused on managing money.

Another important consideration is the adviser’s approach to working with clients. Some adopt a more hands-on approach, providing regular updates and actively managing clients’ investments. Others may check in periodically.

Work out what you want first. This will help you narrow down options to one.

2. Get a recommendation

It is always good to talk to previous clients to get a sense of a adviser’s track record and approach.

The most practical way to do it is to get a referral from a friend or colleague or someone else you trust.

Otherwise, it is possible to search for registered advisers by postcode on the government’s MoneySmart financial advisers register

3. Check qualifications and experience

Only advisers with an Australian financial services (AFS) licence are able to give advice, and they are all listed on the financial advisers register.

Putting the name of the adviser into the search bar will produce a page showing

  • whether the licence is current

  • any disciplinary actions against the adviser

  • the adviser’s employment history

  • the adviser’s qualifications and training

  • what the adviser is licensed to provide advice about.

Financial advisers are required to provide potential clients with a financial services guide that includes a description of the services they provide, including limits to the services provided, information about fees and charges, details of any conflicts of interest and information about the complaint resolution process.

There should be a copy on the adviser’s website, or you can ask for a copy.




Read more:
How FTX Australia was able to claim it was ‘ASIC-licenced’


4. Ask the right questions

The next step is to ask enough questions over the phone to be sure it’s worth meeting in person. Start with the questions about priorities listed in point one.

If the answers are not satisfactory there’s no point proceeding to a meeting.

If the answers are good, it’s time for an open and honest conversation, probably in person. Don’t be afraid to ask more about their experience, values and approach.

Useful questions include:

  • how do you assess my specific financial needs?

  • how will you manage my wealth?

  • how do you approach financial planning?

Red flags include

  • any answer that seems generic, one-size-fits all, not taking into account your specific needs and goals

  • any explanation that is vague and unclear

  • any hint of pressure to invest in a certain product or service

  • any claims or promises that seem too good to be true (such as a very high return without risk).

5. Review the plan

If your meeting goes well, the adviser will put together a financial plan which will be set out in a Statement of Advice (SOA).

The statement must detail the proposed strategy, any financial products being recommended and how they meet the client’s financial objectives and the risks associated with these products, what their advice covers (and does not cover), and the associated fees.

The statement is designed to help you make an informed decision. It can also serve as a point of reference in the event of misunderstandings.

6. Don’t set and forget

Coming up with a plan usually isn’t the end. Regular monitoring and review is the best way to achieve the best outcomes.

This is because circumstances, priorities and objectives change, as well as markets.

Generally, your adviser will recommend annual or two-yearly reviews to ensure that the plan remains aligned with changed circumstances.

If you have a more complex situation, more regular check-ins might be needed.




Read more:
Australians need good financial advice more than ever to pay for soaring interest rates. Here’s how to get it


The Conversation

Ama Samarasinghe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Looking for a financial adviser? 6 expert tips to find the best one for you – https://theconversation.com/looking-for-a-financial-adviser-6-expert-tips-to-find-the-best-one-for-you-199498

How to perfect your prompt writing for ChatGPT, Midjourney and other AI generators

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marcel Scharth, Lecturer in Business Analytics, University of Sydney

Midjourney/Marcel Scharth, Author provided

Generative AI is having a moment. ChatGPT and art generators such as DALL-E 2, Stable Diffusion and Midjourney have proven their potential, and now millions are wracking their brains over how to get their outputs to look something like the vision in their head.

This is the goal of prompt engineering: the skill of crafting an input to deliver a desired result from generative AI.

Image created using Midjourney. Prompt: oil painting of a child with their grandparent enjoying a moment together and looking at each other. The child’s face is full of wonder and the grandparent’s face is lined with years of living, nostalgia, happy and sad memories and the wisdom of their years. Detailed faces. – – ar 3:2 – – no glasses

Despite being trained on more data and computational resources than ever before, generative AI models have limitations. For instance, they’re not trained to produce content aligned with goals such as truth, insight, reliability and originality.

They also lack common sense and a fundamental understanding of the world, which means they can generate flawed (and even nonsensical) content.

As such, prompt engineering is essential for unlocking generative AI’s capabilities. And luckily it isn’t a technical skill. It’s mostly about trial and error, and keeping a few things in mind.




Read more:
AI art is everywhere right now. Even experts don’t know what it will mean


ChatGPT

First, let’s use ChatGPT to illustrate how prompt engineering can be used for text outputs. If it’s used effectively, ChatGPT can generate essays, computer code, business plans, cover letters, poetry, jokes, and more.

Since it’s a chatbot, you may be inclined to engage with it conversationally. But this isn’t the best approach if you want tailored results. Instead, adopt the mindset that you’re programming the machine to perform a writing task for you.

Create a content brief similar to what you might give a hired professional writer. The key is to provide as much context as possible and use specific and detailed language. You can include information about:

  • your desired focus, format, style, intended audience and text length
  • a list of points you want addressed
  • what perspective you want the text written from, if applicable
  • and specific requirements, such as no jargon.

If you want a longer piece, you can generate it in steps. Start with the first few paragraphs and ask ChatGPT to continue in the next prompt. If you’re unsatisfied with a specific portion, you can ask for it to be rewritten according to new instructions.

But remember: no matter how much you tinker with your prompts, ChatGPT is subject to inaccuracies and making things up. So don’t take anything at face value. In the example below, the output mentions a “report” that doesn’t exist. It probably included this because my prompt asked it to use only reliable sources.

I used prompt engineering to get ChatGPT to write this news article, which provides inaccurate information.

Art generators

Midjourney is one of the most popular tools for art generation, and one of the easiest for beginners. So let’s use it for our next example.

Unlike for text generation, elaborate prompts aren’t necessarily better for image generation. The following example shows how a basic prompt combined with a style keyword is enough to create a variety of interesting images. Your style keyword may refer to a genre, art movement, technique, artist or specific work.

The following images were based on the prompt leopard on tree followed by different style keywords. These were (from the top left clockwise) synthwave, hyperrealist, expressionist and in the style of Zena Holloway. Holloway is a British photographer known for capturing her subjects in ethereal and somewhat surreal scenes, most often underwater.

Midjourney generations for _leopard on tree_.
Images generated by Midjourney.

You can also add keywords relating to:

  • image qualities, such as “beautiful” or “high definition”
  • objects you want pictured
  • and lighting and colours.

With Midjourney, you can even use certain specific commands for different features, including ––ar or ––aspect to set the aspect ratio,
––no to omit certain objects, and ––c to produce more “unusual” results. This command accepts values between 0-100 after it, where the default is 0 and 100 leads to the most unusual result.

You can also use ––s or ––stylize to generate more artistic images (at the expense of following the prompt less closely).

The following example applies some of these ideas to create a fantasy image with a dreamlike and futuristic look. The prompt used here was dreamy futuristic cityscape, beautiful, clouds, interesting colors, cinematic lighting, 8k, 4k ––ar 7:4 ––c 25 ––no windows.

Image generated by Midjourney.

Midjourney accepts multiple prompts for one image if you use a double colon. This can lead to results such as the image below, where I provided separate prompts for the owl and plants. The full prompt was oil painting of an ethereal owl :: flowers, colors :: abstract :: wisdom ––ar 7:4.

Image generated by Midjourney.

A more advanced type of prompting is to include an image as part of the prompt. Midjourney will then take the style of that image into account when generating a new one.

A good way to find inspiration and ideas is to explore the Midjourney gallery and style libraries.

Despite stunning results, generative AI is subject to inconsistencies such as the floating branch in this image. Prompt: woman watching the sunset, magical realism, very beautiful, nature, colourful, very detailed – – ar 7:4

A career of the future?

As generative AI models enter everyday life, prompting skills are likely to become more in-demand, especially from employers looking to get results using AI generators.

Some commentators are asking if becoming a “prompt engineer” may be a way for professionals such as designers, software engineers and content writers to save their jobs from automation, by integrating generative AI into their work. Others have suggested prompt engineering will itself be a career.

It’s hard to predict what role prompt engineering will play as AI models advance.

But it’s almost a given that more sophisticated generators will be able to handle more complex requests, inviting users to stretch their creativity. They will likely also have a better grasp of our preferences, reducing the need for tinkering.




Read more:
No, the Lensa AI app technically isn’t stealing artists’ work – but it will majorly shake up the art world


The Conversation

Marcel Scharth does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How to perfect your prompt writing for ChatGPT, Midjourney and other AI generators – https://theconversation.com/how-to-perfect-your-prompt-writing-for-chatgpt-midjourney-and-other-ai-generators-198776

Ukraine a year on: the invasion changed NZ foreign policy – as the war drags on, cracks will begin to show

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

Getty Images

One year to the day since Russian tanks ran over the Ukraine border – and over the UN Charter and international law in the process – the world is less certain and more dangerous than ever. For New Zealand, the war has also presented a unique foreign policy challenge.

The current generation of political leaders initially responded to the invasion in much the same way previous generations responded to the first and second world wars: if a sustainable peace was to be achieved, international treaties and law were the mechanism of choice.

But when it was apparent these higher levels of maintaining international order had gridlocked because of the Russian veto at the UN Security Council, New Zealand moved back towards its traditional security relationships.

Like other Western alliance countries, New Zealand didn’t put boots on the ground, which would have meant becoming active participants in the conflict. But nor did New Zealand plead neutrality. It has not remained indifferent to the aggression and atrocities, or their implications for a rule-based world.

The issue one year on is whether this original position is still viable. And if not, what are the military, humanitarian, diplomatic and legal challenges now?

Military spending

While New Zealand has no troops or personnel in Ukraine, it has given direct support. Defence force personnel assist with training, intelligence, logistics, liaison, and command and administration support. There has also been funding and supplied equipment worth more than $NZ22 million.

This has been welcomed, although it’s considerably less on a proportional basis than the assistance offered by other like-minded countries. However, the deeper questions involve how the war has affected defence policies and spending overall internationally.




Read more:
A year on, Russia’s war on Ukraine threatens to redraw the map of world politics – and 2023 will be crucial


While New Zealand’s current Defence Policy Review is important at the policy level, the implications affect all citizens and political parties. Specifically, most countries – allies or not – are increasing military spending and collaborating to develop new generations of weapons.

For New Zealand, this calls into question the longer-term feasibility of its relatively low spending of 1.5% of GDP on defence. And Wellington is increasingly being left out of collaborative arrangements (AUKUS being just one example), which in turn reinforce alliances and provide pathways to technology.

This is tied to the largest question of all: whether New Zealand wishes to relegate itself to becoming a regional “police officer” or wants to carry its fair share of being part of an interlinked modern military deterrent.

Diplomacy and domestic law

New Zealand also needs to reconsider its commitment to humanitarian assistance. So far, almost $13 million has been spent and a special visa created allowing New Zealand-Ukrainians to bring family members in for two years. With the war showing no sign of ending, this will likely need to extend.

But New Zealand’s non-neutral status also means it has other responsibilities, and should consider greater assistance with the Ukrainian refugee emergency. This would require going beyond the current visa scheme, and opening and expanding the refugee quota program’s current cap of 1,500.




Read more:
Ukraine war 12 months on: the role of the Russian media in reporting – and justifying – the conflict


Diplomatically, New Zealand also has to start considering what peace would look like. This raises hard questions about territorial integrity, accountability for war crimes, reparations and what might happen to populations that don’t want to be part of Ukraine.

New Zealand has enacted a stand-alone law to apply sanctions on Russia. But because this now sits outside the broken multilateral UN system, a degree of caution is called for, given the door is now open to sanction other countries, UN mandate or not.

Russian President Vladimir Putin used his state-of-the-nation speech to announce Moscow was suspending participation in the New START nuclear arms reduction treaty.
Getty Images

Preparing for the worst

Finally, New Zealand needs to prepare for the worst. The war is showing no sign of calming down. Weapons and combatant numbers are escalating unsustainably. Nuclear arms control is in freefall, with Russian President Vladimir Putin suspending participation in the New START Treaty, the last remaining agreement between Russia and the United States.

At the same time, the US has ramped up the rhetoric, suggesting China might supply arms to Russia, and declaring unequivocally that Russia has committed crimes against humanity in Ukraine.

Were China to go against Western demands and provide weapons, countries like New Zealand will be in a very difficult position: its leading security ally, the US, may expect penalties to be imposed against its leading trade partner, China.




Read more:
Ukraine: 12 months at war – Biden visit to Kyiv sets the seal on a year of growing western unity and Russian isolation


While Putin may be able to live with the rising death toll of his own soldiers (already over 100,000), at some point the Russian population won’t be. As the US discovered in Vietnam, it wasn’t the external enemy that ultimately prevailed, it was domestic unrest, as more people turned against an unpopular war.

How Putin will respond to a war he cannot win conventionally, while risking losing popularity and position at home, is impossible to predict. Everyone might hope his nuclear threats are a bluff, but New Zealand’s leaders would be wise to plan for the worst.

Whether a small, distant, non-neutral South Pacific nation might be a direct target or not is conjecture. What is not speculation, however, is that if the Ukraine war spins out of control, New Zealand would be in an emergency unlike anything it’s witnessed before.

The Conversation

Alexander Gillespie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ukraine a year on: the invasion changed NZ foreign policy – as the war drags on, cracks will begin to show – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-a-year-on-the-invasion-changed-nz-foreign-policy-as-the-war-drags-on-cracks-will-begin-to-show-200524