Ahead of the one-year anniversary of the catastrophic volcanic eruption tomorrow, Tongan Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni spoke to RNZ Pacific’s Finau Fonua.
Hu’akavameiliku shared his experiences of the eruption and its aftermath, as well as some of the challenges left in the wake of the disaster.
Hu’akavameiliku was meeting with a local church community group when he heard what he had first thought was thunder. Within minutes he was notified of the volcano’s eruption.
Hu’akavameiliku recalls his first thoughts:
“It was scary. But at the same time, most of my time was just worrying about what’s happening, finding out what’s happening here, who’s affected, the scope of the problems and all that.
“But at the same time, we’re mindful that I’m there with my family, what will be the best course of action in terms of whether we are evacuating or staying home? But that’s what went through my mind.”
Communications cut off For the next three days all communication services were down, and Tonga was effectively cut off from the world.
Hu’akavameiliku remembers sending people to determine the effects of the eruption in western Tonga, as well as boats to the islands who soon reported that tsunami waves were incoming.
It was later confirmed that three people had died in the disaster.
Although there was a need to determine exactly what had happened, that meant accessing satellite images of the eruption, which was not possible while communications were down.
Hu’akavameiliku explained how the priority remained with the affected people, both on Tongatapu and on the outlying islands.
“But those couple of days, it was more about finding out what’s happening and working out our response, making sure that families are safe, relocating some of the islands over down here. So that kept us busy, didn’t give us much time to worry about other stuff.”
Tongan Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni (right) with Health Minister Dr Saia Piukala. Image: Iliesa Tora/NZ Pacific
Hu’akavameiliku expressed gratitude for the international assistance Tonga received in the wake of the disaster, particularly from New Zealand, Australia and its other Pacific neighbours. The food, drinking water and building materials received were vital for the survival of those most affected by the eruption.
An aerial photo taken from a New Zealand Defence force P-3 Orion on January 16, 2022, shows Mango island in Tonga with no houses left after impact from a tsunami. Image: NZDF/RNZ Pacific
Hu’akavameiliku said the decision to resettle the islanders was based on an understanding of how vulnerable their communities had become.
This relocation has been challenging for the people of Mango and ‘Atata: “Some of them are not used to where they are right now because they grew up in very small islands and now they are in Tongatapu or in ‘Eua, so helping them get hold of that and rebuilding their livelihood.
“The way they utilise will be different in the other islands than down here. So we are helping them. We adjust their way of life to the new environment they are in, that’s one of the biggest focuses, and on a higher level, the economics.
“We are reallocating some of the resources, we are just building not just houses but infrastructure.”
To mark the anniversary of the eruption an exhibition is being held. Hu’akavameiliku also noted that Tongans also reflected on the impact of the disaster through their strong spiritual communities.
“And, on the Sunday services, is to thank the Lord that we’re still here and to acknowledge our various partners. And we hope that things will keep getting better.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Fiji was regarded a bully, flexing its muscle as a selfish and arrogant player in regional forums, claims Association of South Pacific Airlines (ASPA) president George Faktaufon.
He said he hoped Fiji would rejoin the regional aviation community with the election of the new coalition government.
Faktaufon said Fiji — through its national airline Fiji Airways — had a lot to offer to the development of the region’s aviation sector.
“As one who worked for the Pacific Island region for most of my working life, it saddened me to watch Fiji slowly but surely lose its status as a credible leader in the region,” he said.
“Apart from climate change, which Fiji only joined the bandwagon years after countries like Kiribati and Marshall Islands and their leaders, [former presidents Anote] Tong and [David] Kabaua, had been in the forefront in every international forum, including COP and other forums, Fiji has been seen as a bully, flexing its muscles and often regarded as a selfish and arrogant player in regional forums,” he said.
“In 2022, I attended three regional high level ministerial meetings — Forum Aviation Ministerial Meeting, virtually, Forum Leaders/Private Sectors Dialogue in Suva and then the Forum Economic Ministers/Private Sector Dialogue in Vanuatu,” Faktaufon said.
“In all these meetings, Fiji came out as the stumbling block to enhancing regional air connectivity with its stringent air services agreements with other PICs [Pacific Island Countries], that were not only outdated but favoured Fiji and its national airline.
“Fiji Airways has a lot to offer to other PICs and their national airlines, but it has to be in a mutual partnership.
“Fiji Airways has the resources both in expertise and also equipment that it could use to benefit other PICs as well as itself.
“It is called regional collaboration and co-operation where there are winners and no losers.
“We had done it before, with a joint lease of a B737 between Fiji Airways and Royal Tongan,” Faktaufon said.
Repeka Nasiko is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.
Files submitted to the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) two years ago over alleged abuse of funds by a former Fiji Sugar Corporation (FSC) executive are believed to have “disappeared”, says Sugar Minister Charan Jeath Singh.
Singh said someone in FICAC would be held responsible for causing the disappearance of the files.
Singh said it was unacceptable that in a case of national importance involving taxpayers’ money, files had disappeared while FICAC found it easy to charge other people for abuse of office.
Speaking to FSC staff members in Labasa this week, Singh said evidence existed to prove allegations against the executive.
“We have sufficient evidence as a result of the investigation and every information points out at alleged corrupt dealing in the mill and at management level,” the minister said.
“The files were given to FICAC two years ago but someone may have deliberately dealt with it which is why it has disappeared,” he said.
“FICAC is good at charging other people in society but when it comes to big sharks, why can’t they be taken to task?”
Files to be resubmitted Singh said someone in FICAC would be held responsible for losing the files.
“I will leave it with the minister responsible but we need to show the people and tell them what transpired.
“So we have resubmitted the files to FICAC and we want the investigations to be done right away so we can take the executive to task.
“This is to also warn people holding senior positions in state-owned companies that there is no room for corruption.”
Fiji Labour Party leader and National Farmers Union general secretary Mahendra Chaudhry, making submissions to the Standing Committee on Economic Affairs in Lautoka in May 2016, claimed two FSC directors had pocketed $2.4 million in directors’ remuneration between 2012 to 2014.
He claimed that the two directors had jointly picked up fees of $781,000 in 2012, $846,000 in 2013 and $791,000 in 2014, saying the figures he was quoting were lifted directly from FSC annual reports for those years.
In May 2017, Sugar Ministry Secretary Yogesh Karan told The Fiji Times that investigations into the executive were continuing.
He said he had done his part and had given the matter over to the relevant authorities — the Reserve Bank of Fiji and the Fiji Revenue and Customs Authority — to deal with.
Questions sent to FICAC on the comments made by Singh remained unanswered when this edition went to press.
Serafina Silaitogais a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.
Late last year, the Auckland University of Technology (AUT) initiated a process to eliminate 170 academic jobs to cut costs. The Employment Relations Authority (ERA) found AUT’s approach breached its collective employment agreement with staff and their union and ordered it to withdraw the termination notices.
Tertiary education runs on an insecure labour force in New Zealand and elsewhere. The AUT decision illustrates that even traditionally secure positions are becoming less so.
Tenure is the traditional protection for academics in the tertiary sector, but New Zealand does not have tenure at its universities.
Tenure is more than a perk
A common argument against tenure is that it leads to a complacent, under-motivated university professor. These concerns are hypothetical — evidence that tenure causes productivity differences is lacking.
In fact, one of few large studies on the subject found the opposite. Good administrators should be able to manage any actual productivity issues as they do in all other workplaces.
On the other hand, lack of tenure creates risks for free societies. Tenure is common practice in other liberal democracies. UNESCO says:
Security of employment in the profession, including tenure […] should be safeguarded as it is essential to the interests of higher education.
Tenure is important, if not indispensable, for academic freedom. Academic freedom is essential to a university’s mission, and this mission is a characteristic of a democracy. As University of Regina professor Marc Spoonerput it:
A country’s institutional commitment to academic freedom is a key indicator of whether its democracy is in good health.
The Employment Relations Authority has issued a compliance order to the university, requiring it to withdraw its notices of termination. https://t.co/NUvBfqS6ad
Scholarship is not piecework The ERA said AUT misunderstood terminology in the collective employment agreement. The clash term was “specific position”. AUT’s position was that specific positions are identified by professional ranks (from lecturer to professor) and the numbers of each role across four particular faculties.
The ERA did not agree and concluded an essential component for identifying specific positions is the employee, being the person who is the current position holder or appointee to a position.
AUT’s assertion would be like the air force using the rank of “captain” to adjust its number of pilots. The number of captains does not tell you what each captain does, be it to fly planes or fix them.
Without tenure, a standard less than this minimum established by the ERA can be used to eliminate academics who have legitimate priorities that do not align with the administrative staff of the day, or are the victims of any other concealed discrimination. The ERA clarification makes it more difficult to inhibit intramural criticism, the right to criticise the actions taken by managers and leaders of the university.
It […] reflects the distinctive relationship of academic staff and universities, a relationship not able to be defined by reference to the ordinary law of employer and employee relationships.
The ERA clarification helps to prevent the firing of academics who are teaching, researching or questioning things administrators, funders or governments don’t want them to. But it is a finger in a leaking dyke. Tenure is a tried and tested general solution.
Health of the democracy We only need to observe the events in the United States to recognise the importance of tenure. This benchmark country has a proud tradition of tenure. Nevertheless state governments are dismantling tenure to impose political control on curriculums. Our liberal democracy is not immune to this.
We need more than tenure-secured academic freedom to enable universities to do the sometimes dreary and at other times risky work of providing societies alternatives to populist, nationalist or autocratic movements. But as the Douglas Dillon chair in governance studies at the Brookings Institution, Darrell M. West, wrote, academic freedom is a problem for these movements.
Recognizing the moral authority of independent experts, when despots come to power, one of the first things they do is discredit authoritative institutions who hold leaders accountable and encourage an informed citizenry.
In a system with tenure, a university would have a defined stand-down period preventing reappointment to vacated positions. For example, if an academic program and associated tenured staff that teach it were eliminated at the University of Arkansas for financial reasons, the program could not be reactivated for at least five years. The stand-down inhibits whimsical or agenda-fuelled restructuring as a lazy option to manage staff.
If a similar trade-off were to be applied to how AUT defined specific positions, then no academics could be hired there for five years. It is very different to be prevented from hiring academics than it is to, say, not re-establishing a financially struggling department or program.
Herein lies the true value of tenure. It is greater than a protection of the individual. It protects society from wasteful or ideologically motivated restructuring as an alternative to poor management. Tenure is security of the public trust in our universities.
The Iranian government has attempted to brutally suppress the widespread protests sparked by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in police custody in September 2022.
Central to Iran’s response have been the country’s “revolutionary courts”. They have conducted heavily-criticised trials resulting in at least four executions, while over 100 protesters are in considerable danger of imminent execution.
Criminal trials in these courts often occur behind closed doors presided over by clerics, with none of the standard guarantees of criminal procedure such as allowing time and access to lawyers to prepare a defence.
Submissions to the United Nations from Iranian civil society organisations report that lawyers are routinely denied access to clients, and that coerced confessions, often obtained by torture, are used as evidence.
Tara Sepehri Far, senior Iran researcher at Human Rights Watch, describes the trials as “a total travesty of justice”.
The courts were established to try opponents of the regime who face ill-defined national security charges that carry the death penalty. Such vague charges include waging war against God (“Moharebeh”), corruption on Earth (“Ifsad fel Arz”), and armed rebellion (“baghi”).
The courts are integral to the consolidation of Islamist power which began within a few months of the revolution. As is apparent from the structure of the Iranian government, the courts complement the role of para-state organs such as the Basij.
The Basij is a paramilitary organisation formed very soon after the revolution. It supports the guidance patrol, known colloquially as the morality police.
The Basij is essential to the Iranian authoritarian state. It sits under the command of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps, and is fiercely loyal to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
The United States Treasury has imposed sanctions on senior members of the Basij, and on a network of businesses it believes is financing the organisation.
Human rights obligations
The revolutionary courts’ secret trials, vague charges, denial of lawyers, and evidence obtained by coercion and torture have focused attention on Iran’s flagrant and persistent breaches of its international human rights obligations.
In 1975, Iran ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantees the right to life and the right to live free from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has stated the death penalty is not consistent with these guarantees, putting Iran in breach of its international human rights obligations.
The guarantee of a right not to be tortured is repeated in the Convention Against Torture, which Iran has not ratified. It’s the only country in the Middle East to not have done so, and one of only 20 in the world.
In a periodic review of Iran’s human rights compliance, the UN recommended in 2020 that Iran ratify the treaty, end the use of torture, and credibly investigate and prosecute all allegations of torture. Iran rejected these recommendations.
The Center for Human Rights in Iran warns the executions are “a prelude to more state-sponsored murders of young people in the absence of a strong and coordinated international response”.
Hangings such as these have been characterised by opposition parties in exile as desperate efforts to forestall the inevitable overthrow of the regime, and by the US Department of State as efforts to intimidate Iranians and suppress dissent.
Will sanctions help?
Australia’s response to two executions late last year was to condemn the executions, issue a joint statement with Canada and New Zealand, and subject Iran’s morality police and the Basij to international sanctions.
We can condemn the country’s conduct and enact sanctions, but sadly, Iran is free to persist despite sanctions if it wants.
At the very least, what international sanctions and global outrage may do is give heart and hope to the protesters, and help signal to them that the world is watching and standing with them.
Simon would like to acknowledge an Iranian-born colleague who requested anonymity for their contributions to this article.
Simon would like to thank an Iranian-born colleague who requested anonymity for their contributions to this article.
Sun Cable – considered to be the world’s biggest renewable energy export project – announced this week it had entered voluntary administration following “the absence of alignment” with shareholders.
Sun Cable is expected to cost over A$30 billion. It proposes to build an enormous, 12,000 hectare solar farm in the Northern Territory, add an enormous (40 gigawatt hour) battery for electricity storage, then connect Australia to Singapore via Darwin through an undersea cable over 4,000 kilometres long. This would be by far the world’s longest electricity cable if it existed today.
It would see Darwin access 800 megawatts of additional electricity and Sun Cable could supply “up to” 15% of Singapore’s electricity by 2030. To put this into context, Singapore’s annual electricity consumption is about one quarter of Australia’s.
While this prominent and well funded project has gone into voluntary administration, those enthused about rapid decarbonisation and Australia’s renewable energy export potential need not despair. These events are part of the usual discovery processes.
Sun Cable offers an enticing possibility of putting Australia’s land, and the rays of sunshine that fall on it, to use in displacing gas for electricity production in a distant land. Singapore is keen to procure renewable electricity, and has limited ability to produce that electricity itself.
The project has attracted the enthusiastic support of Australia’s two richest men: Mike Cannon-Brookes and Andrew Forrest. Each has already committed about $50 million to the project and both are experienced investors in renewable electricity in Australia.
When Cannon-Brookes first invested in the project he described it as “batshit insane” but also that the “engineering all checks out”.
Sun Cable is also supported by Australia’s governments. The NT government passed laws last year to facilitate its development. The federal government gave it “major project” status. And Infrastructure Australia called the project “investment ready” and placed it on its National Infrastructure Priority List.
Media commentary since Sun Cable’s announcement has drawn attention to the differences of view of its two most prominent shareholders, particularly about their differing level of support for Sun Cable’s management.
But the exact nature of their disagreement is unclear, and both men have saidthey remain interested in the project.
Commentators have suggested the apparent disagreement is a reflection on the commercial and technical viability of the project itself. Matthew Warren, former chief executive of the Australian Energy Council, went so far as to describe Sun Cable as “a quiet running joke inside the electricity industry” and that it:
reflected the ignorance, egos and quest for notoriety of its proponents rather than the needs of its prospective customers.
But Federal Energy and Climate Minister Chris Bowen, commenting on conversations with Sun Cable’s management, said he was assured the project would proceed. He said the latest developments reflected only a change in corporate structure and approach.
Comparable projects overseas
Sun Cable is obviously a very ambitious project. Yet much too little information is publicly available to pronounce, with any certainty, on its commercial and technical viability.
While the project will certainly break new ground, it is not totally in its own league. The similar Xlinks project was proposed overseas in 2021 and is now advancing quickly. This project would connect Morocco and England with similar capacity renewable generation and storage, and has a comparably long cable to Sun Cable’s.
And at the end of last year, the European Commission committed funding to a high-voltage direct current link between Tunisia in North Africa and Sicily, Italy. It would export 600 megawatts of (mainly) solar electricity produced in Tunisia.
Although a much less ambitious project than either Xlinks or Sun Cable, it is founded on the same vision of long distance inter-continental transmission of renewable electricity. And it is almost certain to proceed.
Just like fossil fuel resources, the world’s renewable resources are unevenly distributed. There are powerful incentives now, on economic and sustainability grounds, to find ways to reliably and cost effectively move renewable electricity from where those resources are abundant to where they are scarce.
No need for hand wringing
Inevitably, the latest Sun Cable developments draw attention to the questions of how best to exploit Australia’s endowment of land, sun and wind and how to capitalise on our track record as a reliable supplier with credible government and trusted courts.
For example, instead of trying to export electricity, should we focus on exporting renewably produced hydrogen or ammonia for fuel and fertilisers? Or, should we focus on using renewables to process and refine mineral resources before shipping higher-valued products (such as steel, aluminium and silicone metal) to distant shores?
These questions have attracted considerable interest from policy makers, investors and researchers – in particular, in books from economist Ross Garnaut (Superpower and The Superpower Transformation) and in former Australian chief scientist Alan Finkel’s forthcoming book Powering Up.
Both authors canvass many possibilities and neither categorically rule out direct renewable electricity export. They also suggest ore processing using renewable electricity is likely to offer great immediate value.
As best I can see, the latest Sun Cable developments provide no new publicly available information to confidently provide new insights into these issues.
The outpouring of “I-told-you-so” commentary following Sun Cable’s voluntary administration is to be expected. But perhaps the main import of Sun Cable’s developments is to draw attention to Australia’s good fortune in attracting ambitious and enterprising developers, supported by rich Australians who have been successful swimming against the tide.
Rather than dipping their hands into the public’s pocket to fund the discovery of the best way to exploit Australia’s renewable resources, these enterprising people are risking their own money and reputations in a discovery process likely to benefit us all.
There is no need for a crisis of confidence or a bout of hand wringing about the viability of Australia’s renewable energy export prospects.
Disagreements arise between investors all the time. Administrative and legal processes should provide ways for these to be resolved quickly and amicably, as we should expect here. Viva the discovery process.
Bruce Mountain does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicky Morrison, Professor of Planning and Director of Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University
Food prices are but one part of the equation that determines access to food – and healthy eating more generally. Just as poverty for some can be hidden within a relatively wealthy community, lack of access to fresh affordable foods can be a problem even in our largest cities.
The term “food desert” describes this concern. It is believed to have been first coined in the United Kingdom. It’s now widely used in the United States and also in Australia.
People living in food deserts lack easy access to food shops. This is usually due to combinations of:
travel distances as a result of low-density suburban sprawl
limited transport options
zoning policies that prohibit the scattering of shops throughout residential areas
retailers’ commercial decisions that the household finances of an area won’t support a viable food outlet.
The term “healthy food desert” describes an area where food shops are available, but only a limited number – or none at all – sell fresh and nutritious food.
Our recent research looks at whether food deserts might exist in a major local government area in Western Sydney. We mapped locations of outlets providing food – both healthy and unhealthy food – and of local levels of disadvantage and health problems.
Our initial results are disturbing. We found nearly two-thirds of suburbs have no food stores at all. In those that have them, only 16% of the stores are healthy food outlets.
Our research took a rapid appraisal approach to assess whether food deserts might be present in the study area.
Health data from the Australian Health Policy Collaboration indicate concerning rates of overweight and obesity, diabetes and early deaths from cardiovascular disease in these areas.
As for the physical environment, the local government area is made up of large single-use residential zones, inconvenient distances to shops, and many fast-food outlets. Walk Score ratings of the suburbs indicate how much a car is needed for almost all errands. People who don’t have a car face real hurdles to accessing affordable, healthier food options.
We used other data sets (online business directories, store locators and Google maps) to plot the locations of food outlets and make an initial assessment of the types of food they offer. We broadly classified these as “healthy” (chain-operated and independent supermarkets, multicultural grocery stores – mostly Asian and African in this area – and fruit and vegetable shops) and “unhealthy” (independent and franchise takeaway stores and certain restaurants and cafés).
We mapped the health and livability indicators and food outlets in different colours.
The coloured maps offer quick, informative and approachable appraisals of the situation. Because community members can easily interpret them, the maps may help to prompt community action to improve the situation.
Overall, “non-healthy” food outlets account for 84% of all food outlets in the local government area.
Further, all food outlets (healthy and non-healthy) are located in 14 suburbs. This means 22 suburbs have no food stores at all. The 14 suburbs with food outlets also commonly have more – at times substantially more – unhealthy than healthy stores.
In the areas with food outlets, less healthy options typically outnumbered the ones offering healthy fresh food. Shutterstock
The mapping also shows a strong correlation between suburbs with large proportions of unhealthy stores and those with greater levels of disadvantage (using the Australian Bureau of Statistics index of relative socioeconomic disadvantage). The suburb ranked as the most disadvantaged, for instance, has six unhealthy food stores but no healthy food stores. Its Walk Score indicates residents depend on the car and could manage few errands by foot.
Our rapid appraisal method does not provide all the answers. Care needs to be taken to not fall into the trap of over-interpretation.
Nor should food outlets themselves be seen as a proxy for healthy or unhealthy eating. They are but one of several factors to be considered in assessing whether people are eating healthily.
It’s clear large parts of this urban area do not support residents’ health and wellbeing by providing good access to healthy food choices.
Urban policy can be effective in eliminating food deserts. Social, land use and community health actions always need to be on the ball and targeted to need.
After all, diet-related choices are not just an outcome of personal preferences. The availability of food outlets, and the range of foods they sell, can influence those choices – and, in turn, nutrition and health.
Our findings pinpoint where targeted investigations should be directed. Determining the exact nature of this lack of choice will help policymakers work out what can be done about it.
It’s an approach well worth taking throughout Australia to check where there might be similar hidden concerns.
Our study lists other proven tools to assist follow-up research that our work has shown is needed. These include:
onsite appraisals of individual food outlets
assessments of the freshness and affordability of items on offer
more detailed local accessibility data
direct surveys of residents’ experiences of their local food environments.
We all deserve to live and work in places that intrinsically support, rather than detract from, healthy choices and behaviours, and therefore our health itself.
Ruvimbo Timba, a planning officer at the NSW Department of Planning and Environment and formerly of Western Sydney University, is a co-author of this article.
Ruvimbo Timba, Planning Officer at NSW Department of Planning and Environment and formerly of Western Sydney University, is a co-author of this article.
Nicky Morrison and Gregory Paine do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Kingdom of Tonga exploded into global news on January 15 last year with one of the most spectacular and violent volcanic eruptions ever seen.
Remarkably, it was caused by a volcano that lies under hundreds of metres of seawater. The event shocked the public and volcano scientists alike.
Was this a new type of eruption we’ve never seen before? Was it a wake-up call to pay more attention to threats from submarine volcanoes around the world?
The answer is yes to both questions.
The Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai volcano was a little-known seamount along a chain of 20 similar volcanoes that make up the Tongan part of the Pacific “Ring of Fire”.
We know a lot about surface volcanoes along this ring, including Mount St Helens in the US, Mount Fuji in Japan and Gunung Merapi of Indonesia. But we know very little about the hundreds of submarine volcanoes around it.
Scientists have good understanding of land-based volcanoes along the Pacific Ring of Fire, but far less so about seamounts. Getty Images
It is difficult, expensive and time-consuming to study submarine volcanoes, but out of sight is no longer out of mind.
The Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai eruption has firmly established itself in the record books with the highest ash plume ever measured and a 58km aerosol cloud “overshoot” that touched space beyond the mesosphere. It also triggered the largest number of lightning bolts recorded for any type of natural event.
COVID hampered access to Tonga during the eruption and its aftermath, but local scientists and an international scientific collaborative effort helped us discover what drove its extreme violence.
Eruption creates a giant hole
A team from the Tongan Geological Services and the University of Auckland used a multi-beam sonar mapping system to precisely measure the shape of the volcano, just three months after the January blast.
We were astonished to find the rim of the vast submarine volcano was intact, but the formerly 6km diameter flat top of the submarine cone was rent by a hole 4km wide and almost 1km deep.
The Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai crater and caldera before and after the eruption. Sung-Hyun Park/Korea Polar Research Institute, CC BY-SA
This is known as a “caldera” and happens when the central part of the volcano collapses in on itself after magma is rapidly “pumped out”. We calculate over 7.1 cubic kilometres of magma was ejected. It is almost impossible to envisage, but if we wanted to refill the caldera, it would take one billion truck loads.
It is hard to explain the physics of the Hunga eruption, even with the large magma volume and its interaction with seawater. We need other driving forces to explain especially the climactic first hour of the eruption.
Mixed magmas lead to chain reaction
Only when we examined the texture and chemistry of the erupted particles (volcanic ash) did we see clues about the event’s violence. Different magmas were intimately mixed and mingled before the eruption, with contrasts visible at a micron to centimetre scale.
Isotopic “fingerprinting” using lead, neodymium, uranium and strontium shows at least three different magma sources were involved. Radium isotope analysis shows two magma bodies were older and resident in the middle of the Earth’s crust, before being joined by a new, younger one shortly before the eruption.
The mingling of magmas caused a strong reaction, driving water and other so-called “volatile elements” out of solution and into gas. This creates bubbles and an expanding magma foam, pushing the magma out vigorously at the onset of eruption.
This intermediate or “andesite” composition has low viscosity. It means magma can be rapidly forced out through narrow cracks in the rock. Hence, there was an extremely rapid tapping of magma from 5-10km below the volcano, leading to sudden step-wise collapses of the caldera.
The caldera collapse led to a chain reaction because seawater suddenly drained through cracks and faults and encountered magma rising from depth in the volcano. The resulting high-pressure direct contact of water with magma at more than 1150℃ caused two high-intensity explosions around 30 and 45 minutes into the eruption. Each explosion further decompressed the magma below, continuing the chain reaction by amplifying bubble growth and magma rise.
After about an hour, the central eruption plume lost energy and the eruption moved to a lower-elevation ejection of particles in a concentric curtain-like pattern around the volcano.
This less focused phase of eruption led to widespread pyroclastic flows – hot and fast-flowing clouds of gas, ash and fragments of rock – that collapsed into the ocean and caused submarine density currents. These damaged vast lengths of the international and domestic data cables, cutting Tonga off from the rest of the world.
This map shows the sites of ongoing venting after the eruption. Marta Ribo/AUT, CC BY-ND
Unanswered questions and challenges
Even after long analysis of a growing body of eyewitness accounts, there are still major unanswered questions about this eruption.
The most important is what led to the largest local tsunami – an 18-20m-high wave that struck most of the central Tongan islands around an hour into the eruption. Earlier tsunami are well linked to the two large explosions at around 30 and 45 minutes into the eruption. Currently, the best candidate for the largest tsunami is the collapse of the caldera itself, which caused seawater to rush back into the new cavity.
This event has parallels only to the great 1883 eruption of Krakatoa in Indonesia and has changed our perspective of the potential hazards from shallow submarine volcanoes. Work has begun on improving volcanic monitoring in Tonga using onshore and offshore seismic sensors along with infrasound sensors and a range of satellite observation tools.
All of these monitoring methods are expensive and difficult compared to land-based volcanoes. Despite the enormous expense of submarine research vessels, intensive efforts are underway to identify other volcanoes around the world that pose Hunga-like threats.
Shane Cronin receives funding from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, through the Endeavour Fund (UOAX1913 and UOAX2213).
Results described in this work includes work in progress in collaboration with Dr Marta Ribo (Auckland University of Technology, NZ), Prof James Garvin (NASA Goddard Space Flight Centre, USA), Prof Frank Ramos (New Mexico State University, USA), Dr Sung-Hyun Park (Korean Polar Research Centre, Republic of Korea) Drs Joali Paredes, Jie Wu, Ingrid Ukstins and David Adams (The University of Auckland, NZ) and Taaniela Kula (Tongan Geoscience Services).
Indonesian President Joko Widodo has acknowledged “gross human rights violations” in his country’s history and vowed to prevent any repeat.
He cited 12 “regrettable” events, including an anti-communist purge at the height of the Cold War.
By some estimates, the massacres killed about 500,000 people.
President Joko Widodo … “I strongly regret that those violations occurred.” Image: Thai PBS World
Widodo is the second Indonesian president to publicly admit the 1960s bloodshed, after the late Abdurrahman Wahid’s public apology in 2000.
The violence was unleashed after communists were accused of killing six generals in an attempted coup amid a struggle for power between the communists, the military and Islamist groups.
“With a clear mind and an earnest heart, I as [Indonesia’s] head of state acknowledge that gross human rights violations did happen in many occurrences,” Widodo said at a news conference outside the presidential palace in Jakarta.
“And I strongly regret that those violations occurred,” added the president, more commonly known as Jokowi.
Democratic activists abducted The events he cited took place between 1965 and 2003 and included the abduction of democratic activists during protests against former leader Suharto’s iron-fisted presidency in the late 1990s.
The president also highlighted rights violations in the region of Papua — the eastern region bordering Papua New Guinea where there has been a long-running independence movement — as well as during an insurgency in the province of Aceh, in the north of the island of Sumatra.
The government was looking to restore the rights of victims “fairly and wisely without negating judicial resolution”, he said, but did not specify how this would be done.
“I will endeavour wholeheartedly to ensure gross human rights violations never happen again in the future,” he added.
However, rights activists said his admission failed to address government responsibility.
Call for legal action Amnesty International’s Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid called for legal action to be taken against the perpetrators of these acts.
“Mere recognition without trying to bring to justice those responsible for past human rights violations will only add salt to the wounds of the victims and their families. Simply put, the president’s statement is meaningless without accountability,” he said.
Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch said Widodo “stopped short of explicitly admitting the government’s role in the atrocities or making any commitments to pursue accountability”.
Widodo recently received a report from a team he commissioned last year to investigate rights violations.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
The impact of vegan diets on our pets’ health produces heated debate from people on both sides.
But until now, we haven’t had a formal assessment of the scientific evidence. In new research published today in Veterinary Sciences we have brought together the health findings from 16 studies on dogs and cats fed vegan diets.
So, if you’re considering whether 2023 might be the year for your best (pet) friend to adopt a meat-free lifestyle, read on to find out the benefits and risks, and what we still don’t know.
An ethical diet?
In recent years, people in many parts of the world have been increasingly adopting vegetarian or vegan diets, spurred by ethical concerns for animal welfare, sustainability, or based on perceived health benefits.
Pet owners may also wish to feed their animals in accordance with these dietary choices. In fact, one study found that 35% of owners who did not feed their pets vegan diets would consider them, but found too many barriers. Principal concerns were nutritional adequacy, a lack of veterinary support and there being few commercially available vegan diets.
It has traditionally been considered that the feeding of vegan diets to species that are mainly carnivorous goes against their “nature” and leads to serious health impacts.
There has even been debate around whether the feeding of vegan diets to pets amounts to animal cruelty. But what does the science actually say?
Evolved from fierce desert predators, cats are obligate carnivores – they need meat as part of their diet and can’t digest plants. little plant/Unsplash
Necessary nutrients
Both dogs and cats are carnivores. Dogs are facultative carnivores, which means they can digest plant material and survive without meat, but may not thrive.
Cats on the other hand are obligate carnivores. By definition this means their diet contains more than 70% meat, and they cannot digest plant material.
The anatomy of the dog and cat gut also clearly points to their carnivorous lifestyles. Their teeth are designed to crush and grind meat, and hold prey. Their intestines are also short with a smaller capacity in relation to body size since, unlike herbivores, they do not need to ferment plant-based material to digest it.
A key concern with vegan pet diets is that the proteins from cereal grains or soy (the main plant-based proteins) contain fewer essential amino acids, e.g. omega 3 fatty acids or taurine, and do not have all the essential vitamins. These nutrients are necessary for maintaining good heart, eye and liver function.
But all of this considers vegan diets using an input-based approach – it’s based on predictions. If we really want to know the impact of these diets on health, we need to measure this in the animals.
Dogs are facultative carnivores, which means they could theoretically survive without meat, but that’s not the same as thriving. New Africa/Shutterstock
The evidence is lacking
We performed a type of study common in evidence-based practice, called a systematic review. These studies provide a summary of all the research on a topic; it is evaluated for quality, allowing us to give an assessment of how certain we can be when making recommendations based on the evidence.
Only 16 studies have looked at the health impacts of vegan diets in dogs and cats. Cats were only included in six of these, despite being the species most likely to suffer nutrient deficiencies.
A number of these studies used owner reports on health as the measured outcome, for example perception of health or body condition. These are likely to be subjective and could be prone to bias.
In the few studies that measured health directly through examining the animals or running laboratory tests, there was little evidence of adverse health impacts from vegan pet diets. Nutrient levels were generally within normal range, no heart or eye abnormalities were detected, and body and coat condition were normal.
However, it’s important to note these studies often involved low numbers of animals, with vegan diets only being fed to animals for a few weeks – so deficiency may not have had time to develop. Furthermore, the study designs were often ones considered less reliable in evidence-based practice, for example with no control groups used as a comparison.
Owners’ perceptions on the health benefits of the diets were overwhelmingly positive. Advantages cited were reduced obesity, better-smelling breath and reduced skin irritation. The only drawback was increased faecal volume, which seemed tolerable to most owners.
Many of the animals included in the vegan pet diet studies didn’t seem to suffer ill effects, but the quality of the evidence was low. Sarah Brown/Unsplash
Proceed with caution
Overall, it seems the jury is still out on whether feeding our carnivorous four-legged friends vegan diets is actually safe.
What we can be certain about is that both strong pro- or anti vegan pet feeding arguments are potentially misguided, and not backed by evidence.
For now, owners committed to feeding their pets a vegan diet should take a cautious approach. Use a complete and balanced commercial vegan diet formulation, and schedule regular health checks with a veterinarian.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
You might have wondered if the recent death of George Pell, who was jailed in 2019 for child sexual abuse and then later acquitted, would bring a sense of relief or closure for victim survivors of Catholic clergy sexual abuse.
After all, the Royal Commission into Institutional Childhood Sexual Abuse found Pell had failed to do enough during his time in senior church roles in Australia to stop priests who abused children.
In fact, news of Pell’s death may generate a roller coaster of complex and variable emotions among abuse survivors.
This mix of emotions may include sadness for the ongoing consequences of the abuse for fellow victim/survivors, and anger at the lack of justice for so many.
There’s also the potential post-traumatic stress reactions triggered by this recent round of media coverage – such as fear, dissociation, distressing memories and sleep disturbance.
Extensive research reveals how significantly childhood sexual abuse can affect a victim survivor’s self-identity, relationships and capacity to trust others.
Potential mental healtheffects include post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), substance abuse, and depression.
Evidence suggests clergy-perpetrated child sexual abuse can lead to very serious mental health outcomes, impaired spiritual wellbeing and distrust in the church and God.
This can lead to significant isolation from family and the faith community.
Many survivors of clergy child sexual abuse report struggling with a fragmented sense of self into adulthood. Significant grief at the loss of childhood and the freedom to develop to their true potential are common.
Clergy-perpetrated childhood sexual abuse is particularly toxic as the abuse is done by moral and spiritual leaders who are meant to protect the child, leading to a profound lack of trust in others.
These effects are pervasive and can be lifelong. The impacts of trauma do not end with the demise of an abuser or the resolution of a court case. They will not end or be resolved with the death of Pell. In fact, recent widespread media coverage could exacerbate it.
Pell coverage may spark distress among survivors
Research reveals intensive media coverage of traumatic events can increase PTSD symptoms acutely, particularly in those experiencing long-term trauma.
Greater cumulative media exposure can lead to more adverse mental health outcomes.
This can occur in several ways, triggering:
distressing and intrusive memories of a survivor’s own abuse, leading to intense fear reactions, sleep disturbance and other PTSD symptoms
thoughts of injustice and institutional cover-up, leading to anger, self-blame or lower self-esteem
rumination on what survivors have lost due to such abuse, promoting grief and sadness.
Childhood sexual abuse can affect a victim survivor’s self-identity, relationships and capacity to trust. Shutterstock
Many recent media reports and obituaries have highlighted the career success of Pell in reaching the upper echelons of the Catholic Church and his role as a spiritual leader.
Yet these accolades strike a highly discordant note with the findings of the Royal Commission, which criticised him sharply for not doing more to protect children from dangerous priests.
Glowing media reporting about Pell may inadvertently increase distress among survivors.
Coming forward about child sexual abuse is incredibly, incredibly difficult and good psychological support following a disclosure is very important.
Not being believed, or being swept up in institutional cover-ups of sexual abuse makes poor mental health outcomes muchmore likely for those who survive it.
Media reports that focus on Pell’s career success and spiritual standing, without properly acknowledging outcomes from the Royal Commission, may reinforce this sense of not being believed and injustice at institutional inaction.
Research reveals key predictors of not disclosing sexual abuse include fear of not being believed, shame and self-blame.
It is likely survivors of abuse are having a particularly tough time during this recent uptick of reporting around Pell and the broader problems of clergy child abuse.
It is vital their experiences and the impact of these experiences are fully acknowledged and validated, and survivors are provided with ongoing support.
Many people think of the annual UN climate talks as talkfests which achieve only incremental change, at best. Activist Greta Thunberg has described them as “blah blah blah” moments – grossly inadequate and too often hijacked by fossil fuel producers who would like the world to keep buying their main exports.
Look more closely. The world is slowly but surely shifting away from fossil fuels. When historians look back, they will likely see the 2015 Paris agreement as the key pivot point. It achieved a global consensus on climate action and set the goal for nations to decarbonise by mid-century.
In recent years, the enormous task of switching from fossil fuels to clean energy has been given a boost by tailwinds from the need to get off Russian gas, to the plummeting cost of clean energy.
Focusing on the success of global talks is no longer the only game in town. To see real progress, look to countries like China, Germany and the United States, who are moving faster to invest in clean energy technologies – not just for the world’s sake, but because it’s in their own interests to move first.
Clean energy investment is soaring. Shutterstock
From Paris with love: why the Paris agreement is so vital
After decades of torturous negotiations and bitter disappointment at the UN COP climate talks, the hard-won 2015 Paris agreement was a major diplomatic breakthrough. Achieved with rare consensus, it has huge legitimacy. That’s what makes it powerful. It sets the standard for all nations to follow.
So what did it do? It introduced a new global norm: achieving net-zero. Countries agreed to keep the world’s heating “well below 2℃ […] and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5℃”.
To get there, the globe must achieve net zero emissions by around mid-century.
All countries need to set national targets to cut emissions and strengthen them every five years. Since 2015, well over 100 countries have pledged to achieve net zero. These countries represent more than 90% of the global economy.
The pledges made in Paris and afterwards are beginning to drive faster change. In the five years to 2020, global clean energy investment grew by 2%. Since 2020, the pace of growth has accelerated significantly to 12% a year. The International Energy Agency (IEA) now expects global fossil fuel use to peak this decade, before the world economy switches irreversibly to clean energy.
At present, the transition is not happening fast enough. But it is happening. And there’s no turning back. Here are six encouraging trends to watch in 2023.
1. G7 economies will form a ‘climate club’
In December, the G7 grouping of the world’s richest democracies agreed to form a “climate club”. Conceived by Nobel Prize-winning economist William Nordhaus, the club is an arrangement where countries develop common standards for climate ambition and share benefits among club members. The club will focus first on decarbonisation of industries such as steelmaking.
2. New carbon tariffs will be introduced in the EU
To avoid the problem of European companies becoming less competitive with companies from nations without a carbon price, EU nations agreed in December to bring in carbon tariffs.
That means imports from countries without an adequate carbon price will be taxed. It also means European companies can’t offshore production to avoid the carbon price.
This is just the tip of the spear, with other rich nations like Canada looking to follow suit. Over time, these tariffs will have a ripple effect, forcing countries reliant on exporting to these markets to move faster toward decarbonisation.
3. The Ukraine war boosted renewables, as nations focus on energy security
When Russia invaded Ukraine, Western nations slapped sanctions on Moscow and cut imports of Russian gas. Fossil fuel prices spiked. Bad news, right? Not so fast. The IEA says the war has actually supercharged clean energy investment by making clean energy a matter of security.
4. The United States and China are competing to lead the shift to clean energy
Climate action doesn’t have to rely on cooperation. Competition is an excellent driver as well. Last year, the United States passed legislation investing over A$530 billion in clean energy.
The largest climate spend in US history was also intended to compete with China, which dominates global production of solar panels, batteries, wind turbines and electric vehicles.
5. Rich nations are paying developing economies to quit coal
In 2021, a grouping of rich nations offered South Africa $A12 billion to shift away from its reliance on coal power. At the Bali G20 summit last year, rich nations offered Indonesia almost A$30 billion to get off coal, while a similar offer was made to Vietnam in December. This year all eyes will be on India, with hopes a similar package will be offered.
6. Coalitions of the willing
In September, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres will host a “no nonsense” climate ambition summit, ahead of the formal COP talks in November. Why? He wants big economies to bring new commitments to cut emissions earlier – as in this decade. There will be “no room for back-sliders, greenwashers, blame-shifters or repackaging of announcements”, he declared.
It’s not the only parallel push. Alongside the formal UN talks, we’re seeing a flowering of groupings dubbed coalitions of the willing. These range from the Powering Past Coal Alliance diplomatic alliance to the Global Methane Pledge to more ambitious proposals like the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, put forward by Vanuatu and Tuvalu last year.
So while the UN climate talks are the bedrock of global cooperation, we’re also seeing a patchwork quilt forming of extra measures. These under the radar efforts will be vital to driving ever-faster climate action.
Nearly all economists and most politicians seem to agree stamp duty is a bad tax. But nearly all state and territory governments rely on it to keep the lights on.
It’s a bad tax because it taxes homeowners every time they move, merely because they have moved. At A$40,000 per move on a median-priced home in Sydney or Melbourne, it’s enough to dissuade people from moving for a better job or to a bigger or smaller home when they have children or their children move out.
It’s even a de facto tax on divorce. When a family home is sold to allow assets to be split, each member of the separating couple needs to pay stamp duty to purchase again. It’s a big reason more than half of divorced women who lose their homes don’t buy again within a decade.
And it’s unfair. Stamp duty hits most the younger households that move around the most. It leaves alone the older residents who stay put.
New modelling by the Centre for Policy Studies at Victoria University finds abolishing stamp duty and replacing the revenue lost with land tax would put downward pressure on the price paid by buyers of about 4.7%, and downward pressure on the price received by sellers of about 0.1%.
In 2018 the Grattan Institute found a national shift from stamp duties to land tax would add up to $17 billion per year to gross domestic product.
Most states aren’t really removing stamp duty
So far only one state or territory – the Australian Capital Territory – has really taken the plunge. Others are merely tinkering with stamp duty in order to create what amounts to a de-facto first home-buyer grant.
The ACT is halfway through a genuine switchover designed to take 20 years.
In Victoria, the Andrews government is merely expanding a system of exemptions for eligible first home-buyers already available. NSW, Queensland, Western Australia and Tasmania also offer such exemptions.
Now in the lead-up to the March election, the NSW government and opposition are one-upping each other with competing policies to offer even more first home-buyers a way to avoid paying stamp duty.
The NSW Labor opposition pledged to abolish stamp duty altogether for first home buyers purchasing properties worth up to $800,000 — expanding the current exemption which is for homes worth up to $650,000. First home buyers purchasing more expensive homes worth up to $1 million will be offered a discount.
The Coalition government has already legislated to offer first home buyers the option of paying an annual land tax rather than stamp duty if they buy a property worth up to $1.5 million.
By targeting these exemptions to first home-buyers, both sides of NSW politics and other state governments are undercutting the key benefit of removing stamp duty: removing the tax on moving.
Most of these policies – including the two offered in NSW – amount to little more than first home buyers’ grants. History shows such grants tend to push up prices.
Actually axing stamp duty means replacing it with something
Stamp duty is critical to helping state governments pay the bills. All states or territories, except the ACT, use them to collect at least one-fifth of their tax revenue.
Does not include Commonwealth grants. Grattan analysis of each state or territory’s most recent budget
These revenues pay to keep our hospitals running and schools open.
NSW expects to collect around $10 billion in stamp duty this financial year alone.
In contrast, Labor’s NSW giveaway for first-home buyers will cost $722 million in its first three years. The Coalition’s will cost $728 million over four years.
To really get rid of stamp duty altogether, we need to replace it with something else. Land tax is a good candidate because it doesn’t distort people’s decisions.
Whereas homeowners can avoid paying stamp duty again by refusing to move, land can’t be moved, meaning land tax can’t be avoided.
The NSW Coalition government started with bolder plans for a meaningful transition, until a scare campaign and the opposition from Labor and the Greens forced it to wind it back.
This has left NSW Labor in the unfortunate position of being against the bad tax (stamp duty) but also against the good tax that would have to replace it: land tax.
Other options – such as increasing the goods and services tax to cover the cost of abolishing stamp duty – appear even less likely.
NSW is stuck in a quagmire in which stamp duty seems here to stay.
Only the ACT is showing the way
The Australian Capital Territory’s approach of slowly reducing one tax while slowly increasing the other shows it can be done.
After announcing the switchover in 2012, the then treasurer Andrew Barr was reelected as chief minister in 2016 and in 2020.
He is ahead in the race to actually remove stamp duty by replacing it with something. He is showing the rest of Australia it needn’t be afraid.
The Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute’s activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities, as disclosed on its website.
Brendan Coates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This week marks the beginning of the tenth season of The Bachelor Australia, Australia’s longest running reality romance franchise.
Often, anniversaries like this provoke nostalgia, a desire to look back at what’s gone before, and to return to a format’s roots. But despite a montage of Bachelor history at the beginning of Monday’s premiere, this is not the approach this new season has taken.
Rather, as it is at pains to remind us repeatedly, it has thrown most of its conventional structures and trappings away. The French-chateau-inspired Sydney mansion is out, replaced by a modern one on the Gold Coast. The fairy lights and candles are conspicuously absent.
And in the most obvious change, instead of having only one man at its centre, there are three: Jed McIntosh, Felix Van Hofe, and Thomas Malucelli. The Bachelor has become The Bachelors.
The three bachelors of The Bachelors: Jed McIntosh, Thomas Malucelli, and Felix Van Hofe. 10 Play
Commitment and choice: innovating with the format
While the parent Bachelor franchise in the US has remained relatively consistent over the 20 years it has been running, the Australian franchise has been far more open to experimentation. (One might even speculate that it is used to trial innovations that might then be adopted in the extremely popular American version.)
Brooke Blurton’s groundbreaking 2021 season of The Bachelorette Australia, which featured both male and female contestants, was an excellent example of this. Blurton was both the first First Nations and the first openly queer person to ever lead a Bachelor/ette season anywhere in the world.
In Blurton’s season, innovation was based on inclusion. This is not the case in The Bachelors Australia, in which the vast majority of the cast appear to be heterosexual and white (a step backwards, in a franchise which has enormous problems around diversity, nationally and internationally).
In the latest season, the innovation is with the underlying structures and mechanics of the franchise, creating new opportunities for the people participating in the show – and new storytelling possibilities for the people making it.
Rather than meeting their contestants upon their entrance to the Bachelor mansion like usual, the three Bachelors travelled around Australia, going on short blind dates with numerous women and inviting only the ten they liked best onto the show. While each of the thirty women is nominally dating the Bachelor who brought them, they are openly encouraged to explore the possibility of a relationship with any of the three men: as host Osher Günsberg tells them, they should “go on all the rides at the theme park before they find the one they’re going to stay on all day”.
This ties into a new rhetoric of choice. While contestants have always been able to refuse a Bachelor’s rose, the multiple-Bachelor format allows them options beyond leaving, giving them more power within the show’s structure.
The other major shift is in the show’s new approach to its endgame. While season-ending proposals are de rigueur in the American franchise, they have historically been rare in the Australian one (with the exception of Blake Garvey’s proposal to Sam Frost in 2014, which ultimately led to one of the franchise’s shortest-lived relationships).
In The Bachelors, this is not the case. All three Bachelors have been given engagement rings – with the expectation, one imagines, that they will use them.
Within the show, the rings are used as a visible symbol of the Bachelors’ commitment to commitment. The world of modern dating is presented as an environment where it is impossible to find a partner who will commit it to you. The show, then, becomes the solution.
A naked ratings grab?
These changes have clearly been made in response to viewer fatigue, and in an attempt to revive the show’s ratings, which have been in decline for some years (although it is worth noting that this has perhaps been overstated: overnight Nielsen ratings do not include streaming, where, for example, Blurton’s season performed quite well, especially for a younger demographic).
The Bachelor is a remarkably long-running reality romance format, both in Australia (where it has run since 2013) and overseas (the US version has run since 2002). For a long time, it was the only format to run for more than a few consecutive years.
However, in the 2010s, this began to change, with the local and global rise of formats like Love Island and Married at First Sight.
The influence of both is plain to see in this new iteration. The emphasis on contestant choice is reminiscent of Love Island, where participants are frequently encouraged to “recouple”. So too, arguably, is the new fluorescent lighting and bright colour palette.
And the emphasis on commitment, and on the show as the supposed solution to the toils of modern dating, is clearly drawn from Married at First Sight, in which the titular “expert”-arranged marriages are positioned as a way to guarantee a dedicated and compatible partner willing to work on a relationship, rather than one who will simply ghost or give up.
Similarly, this new iteration seems designed to encourage conflict – something in which Married at First Sight notoriously specialises.
Whether or not this new version of The Bachelor Australia saves it from cancellation remains to be seen. The fact that it is being aired in January over a much shorter period than normal seems to suggest that the network does not have much faith in it.
However, it offers something new for old viewers who might have been experiencing fatigue; and something familiar for new viewers, who might be better acquainted with some of these other reality romance formats.
While The Bachelors has its flaws, its first week of episodes certainly did not lack entertainment value.
Jodi is the author of Here For The Right Reasons and Can I Steal You For A Second?, two novels set on a reality romance show.
Following months of legal limbo and a health crisis, Papua Governor Lukas Enembe was arrested this week by the country’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in a dramatic move condemned by critics as a “kidnapping”.
At noon on Tuesday, January 10, Governor Enembe was dining in a local restaurant near the headquarters of Indonesia’s Mobile Brigade Corps, known as Brimob.
After the arrest the Brimob transported him directly to Sentani Theys Eluay’s airport — an airport named in honour of another prominent Papuan leader who was callously murdered by the same security forces in 2002, not far from where the governor was arrested.
Governor Enembe was immediately flown to Jakarta to arrive at the Army Central Hospital (RSPAD), Gatot Soebroto, Central Jakarta, reports Kompas.com.
In what seems to be a cautiously premeditated arrest, Jakarta targeted Governor Enembe while he was alone and without the support of thousands of Papuans who had barricaded his residence since September last year.
Once the news of his arrest was leaked, supporters attempted to gather in Sentani at the airport, but they were outnumbered by heavy security forces. A few protesters were shot, and several were injured, with one protester dying from his injuries.
1 shot dead, several wounded Papua Police Public Relations Officer Kombes Ignatius Benny Prabowo said when contacted by Tribunnews.com in Jakarta: “Yes, it is true that someone was shot dead on Tuesday.”
Among those who were shot were Hemanus Kobari Enembe (dead), Neiron Enembe, Kano Enembe, and Segira Enembe.
Surprisingly, they share the same clan names of the governor himself, indicating that only his immediate family were informed of his arrest.
Hemanus Kobari Enembe paid the ultimate price at the hand of Jakarta’s calculated planning and arrest of Papua’s governor.
The crisis began in September 2022, when Governor Enembe was named a suspect by the KPK and summoned by Brimob after it accused him of receiving bribes worth 1 million rupiah (NZ$112,000). This amount was then escalated into a rush of accusations against the governor, including a new allegation that the governor had paid US$39 million to overseas casinos, disclosing details of his private assets such as cars, houses, and properties.
Governor Lukas Enembe . . . ill, but heavily guarded by the BRIMOD police after his arrest. Image: CNN/APR
Voices of prominent Papuan figures A prominent Papuan, Natalius Pigai, Indonesia’s former human rights commissioner, was interviewed on January 11 by an INews TV news presenter regarding these extra allegations.
“If that’s the case,” Pigai replied, “then why don’t we use these wild extra allegations to investigate all the crimes committed in this country by the country’s top ministerial level, including the children of the president, as a conduit for investigating some of the crimes committed by his office in this country?
“Are we interested in that? Why just target Governor Lukas?”
Papuan Dr Benny Giay . . . his view is that the arrest of Governor Lukas Enembe serves the “interests of the political elite” in Jakarta. Image: Jubi screenshot APR
Papuan public intellectual Dr Benny Giay was seen in a video saying that the arrest of Governor Enembe by the KPK in Jayapura was to serve the interests of Jakarta’s political elite, whom he described as “hardliners” in relation to the power struggle to become number one in Papua’s province.
According to him, Governor Lukas Enembe was a victim of this power struggle.
Dr Socrates Yoman, president of the West Papua Fellowship of Baptist Churches, described the arrest as a “kidnapping”. He said the governor had been arrested illegally, without following any legal procedures — and neither the governor nor legal counsel was informed of his arrest.
According to Dr Yoman, Governor Enembe is ill and in the process of recovering from his illness. Thus, this pressure exerted by the state through the military and police violated Governor Enembe’s basic rights to health and humanity.
The behaviour of the state through BRIMOB constituted a crime against humanity or a gross violation of human rights because the governor was arrested during lunchtime without an arrest warrant and while he was unwell, he said.
“The governor is not a terrorist — he was elected Governor of Papua by the Papuan people.
“This kidnapping shows that the nation or country has no law. The country is controlled by people who have lost their humanity, opting instead for animalistic rage and a senseless lust for violence.
“Our goal is to restore their humanity so that they can see other human beings as human beings and become whole human beings,” said Dr Yoman.
The governor’s health The governor’s health has deteriorated since he was banned from traveling to Singapore for regular medical aid since September last year.
Last October, Governor Enembe received two visits from Singapore medical specialists who have been treating him for a number of years.
Despite these visits, his health has continued to deteriorate, which led Singapore’s medical specialists to send a letter in November to authorities in Indonesia requesting that the governor be airlifted to Mount Elizabeth hospital.
The letter from Royal Healthcare in Singapore said:
“We have treated Governor Lukas remotely with routine blood tests, regular zoom consults and monitoring of his glucose and blood pressure levels since November 1, 2022. However, his condition has deteriorated rapidly the last week. His renal function is at a critical range (5.75mg/dl), and he may require dialysis sooner than later. His blood pressure is hovering 190-200/80-100 increasing his risk of morbidity and mortality. He has been advised on immediate evacuation to Singapore with direct admission to Mount Elizabeth Novena Hospital.”
The letters were ignored, and the sick governor was arrested and taken to a hospital in Jakarta, where he had previously refused to go.
Governor Enembe had previously written to KPK requesting that he receive urgent medical treatment in Singapore. Papuan police chiefs and KPK members were asked to accompany him, but this did not happen.
On November 30, 2022, Firli Bahuri, Chairman of KPK, visited the governor at his barricaded residence in Koya Jayapura, Papua, in what appeared to be a humane approach.
But what happened on Tuesday indicates that KPK had already decided to arrest him and take him to the Indonesian capital of Jakarta — almost 4500 km from his home town.
Many Papuan figures who go to Jakarta return home in coffins. Papuan protesters did not want their leader to be taken out of Papua, partly due to this fear.
Despite these protests, letters, and requests, Jakarta completely disregarded the will of the people and of the governor himself.
The plot to kidnap Governor Enembe appears to have been well planned over a period of four months since September, providing enough space for the situation in Papua to calm down and allowing the governor to leave his barricaded house alone without his Papuan “special forces”.
It was during the lunch hour of noon on Tuesday that KPK targeted him in a cunningly calculated manner.
Governor’s image in social media Governor Enembe is portrayed in the Indonesia’s national narrative as a representative of the so-called “poor and backward” majority of Papuans, while portraying him as a man of a lavish lifestyle, owning properties and cars, and with great wealth.
Comments on social media are flooded with a common theme — portraying Papua’s governor as a “criminal”, with some even calling for his “execution”.
Some social media comments emerging from those fighting for West Papua’s liberation are echoing these themes by claiming that Governor Enembe’s case has nothing to do with the Free Papua Movement– his problem is with Jakarta only as he is a “colonial puppet ruler”.
It is true that Lukas Enembe is governor of Indonesian settler colonial provinces. However, Papuans have failed to understand the big picture — the ultimate fate of West Papua itself.
What would happen if West Papua remains part of Indonesia for the next 20-50 years?
Our failure to see the big picture by both Papuans and Indonesians, as well as the international community, is a result of Jakarta fabrication that West Papua is merely a national sovereignty issue for Indonesia. That is the crux of that fatal error.
The isolation of the governor from the rest of the Papuans as a “corruptor” and other dehumanising labels are designed to destroy Papuans’ self-esteem, stripping them of their pride, dignity, and self-respect.
The images and videos of the governor’s arrest, deportation, handcuffing in Jakarta in KPK uniform, and his admission to the military hospital while surrounded by heavily armed security forces are psychologically intimidating to Papuans.
Through brutal silence, politically loaded imagery has been used to convey a certain message:
“See what has happened to your respected leader, the big chief of the Papuan tribes; he is no longer a person. Jakarta still has the final say in what happens to all of you.”
Papuans are facing a highly choreographed state-sponsored terror campaign that shows no signs of abating.
For Papuans, the new year of 2023 should be a time of hope, new dreams, and new lives, but this has been marred once again by the arrest and kidnapping of a well-known and popular Papuan figure, as well as the death of a member of the governor’s family on Tuesday.
As human miseries continue to unfold in the Papuan homeland, Jakarta continues to conduct business as usual, pretending nothing is happening in West Papua while beating the drum of “development, prosperity, and progress” for the betterment of the backward Papuans.
With such prolonged tragedies, it is imperative that the old theories, terminologies, and paradigms that govern this brutal state of affairs be challenged.
A new paradigm is needed The very foundation of our thinking between West Papua and Indonesia must be re-examined within the framework of what Tunisian writer, Albert Memmie, described as “coloniser and colonised”, when examining French treatment of colonised Tunisians, who emerged concurrent with Franz Fanon, the leading thinker of black experience in white, colonised Algeria.
The works of these thinkers provide insight into how the world of colonisers and colonised operates with its psychopathological manipulations in an unjust racially divided system of coloniser control.
These great decolonisation literature treasures will help Papuans to connect the dots of this last frontier to a bigger picture of centuries of war against colonised original peoples around the world, some of which were obliterated (Tasmania), able to escape (Algeria), or escaped but are still trying to reorganise themselves (Haiti).
Therefore, the coloniser and colonised paradigm is a useful mental framework to view Jakarta’s settler colonial activities and how Papuans (colonised) are continuously being lied to, manipulated, dissected, remade and destroyed — from all sides — in order to prevent them from uniting against the entity that threatens their very existence.
The real culprits in West Papua and proper Papuan justice Most ordinary Papuans are unable to gain access to information regarding who exploits their natural resources, how much they are making, who receives the most benefits and how or why.
But Jakarta is too busy displaying Governor Enembe’s personal affairs and wild allegations in headline news — his entire existence is placed on public display, as an object of humiliation, just as the messianic Jesus was crucified on a Roman cross in order to convince Galilean followers that their beloved leader failed.
If true justice is to be delivered to colonised Papuans, then Papuans must put the Dutch on trial for abandoning them 60 years ago, and then hold the United Nations and the United States responsible for selling them, to Indonesia, 60 years ago.
In addition to arresting all international capitalist bandits that are exploiting West Papua under the disguise of multinational corporations, Indonesia should also be arrested for its crimes against Papuans, dating back over 61 years.
However, the question remains… who will deliver this proper justice for the colonised Papuans? Jakarta has certainly set itself on a pathological path of arresting, imprisoning, and executing any figure that appears to be a messianic figure to unite these dislocated original tribes for its final war for survival.
Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic/activist who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University and who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.
As an octopus biologist, I get a call from the media every summer because someone has had an encounter with a blue-ringed octopus. Thankfully, everyone has been OK.
Blue-ringed octopus are famed for being one of the most venomous animals on the planet, and the symptoms from a bite are the stuff of nightmares. But how worried do you need to be?
It’s a common myth that blue-ringed octopus are found only in the tropics. These tiny marine animals are, in fact, found all around Australia, including Tasmania.
There are three official species in Australia, with a maximum size ranging from 12 to 22 centimetres, and they are all extremely venomous. There are also many scientifically “undescribed” species, which have yet to be named and officially added to the blue-ringed family.
The venom of blue-ringed octopus contains tetrodotoxin, a potent neurotoxin claimed to be a thousand times more potent to humans than cyanide.
Blue-ringed octopus are found all over Australia. Shutterstock
First discovered in pufferfish, tetrodotoxin is actually found in more than 100 species including the Panamanian golden frog and rough-skinned newt. But levels of the toxin varies hugely between species, and levels in blue-ringed octopus are high.
Surprisingly, scientists are debating where blue-ringed octopus and other marine animals source their tetrodotoxin. One theory is that it’s produced by bacteria that live inside the host species, the other is that it’s sourced from the diet.
Most of these animals use tetrodotoxin for defence, but blue-ringed octopus also use it to hunt and kill their prey, such as fish and crabs.
Tetrodotoxin is found in over 100 species, including pufferfish. Stelio Puccinelli/Unsplash, CC BY
Are blue-ringed octopus proliferating?
The media often report spikes or record numbers in blue-ringed octopus sightings.
While we don’t have the long-term data to confirm this, the populations of some octopus species are increasing. For example, there are reports the common European octopus is proliferating in France right now.
Octopus are short-lived – the blue-ringed octopus only lives for a few months – and are highly responsive to changing environmental conditions.
Hypothetically, some human-made habitats, such as breakwalls and lobster pots, or marine litter, such as bottles and cans, could be providing additional habitat for blue-ringed octopus. Likewise, climate change could confer an advantage to some octopus species that can better adapt to warming waters.
But we simply do not know if this is the case for blue-ringed octopus. Octopus populations may also undergo natural “boom and bust” cycles in response to fluctuations in temperature, food, and other factors in their environment, resulting in rapid increases and decreases in population numbers.
How to keep safe
Blue-ringed octopus deliver venom by biting using their parrot-like beak, which is found at the base of the arms.
Blue-ringed octopus bites are rare – they are docile, shy animals and are not interested in people. But they may bite when they are threatened or provoked, so NEVER, EVER pick them up.
And remember, these octopus only flash their characteristic blue rings when upset, so stay clear of any small octopus, no matter what they look like.
Blue-ringed octopus are found in shallow coastal waters, including the foreshore, so accidental encounters do happen. Their preferred habitats include rocky reefs and coral reefs, seagrass and algal beds, and rubble. Given they’re found throughout the Indo-West Pacific, you may encounter them while on holiday.
A blue-ringed octopus in a shallow tide pool. Shutterstock
Be careful exploring rock pools, cracks or crevices, or picking up empty shells or bottles at the beach, where the octopus may make a home or den, or even when retrieving fishing gear, such as octopus pots or lobster pots.
Curious, young children may also be at risk of an encounter as they explore the beach environment – I know my own toddler would seek out the ideal octopus habitat if given a chance.
This month also, many dead blue-ringed octopus were found on the beach after a mass death event of marine critters in South Australia. It’s best not to pick them up as they could be dying and stressed. Please also keep pets and young children well away as ingestion could lead to poisoning.
All three blue-ringed octopus species in Australia have killed people, but cases are extremely rare. The severity of symptoms depends on how much venom someone receives.
A mild case of envenomation may result in tingling around the mouth and mild weakness. A severe case may lead to flaccid paralysis (weak or limp muscles), including respiratory paralysis and the inability to breathe.
A tricky thing with blue-ringed octopus is that bites may be painless, so people can be unaware they have been bitten. But the onset of symptoms can be rapid (within minutes) and so an equally rapid first-aid response is crucial.
If you believe someone has been bitten by a blue-ringed octopus, remove them from water immediately and seek urgent medical care. You do not need to put anything on the bite, such as vinegar or hot water. Rather, pressure bandaging and immobilisation is recommended, as for snake bites.
If the envenomation is severe, first aid is also focused on providing basic life support, particularly breathing support. Full first aid response details can be found here and here.
Importantly, undertaking a first-aid course may help equip you with some of the skills to support a person who has been bitten before medical help arrives.
While there is no antivenom available for a blue-ringed octopus bite, the venom has short-lived effects (usually hours).
At the end of the day, enjoy the ocean. But if you see any small octopus, whatever you do, do not pick it up.
The author gratefully acknowledges clinical toxinologist, Professor Julian White AM (Women’s & Children’s Hospital, Adelaide), who provided advice on this article.
Zoe Doubleday receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Australian Academy of Science, and Fisheries Research and Development Corporation.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Webb, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Centre for Astrophysics and Supercomputing, Swinburne University of Technology
3D visualisation of gravitational waves produced by two orbiting black holes.Henze/NASA
What are gravitational waves? – Millie, age 10, Sydney
What a great question Millie!
To answer this we have to travel back in time, to the year 1916. This is the year famous physicist Albert Einstein published his general theory of relativity.
Einstein had figured out how to explain gravity within the Universe using maths. Gravity is the force that keeps us on Earth, and Earth orbiting around the Sun. Until 1916 there had been many theories to try and explain what gravity was and why it exists. But Einstein suggested that gravity was the bending of something called space-time.
You can think of space-time like the fabric of the Universe. It’s what makes up the space we live in. Without it we wouldn’t have a Universe, and that wouldn’t be very fun.
Curved space-time is responsible for the effects of gravity. A trampoline is a great way for us to picture this on a flat surface.
Imagine you place a heavy bowling ball in the centre of a trampoline – its mass bends the fabric, and it creates a dip. Now, if we tried to roll a marble across the trampoline, it would roll inwards and around the bowling ball.
That’s all gravity is: the distortion of the space-time fabric, affecting how things move.
If a heavy thing like a bowling ball stretches the trampoline, a marble will roll towards it in a circle. Author provided
This is what Einstein’s famous equations helped to explain – how we can expect space-time to move under different conditions. We know that in the Universe, nothing stands still. Everything is always moving, and when objects speed up through space-time, they can create small ripples, just like a pebble in a pond.
These ripples are what we call gravitational waves. Our Universe is likely full of these tiny waves, like an ocean with waves moving in all different directions.
But unlike the ocean, gravitational waves are incredibly small and won’t be rocking Earth about. When first predicted by Einstein, he doubted if we’d ever be able to detect them because of how teeny tiny they should be.
I would love to know what he would think today. Not only have we detected gravitational waves, but we’ve detected 90 unique events! This is one of the biggest achievements in physics, and how they did it was nothing short of amazing.
When a gravitational wave passes through Earth, it squeezes or stretches the whole planet in the direction it travels. If we tried to measure it with something like a ruler, the ruler would appear to be the same length because the numbers on the ruler would also be stretched or squeezed, and wouldn’t change.
But scientists have a trick: they can use light, because light can only travel a certain distance over a certain time. If space is stretched out, the light has to travel a little bit farther, and takes longer. Vice versa for when space in squeezed.
The trick to knowing if space has been squeezed or stretched is to measure it in two directions, and calculate the difference. Unfortunately for us it isn’t something that is easy to measure.
The difference in the distance we’re looking for is 1,000 times smaller then a really tiny particle called a proton. To really blow your mind, our bodies have around 10 octillion protons (10,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000).
It’s an insanely small change we needed to detect, but thankfully clever scientists and engineers figured out a way to do it, and you can learn more about these detectors in the video below.
Gravitational waves have given us new eyes to our Universe, allowing us to “see” things like black holes and neutron stars crashing together – because we can finally detect the tiny ripples they create.
Sara Webb does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The thought of her, as always, gave me a jolt of hope, and a burst of energy. And a stab of sorrow.
Prince Harry’s reflection on his mother Princess Diana, who died unexpectedly when he was just 12 years old, appears in his memoir Spare, released officially this week.
In fact, the bestseller is marketed as a story about the “eternal power of love over grief”.
The book’s revelations, retold in high-profile TV interviews and featuring in his Netflix series, are the subject of much media coverage. These revelations chart the prince’s experience of mourning the traumatic death of his mother in public, media intrusion, and its long-term impacts.
On face value, Prince Harry may share typical symptoms of people suffering “complicated grief”. But not everyone agrees with how he “shows” his grief so publicly.
It’s been more than 25 years since the traumatic death of Prince Harry’s mother after a car crash in Paris. And with his family’s immense privilege, it’s easy to assume the need to explore the layers of grief that shape his experiences has passed its use-by date.
But the idea of “time healing all wounds” is a myth. Pain is ongoing. And by silencing someone’s pain, this can worsen it. The public, health professionals, the media and family can all silence someone’s grief by minimising discussions about the impact of losing a loved one.
Twenty years working with grieving people and researching grief reminds me of the countless people in my counselling rooms reflecting on the stinging words someone says to them: “it’s time to move on”.
Counsellors urge people to make meaning of the life lost with those still living. This can involve sharing memories with family members about the person lost, remembering happy times, imagining their inclusion in life currently, and always creating space for conversations about their absence.
If people struggle to make meaning of the new life they are forced to live due to their loss, this can lead to long-term reactions known as complex or complicated grief.
Complicated grief is a severe, persistent and pervasive longing for the deceased. If the death is sudden and unexpected, the prolonged impact will be greater.
People who experience this intensity of grief struggle to engage in everyday life. This profound distress can affect their physical and mental health, and the relationships around them, for years.
Prince Harry has been candid about his struggles with mental health since his mother’s death and his fractured relationship with his wider family. He’s openly admitted to drug use to help him cope with his loss. We see these types of effects on people suffering with complicated grief, as well as the associated trauma when the loss is sudden.
He was so young
Grief isn’t just about what who was lost, but when the loss occurred.
Prince Harry was just 12 years old when his mother passed away.
Psychologist and psychoanalyst Erik Erikson tells us this period of development between childhood and adolescence oscillates between a child seeking a sense of identity versus confusion about where they “fit” in the world.
It’s a time when young people explore values, beliefs and ideas about who they might become as adults. But this stage of development is impacted with the loss of a parent to guide them through this period.
When a significant loss happens at his life stage, this can destabilise the child for significant periods – well into adulthood – especially when the death is related to an external cause, such as an accident.
Prince Harry has shared this destabilising effect and the strain between himself and his surviving parent. Not all siblings experience grief the same way. There may be conflict with the wider family.
Long-term studies in the United States show children who have lost a parent do eventually grow to be resilient and forthright individuals. Yet traumatic memories of both the event and the impact of that loss remain just under the surface.
Prince Harry’s accounts of his experiences are reminders of what can happen for children who have experienced trauma.
His perspectives about the ways his wife was treated in the media and by his family, may have activated reminders of this past trauma.
Grief will have long-term impacts on people’s wellbeing throughout their lives, especially if they were only a child when the loss occurred.
When we look back on what helps children to manage their childhood grief, personal agency is key. They want to choose how they grieve, and their voice needs to be a priority.
This may mean choosing not to attend performative activities, such as funerals. This may mean openly sharing their experiences in a way that suits them – at school, work or with families. This may mean getting angry.
An evidence-based national grief program for children in Australia, Seasons for Growth, emphasises the importance of agency. This includes choosing how to accept the reality of their loss, and finding ways of voicing the emotional impact of that loss. This won’t always be through calm, reflective sharing. It may be through frustrated, angry voices, that suddenly emerge later in life.
Even with all the access to therapy, or even family members to speak to, grief will eventually show up in our thoughts, behaviours and actions. There is no discreet way to do it. Grief is both hope and sorrow.
Sarah Wayland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
New Zealand Parliament Buildings, Wellington, New Zealand.
New Zealand Politics Daily is a collation of the most prominent issues being discussed in New Zealand. It is edited by Dr Bryce Edwards of The Democracy Project.
Aussiewood sprinkled its star dust at this year’s 80th Golden Globes with five nominations and a fourth acting win for Cate Blanchett, this time her performance as a renowned German conductor in Todd Field’s Tár.
The Golden Globes was back in full capacity at the Beverley Hilton in Los Angeles and broadcast on NBC. This time the ceremony was on a Tuesday, not a Sunday night and was also streamed live on Stan.
In the previous years the ceremony had been scaled down due the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as controversies associated with the Hollywood Foreign Press Association (HFPA).
Nominations and awards
Besides Blanchett, another Aussiewood member nominated included Baz Luhrmann for directing the feature about the rockabilly icon, Elvis. Also nominated was Margot Robbie in the acting musical or comedy category for her role as Nellie LaRoy, an aspiring actress in the film Babylon, about ambitious creatives in Hollywood during the roaring 1920s.
Hugh Jackman received an nomination as the father of a teenage boy with mental health issues in The Son, and Elizabeth Debicki in her supporting role of Princess Diana in season five of the Netflix series, The Crown.
US actor Austin Butler won Best Performance by an Actor in a Motion Picture — Drama for his role as Elvis Presley. But Luhrmann lost out to Steven Spielberg’s The Fabelmans for Best Director — Motion Picture.
Andrew Dominik’s Netflix drama, Blonde, saw Cuban actress Ana de Armas (who played Marilyn Monroe) nominated in the Best Performance by an Actress in a Motion Picture — Drama. However, that award went to Blanchett, who did not attend the ceremony because she was in London for the premiere of Tár.
Aussiewood and awards
Since the 1900s, Australians in the cultural field have often spent time in or moved to Hollywood to forge successful careers.
Despite the 1970s and 1980s boom in Australia’s national film industry, the minimal Australian nominations for the Golden Globes were tied to the Foreign Language category. One example is Gillian Armstrong’s My Brilliant Career, which was nominated for Best Picture in 1981.
The term Aussiewood came into vogue during the 2000s to describe the international franchisees and successful invasion of Australian artists in Hollywood.
In their 2004 book on the topic, critics Michaela Boland and Michael Bodey said Aussiewood reached a critical mass in 2002 when Australian directors and the acting fraternity were nominated in 24 television and film categories at the Golden Globes.
Nicole Kidman, who won a Golden Globe in 2002 for her role as Satine in Luhrmann’s Moulin Rouge, has a total of six Golden Globe awards to her name – the most for any Australian to date.
Nicole Kidman at the 2002 Golden Globes awards. Golden Globes
What is the magic of Aussiewood?
Tom Hanks, who is nominated this year for playing Colonel Tom Parker in Luhrmann’s Elvis, joked back then that Australia’s success in Hollywood “has something to do with magical qualities in Vegemite”.
However, as Beverly Hills-based publicist Catherine Olim said:
It doesn’t have anything to do with where they are from […] What Hollywood sees is their talent.
Unlike the peer-driven, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (the Oscars), the Golden Globes is voted on by 105 Los Angeles-based foreign journalists (six of which are now Black) who are members of the Hollywood Foreign Press Association.
Since its inception in 1943, the aim of the the Hollywood Foreign Press Association was to distribute cinema news to the non-US markets. The annual Golden Globes ceremony is often seen as the dress rehearsal to the Oscars in March.
In recent years the Hollywood Foreign Press Association has been criticised for moving beyond the realms of objective journalism by boosting media campaigns of Oscar hopefuls.
Prior to this year’s Golden Globes and following its world premiere at the Venice Film Festival in September 2022, Blanchett received a lot of international positive media praise for her role in Tár.
Blanchett’s Golden Globe win for Tár hints at possible Oscar glory, which could put her in the elite Aussiewood category of three Academy Awards.
Andrea Jean Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Libby (Elizabeth) Sander, MBA Director & Assistant Professor of Organisational Behaviour, Bond Business School, Bond University
If you’ve found yourself feeling a bit flat after returning to work (or outright hating your job) this year, you’re not alone. #BackToWork is trending for Australia on Tik Tok, with plenty of users lamenting the return to the office. A growing body of research also shows this feeling is pretty common.
But while there’s nothing new about the return-to-work blues, few companies have any strategy to facilitate readjustment to work after vacation.
So what does the research say on this issue, and what could employers do to address it?
increased quickly during vacation, peaked on the eighth vacation day and had rapidly returned to baseline level within the first week of work resumption.
short breaks have an advantage over longer vacations on some measures, and this may be explained by attributes of the environment and activities in which vacationers engaged.
But while you may feel uninspired in your first week back, hang in there: research has shown employees perceive they are more creative two weeks after returning from vacation.
One study found employees perceive they are more creative two weeks after returning from vacation. Photo by RF._.studio/Pexels, CC BY
Many of us were dreading work even before the Christmas break. A December 2022 survey of 100 working adults on LinkedIn showed 60% felt they had worked too much in 2022, while another study showed 46% of Australian employees feel burned out.
The pandemic introduced new stressors into almost every area of our lives. As many of these stressors go on over several years, the risk of burnout increases.
Providing a psychologically safe workplace
In a recent report on mental health and workplace, the Committee for Economic Development Australia noted poor mental health costs the Australian economy around A$70 billion dollars a year.
Employers should provide a psychologically safe workplace, along with access to mental health support.
Taking regular breaks, creating boundaries to stop work spilling into our personal lives, getting exercise and having other interests outside of work are important to reduce stress.
Taking holidays is also essential. One study found “health and wellbeing improve during vacation, but these positive vacation effects fade out within the first week of work resumption”. Even so, the same researchers noted vacations “may act as buffer against future stressors”.
But an October 2022 survey found 75% of Australians were not taking their annual leave due to workload and financial pressures.
This points to a broader issue that isn’t solved by announcing a new employee wellness initiative.
Wellness fads don’t work when the root cause remains
Organisations need to be aware wellness fads and token mindfulness programs do nothing to address stressors such as poor job design, overwork, inadequate management capability and poor organisational and leadership culture.
All the free lunch and in-office massages in the world will be of no use if you’re working in a toxic culture or have a narcissistic boss.
Sometimes, systemic change is needed. That can mean redesigning jobs, rethinking pay, changing organisational structure and addressing workload expectations.
Offering overworked employees yoga sessions, stress reduction workshops, meal vouchers or sessions on personal resilience are unlikely to make any difference.
What’s needed is an approach addressing the root causes of employee burnout.
If I’m dreading work this much, should I look for a new job?
While feeling a bit flat at work after a holiday is normal for a few weeks, some indicators suggest it’s time for a new job (or a longer break).
If you are still feeling flat a month after you return, it’s likely to be more than the post-vacation slump.
Getting support to discuss the causes is an important first step.
If your stressors are largely driven by the pressures of balancing responsibilities outside of work, you might ask your employer for flexibility with hours or working from home.
And while many companies are offering more flexibility since the pandemic, recent changes to federal laws will make it easier for employees to request flexible work.
So you’ve discussed your concerns with your manager – now what?
If there is a lack of genuine action to address poor organisational culture, inadequate leadership capability, continued overwork, and bad job design, then looking for a new job is probably a good idea.
Libby (Elizabeth) Sander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The autonomous government in the Papua New Guinea region of Bougainville is finally organising byelections next month in two seats that have been without representation for many months.
The elections, in Nissan and Haku constituencies, will be held on February 22, with nominations set to close tomorrow.
The Nissan seat has been vacant since July 2021, after then-Health Minister Charry Napto and his wife and child were among seven people lost at sea when a banana boat carrying them disappeared.
The Haku seat became vacant after the death of Xavier Kareku in March last year.
The writs were issued by the Speaker of the Bougainville House of Representatives, Simon Pentanu, in Buka on Tuesday.
Pentanu said he was happy to issue the writs so that the people can exercise their democratic rights and he called on candidates to campaign peacefully and let the people decide the leaders of their choice.
Acting Electoral Commissioner George Manu said the delay was due to a lack of funding.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
President Édouard Fritch of French Polynesia says he wants to boost funds to study journalism in French Polynesia in a bid to help strengthen the media industry quality, reports RNZ Pacific.
According to the local Ministry of Education, the amount given for study grants will vary from US$536 to US$1341 per month, depending on the level of study.
Fritch told La Première television about the “growing threat of false information” and the importance of reliable news outlets.
“Those social media pages escape the realm of news outlets, they shy away from all verification and create confusion and worse, they act as the public’s spokesperson,” he said.
“That is why I think it is a must that the journalism sector must be supported by the country.”
La Première in Tahiti heads the audience share with 36.5 percent. Figures for other territories are: French Guyana 33.4 percent, Mayotte 31.4 percent, New Caledonia 30.2 percent, Gaudeloupe 27.1 percent, Martinique 18.1 percent, and Réunion 14.5 percent.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Across much of the world’s oceans, waves are getting bigger. In the Southern Ocean, where storm-driven swell can propagate halfway across the world to California, the average wave has grown about 20cm in the past 30 years.
These changes are part of climate change, and are likely to continue well into the future. If you’re making long-term plans near the sea – like building ships, or constructing flood defences in coastal cities – you need more detail about how big those waves are going to get.
In a study published today in Science Advances, we looked at the projected changes in the size of the very biggest waves around the globe. We found the uncertainties in the projections could be larger than the projected future changes themselves in about 80% of the world’s oceans and coastlines.
The ‘wave climate’
My group and I study the world’s “wave climate”: the size and distribution of ocean waves in different places, and how that has changed in the past and will change in the future.
We’re interested in the heights of average waves, but also the extreme conditions. As with floods or heatwaves, extreme waves are the ones that cause problems – so they’re often the ones we need to know about when we’re building near the sea.
From floating buoys and satellite radar, we have records of wave heights extending back 30 to 40 years. These data don’t cover the whole world, but we feed them into computer models that fill in the gaps.
Waves are driven by winds over the surface of the ocean. Dan Grinwis
Waves are created by the wind, so our models of waves are also tied to what we know about wind conditions. Taken all together, we have about 40 years of model data giving wave conditions for the whole world’s oceans (broken up into “pixels” about 25 kilometres across).
We also use a branch of statistics called extreme value analysis to calculate things like the biggest wave you can expect at a given location once in 100 years (the 100-year event).
Why waves are changing
As the climate changes, we expect that global wind patterns will change – so the world’s waves will change as well.
One change we are already seeing is that many low-pressure systems, which create high winds, are becoming more intense and moving away from the equator and towards the poles.
In the southern hemisphere, this means more high winds over the Southern Ocean, driving bigger waves. This swell in the Southern Ocean propagates out into the Pacific, Atlantic and Indian oceans – which means bigger waves across the southern hemisphere.
Indeed, we have observed that average wave heights in the Southern Ocean have increased by around 20cm over the past 30 years.
In the northern hemisphere, there is more land closer to the pole. So the high winds are now more often happening over land, and ocean waves are actually losing some height.
A blurry future
So what does all this mean for the future? In our new study, we tried to figure that out.
To get an idea of the future of waves, we start with wind projections from major climate models that are used to project future temperatures as carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere increase. We then feed these winds into our wave models, and see what they predict.
There are many wind and wave models, all with slight differences in their assumptions and the way they model the physics, so they all produce somewhat different projections. We combined the results from an ensemble of a dozen models to get a clearer picture of the differences.
Waves shape coastlines through erosion. Dan Grinwis
On average, we found extreme wave heights in many places are likely to grow by between 5% and 8% by 2100.
However, there is a lot of uncertainty in those estimates. One source of uncertainty is how much carbon dioxide humans pump into the atmosphere over the coming decades.
Another source is the uncertainty in the models themselves. We found that in many cases the difference in estimates between different models was about the same size as the projected changes in wave height.
A note of caution
The upshot of our research is that there is still a lot of uncertainty in what will happen to the size of extreme waves in the coming decades. That means there is also a lot of uncertainty in our projections of coastal flooding and the erosion of beaches.
These uncertainties may not seem huge – perhaps 30-40cm by 2100 – but they’re big enough to determine whether or not a particular coastal property ends up underwater.
So for anyone making plans near the sea – like engineers designing coastal structures, governments building flood defences, or local councils making development decisions – the message is that you should err on the side of caution in your decision-making.
For the rest of us, it’s a reminder that climate change doesn’t just mean rising temperatures: it means a transformation of the whole global climate system, in ways we still don’t fully understand.
Ian Young receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Victorian Government through DELWP and the Integrated Marine Observing System.
On Sunday January 8, radical supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro invaded and vandalised buildings that house Brazil’s congress, supreme court and presidential palace.
The Governor of the Federal District, legally responsible for guaranteeing order in Brasilia and protecting the executive government’s buildings, has been temporarily ousted from his position. Also, the governor’s former military police commander has been arrested.
In this very initial post-riot moment, some early assessments can be drawn on the repercussions for current President Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva and for Bolsonaro supporters. Firstly, that Lula seems to be paradoxically strengthened from this.
And secondly, while there has been little support for the riots from the general public, Bolsonaristas are far from being a weak group.
What now for Lula’s presidency?
The attacks in Brasilia caused extensive material damage. However, they didn’t succeed in ousting Lula, or even in weakening his leadership.
Quite the opposite – Lula seems to be the one to have gained the most political capital in the immediate aftermath.
Even though he became president just over a week ago, this is his third time in the position. Regardless of whether one supports him or not, he has unparalleled experience in how to portray a position of power and confidence. He’s also known as an incredibly skilled politician with a particular ability to build political bridges.
A day after the attacks, Lula convened a meeting in Brasilia attended by all of Brazil’s 27 governors, including some hardcore Bolsonaro supporters, along with members of the Supreme Court and powerful members of the Senate and the lower house.
He said the violent acts were unacceptable and those involved should be judged and punished under the law. The meeting finished with all of them walking – many hand-in-hand – from the presidential palace across to the Supreme Court (some 400 meters away) so everyone could witness the destruction first-hand.
Even if this was “just” a photo-op, it was a visible demonstration of institutional unity by members and leaders of the executive, legislative, and judiciary powers and of the federation.
Though how long this spirit will stay in place is anyone’s guess – this is politics, after all.
What now for Bolsonaro supporters?
This episode seems to have weakened Bolsonaristas, at least temporarily. But to dismiss or minimise their ongoing capacity to organise other violent events in the future would be not just wrong but dangerous. Toppling a democratic regime might be a very high bar to reach, but generating chaos and fear might be on the agenda for the next four years.
It’s important to note Bolsonaro supporters are not a homogenous group. Some are primarily against Lula or his party (the Workers’ Party), and supported Bolsonaro’s presidential bid so Lula wouldn’t win. Others have accepted Bolsonaro’s loss, even if painfully, but have carried on with their lives.
Neither of these groups were the ones vandalising public buildings or sleeping in tents outside of army walls for weeks. So far, the impression is these more “moderate” supporters do not support what took place in Brasilia.
An analysis of over two million social media posts while the riots were happening showed 90% of the public’s comments were negative towards the riots, mostly expressing sadness, fear and disgust.
So, it’s likely Bolsonaro supporters who defend the attacks on the capital are a relatively small group. Yet, they share a hardcore and radical view of Brazil.
Many of them are convinced Brazil needs to be “saved from communism”. The rioters see themselves as “true patriots”, the ones responsible for safeguarding God and family against the “red menace”. This Christmas, some Bolsonaro supporters and businesses even took issue with Santa Claus wearing red, given the association between the colour red and communism.
Right now, only a handful of political figures are openly supporting the rioters. But some members of the armed forces and the police are backing the riots. It’s not clear exactly how many police are in this camp or how willing they are to risk their jobs and support anti-democratic actions.
It’s also not yet clear whether this was the apex of violent attempts to oust Lula, or the beginning of what’s yet to come. The country is still rife with polarisation.
The challenge now in Brazil is to recreate the country’s political centre-right, which essentially evaporated in the last two elections, engulfed under Bolsonaro’s clout with the far-right. A centre-right that defends democratic values wouldn’t eliminate far-right radicals, but it would hopefully help in making them a fringe group.
Still, this is not a short term solution – if it is even a solution at all. Right now, there’s too much political tension in the air and any long-term assessments are unwise.
Deborah Barros Leal Farias does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Beckett, Senior Lecturer (Food Science and Human Nutrition), School of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Newcastle
New year, new you, new diet. It’s a familiar refrain. One popular dieting technique is to create a food blacklist. Quitting “carbs” or packaged foods is common, which can mean avoiding supermarket staples like pasta.
But do we really need to ban pasta to improve our diets?
This is what we call a reductionist approach to nutrition, where we describe a food based on just one of its key components. Pasta isn’t just carbohydrates. One cup (about 145 grams) of cooked pasta has about 38g of carbohydrates, 7.7g of protein and 0.6g of fats. Plus, there’s all the water that is absorbed from cooking and lots of vitamins and minerals.
“But pasta is mostly carbs!” I hear you cry. This is true, but it’s not the whole story. We need to think about context.
You probably know there are recommendations for how much energy (kilojoules or calories) we should eat in a day. These recommendations are based on body size, sex and physical activity. But you might not realise there are also recommendations about the profile of macronutrients – or types of food – that supply this energy.
Fats, carbs and proteins are macronutrients. Macronutrients are broken down in the body to produce energy for our bodies.
Acceptable Macronutrient Distribution Ranges describe the ratio or percentage of macronutrients that should provide this energy. These ranges are set by experts based on health outcomes and models of healthy eating. They aim to make sure we get enough, but not too much, of each macro. Consuming too much or too little of any type of food can have consequences for health.
The ratios are also designed to make sure we get enough of the vitamins and minerals that come with the energy in the foods we typically eat. We should get 45–65% of our energy from carbohydrates, 10–30% from proteins, and 20–35% from fats.
If weight loss is a health goal, then looking at serving might be better than blacklisting food types. Unsplash, CC BY
Macronutrient ratios mean it can be healthy to eat up to between 1.2 and 6.5 times more carbohydrates in a day than protein – since each gram of protein has the same amount of energy as a gram of carbohydrates.
The ratio of carbs to protein in pasta is 38g to 7.7g, which equates to roughly a 5:1 ratio, well within the acceptable macronutrient distribution range. Meaning pasta actually has enough protein to balance with the carbohydrates. This isn’t just because of the eggs in pasta either. Wheat is another source of protein, making up about 20% of the proteins eaten globally.
If you are worried about the calorie levels and weight gain, that’s not so simple either.
In the context of an otherwise healthy diet, people have been shown to lose more weight when their diet includes pasta regularly. And, a systematic review of ten different studies found pasta was better for post-meal blood glucose levels than bread or potatoes.
Instead of quitting spaghetti, consider reducing portion sizes, or switching to wholegrain pasta, which has a higher fibre content which has benefits for gut health and can help you feel fuller longer.
Gluten-free pasta has slightly less protein than wheat pasta. So, despite being healthier for people with gluten intolerance, there are no increased health benefits in switching to gluten-free pasta for most of us.
Pasta really is better the next day. Leftovers are lower in calories when cooled and reheated. Unsplash, CC BY
Pasta is also not typically eaten alone. So, while some warn about the dangers of blood sugar spikes when eating “naked carbs” (meaning just carbs with no other foods), this typically isn’t a risk for pasta.
When pasta provides the base of a meal, it can be a vehicle to help people eat more vegetables in smooth or chunky vegetable sauces. For kids (or fussy adults) pasta sauce can be a great place to hide pureed or grated vegetables.
Not eating pasta alone is also important for the protein profile. Plant foods are typically not complete proteins, which means we need to eat combinations of them to get all the different types of amino acids (the building blocks of proteins) we need to survive.
But pasta, even though we often focus on the carbs and energy, packs a good nutritional punch. Like most foods, it isn’t just macronutrients it also has micronutrients.
One cup of cooked pasta has about a quarter of our daily recommended intakes of vitamins B1 and B9, half the recommended intake of selenium, and 10% of our iron needs.
The news for pasta gets even better when we eat it as leftovers. When pasta is cooked and cooled, some of the carbohydrates convert to resistant starch. This starch gets its name from being resistant to digestion, so it contributes less energy and is better for blood sugar levels. So, your leftover pasta, even if you reheat it, is lower in calories than the night before.
Pasta offers more in nutritional terms than some other ‘carb’ foods. Unsplash, CC BY
Look a little closer at ‘carb’ choices
There is a lot of talk about reducing intakes of carbohydrates for weight loss, but remember carbs come in different forms and in different foods.
Some of them, like pasta, bring other benefits. Others like cakes and lollies, add very little else. When we talk about reducing intake of refined carbohydrates, think first of sweets that are eaten alone, before you cut the staple carbohydrates that are often served with vegetables – arguably the healthiest core food group!
Emma Beckett has received funding for research or consulting from Mars Foods, Nutrition Research Australia, NHMRC, ARC, AMP Foundation, Kellogg, and the University of Newcastle. She is a member of committees/working groups related to nutrition or the Australian Academy of Science, the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Nutrition Society of Australia.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Albert Van Dijk, Professor, Water and Landscape Dynamics, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University
Anjum Naveed/AP
In 2022, a third La Niña year brought much rain to Australia and Southeast Asia and dry conditions to the other side of the Pacific. These patterns were expected, but behind these variations there are troubling signs the entire global water cycle is changing.
Our research team watches the global water cycle closely. We analyse observations from more than 40 satellites that continuously monitor the atmosphere and Earth’s surface. We merge those with data from thousands of weather and water monitoring stations on the ground.
For the first time, we’ve drawn on those many terabytes of data to paint a full picture of the water cycle over a year for the entire globe, as well as for individual countries. The findings are contained in a report released today.
The key conclusion? Earth’s water cycle is clearly changing. Globally, the air is getting hotter and drier, which means droughts and risky fire conditions are developing faster and more frequently.
Earth’s air is getting hotter and drier, which means more flash droughts. CAROLINE BREHMAN/AP
The year in a nutshell
In 2022, a third consecutive La Niña influenced weather around the world.
Three La Niña years in a row is unusual but not unprecedented.
A La Niña is an oceanic event in which sea surface temperatures are cooler than normal in the central and eastern tropical Pacific and warmer than normal in the western Pacific. The phenomenon strengthens easterly trade winds that bring rain to southeast Asia and Australia.
In 2022, La Niña combined with warm waters in the northern Indian Ocean to bring widespread flooding in a band stretching from Iran to New Zealand, and almost everywhere in between.
The most devastating floods occurred in Pakistan, where about 8 million people were driven out of their homes by massive flooding along the Indus River. Australia also experienced several severe flood events throughout the year – mostly in the east, but also in Western Australia’s Kimberly region at the very end of the year and into 2023.
As is typical for La Niña, the rain was much less plentiful on the other side of the Pacific Ocean. A multi-year drought in the western United States and central South America saw lakes fall to historic lows.
Major water-related events in 2022. Global Water Monitor 2022 Summary Report
A change in the rains
Although our data do not suggest a change in average global rainfall, there are troubling trends in several regions.
The monsoon regions from India to Northern Australia are getting wetter. Parts of the Americas and Africa are getting drier, including the western United States, which experienced its 23rd year of drought in 2022.
Monthly rainfall total records appear intact. But rainfall over shorter periods is becoming increasingly intense in many regions.
As our report highlights, intense rainfall events struck communities across the globe in 2022 – from Brazil, Nigeria and South Africa to Afghanistan, India and Pakistan.
The downpours caused flash floods and landslides, killing thousands and leaving many thousands more without a home. Growing population pressures are pushing ever more people into floodplains and onto unstable slopes, making heavy rain and flood events even more damaging than in the past.
The downpours caused flash floods and left thousands homeless. Anjum Naveed/AP
A hotter, drier world
Average global air temperatures are rising. While La Niña years are historically relatively cool, that effect is largely lost in the upward march of global temperatures.
Heatwaves are increasing in severity and duration and this was noticeable in 2022. Apart from being natural disasters in their own right, heatwaves and unseasonally high temperatures also affect the water cycle.
In 2022, intense heatwaves in Europe and China led to so-called “flash droughts”. These occur when warm, dry air causes the rapid evaporation of water from soils and inland water systems.
In 2022, many rivers in Europe ran dry, exposing artefacts hidden for centuries.
Air is not only getting warmer but also drier, nearly everywhere. That means people, crops and ecosystems need more water to stay healthy, further increasing pressure on water resources.
Dry air also means forests dry out faster, increasing the severity of bushfires. In 2022, the western US experienced major fires in January, in the middle of Northern Hemisphere winter.
Warmer temperatures also melt snow and ice faster. The Pakistan floods were made worse by a preceding intense heatwave that increased glacier melt in the Himalayas. This raised river flows even before the rains hit.
Climate change is not the only way humanity is changing the water cycle. There has been a steady increase in the volume of lakes worldwide. This is mostly due to individuals and governments constructing and enlarging dams to secure their access water, which changes river flows downstream.
Humans are building more dams as the global water cycle changes. Danny Lawson//AP
Welcome to the future
La Niña’s influence appears to be waning, and a switch to an El Niño halfway through this year is possible.
Hopefully, that will mean fewer flood disasters in Asia and Oceania and more rain for drought-affected regions in the Americas and East Africa.
Australia, however, may see a return to heatwaves and bushfires. In the longer term, 2023 may mark the start of another multi-year drought.
The seesawing between El Niño and La Niña is a natural phenomenon. But it remains to be seen whether the triple La Niña was a statistical fluke or a sign of disruption from climate change.
If La Niña or El Niño stays around longer in future, we’re likely to experience deeper droughts and worse floods than seen to date.
Humanity’s success in reducing greenhouse gas emissions will determine the planet’s future several decades from now. Until then, global temperatures will continue to increase. New records will continue to be broken: for heatwaves, cloudbursts, flash droughts, bushfires and ice melt.
There is no way to avoid that. What we can do is heed the warning signs and prepare for a challenging future.
The 2022 report and the underlying data are publicly available via www.globalwater.online.
The following people collaborated on the 2022 report: Jiawei Hou (Australian National University), Hylke Beck (King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, Saudi-Arabia), Richard de Jeu and Robin van der Schalie (Planet, Netherlands), Wouter Dorigo and Wolfgang Preimesberger (TU Wien, Austria), Pablo Rozas Larraondo (Haizea Analytics, Australia) and Joel Rahman (Flowmatters, Australia).
Albert Van Dijk receives or has previously received funding from several government-funded agencies, grant schemes and programmes.
The housing wealth gap between younger and older Australians is undeniably growing.
Our newly published study attempts to find out how much it has grown by estimating the gap in the home equity of older people (Australians in their 50s) and younger people (Australians in their 30s) in 1997–98 and 2017–18.
Adjusted for inflation, we find that in 1997-98 the younger group had mean housing equity of A$97,799 compared to the older group’s $255,323 – meaning the older group had 161% more equity home equity than the younger group: 2.6 times as much.
By 2017–18 the younger group had mean equity of $140,080 but the older group’s mean equity had increased more to $467,182 – meaning the older group had 234% more equity than the younger group: 3.3 times as much.
The housing wealth gap between the old and young had grown from 161% to 234% – making it almost half as big again.
The increase in the gap between those we describe as the income-poor young and the income-rich old was even more alarming – a doubling from 532% to 1230%.
Two things have widened the divide
Our study draws on the 1997-98 and 2017-18 Bureau of Statistics surveys of income and housing and identifies two forces widening the gap.
The first relates to home ownership. While ownership rates for both groups have fallen, the decline has been steeper among the young (from 52% to 40%) than the old (80% to 69%).
The second relates to the different trajectories in the growth of home equity among those who do own homes. In 1997-98, the average equity in the primary home of owners in the older group was 1.7 times that of owners in the younger group. By 2017-18 it was twice that of the younger owners.
The increasing ownership gap turns out to have mattered more than the increasing gap in equity among those who do have homes.
We find that if the ownership gap had not widened, the overall intergenerational housing wealth gap would have been smaller at 200%, rather than 234%.
If the gap in home equity among those who owned homes had not widened, the gap would have been smaller at 215% rather than 234%.
It’s not just age – there are other divides
Housing inequality exists across other divides. In the table below we identify gaps across gender, location and income divides:
comparing single women to single men, we find the advantage enjoyed by single women has shrunk from 72% to 42%
comparing Australians in regional and urban areas we find the advantage enjoyed by those in cities has climbed from 46% to 93%
comparing Australians in the bottom and top thirds of income (adjusted for family size) we find the housing wealth gap has widened from 94% to 191%.
The age-based housing wealth gap is much greater than these other divides. But it becomes greater still when it interacts with those divides.
The greatest combined divide is between people who are both younger and income-poor and people who are both older and income-rich.
In 1997-98, the housing wealth gap between these two groups was an outsized 532%. Over the following decades, it more than doubled to 1230%.
Action is becoming urgent
Our findings put beyond doubt that younger people are falling further behind older people in terms of home ownership.
While some of this might reflect a shift in young people’s investment preferences toward non-housing assets, we find young non-owners also have less non-property wealth than owners.
It makes urgent the need to act on both the affordability of housing and the security of tenure for renters.
Our finding that older Australians enjoy higher growth in home values than young Australians provides support for encouraging the use of equity-release (“reverse mortgage”) schemes to unlock their housing wealth, relieving younger Australians of some of the tax burden of supporting them.
Although obstacles remain, the benefits to both older Australians and less well-off younger taxpayers would be considerable.
In the past 30 years the housing wealth gap between income-poor young Australians and income-rich older Australians has doubled to more than 1000%. Our society will hold together better if we do what we can to wind it back.
Rachel Ong ViforJ is the recipient of an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project FT200100422).
Christopher Phelps does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Papua New Guinea began New Year 2023 with sizzling fireworks that lit up the skies.
But our hopes of shrugging off the “power blackout” tag ended just as the year was a few hours old.
An hour into New Year celebrations in the capital Port Moresby, like a perennial remnant, the inevitable popped like a fireworks flare gone bonkers — resulting in an inkiness that lasted into the wee hours of the morning.
Eleven days into the year, black outs are holding businesses and people to ransom across the country, prompting PNG Power Limited CEO Obed Batia to address the root cause of the constant outages.
According to Batia, the reasons range from aging equipment to high rainfall, vegetation that overwhelms power lines, the refusal of customers to allow PNG Power to trim vegetation and access powerlines, and low diesel fuel.
The creepy crawlies like snakes, rats and bats that can spark a major outage by squatting illegally in a transmitter don’t even rate a mention.
Batia said overgrown trees near power lines are some of the biggest contributors to blackouts, and the refusal of customers to allow PPL workers to cut down these trees add to the problem in many parts of the country.
Resisting cutting trees He said: “Many customers resist PNG Power officers from cutting the trees and clearing of the vegetation within their properties. We are working with external parties to control this.”
Lae PPL office refused to answer questions asked by the Post-Courier about blackouts in Morobe.
In Goroka, a blackout lasted from Jan 6-8 for 48 hours, coming on for only 30 mins and going off again.
Frustrated consumers urged PNG Power to come clear on why the blackout was continuing.
Chamber of Commerce president Chris Anders said the blackout comes as “the risk of having your business or home broken into” had escalated as criminals took advantage of the blackouts, as they normally hit in the early hours of the morning.
“The lack of announcements from PNG Power on what they are doing to fix the power supply is deafening,” Anders said.
PPL said: “The Power Transformer at Himitovi Substation in Goroka which caters for the Goroka load experienced a technical fault on Friday around 2am.
“The issue was rectified at 7pm on Saturday night and power fully restored for Goroka customers.”
Without power for 8 days Along the North Coast Road in Madang, a community has been without power for eight days with requests receiving responses that never were followed up by PPL.
Batia said that rainfalls have attributed to low water levels at Yonki and Ramu will see continued load shedding in Madang and Highlands while Lae has been assured of supply from Taraka, Mildford Power Stations, Baiune Power Station in Bulolo and the Munum IPP.
“In Port Moresby, recent system outages were experienced due to technical issues between all generation power stations both at PNG Power and the Independent Power Producers (IPPs),” he said.
“We are working together with our IPP stakeholders to ensure we correct those issues with respect grid control and regulation issues, in order to provide stable power.
“All Highlands centres and Madang have their standby power stations which supplement the load.
“There has been little increase in the water level but not to a capacity for the Ramu Hydropower Station to generate to full capacity yet.
Back to normal for Kokopo “Gazelle grid has stopped load shedding and the system is back to normal for Kokopo, Rabaul and Kerevat customers,” Batia added.
“In all other provincial centres who run on diesel fuel power stations, our challenge is ensuring our fuel suppliers get supply to our power stations on time.
“When there is late supply, our teams resort to load shedding, which is conserving fuel until the next supply of fuel is delivered.
“Discussions are ongoing with our fuel suppliers to ensure we have an understanding on time supply for our diesel power stations.”
Miriam Zarrigais a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.
Indonesian anti-curruption authorities have arrested Papua Governor Lukas Enembe on allegations of bribery.
The Jakarta Globe called the arrest by the Corruption Eradication Commission in a restaurant in the provincial capital Jayapura yesterday as “dramatic” saying it came four months after he had been named a suspect.
The arrest led to his supporters attacking a police Mobile Brigade Unit where he was being held prior to being flown to Jakarta on a chartered flight.
Governor Lukas Enembe … his arrest led to his supporters attacking a police Mobile Brigade Unit. Image: West Papua Today
The newspaper said the two-term governor is accused of taking billions of rupiah in bribes from businessmen but has resisted arrest since the commission named him a suspect in September.
Indonesia’s Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre alleged Enembe made payments, amounting to US$39 million dollars, to overseas casinos.
Indonesia’s Chief Security Minister Mohammad Mahfud said in October that the central government had channelled billions of dollars in what was dubbed “autonomy funding” to Papua since 2001, with about half of that amount disbursed during Enembe’s term.
He claimed “nothing happened: the people remain poor and the officials continue their lavish lifestyle”.
Pacific Media Watch reports that Papua province is at the heart of the indigenous self-determination struggle in West Papua.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
New Zealand Parliament Buildings, Wellington, New Zealand.
New Zealand Politics Daily is a collation of the most prominent issues being discussed in New Zealand. It is edited by Dr Bryce Edwards of The Democracy Project.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Miles Pattenden, Senior Research Fellow, Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Australian Catholic University
Former senior Vatican figure George Pell has died in Rome from complications following hip surgery. He was 81.
Pell, often described as a conservative Catholic, was jailed for 13 months for child sexual abuse in Australia in 2019 but maintained his innocence and was acquitted the following year.
Once a top official in charge of reforming the Vatican finances, and also Australia’s highest-ranked Catholic figure, Pell leaves behind a complex legacy.
His death will be sad for the Catholics who held him in high regard but less so for the many critics he attracted in Australia and elsewhere over the course of his career.
It’s hard to believe he will not be remembered most vividly for the trial in 2019 and 2020, when he was accused and then convicted of several counts of sexual abuse of children within the St Patrick’s Cathedral complex itself. His conviction was later overturned.
Though his conviction was overturned by the High Court, there are many in Australian society who still felt Pell didn’t do enough when he was Archbishop of Melbourne and Sydney to act against abuse by priests in the dioceses he controlled.
He was heavily criticised by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. When its report was released after Pell’s conviction was quashed in 2020, it condemned him for his failures to take action against abusive priests – particularly against serial paedophile priest Gerald Ridsdale.
One thing I think Pell’s own court case highlighted is a particular absurdity about legal reporting in Australia, in that everyone outside Australia knew he had been convicted but no one in Australia could report it.
That’s part of his legacy; this case exposed the difficulty in legal reporting. It’s actually quite important.
A political bruiser
Pell was, without a doubt, the most powerful Australian ever to rise through the ranks of the Catholic church. He put Australia on the map in the Vatican in a way it had not been at any other time in history.
It’s testament to how well he was regarded as an administrator in the church that even though he was one of the most staunch conservatives of his generation, the comparatively liberal Pope Francis still turned to him to ask him to regain control of Vatican finances. In other words, his talents were recognised even by liberals within the church.
He was an outsider to the nexus of Italian cardinals who usually controlled that aspect of Vatican activity.
When you talk to people who knew him, they say that in private Pell could be quite charming. But his public personality was as a political bruiser who was simply able to sweep aside opposition, which is what allowed him to ascend the hierarchy so quickly.
He was an ideological fellow traveller with Pope Benedict in many ways, but their style and personality couldn’t have been more different. Benedict was the softly spoken professor type, whereas Pell learned how to do politics in the boxing ring and on the footy field. That shaped his response to any given problem.
Before and after the court cases
Pell came from Ballarat, and had, in many ways, a difficult childhood where he wasn’t always physically well.
But he came through it and channelled a lot of his energy into physical pursuits. He signed for Richmond Football Club in 1959 and was on the verge of becoming a professional player. Yet he decided instead to give it all up to go into the seminary. I don’t think anyone but he could explain exactly why he made that choice.
His talent to cut to the heart of the problem and impose his solution is what got him noticed by his superiors in Australia and the Vatican and helped his rise though the ranks.
After the court case, Pell quietly returned to Rome, where he has been living in semi-retirement since. He’s only made a handful of public statements and he also published some writing he did during his time in prison.
In Easter last year he urged the Vatican to intervene to stop German priests who were advocating that homosexuality might be OK.
All in all, Pell had an important impact on making Australia central to the church but that will be overshadowed by the accusation he didn’t do enough to stop abuse by priests and by his own court cases.
This period will no doubt be triggering for survivors and it’s important to remember that. Many adults in the Catholic church and other institutions failed children in a lot of ways and it’s important we remember survivors of abuse and the profound effect public discussion of this case will have on them.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Sparrow, Professor, Department of Philosophy; Adjunct Professor, Centre for Human Bioethics, Monash University
Shutterstock
Last Saturday night, a young woman out on the town in Brisbane saw a dog-shaped robot trotting towards her and did what many of us might have felt an urge to do: she gave it a solid kick in the head.
After all, who hasn’t thought about lashing out at “intelligent” technologies that frustrate us as often as they serve us? Even if one disapproves of the young woman’s action (or sympathises with Stampy the “bionic quadruped”, a model also reportedly used by the Russian military), her impulse was quintessentially human.
As artificial intelligence and robotics are increasingly deployed to spy on and police us, it may even be a sign of healthy democracy that we’re suspicious of and occasionally hostile towards robots in our shared spaces.
Nevertheless, many people have the intuition that “violence” towards robots is wrong. However, as my researchhas shown, the ethics of kicking a robot dog are more complicated than might be expected.
Robots feel no pain – but what about the people around them?
Were robots ever to become sentient — capable of thinking and feeling — then it would be just as wrong to kick a robot dog as it was a real dog, or maybe even a human being. But the robots we have today are just machines and feel nothing, so kicking them cannot be wrong because it hurts the robot.
Moreover, we still don’t know what makes us conscious and have no idea about how to produce sentience in a robot. So for the foreseeable future we don’t need to worry about causing robots themselves to suffer.
One obvious reason to criticise those who damage robots is that the robots are often the property of another person, who may well be dismayed when their robot is damaged. This fails to distinguish damaging robots from damaging cars or bicycles, and cannot explain why we might feel disturbed when we see someone abusing a robot they own.
That other people would feel upset when they saw me kicking a robot dog gives me some reason not to do it. But it’s not a very powerful reason, since some people may be upset by anything I do, including some things that are clearly the right thing to do.
Is kicking robots a gateway to ‘real’ violence?
Some philosophers have argued violence towards robots is wrong because it makes it more likely the perpetrator, or perhaps witnesses, will behave violently towards entities that can suffer. Abuse of robots may lower the barriers to abuse of humans and animals.
This line of argument, which has also been rolled out to criticise “violent” video games, was actually developed by the 18th-century German philosopher, Immanuel Kant, to explain why (he thought) cruelty to animals is wrong.
Kant denied that animals themselves were worthy of moral concern but worried that people who abused animals would develop “cruel habits”. These habits would cause them to behave badly toward those who do count according to Kant – human beings.
How we treat robots that represent people and animals might therefore have implications for how we treat the things they represent.
It’s hard not to feel the appeal of this line of thought. After all, the advertising industry is built on the idea that getting people to associate representations of things or actions with pleasure can change their behaviour. So perhaps someone who enjoys kicking a robot dog may be more likely to kick a real dog in the future.
The problem with this argument is that it often doesn’t bear out in real life when we look at the evidence.
For instance, the claim that playing “violent” video games makes people more likely to be violent in real life is highly contested. Most people can distinguish pretty clearly between fantasy and reality, and may be able to enjoy representations of violence while still abjuring real violence.
What kind of person would do that?
An alternative line of criticism of violence towards robots, which I have developed in my own work, focuses on what our treatment of robots expresses here and now, rather than on how it might affect our behaviour in the future.
How we treat robots may say something about how we feel about the things that the robots represent. It may also say something about us.
To see this, imagine you meet someone who treated “male” robots well but “female” robots badly. This pattern of behaviour looks obviously sexist.
Or imagine you find your ex laughing with glee while they beat a robot made in your image with a baseball bat. It would be hard not to think this said something about how they feel about you.
It doesn’t matter whether these actions make the people who perform them more likely to behave badly in the future. The actions express attitudes that are morally wrong in themselves.
As Aristotle argued in The Nicomachean Ethics, one way to decide how we should act is to ask: “What sort of person would do that?”
When we think about the ethics of our treatment of robots, we should think about the sort of people it reveals us to be. That might be a reason to control our tempers even in our relations with machines – or to give military and police robots in public streets the boot.
Robert Sparrow is an Associate Investigator in the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making and Society. He was a Chief Investigator in the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Electromaterials Science, which funded some of his previous work on the ethics of social robotics.
Around 1% of Australian adults have tried heroin in their lifetime and 2.7% have used pharmaceutical opioids for non-medical purposes in the past 12 months.
These drugs attach to the opioid receptors in the brain, creating feelings of relaxation, wellbeing and reduced pain.
Heroin has a short half life, meaning it doesn’t stay in the body for very long, so it has a high potential for dependence. If you’re dependent, you may need to use several times a day to maintain the effect.
Dependence is when you use a drug regularly and your body and brain become used to it. When you stop, withdrawal symptoms occur, which in the case of opioids can include symptoms such as muscle aches, strong cravings and hot or cold flushes. These symptoms can be so uncomfortable that they sometimes lead to using opioids again, which will stop the withdrawal symptoms.
Research shows the most effective treatment for heroin dependence is to replace it with a similar but longer-acting opioid – such as methadone – in a controlled dose to reduce the need to use heroin. This is called “opioid agonist treatment”.
Methadone was the first medication trialled as a “replacement therapy”. It’s a long-acting opioid, with similar effects to heroin.
It’s usually swallowed as a solution or a syrup. Because it maintains its action for so long, it only needs to be taken once a day.
Methadone is usually taken as a solution or syrup. Shutterstock
When the dose is high enough, methadone blocks the brain’s natural opioid receptors. So if someone uses heroin while on methadone they won’t feel the effects of the heroin because the receptors are already full with methadone.
Methadone treatment was first tested in the 1960s in New York, in a groundbreaking trial at The Rockefeller University by Vincent Dole, a physician, and Marie Nyswander, a psychiatrist.
By removing the need to regularly take other opioids, and stabilising opioid withdrawal and cravings, methadone reduces drug use, reduces criminal activity, and improves health.
Once a person is on a steady dose, which often takes up to six to eight weeks, and they no longer feel withdrawal symptoms, they are better able to work or study. When a person is on a steady dose (that is, that they are not intoxicated or feeling “under the influence” after their normal daily dose) they are allowed to drive a car, although driving is not recommended when undergoing dose changes or at the start of treatment.
Methadone works for people who use heroin or prescription opioids. In Australia, the proportion of people in opioid agonist treatment for dependence to prescription opioids has grown significantly.
Opioid agonist treatment, such as methadone, is an effective treatment for prescription opioid dependence, and is also an effective analgesic (painkiller) for those with both chronic pain and opioid dependence.
So what is buprenorphine?
Buprenorphine is the other medicine commonly used for opioid dependence.
Buprenorphine works for even longer than methadone and in some cases can be taken every second or third day. It comes in a film or a tablet that dissolves under the tongue.
It is a partial agonist, so it binds to the opioid receptor but doesn’t have a full opioid effect.
Buprenorphine is usually combined with naloxone: the medicine that reverses heroin overdoses. Naloxone is inactive when taken orally (or sublingually, or under the tounge) with buprenorphine, but if it is injected it causes unpleasant side effects. Combining the two reduces the likelihood someone will inject their medication intravenously (into a vein), as it’s not intended to be used in this way.
A long-acting buprenorphine that is injected subcutaneously (under the skin) and slowly released over time is also now available in Australia. It can be used as infrequently as once a month, and makes treatment much more accessible.
Some people prefer buprenorphine as it can be less sedating, but others find the full opioid effects of methadone is more effective.
But it can be costly and difficult to access
Methadone and buprenorphine are not expensive medicines, and in Australia they are paid for in full by the government.
Methadone and buprenorphine are usually taken under supervision by a community pharmacist. However, the cost for the pharmacist to provide methadone or buprenorphine is not subsidised by the government. It has to be paid for by the patient.
The medicine has to be taken daily or, for buprenorphine, at least several times a week. A fee is charged for each dose supplied and the costs can add up.
Other costs can push drug replacement therapies out of reach. Eric Ward/Unsplash
Some people also need to pay to see a doctor to get a prescription.
All these costs can be a disincentive to stay in the program, even though the outcomes are very good.
When patients are worried about the stigma of being identified as someone on an opioid pharmacotherapy program, they may wait a long time to seek treatment.
Some treatment providers also hold prejudices against people who use heroin and other drugs and may treat them poorly, compounding the problem.
There is also judgement from people in the community about being on treatments like methadone. Many people have the incorrect idea that methadone is “just replacing one drug for another”.
But compared to using street heroin, methadone treatment is better for the individual, their families and the community.
Think of methadone and buprenorphine treatment in a similar way to insulin for diabetes or daily medications that are needed to manage high blood-pressure. Opioid agonist treatment is usually needed long term and to be taken regularly to be effective.
Methadone and buprenorphine are long-term therapies to treat a health condition. Shutterstock
With injectable opioid agonist treatments, short acting opioids like hydromorphone are self-injected under medical supervision multiple times per day. This treatment is usually only when methadone or buprenorphine have been ineffective.
Although these are now well-established treatments in countries such as Canada, it is not clear if or when injectable opioid agonist treatments will become widely available in Australia.
Heroin dependence is a health condition and there is very good evidence that receiving any form of opioid agonist treatment saves lives, so it is critical that people can access it when they need it.
If you’re worried about your own or someone else’s drug use you can call the National Alcohol and other Drug Hotline on 1800 250 015 for advice, counselling or help finding a treatment provider.
Nicole Lee works as a consultant in the alcohol and other drug sector and a psychologist in private practice. She has previously been awarded funding by Australian and state governments, NHMRC and other bodies for evaluation and research into alcohol and other drug prevention and treatment.
Suzanne Nielsen receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) as a current recipient of an NHMRC Career Development Fellowship. In the past she has received research grants from Seqirus to investigator harms from prescription opioids. She was a named investigator on a trial of buprenorphine depot funded by Indivior but she did not receive funding, nor did her institution.
To beat the summer heat, many of us in the Southern Hemisphere are hitting the beach – and this raises our chances of encountering potentially dangerous marine life beneath the waves.
So should we be worried about stingrays? You might still think so, even if it’s been 16 years since the death of wildlife icon Steve Irwin.
Irwin wrangled some of the world’s most dangerous animals, from crocodiles to venomous snakes, yet it was a stingray that tragically took his life. When I tell others I study stingrays, they usually respond with shock, followed by a quick reminder about this. In fact, I am surprised when an Australian doesn’t mention it.
Despite their reputation as being dangerous, stingray-caused deaths are actually rare. Accidental injuries do happen, but understanding how and why “barbings” occur could help prevent them and help beachgoers overcome the stingray stigma.
The stingray stigma
The existence of a “stingray stigma” became obvious to me after I recently posted an Instagram reel demonstrating the proper technique for picking up a stingray. Despite the fact I’m well trained in this procedure, multiple commenters were flabbergasted I would attempt something so dangerous.
A few more suggested I should fling the stingray out of my hands to avenge Steve Irwin. We can assume these comments are jokes, but weeks after his death news reports showed Irwin fans may have sought retribution when a handful of stingrays on Queensland’s beaches were found with their tails cut off.
Antipathy towards stingrays is likely influenced by media headlines which often paint the animals in a negative light. Many reports about stingrays are coupled with terms such as “stingray attack” but, in fact, they rarely act aggressively.
A rather docile cowtail stingray resting in the ankle-deep water. Jaelen Myers, 2022
So which rays should we watch out for and how do barbings happen? Here are three key facts:
1. More people die falling out of bed than from stingrays
Thousands of stingray injuries are reported worldwide each year but, interestingly, only five recorded deaths have been reported in Australia since 1945, and fewer than 20 worldwide.
Actually, more people die each year from falling out of bed – 73 people in Australia in 2021 alone, according to data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics.
2. Not all rays sting
I have been using the term stingray so far, but there are many types of rays. To clarify, all stingrays are rays, but not all rays are stingrays.
The term “ray” includes everything from skates, guitarfish, manta rays, devil rays, to true stingrays. Only the latter is characterised by a venomous barb, which it developed as a defence tool against larger aquatic predators such as sharks.
Common shovelnose ray – one of the many barb-less rays. Jaelen Myers, 2022
3. A stingray’s body is harmless – but it is slimy
The barb is the only part of a stingray you should be wary of. Since it is located close to the base of the tail on most species, the rest of the tail and the body are harmless to touch.
You’re only in barbing range if you stand nearly on top of their bodies, but they usually shuffle away long before you get that close.
When they feel threatened or are stepped on, rays may react defensively by jerking their tail. That’s why injuries are usually on the foot or ankle. Injuries to extremities vary in severity and pain degree, but they aren’t usually life threatening.
Location of the venemous barb on a stingray’s tail. As they grow, they commonly grow a second barb. Jaelen Myers, 2022
Knowing these facts hopefully eliminates some of the mystery and underlying fear about stingray strikes. Based on my experiences, I find stingrays to be gentle natured. My hope is to alter the general perception of them from dangerous to cute and gentle.
Fortunately, the growth of ecotourism is helping by providing people with memorable stingray interactions. Many aquariums around the world, such as the Georgia Aquarium in the United States, allow adults and children to pet and feed stingrays in touch tanks.
You may have also heard of Stingray City in the Cayman Islands, which is famous for letting you snorkel with rays. At the DayDream Island resort in Queensland, Australia, you can even feed them on your lap.
A group of kids learn how to feed stingrays at Daydream Island Resort. Jaelen Myers, 2022
Positive interactions with these animals can replace the stingray stigma with fascination and curiosity, which is important for promoting their conservation.
A hefty portion of ray species worldwide are vulnerable to localised extinctions and declining population sizes under current levels of overfishing, including eagle and manta rays.
Increasing evidence also suggests more conservation efforts are directed to popular, beloved species. Is there any doubt that we care more for panda bears than a slimy fish? Thus, learning to appreciate our ocean’s “sea pancakes” could be good for them in the long run.
My advice is to seek out a memorable stingray experience. If you see one at the beach, observe it from a safe distance. If you’re landlocked, take the family to the aquarium and touch one. Then you can decide whether it’s worth being afraid of them.
Stingray City, Cayman Islands is a tourist hotspot where people can get up close and personal with the resident stingrays. George Wauchope, 2023
Late last year, the Auckland University of Technology (AUT) initiated a process to eliminate 170 academic jobs to cut costs. The Employment Relations Authority (ERA) found AUT’s approach breached its collective employment agreement with staff and their union and ordered it to withdraw the termination notices.
Tertiary education runs on an insecure labour force in New Zealand and elsewhere. The AUT decision illustrates that even traditionally secure positions are becoming less so.
Tenure is the traditional protection for academics in the tertiary sector, but New Zealand does not have tenure at its universities.
A common argument against tenure is that it leads to a complacent, under-motivated university professor. These concerns are hypothetical – evidence that tenure causes productivity differences is lacking. In fact, one of few large studies on the subject found the opposite. Good administrators should be able to manage any actual productivity issues as they do in all other workplaces.
On the other hand, lack of tenure creates risks for free societies. Tenure is common practice in other liberal democracies. UNESCO says:
Security of employment in the profession, including tenure […] should be safeguarded as it is essential to the interests of higher education.
Tenure is important, if not indispensable, for academic freedom. Academic freedom is essential to a university’s mission, and this mission is a characteristic of a democracy. As University of Regina professor Marc Spoonerput it:
A country’s institutional commitment to academic freedom is a key indicator of whether its democracy is in good health.
The ERA said AUT misunderstood terminology in the collective employment agreement.
The clash term was “specific position”. AUT’s position was that specific positions are identified by professional ranks (from lecturer to professor) and the numbers of each role across four particular faculties.
The ERA did not agree and concluded an essential component for identifying specific positions is the employee, being the person who is the current position holder or appointee to a position.
AUT’s assertion would be like the air force using the rank of “captain” to adjust its number of pilots. The number of captains does not tell you what each captain does, be it to fly planes or fix them.
Without tenure, a standard less than this minimum established by the ERA can be used to eliminate academics who have legitimate priorities that do not align with the administrative staff of the day, or are the victims of any other concealed discrimination. The ERA clarification makes it more difficult to inhibit intramural criticism, the right to criticise the actions taken by managers and leaders of the university.
It […] reflects the distinctive relationship of academic staff and universities, a relationship not able to be defined by reference to the ordinary law of employer and employee relationships.
The ERA clarification helps to prevent the firing of academics who are teaching, researching or questioning things administrators, funders or governments don’t want them to. But it is a finger in a leaking dyke. Tenure is a tried and tested general solution.
Health of the democracy
We only need to observe the events in the United States to recognise the importance of tenure. This benchmark country has a proud tradition of tenure. Nevertheless state governments are dismantling tenure to impose political control on curriculums. Our liberal democracy is not immune to this.
We need more than tenure-secured academic freedom to enable universities to do the sometimes dreary and at other times risky work of providing societies alternatives to populist, nationalist or autocratic movements. But as the Douglas Dillon chair in governance studies at the Brookings Institution, Darrell M. West, wrote, academic freedom is a problem for these movements.
Recognizing the moral authority of independent experts, when despots come to power, one of the first things they do is discredit authoritative institutions who hold leaders accountable and encourage an informed citizenry.
In a system with tenure, a university would have a defined stand-down period preventing reappointment to vacated positions. For example, if an academic program and associated tenured staff that teach it were eliminated at the University of Arkansas for financial reasons, the program could not be reactivated for at least five years. The stand-down inhibits whimsical or agenda-fuelled restructuring as a lazy option to manage staff.
If a similar trade-off were to be applied to how AUT defined specific positions, then no academics could be hired there for five years. It is very different to be prevented from hiring academics than it is to, say, not re-establishing a financially struggling department or program.
Herein lies the true value of tenure. It is greater than a protection of the individual. It protects society from wasteful or ideologically motivated restructuring as an alternative to poor management. Tenure is security of the public trust in our universities.
Jack Heinemann is a member of the Tertiary Education Union and the network of scholars called Academic Freedom Aotearoa. He is an expert witness on academic freedom in the Employment Court. This work is his opinion and does not represent the opinion of the University of Canterbury.
What do a little penguin, a baby rabbit, a black rat and a Krefft’s glider have in common? They’ve all been presented to me (when dead) by my animal companions. Chances are, if you live with a cat or dog, you’ve also been brought something similar.
So, is it a gift, are they showing off, or is something else going on?
Is it meant for you?
The first thing to consider is whether your canine or feline companion is actually bringing you the dead animal, or are you just in the space they have also come to?
As people, we tend to like putting ourselves into the middle of every story (the fancy term to describe this mindset is anthropocentric). But sometimes it’s not about us. Maybe your dog was planning to munch away at that half-rotten critter on their comfortable bed in a known safe place, which coincidentally is near where you are.
Perhaps your cat has entered the room, truly parading the find in their mouth to you. This might include them loudly exclaiming they hit their version of the jackpot with a direct approach: walking towards you, holding eye contact with you and making a distinctive cry (most cat meows are designed to get your attention).
If this is the case, then yes, they probably are intentionally sharing this dead animal with you. But why?
Are they bringing you something that was already dead?
In some situations, our animals may just be opportunistic and have found something that was already dead. Perhaps it was dropped in a paddock by an owl, or washed up on the beach, or hit by a vehicle and found on the side of a road. What are we to make of these offerings?
In 2015, Queensland biologists described a number of individual wild bottlenose dolphins apparently “gift-giving” wild-caught fish (usually already dead) or cephalopods (such as squid and octopus) to the people who fed them fish as part of a regulated feeding program at Tangalooma in Australia.
The researchers thought the gifting was consistent with play, prey-sharing and teaching behaviours observed in dolphins, whales and many other mammals historically considered as big thinkers.
Ultimately, with these dolphins, and with our own animal companions, we can think of this sharing as an expression of the particular relationship between the animal and the human. In some cases, where the behaviour is regular (even if infrequent), we can describe it as part of the animals’ culture, as the dolphin biologists did in their scientific paper.
Dolphins used to being fed by people at Tangalooma, Queensland, have been known to present fish in return. S. Newrick/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
What should you do?
If you ever find yourself in the position where your animal companions bring you a dead animal, there are a couple of things to remember.
Regular parasite control will ensure you don’t all share more than intended. Mites responsible for mange, lice and worms can all spread readily between dead wildlife, animal companions and people. Talk to your veterinarian if you’re unsure about what parasite control your four-legged friend should routinely have.
Stopping cats and dogs from preying on wildlife is a really important part of looking out for everyone’s wellbeing. If you know your animal companion is killing wild animals, you should take action to prevent it.
Effective measures might include safely limiting when and where they go outdoors, a bell on their collar, keeping them on a lead when outside, and redirecting their energy through regular walks, play and fun training activities. Keeping cats inside the home can also limit the spread of diseases to humans and other animals.
So, when your cat or dog presents you with a dead animal, it is normal behaviour and can indicate their attachment to you. It’s also a reminder, though, of how much damage they can do to wildlife and of our responsibility to limit that harm.
Mia Cobb does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Australia is welcoming back international students in much greater numbers this year. Some predict new enrolments in 2023 could even be higher than the pre-COVID record in 2019. Student visa applications in the second half of 2022 were up 40% on the same period in 2019.
The downside is many of these students are likely to struggle to find affordable and adequate accommodation. They are facing record low private rental vacancy rates and higher rents than before the pandemic.
Redfern Legal Centre’s International Student Legal Service NSW has been assisting international students for over a decade. Its senior solicitor, Sean Stimson, told us:
The tenancy situation facing international students in the second half of 2022 – including illegal evictions and illegal rent increases – is the worst I’ve seen. We are increasingly seeing international students who are occupying substandard, illegal accommodation, exposing themselves to dangerous environments.
In some cases, this has made student accommodation more costly. Rents are typically equivalent to, or even higher, than rents in the wider private rental market.
The authors’ report, International students and the impacts of precarity. Institute for Public Policy and Governance/UTS, Author provided
Like any group, students’ financial resources vary greatly. However, little was known about these inequalities and their impacts on international students’ housing and everyday living.
Our recently published study, involving more than 7,000 international students, shows many were struggling financially even before the post-COVID rental crisis. They suffered great anxiety about finding the money to pay the rent and worried about becoming homeless.
We also found food insecurity was common among these students. More than one in five had gone without meals. Similar numbers were unable to heat or cool their home adequately.
To study students’ experience of financial hardship or precarity, we used a scale of seven financial stress indicators from the Australian Bureau of Statistics. We added a new item, “Could not afford to buy prescribed textbooks”.
Our research project surveyed students who depended on private rental accommodation in Sydney and Melbourne, Australia’s top destinations for international students, in late 2019.
The sample was drawn from all three post-secondary sectors. It included ten universities, 24 vocational colleges, seven English language colleges and two foundation course institutions.
We divided the 7,084 valid responses to the survey into four groups: secure (no financial stress indicators), moderately precarious (one to two indicators), highly precarious (three to five) and extremely precarious (six to eight).
Some 44% of students were secure, 31% were moderately precarious, 20% were highly precarious, and 5% were extremely precarious.
A large proportion of students were struggling, as the chart below shows. Some 21% reported going without meals in the past 12 months. And 22% were unable to heat or cool their home adequately.
More than half of the students classed as highly and extremely precarious (53% and 58% respectively) said they could not “easily afford housing costs”. This compared to 34% of moderately precarious and 17% of secure students.
Paying the rent was a source of much anxiety across all groups. Some 64% of highly precarious students and 81% of extremely precarious students said they often worried about paying the rent each week, compared to 38% of moderately precarious students and only 16% of secure students.
Worryingly, 70% of extremely precarious students reported going without necessities such as food so they could pay the rent. This proportion drops to 40% for highly precarious students, 16% for moderately precarious students and 11% for secure students.
Many international students have a job and paid work is strongly related to precarity. A large percentage of extremely precarious students and highly precarious students (87% and 70% respectively) agreed having paid work was essential to pay the rent. In contrast, half of moderately precarious students and a quarter of secure students said they needed paid work to pay the rent.
High rents are only part of the housing insecurity problem. When asked whether they worry about being told to leave their accommodation at short notice, just over half of extremely precarious students said yes, as did 31% of high precarious students. Only 18% of moderately precarious students and 11% of secure students had similar worries.
A particularly worrying finding was that seven in ten extremely precarious students and just over one in three highly precarious students had felt in the past year that they could become homeless. Only 13% of moderately precarious students and 6% of secure students had this concern.
The rental housing crisis means the circumstances of international students in need of housing are likely worse now than in late 2019.
The risks are particularly high for students from poorer backgrounds or countries. Policymakers and education providers must pay more attention to the issue of housing students who come to study in Australia.
Alan Morris receives funding from the Australian Research Council
Luke Ashton receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
Shaun Wilson receives funding from the Australian Research Council
For many Australians, the rent crisis is just starting. Advertised rents have been soaring, but mainly for new rentals – so called “asking rents”.
The broadest measure of rents actually paid – the rents on the 480,000 or so capital city properties the Bureau of Statistics uses to calculate the consumer price index – has climbed only modestly, increasing 3.5% in the year to October.
Rent cuts during the first year of COVID mean the Bureau’s measure of capital city rents is just 2.2% above where it was in February 2020, ahead of the COVID lockdowns.
But advertised rents are climbing steeply. According to property consultants SQM Research, they are an extraordinary 35% higher than in February 2020.
Part of the reason for the difference in the two measures is that rents have been climbing most strongly away from the cities, and the Bureau’s consumer price index only incorporates capital city prices.
But probably more important is that newly-advertised rents are only paid by a small proportion of renters.
Most renters are likely to be paying rents set some time ago when the property was last advertised, or regular increases in accordance with a schedule they have become used to. Landlords tend to save the big increases for new tenants.
Average rents so far slow to move
For capital city tenants in total, real rents (which are rents adjusted for the rate of inflation) remain lower than they were in 2020, and also lower than they were in 2010, because other prices have increased faster.
But the changes in advertised rents suggest substantial increases in overall rents are coming.
When this happens it will place severe pressure on the living standards of the most vulnerable. What can we do about this?
In the long run, the best solution is to provide more dwellings. A wide gamut of policies come into play, from public investment in housing to land use controls to improvements in transport. But they take a long while to work.
More immediately it might help to restrict foreign arrivals, at least for while, but this would hurt Australia’s education and tourism industries.
The simplest short-term response is to financially support renters.
Rent Assistance is in place, but too low
Commonwealth Rent Assistance is already available to Australians on pensions and benefits including JobSeeker, the Family Tax Benefit and Parenting Payment.
But it is only modest. It amounts to 75% of the rent paid between two thresholds, both of which are low compared to actual rents.
For people living alone, the upper threshold is A$169 per week, for a couple with two dependent children it is $250 per week.
The maximum available to a person living alone is $75.80 per week, or about $10 a day. The maximum available to a couple with two dependent children is $89.20 per week – about $13 per day.
The 2021 Census provides an indication of how far the rent thresholds have fallen below rents paid. It found the median rent for a one-bedroom home in Sydney was $451 per week. Only one quarter of such dwellings rented for $379 or less.
In other regions the rents were lower, but still well above assistance thresholds.
Research I conducted with Trish Hill for the Australian Council of Social Service found the $10 per day and $13 per day available to singles and families does go a little way towards closing the large gap between JobSeeker and the poverty line, but there’s ample scope to lift it to something nearer the rents actually paid.
The 2009 Henry Tax Review recommended linking the upper rent threshold to the 25th percentile of actual rents for one and two-bedroom dwellings in capital cities (the rent level that 75% of rentals exceeded).
Rent assistance could double
My calculations suggest the threshold proposed by the Henry Review would now be $354 per week – more than twice the current upper threshold for singles.
If the rest of the payment formula remained unchanged, this would boost the maximum payment 2.8 times to around $215 per week for singles – enough to make a big dent in rent payments. And it would automatically adjust in line with subsequent rent increases.
Would such an increase be simply redirected into landlords’ pockets?
The Henry Review argued that wouldn’t happen much, and to the extent it did, it would encourage more investment.
More assistance shouldn’t push up rents
For people who are at the maximum payment threshold, an increase in rent assistance would be just the same as any other increase in income – it would give them more to spend on a wide array of things rather than only housing.
One way to minimise upward pressure on rents and help those in the highest-rent locations more would be to vary the threshold by region. The Henry review didn’t recommend this, arguing that its recommended maximum rate of payment would be high enough in all locations.
But if any increase offered is not as generous as that proposed by Henry, varying the amount by region could distribute what is offered more fairly.
In time, we will need to offer rent assistance more widely
What I have proposed isn’t perfect. Rent Assistance is generally paid only to Australians on benefits, meaning many vulnerable renters could miss out.
Even though it is available to some families receiving Family Tax Benefit A, the tight rules governing that benefit mean only about 154,000 families on it get rent assistance.
The likely rent increases in the pipeline will create pressure to expand rent assistance to a wider range of families in financial stress.
Bruce Bradbury receives funding from the Australian Research Council, conducts contract research for other government bodies and is involved in a Poverty and Inequality research collaboration between UNSW and ACOSS.
An Australian-based French law professor says it is up to the French people as a whole, and not the voters in New Caledonia, to decide the territory’s future statute.
Professor Eric Descheemaeker of the University of Melbourne’s Law School said New Caledonia’s three votes against full sovereignty mean that legally, the power to determine the future standing of the Pacific territory has reverted from New Caledonian voters to France as a whole.
In the three referendums between 2018 and 2021, a majority of New Caledonians rejected independence from France.
Professor Eric Descheemaeker . . . French constitutional framework still applies. Image: Merlbourne Law School
However, the last and third referendum under the 1998 Noumea Accord was boycotted by the pro-independence parties after France refused to postpone the vote to 2022 because of the covid-19 pandemic’s impact on the indigenous Kanak population.
The pro-independence Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) has been adamant that it will not recognise the referendum outcome, describing it as a humiliation of the Kanak people.
He said the rejection of the proposed sovereignty meant that New Caledonia was subject to the French constitution with its definition of national sovereignty.
The text says “no section of the people nor any individual may arrogate to itself, or to himself, the exercise thereof”.
Process not binding Professor Descheemaeker also said the referendum process granted by Paris was not binding because a vote for independence would still have had to be approved by the French legislature and in a referendum.
He said the 1988 referendum involving all of France approved the Matignon Accords that paved the way for a vote on independence in New Caledonia within 10 years.
It did not take place, and political leaders deferred a decision by signing the Noumea Accord in 1998, which extended the deadline by another two decades.
Professor Descheemaeker said that with the referendum outcome, the provisions from 1988 could no longer be used to claim a separate entitlement for voters in New Caledonian, similar to there not being one for Parisians.
The political discussions are due to resume later this month once the FLNKS movement, which is a signatory to the Noumea Accord, has held its congress.
Formal talks on a new statute are yet to be launched, but speaking in the French National Assembly last month, Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin ruled out any further voting on the issue for five years.
Days after the last referendum in 2021, the then-Overseas Minister Sebastien Lecornu said he planned to have a vote in New Caledonia on a new statute by June 2023.
The last of three Kanaky New Caledonia referendums on independence on 12 December 2021 … “no validity without us”, the indigenous Kanak people. Image: FLNKS
Undertaking scuttled But amid the political impasse and the absence of any substantive talks, the undertaking was scuttled.
The pro-French parties have said that with a new statute the restricted electoral rolls, which were brought in as part of the Noumea Accord process, must be opened to all French citizens.
Reserving voting rights in referendums and provincial elections to long-term residents and indigenous Kanaks, more than 40,000 French residents now lack full voting rights, being allowed to vote in French national elections only.
Professor Descheemaeker said that although there was no specific expiry date to the restrictions in New Caledonia, they would have to be reviewed.
He said the partial withdrawal of the right to vote from certain French citizens living in New Caledonia was contrary to the most fundamental constitutional principles.
He said the measures had only been validated by French and international authorities insofar as they were transitional.
Pro-independence parties are opposed to changing the rolls.
For them, the ringfencing of the electorate was an irreversible gain attained through the Noumea Accord.
They say this forms the bedrock of New Caledonian citizenship and identity as they pursue their campaign for an independent New Caledonia, which has been on the UN decolonisation list since 1986.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
