Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

When Robert Francis Prevost appeared on the loggia of St Peter’s Basilica as Pope Leo XIV, he set three precedents.

He is the first pope from North America, the first Augustinian to occupy the throne of Peter, and the first native English-speaker to do so since Adrian IV in the 12th century.

Pope Leo XIV greeted Rome and the world with a simple benediction: “peace be with all of you”.

In choosing a blessing that stressed concord – and in issuing it in Italian and Spanish – he signalled both pastoral directness and cultural breadth.

A Chicago childhood and academic rigour

Prevost was born in Chicago in 1955.

Raised in the working-class suburb of Dolton, he served as an altar boy and attended St Augustine Seminary High School. He studied a bachelor of science at Villanova University, and earned a doctoral degree in canon law at the Angelicum in Rome.

Prevost entered the Augustinian order in 1977, professed solemn vows in 1981 and was ordained in 1982.

For Augustinians, virtue lies not in poverty for its own sake, but in the radical sharing of goods: community precedes individual achievement.

There are three pillars: interiority, the practical love of neighbour, and a relentless search for truth. This framework would guide Prevost’s missionary work, and his call for unity and peace.

Prevost has administered communities in more than 50 countries, but he first arrived as a missionary in northern Peru in 1985. Over the next decade he taught canon law, ran a seminary in Trujillo, judged marriage cases and led a fledgling parish on Lima’s urban fringe.

The experience sharpened his awareness of informal employment, extractive industries and migration – concerns that echo the Rerum novarum , an open letter issued by his namesake Leo XIII in 1891. They remain visible in Prevost’s social priorities today.

In 2015, he was appointed Bishop of Chiclayo, Peru, and, in 2023, prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, effectively placing him in charge of vetting episcopal appointments world-wide.

What’s in a name?

Created cardinal in September 2023 and elevated to the rank of cardinal-bishop of Albano in February 2025, Prevost entered the conclave with a reputation for quiet competence, linguistic dexterity (he speaks five languages fluently) and unspectacular holiness.

The electors turned to him on the fourth ballot. An hour later he greeted the city and the world as Pope Leo XIV, first in Italian then in Spanish: a bilingual gesture honouring his Italian American Chicago roots and his Peruvian citizenship.

Leo XIV’s choice of name is a programmatic signal. By invoking examples of Rome’s protector Leo the Great (pope from 440–61) and the great social teacher Leo XIII (1878–1903), the new Pontiff intimates he will draw upon their precedent.

His substantive focus will remain squarely on the challenges of 2025: translating Augustinian communal spirituality into governance, extending the social teaching inaugurated by Leo XIII, and mediating polarised factions.

The memory of his Leo predecessors functions as a compass rather than a map, orienting a pontificate whose horizon is the digital, migratory and climatic upheavals of the 21st century.

We can expect where Leo the Great entered dialogue, Leo XIV will offer diplomacy. Where Leo XIII defended trade-union rights and attacked exploitative capitalism, Leo XIV must address labour, climate disruption and forced displacement.

If Leo XIII gave Catholicism its first systematic response to industrial modernity, Leo XIV may be tasked with articulating an Augustinian vision for the digital Anthropocene: a view of humanity as a pilgrim community, bound by shared love rather than algorithmic preference-profiling.

Of one heart

The opening sentence of the Rule of Saint Augustine is “be of one mind and heart on the way to God”.

The order’s stress on interior prayer rather than external activism complements Leo XIV’s preference for silent Eucharistic adoration over elaborate ceremony. The Augustinian tradition of learning aligns with his own scholarly instinct.

Consistent with Francis, Leo XIV has condemned abortion and euthanasia. He has criticised hard-line immigration policies in the United States. He holds the line only men can be deacons. In a 2012 address, he pointed to media normalisation of “alternative families comprised of same-sex partners”.

The combination marks him as a centrist prepared to defend doctrinal boundaries while pressing assertively on social justice, climate action and the governance transparency that Francis began but did not finish.

Challenges ahead

Leo XIV inherits a fragmented Church. Traditionalists fear doctrinal drift, while progressives want accelerated reform of governance, liturgy and the role of women.

His Augustinian commitment to shared discernment could provide a mediating structure. Meanwhile geopolitical crises demand renewed Holy See diplomacy and Vatican finances still run unsustainable deficits.

Ultimately, Leo XIV embodies a living dialogue between tradition and modernity.

Whether he succeeds will depend on his capacity to translate the Augustinian Order’s ancient ideal of one heart, one mind into structures that protect the vulnerable worker, the displaced migrant and the wounded planet.

Yet his formation, intellect and record of bridge-building suggest he understands the Church’s credibility now rests where it did in 1891 under Leo XIII: in that social charity and theological clarity are not rivals, but partners on the road to God.

Like Leo XIII, Leo XIV approaches the world not as an enemy to be refuted but as a moral terrain to be cultivated. His pontificate must confront the ecological, technological and migratory questions of our age.

His inaugural plea for peace hints at an integral vision in which social justice, ecological stewardship and human fraternity intersect.

Whether he can translate that vision into institutional reform and global moral leadership remains to be seen.

By invoking the heritage of Leo XIII, Leo XIV has set the compass of his papacy. It points toward a Church intellectually serious, socially committed and pastorally close: one speaking anew to workers in Amazon warehouses, migrants in detention camps, students in schools, refugees in the Sahel and young people navigating the gig economy.

If he succeeds, the name he chose will read as prophetic promise, linking 1891’s clarion call for justice with the uncharted demands of 2025 and beyond.

Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Peace be with all of you’: how Pope Leo XIV embodies a living dialogue between tradition and modernity – https://theconversation.com/peace-be-with-all-of-you-how-pope-leo-xiv-embodies-a-living-dialogue-between-tradition-and-modernity-256084

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lily Bentley, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of the Environment, The University of Queensland

From the enormous blue whale to the delicate monarch butterfly, animals of all shapes and sizes migrate across the globe. These migrations connect distant habitats, from the tropics to the poles. They are also crucial to both the health of species making these epic journeys, and the habitats where they live.

It is hard to visualise these epic, globe-spanning journeys and the habitats they connect. But an interactive map we developed, alongside an international team of scientists from the University of Queensland and Duke University and in partnership with the Global Ocean Biodiversity Initiative, can help.

Known as Mico (Migratory Connectivity in the Ocean), this map is a valuable conservation tool that demonstrates just how connected our oceans are due to animal migration. It is freely available here, and has just been updated with our newly published research in Nature Communications. This research synthesises thousands of records of more than 100 species of birds, mammals, turtles and fish that connect almost 2,000 crucial habitats.

An evolving science

Humans have contemplated animal migrations for millennia. Representations of and theories about these journeys are observable in Stone Age rock art and the writings of Ancient Greek philosophers. Indigenous peoples and local communities have also long relied upon and understood the seasonal movements of culturally important species.

But for much of human history, identifying specific destinations of migratory species was an inexact science. This has started to change in recent decades, as scientists have developed and deployed animal-borne satellite tags which can record and transmit an animal’s location as it migrates.

These tags can be very expensive to deploy and collect data from. They also require enormous investments of time and expertise. But they are crucial if we are to understand where migratory species go when they’re outside the range of normal human observations.

The journeys of migratory species also span multiple jurisdictions. This means cooperation between countries is required to ensure they are protected.

For example, many albatross species receive significant conservation investment at their nesting islands within national jurisdictions. But they are at high risk of being incidentally caught and killed or injured in longline fisheries operating in international waters.

Synthesising more than 1,300 studies

For our new study, we reviewed the literature on the movements of marine migratory species from 1990 to 2017. We synthesised the start and end points of migrations reported in more than 1,300 individual studies. These studies covered 109 marine species.

This information was then aggregated to remove duplicate data and combine sites very near to each other (on a global scale) into one “metasite” to make it easier to display. Each data point is also linked to the study from which it comes. This means you can always find the work of the original team who tagged those animals.

In synthesising the studies in this manner, we created an interactive map and downloadable dataset estimating the measured migratory connections of the global ocean.

If you look up the green turtle map, for example, you can see just how much information there is for this highly-studied species. The red links show many tracked movements from breeding to foraging areas within each ocean basin.

Sperm whales, on the other hand, are globally distributed – you can toggle on the species distribution in the top menu. But we only have information about connectivity for animals in the Atlantic and east Pacific oceans. You can see these sites on the map, mostly in North America and in the Mediterranean.

Because researchers are yet to track animals in all parts of the globe, the map is missing some information about the migratory movements of key species in particular areas. We are planning updates as more information becomes available.

A tool for conservation

This summary of migratory information is important for improving global conservation.

Scientists have published many papers on migrations, both of single populations or species, and combining data about taxonomy from several different sources. But these can be difficult to keep up with for managers or policymakers who may not have time to engage with every single piece of emerging scientific literature.

Our information can help identify stakeholders when planning or managing a conservation project. Many of these stakeholders may be across an ocean basin or even in a different hemisphere.

The scientific synthesis we provide can help countries take more informed actions to achieve the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s target of conserving a “well-connected” 30% of terrestrial, inland water, coastal and marine areas by 2030. This is particularly true in the high seas, as a mechanism to implement protected areas outside of national waters is developed under the soon-to-be-ratified High Seas Treaty.

In addition to sharing the enormous scope of work that has been conducted on the migration of large ocean animals over the last decades, our work has already fed into policy processes.

For example, it has been used by seven United Nations conventions or organisations. We hope to formalise the role of our map as a node of the Convention on Migratory Species’ Atlas of Animal Migration at their next meeting in March 2026.

More broadly, we hope this work will support better international collaboration to conserve our incredible oceanic migrants for years to come.

Lily Bentley receives funding from a Queensland-Smithsonian Fellowship on understanding migratory connectivity of seabirds in the Great Barrier Reef. She has presented on the work discussed at policy fora including the Conference of Parties (COP) for the Convention on Biological Diversity and the Convention on Migratory Species. She works on the Migratory Connectivity in the Ocean (MiCO; mico.eco) system, which has been previously supported by the German International Climate Initiative (IKI) and UNEP-WCMC.

Autumn-Lynn Harrison directs the Smithsonian’s National Zoo & Conservation Biology Institute’s Migratory Connectivity Project, supported by a gift to the Smithsonian by ConocoPhillips. She is also a Partner Investigator on an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant for understanding migratory connectivity in the ocean.

Daniel Dunn receives funding to support the development of the Migratory Connectivity in the Ocean (MICO) system from a grant to the Global Ocean Biodiversity Initiative (GOBI) from the International Climate Initiative (IKI), UNEP-WCMC, and from an Australian Research Council Discovery Project grant. The German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety (BMU) supports the IKI on the basis of a decision adopted by the German Bundestag.

– ref. Hidden connections of more than 100 migratory marine species revealed in interactive map – https://theconversation.com/hidden-connections-of-more-than-100-migratory-marine-species-revealed-in-interactive-map-255972

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Noel Morada, Visiting Professor, Nelson Mandela Centre, Chulalongkorn University; and Research Fellow, Asia Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, Chulalongkorn University

It’s been two months since former Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte was arrested and handed over to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to face potential prosecution for crimes against humanity.

Duterte’s arrest has angered his supporters and caused polarisation to worsen in the lead-up to important parliamentary elections on May 12.

The election could be a referendum on the current president, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., whose approval rating fell to 25% in March after Duterte’s arrest. It had been 42% a month earlier.

Duterte’s daughter, Vice President Sara Duterte, meanwhile, has seen her approval rating increase to 59%, despite the fact she was impeached by the House of Representatives earlier this year for threatening to assassinate Marcos.

Some of Marcos’ former allies are now drifting towards Sara Duterte, potentially setting her up for a successful run for the presidency herself in 2028.

Family feuding

Marcos is not only dealing with the resentment of some segments of the public, he’s also facing a challenge from his own sister, Imee Marcos, a senator.

Imee Marcos conducted several hearings in the Senate to probe into the procedures followed by the national police and other government agencies in implementing Duterte’s arrest warrant, which had been issued through Interpol.

Right from the start, she denounced Duterte’s surrender to the ICC as a violation of the Philippine constitution and the country’s sovereignty. She asserted the court did not have jurisdiction over the Philippines after it withdrew from the Rome Statute in 2019.

In a press conference on April 29, Imee Marcos announced a Senate committee is recommending the filing of criminal charges against the head of the Department of Justice and other officials who arrested and turned him over to the ICC. On May 7, the ombudsman asked these officials to respond to the Senate committee complaint within 10 days.

Imee Marcos has political motivations of her own for acting in this way. She is seeking another term herself and has been trailing in public opinion polls.

To make the political machinations even more complex, Sara Duterte has now endorsed Imee Marcos’ bid for re-election. Some of Duterte’s supporters, however, have been sceptical about Marcos’ motives in conducting the hearings.

Controlling the narrative

Though Duterte’s arrest has dominated the headlines in the Philippines, it’s unclear whether Marcos’ declining popularity as president is tied solely to this incident.

Many Filipinos supported Duterte’s arrest, according to one poll in March. And Marcos’ government has also been criticised for the state of the economy.

But at least one observer has pointed to the Duterte family’s effective use of Tiktok to control the narrative around his arrest, portraying it as a kidnapping. Sara Duterte has recently claimed her name is on the ICC prosecutor’s list of those who will be arrested next.

It is also important to note Duterte’s supporters have resorted to the dissemination of fake news and disinformation against the Marcos administration. His supporters have also aimed their attacks on the ICC pre-trial judges, as well as victims of the drugs war during Duterte’s time in office.

The 2028 presidential race

The outcome of the elections in the Philippines next week will no doubt have short- and medium-term implications for the country’s politics.

First, if all nine of the Senate candidates backed by the Marcos administration win, they would expand his bloc of supporters in the chamber. This bloc may then vote to convict Sara Duterte when her impeachment case moves to a Senate trial.

If she’s convicted, she would be banned from running for president in 2028. But it’s uncertain if two-thirds of senators would vote to convict – the threshold necessary for impeachment. Some pro-Marcos and independent senators may be wary of antagonising loyal Duterte supporters.

If Sara Duterte is acquitted, this would likely only boost her bid for the presidency.

The ICC’s pre-trial chamber will hold a hearing in September that will be watched closely by pro- and anti-Duterte forces in the Philippines. On May 8, the chamber rejected a petition filed by Duterte’s defence team to excuse two judges over alleged bias.

His loyal supporters will likely increase their attacks against the ICC, the victims of Duterte’s drugs war, and the Marcos administration through the use of fake news and disinformation as the trial progresses.

If Duterte is convicted by the court prior to the 2028 election, it will certainly be used as a campaign issue by both sides, too. And this will only further worsen polarisation in the Philippines.

Noel Morada does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. As Filipinos prepare to vote, ex-strongman Rodrigo Duterte’s arrest is dividing families – all the way to the president – https://theconversation.com/as-filipinos-prepare-to-vote-ex-strongman-rodrigo-dutertes-arrest-is-dividing-families-all-the-way-to-the-president-255600

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Farid Zaid, Senior Lecturer, Psychology, Monash University

Imagine a young man whose voice has been worn down by years of feeling invisible. Plain, numb and bitter, the “incel” tries to explain the kind of hopelessness most of us would rather not confront:

I believed I was unlovable, so who the hell is gonna love me? I won’t get a good job, and if I don’t get a good job, I won’t be able to live the kind of life I want. I’ll be lonely and depressed, and what’s the point of living?

You start seeing life not as something to look forward to, but as something you just have to survive.

The pain it describes is far more common than we care to admit.

Today, the word “incel” conjures images of angry online forums, misogyny and even mass violence.

But it didn’t start that way. Incel began as a term for the ache of not being chosen – an ache that, for many young men, has become defining.

Read more:
‘Looksmaxxing’ is the disturbing TikTok trend turning young men into incels

The birth of ‘incel’

In the late 1990s, a Canadian woman known only as Alana created “Alana’s Involuntary Celibacy Project”, a support group for people of all genders struggling to form romantic or sexual relationships.

There was no ideology, just stories of heartbreak, confusion and the quiet sadness of feeling left behind.

She coined the term “invcel”, later shortened to incel. It was a label for isolation, not anger.

But as it often does, the internet repurposed it and angry subcultures took root.

The term hardened: incel began to describe a threat.

Today, it refers to a loosely connected online subculture of young men who see themselves as romantically excluded, blame women or society for their condition, and often express their resentment through misogynistic language, fatalism and at times, violent rhetoric.

How did a word born in solidarity become shorthand for male radicalisation and resentment?

Incel evolution

By the mid-2000s, forums such as 4chan, Reddit and obscure message boards had begun to distort the term.

This new banner of incel identity was encompassed by grievance, rage and rejection.

The digital architecture of these spaces didn’t just permit this shift, it accelerated it. Anonymous avatars, endless algorithms and upvote economies rewarded extremity.

Pain was no longer expressed, it was curated, memed and weaponised.

Incel communities developed their own jargon: “Chads” (attractive, socially successful men), “Stacys” (the women who desire them), and “blackpill theory” (a fatalistic belief that one’s romantic or sexual failure is biologically determined and irreversible).

This crude mythology was used to explain why some men supposedly get everything and others get nothing.

As these forums grew, many also became incubators for dehumanising language and open hostility towards women.

Some of the most active subreddits and boards were eventually banned for promoting violent content or glorifying attacks on women.

Law enforcement agencies in several countries have since begun monitoring incel spaces as potential sites of radicalisation.

Read more:
We research online ‘misogynist radicalisation’. Here’s what parents of boys should know

Loneliness and isolation

While these online communities became more extreme, they also came to dominate the cultural narrative – distracting us from a quieter, more pervasive truth: most young men who feel unwanted or invisible aren’t in these online spaces at all.

They’re not angry or radicalised. They’re just trying to make sense of a life that feels increasingly empty – the very men the word incel was once meant to describe.

That emptiness is part of a growing epidemic of loneliness, particularly among young men.

As social ties fray and emotional isolation deepens, many find themselves without the friendships, intimacy or sense of belonging that once buffered against despair.

One in four Australian men say they have no close friends they can confide in.

These young men are also struggling with the language to name what they feel.

Being single often makes these men feel irrelevant and worthless. Disconnected and ashamed, many go silent. Or they go online in search of community.

What can be done?

The first step is resisting the urge to caricature and dismiss.

Most of these young men are not ticking time bombs – they are simply struggling with disconnection. We need more places where that pain can be acknowledged without shame or fear of ridicule.

It starts with how we talk to, and about, young men. That means fostering emotional literacy in ways that feel authentic and supporting initiatives that build connection without moralising.

This can be done through mentorships and community groups that allow for real relationships to form.

We need more male-friendly mental health services and more male psychologists, too: there are more than four women for every man in this field.

Mental health services that reflect men’s lived realities – through tone, approach and practitioner experience – are more likely to break down the barriers that keep many men away.

Policy can help, too: civic infrastructure that fosters belonging – such as community sports clubs, trade apprenticeships and structured volunteering opportunities – play a critical role. These are the spaces where purpose grows roots and where men in particular often find meaning and community outside formal support systems.

Time for a change?

While the threat from radicalised men online remains, maybe it’s time to retire the word incel.

What began as a label for loneliness has become a painful slur for many men – a shortcut for contempt.

When we lose the language to describe the pain, we can lose the people too.

Farid Zaid does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How the word ‘incel’ got away from us – https://theconversation.com/how-the-word-incel-got-away-from-us-255109

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ruth Boyask, Director of LitPlus, AUT School of Education, Auckland University of Technology

There is a well-known whakatauki (Māori proverb) that goes: “Ka mua, ka muri” – “walking backwards into the future”. It applies to many areas of life, but in education the idea of looking to the past to inform our way forward seems more relevant than ever.

New Zealand was once a world leader in reading. In the early 1970s, as leading literacy educationalist Warwick Elley reminds us, Kiwi teenagers performed best of all countries participating in the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement.

New Zealand students remained good readers throughout the 1990s, earning the top results for reading out of 32 participating countries in the first Programme for International Student Assessment survey in 2000.

Overall, New Zealand children are still above average. But while many children learn to read successfully, significant numbers do not. And concern about reading capability has led to a recent curriculum overhaul.

The reforms focus on raising reading standards and regular testing. But the lessons of the past suggest we performed better with less focus on raising test scores. In fact, it was a more flexible, balanced approach to English education that provided a strong foundation for literacy.

Some clues to why this was possible can be found in the 1953 Primary School Reading Syllabus from the old Department of Education. It was among the first of many research-based reading initiatives in the mid-20th century, along with Ready to Read books in the 1960s, and the Reading Recovery program developed by Marie Clay in the 1970s.

Given New Zealand was a conservative postwar society that was yet to grapple meaningfully with colonial history and Treaty rights, the document is surprisingly less rigid than one might expect.

In fact, it is largely compatible with contemporary ideas about teaching and learning. In some areas, the 1953 syllabus seems more progressive than the current curriculum, with clear views on inclusiveness and designing teaching to meet individual needs.

Ironically, many of today’s parents and grandparents – some of whom support a “back to basics” school system – were educated using this flexible and purpose-driven approach.

New Zealand in 1953

According to the New Zealand Official Yearbook for 1953, the country was enjoying postwar prosperity with 72% of its exports going to other Commonwealth countries.

England was still the “mother country” and the young Queen Elizabeth’s post-coronation visit – also in 1953 – fuelled intense royal fervour. Edmund Hillary conquered Everest, and a highly publicised air race from London to Christchurch helped popularise plane travel.

Society was far more egalitarian. In a population of just over two million, only 15 people received an unemployment benefit (there were a variety of other welfare payments such as war pensions).

At the same time, New Zealand did not view itself as bicultural in the way it does today. For many Pākehā, Māori culture was little more than a curiosity or a tourist attraction.

School was already compulsory from ages seven to 15, and roughly 17% of the population were enrolled in primary schools. These were the children taught to read according to the 1953 syllabus.

A brief A5-sized booklet of just 13 pages, it recognises reading as a central component of a rich and full life – and that it can be used for “useful, harmless or nefarious” purposes.

Competing with other temptations such as “the exploits of Superman and Mighty Mouse”, as well as cinema and radio, is one of its concerns. But its main aim is to “teach the child to read […] in ways that will encourage him (sic) to use his skill freely and naturally”.

Avoiding a standardised approach

The syllabus outlines ideal components of a classroom reading programme: reading to self (silently) and peers (aloud), listening to story and verse, participating in dramatisation, word study and study skills.

Word study should include learning about phonics. But the syllabus tempers this with the advice that “there can be no doubt that too early a preoccupation with phonics may serve to kill interest in reading”.

This might have been written today by those concerned that structured approaches to literacy will crowd out other important parts of early reading education.

The 1953 syllabus says reading material should encompass fiction (including local authors), non-fiction, plays and poetry. While competent reading by all is the goal, the syllabus also states: “A uniform standard of achievement […] is a mistaken aim.”

This recognition of variable individual capability is something critics say is missing from today’s curriculum. Expectations are set for each year at school, with teachers strongly encouraged to teach to the year level.

The fear is that some students will fall behind as their class moves on, while progress for others will be restricted if they are ahead of those expectations.

The 1953 syllabus cautions that the “results of standardised tests should be weighed against the teacher’s own observation […] and modified accordingly”.

Encouraging teacher autonomy

By comparison, the new English curriculum is long at 108 pages, complex and prescriptive. It includes a range of aims clustered under the headings “Understand”, “Know” and “Do”.

The first encompasses five big ideas learners are expected to develop during their schooling. The second covers the knowledge required in English to become literate. The third outlines the practical steps learners will take in the different phases of their schooling.

To be fair, the new curriculum aims to make all children feel good about reading. It encourages using different kinds of texts, focuses on assessment activities that build on one another, and supports teachers to adapt for student differences.

And, given its contemporary context, there is an awareness of the important role of culture and the unique place of Māori in New Zealand that is entirely missing in the 1953 document.

But the new curriculum also contains directives the 1953 syllabus warned teachers against – namely a preoccupation with teaching phonics, and teaching linked to prescriptive progress measurement and outcomes.

Although brief, the 1953 document is arguably broader in scope and requires teachers to have greater skills. A strength of the old syllabus is that it encouraged teacher professionalism, autonomy and judgement in deciding the best next steps for each learner.

Overall, the 2025 curriculum seems the more constrictive document. The 1953 syllabus presents a view of reading that prioritises the human experience – reading as an aesthetic experience as well as a practical skill.

This article is based on original work by Jayne Jackson, senior lecturer and educational researcher at Manukau Institute of Technology, with the help of AUT’s LitPlus research group.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Kiwi kids once led the world in reading – this 1950s primary school syllabus still has lessons for today – https://theconversation.com/kiwi-kids-once-led-the-world-in-reading-this-1950s-primary-school-syllabus-still-has-lessons-for-today-253719

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marian-Andrei Rizoiu, Associate Professor in Behavioral Data Science, University of Technology Sydney

In today’s fractured online landscape, it is harder than ever to identify harmful actors such as trolls and misinformation spreaders.

Often, efforts to spot malicious accounts focus on analysing what they say. However, our latest research suggests we should be paying more attention to what they do – and how they do it.

We have developed a way to identify potentially harmful online actors based solely on their behavioural patterns – the way they interact with others – rather than the content they share. We presented our results at the recent ACM Web Conference, and were awarded Best Paper.

Beyond looking at what people say

Traditional approaches to spotting problematic online behaviour typically rely on two methods. One is to examine content (what people are saying). The other is to analyse network connections (who follows whom).

These methods have limitations.

Users can circumvent content analysis. They may code their language carefully, or share misleading information without using obvious trigger words.

Network analysis falls short on platforms such as Reddit. Here, connections between users aren’t explicit. Communities are organised around topics rather than social relationships.

We wanted to find a way to identify harmful actors that couldn’t be easily gamed. We realised we could, focusing on behaviour – how people interact, rather than what they say.

Teaching AI to understand human behaviour online

Our approach uses a technique called inverse reinforcement learning. This is a method typically used to understand human decision-making in fields such as autonomous driving or game theory.

We adapted this technology to analyse how users behave on social media platforms.

The system works by observing a user’s actions, such as creating new threads, posting comments and replying to others. From those actions it infers the underlying strategy or “policy” that drives their behaviour.

In our Reddit case study, we analysed 5.9 million interactions over six years. We identified five distinct behavioural personas, including one particularly notable group – “disagreers”.

Meet the ‘disagreers’

Perhaps our most striking result was finding an entire class of Reddit users whose primary purpose seems to be to disagree with others. These users specifically seek out opportunities to post contradictory comments, especially in response to disagreement, and then move on without waiting for replies.

The “disagreers” were most common in politically-focused subreddits (forums focused on particular topics) such as r/news, r/worldnews, and r/politics. Interestingly, they were much less common in the now-banned pro-Trump forum r/The_Donald despite its political focus.

This pattern reveals how behavioural analysis can uncover dynamics that content analysis might miss. In r/The_Donald, users tended to agree with each other while directing hostility toward outside targets. This dynamic may explain why traditional content moderation has struggled to address problems in such communities.

Soccer fans and gamers

Our research also revealed unexpected connections. Users discussing completely different topics sometimes displayed remarkably similar behavioural patterns.

We found striking similarities between users discussing soccer (on r/soccer) and e-sports (on r/leagueoflegends).

This similarity emerges from the fundamental nature of both communities. Soccer and e-sports fans engage in parallel ways: they passionately support specific teams, follow matches with intense interest, participate in heated discussions about strategies and player performances, celebrate victories, and dissect defeats.

Both communities foster strong tribal identities. Users defend their favoured teams while critiquing rivals.

Whether debating Premier League tactics or League of Legends champions, the underlying interaction patterns – the timing, sequence and emotional tone of responses – remain consistent across these topically distinct communities.

This challenges conventional wisdom about online polarisation. While echo chambers are often blamed for increasing division, our research suggests behavioural patterns can transcend topical boundaries. Users may be divided more by how they interact than what they discuss.

Beyond troll detection

The implications of this research extend well beyond academic interest. Platform moderators could use behavioural patterns to identify potentially problematic users before they’ve posted large volumes of harmful content.

Unlike content moderation, behavioural analysis does not depend on understanding language. It is hard to evade, since changing one’s behavioural patterns requires more effort than adjusting language.

The approach could also help design more effective strategies to counter misinformation. Rather than focusing solely on the content, we can design systems that encourage more constructive engagement patterns.

For social media users, this research offers a reminder that how we engage online – not just what we say – shapes our digital identity and influences others.

As online spaces continue to grapple with manipulation, harassment and polarisation, approaches that consider behavioural patterns alongside content analysis may offer more effective solutions for fostering healthier online communities.

Marian-Andrei Rizoiu receives funding from the Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator, the Australian Department of Home Affairs, the Defence Innovation Network, and the National Science Centre, Poland.

Lanqin Yuan and Philipp Schneider do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Some Reddit users just love to disagree, new AI-powered troll-spotting algorithm finds – https://theconversation.com/some-reddit-users-just-love-to-disagree-new-ai-powered-troll-spotting-algorithm-finds-255879

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Langford, Executive Director, Security & Defence PLuS and Professor, UNSW Sydney

When United States President William McKinley advocated high‑tariff protectionism in 1896, he argued squeezing foreign competitors behind a 50% wall of duties would make America richer and safer.

That logic framed US trade debates for a generation, but it was always an economic device – not a geopolitical lever.

In 2025, Donald Trump, now the 47th US president, slapped tariffs on most imported goods to the United States, specifically targeting Chinese imports.

Yet, despite the fact he idolises McKinley, Trump’s emerging grand strategy looks less like his customs schedule and more like Richard Nixon’s “madman” diplomacy of the early 1970s.

Trump is signalling that unpredictability, not price schedules, will coerce adversaries and reorder alliances.

An image of irrational resolve

McKinley’s 1890s tariffs nearly doubled average duties, shielding domestic manufacturers but doing little to shift the global balance of power.

The lesson from these tariffs was straightforward: protectionism may enrich some sectors, but it rarely bends rivals’ strategic choices.

Trump’s first term flirted with McKinley-inspired trade wars, industrial policy and “America First” rhetoric. His second term “strategic reset” moves onto darker, Nixonian ground.

Nixon and his secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, cultivated an image of irrational resolve. They hinted they might do “anything”, even use nuclear weapons, to force concessions in Vietnam and alarm the Soviet politburo.

Nixon’s White House chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, recalled the president demanding Moscow and Hanoi see him as a man “with his hand on the nuclear button”.

The gambit dovetailed with a bold diplomatic inversion. By opening to Mao Zedong’s China, Nixon sought to isolate the Soviet Union.

Trump’s ‘reverse Nixon’ efforts

Half a century later, Trump appears to be running the tape backward.

Rather than prying China from Russia, he is testing whether Moscow can be prised from Beijing.

In early April, he imposed a blanket 54% tariff on Chinese goods – yet exempted Russia, Cuba and North Korea from the harshest duties.

The White House has simultaneously floated selective sanctions relief for Moscow if Vladimir Putin shows “flexibility” on Ukraine.

Trump’s boosters call the manoeuvre a “reverse Nixon”: befriend the weaker adversary to hem in the stronger.

Al-Jazeera recently reported senior US officials and analysts believe deepening ties with Russia could splinter the Sino‑Russian axis that has unnerved US strategists for years.

But Foreign Affairs warns that even if Washington dangled lavish incentives, Putin would “play Washington and Beijing off each other” rather than choose sides.

Australia’s Strategic Policy Institute is blunter: the idea of splitting the pair is “a delusion”.

Nor is the madman pose guaranteed to intimidate. Scholars note Nixon’s bluff worked only when coupled with painstaking back‑channel diplomacy; the façade of irrationality still required a coherent end‑game.

Trump’s record of erratic statements on NATO, sudden tariff escalations and social media outbursts risks convincing adversaries that chaos is the message, not the method.

Success would require discipline

Yet, the strategic prize is real.

A durable Sino‑Russian alignment forces Washington to split resources across two theatres, complicates sanctions enforcement, and gives Beijing access to Russian hydrocarbons and military technologies.

Even a partial wedge – Moscow adopting neutrality in a potential Indo‑Pacific crisis, for instance – would lighten America’s load and disadvantage China.

Can Trump craft a credible offer? Tariff exemptions and the hint of sanctions relief are carrots; resumed arms‑control talks and guarantees of Russian equities in a post‑war Ukraine settlement could sweeten the pot.

The sticks are clear: escalating tariffs and technology bans on China, plus renewed US gas exports aimed at undercutting Sino‑Russian energy deals.

The fact CIA Director John Ratcliffe called China the “top national security threat” in his confirmation hearings earlier this year – relegating Russia to a lesser threat – underscores the hierarchy.

Still, success would require disciplined messaging and allied buy‑in, traits not often associated with madman theatrics.

If European and Indo‑Pacific partners suspect Washington will mortgage Ukraine’s security or trade their markets for a fleeting Moscow détente, unity will fray.

For Australia, the stakes are immense

For Canberra, the calculus is stark.

Australia’s primary challenge is a more assertive China, not a distant Russia.

If Trump could drive even a hairline crack between Moscow and Beijing, the Indo‑Pacific balance would tilt in favour of the US and its allies.

A Russia preoccupied with Europe or simply unwilling to share sensitive missile and space technologies would deprive China of critical enablers.

Conversely, a bungled “reverse Nixon” strategy could embolden both autocracies.

Should Putin benefit from US tariff exemptions and sanctions relief while deepening defence ties with Beijing — as recent drone and satellite deals suggest – Australia would face a sharper, more integrated adversarial bloc.

The lesson, for Australia, is to hedge: continue deepening AUKUS technology sharing, accelerate long‑range strike acquisition, and tighten diplomatic coordination with Japan, India and ASEAN states.

For Australia, perched on Asia’s faultline, the stakes are immense. A successful wedge would ease pressure on the “first‑island chain” – the chain of strategic islands that stretches from Japan through Taiwan, the Philippines and Indonesia – and give Canberra precious strategic depth.

A failed gambit risks confronting Australian forces with a tandem of nuclear‑armed revisionists (Russia and China) emboldened by US miscalculation.

Ian Langford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. To split Moscow from Beijing, Trump is reviving Nixon’s ‘madman diplomacy’. It could backfire badly – https://theconversation.com/to-split-moscow-from-beijing-trump-is-reviving-nixons-madman-diplomacy-it-could-backfire-badly-255878

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hasthi Dissanayake, Research Fellow in Indigenous Health, The University of Melbourne

Indigenous Australians are more than twice as likely as non-Indigenous Australians to suffer from disease, particularly chronic diseases such as diabetes, heart disease and kidney disease.

The health disparities are worse in remote and very remote areas. The burden of diabetes in the remote Aboriginal population of the Northern Territory, where it affects more than one in four adults aged over 20, is among the highest in the world.

The Yolŋu (or Yolngu) people of Northeast Arnhem land, a large, remote area in the NT, maintain one of the oldest continuously living cultures in the world. They also represent one of the largest Indigenous groups in Australia.

Yet, people in these communities face the highest number of avoidable deaths in Australia, mostly from chronic disease. A diet of too much sugar, refined and processed food products, smoking and an unhealthy lifestyle contribute to this region’s health crisis.

Beginning in 2014, senior Yolŋu women in Galiwin’ku, one of the largest communities in Northeast Arnhem land, have been developing a unique diet and lifestyle change program called Hope for Health. The program has been running intermittently since then, and includes on-Country health retreats, individualised health coaching, and group classes and activities.

We recently evaluated this program. We found it offers significant benefits which could reduce chronic disease risk among the Yolŋu people.

A holistic approach

Most Yolŋu live on Aboriginal land in remote communities of various sizes and hold a deep unbroken connection to their ancestral country.

Health and wellbeing is considered a holistic concept that connects physical, social, emotional, cultural, spiritual and ecological wellbeing at both an individual and community level.

The Hope for Health program is based on the values of Margikunhamirr (making known and sharing understanding) and Goŋ-ŋthanhamirr (supporting and walking alongside each other) to empower Yolŋu to gain control of their health.

Over four months, the program focuses on giving people the knowledge to make their own lifestyle changes and choices to improve health and prevent chronic disease.

It includes:

• An on-Country health retreat: this is an immersive 12-day bush retreat focused on reconnecting with the Yolŋu tradition of living, eating, and healing from the land, and learning about the body and health.

• In-community support and mentoring: over 14 weeks following the retreat, this part of the program is focused on overcoming barriers to introducing lifestyle changes. It includes group activities for identifying healthy food options at the shops, storing and cooking fresh produce, and yarning about healthy lifestyles.

• Individual and home-based health coaching: this takes place during the retreat and afterwards in participants’ homes or places of their choosing. Health coaches explain blood test results to participants, offer education in their language and help with goal setting, such as reducing sugar consumption, smoking, or increasing exercise.

What we found

Together with colleagues at the Doherty Institute and other collaborators, we evaluated a Hope for Health program in the second half of 2022.

We assessed outcomes such as body weight and blood sugar levels among 55 adults before and after they took part in the program. All participants were overweight or obese at the beginning.

We recently published our findings in the Medical Journal of Australia.

By the end of the program, 52% of participants reduced their HbA1c – a measure of blood sugar – by at least 0.3%. Some 33% of participants lost at least 3% of their body weight.

Changes such as these are called “clinically significant” because they’re big enough for doctors to see real health benefits such as reduced risk of chronic disease, including diabetes and heart disease.

Other outcomes we looked at improved too. Overall, participants had smaller waist circumferences at the end, lower body-mass index, better “good” cholesterol levels, were drinking less sugary drinks, and doing more daily exercise.

Why did it work?

Behavioural change is not necessarily easy to achieve in these communities, which have a very different language and culture from mainstream Australia.

Our study is the first in remote Aboriginal communities to comprehensively evaluate a lifestyle change program with such promising results.

The study design cannot prove the intervention directly caused the changes. That is, there may have been other factors which contributed to the outcomes.

A randomised controlled trial would have provided stronger proof the program led to the health improvements we observed, but these trials can be unsuitable in remote Indigenous communities. In this study, the community was concerned delaying the program for some people would harm their health. Also, many wanted their extended family to take part, making it difficult to select a representative control group which would be needed for this type of study.

Nonetheless, our results suggest support for culturally sensitive health initiatives such as Hope for Health is crucial for reducing the burden of chronic disease in remote Indigenous communities.

We believe Hope for Health worked because it was led by Yolŋu people and is built on Yolŋu knowledge, language and culture. Education provided to remote Aboriginal people such as the Yolŋu needs to be liya-lapmarnhamirr – that is, presented in a way that brings revelation and understanding.

Hasthi Dissanayake receives or has received funding from the Medical Research Future Fund, University of Melbourne, University of Sydney, and Australian government postgraduate and research grants.

Beverley-Ann Biggs receives research funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and Medical Research Future Fund competitive grant schemes.

George Gurruwiwi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A community-led health program in remote Arnhem land is showing promising results for First Nations locals – https://theconversation.com/a-community-led-health-program-in-remote-arnhem-land-is-showing-promising-results-for-first-nations-locals-255519

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robyn Cox, Professor of Literacy Education, University of Tasmania

Is reading to your kids a bedtime ritual in your home? For many of us, it will be a visceral memory of our own childhoods. Or of the time raising now grown-up children.

Perhaps it involves a nightly progression through the Percy Jackson series or the next Captain Underpants book. Or maybe there’s a request to have Room on the Broom again (and again).

But for some households, reading aloud is not a regular activity. A recent UK report by publisher Harper Collins found many parents are not reading to their kids. Fewer than half (41%) of 0–4-year-olds are read to frequently. More than 20% of parents surveyed agreed reading is “more a subject to learn than a fun thing to do”.

The report also found some parents stop reading to their children once they can read by themselves. As the Guardian reported, some parents assume “it will make [their child] lazy and less likely to read independently”.

Here’s why it’s important to read to your children – even after they have learned to read.

What’s involved in reading skills?

Research on reading skills suggests there are two main types of skills involved in learning to read.

1. Constrained skills are skills that once we learn, we keep. For example, once we learn the alphabet we don’t have to keep learning it. It’s like riding a bike.

2. Unconstrained skills are skills we continue to learn throughout life. For example, vocabulary, reading fluency (how quickly and smoothly you read) and reading comprehension. Even as adults we continue to learn new word and language forms.

We know reading to infants and younger children can build early language skills, such as the sounds of words and the alphabet. Reading to older children is a simple way to build unconstrained skills.

How reading aloud helps

The books we read aloud at bedtime to young readers tend to be those they can’t read themselves.

So it introduces more complex ideas, words and sentence patterns. This is why reading aloud to your children is a parental superpower – you can continue to build where the school learning stops.

Reading together can also encourage closeness between children and parents, as well as shared knowledge and laughs.

When you are reading to your child, they have your full attention, which also makes the time special.

What should you be reading?

Reading aloud doesn’t necessarily have to involve multiple chapters of a book. Research suggests what matters is that it’s something you are both interested in and enjoying.

You could read to your child on a device, or you could even tell a traditional tale without a book.

You could read poetry, news articles or magazine articles about a favourite football team or player – these can all build unconstrained literacy skills.

Even re-reading a beloved picture book from younger years can build fluency and focus on direct speech in text (especially when the reader does “funny” voices).

How often should you read to your child?

Family life is busy and parents often have many commitments. So there are no rules, other than to make it fun. Don’t be put off by “how much you have to do” – a few minutes of engaged reading time together is better than none at all.

You could read to your child when you yourself are reading something and want to share it. If it’s too hard to read to your child every night, do it every weekend night or make another time during the week. Or ask a grandparent or older sibling to help.

And there is no set age to stop – if you like, keep reading to your kids until they leave home!

Robyn Cox does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why it’s important to read aloud to your kids – even after they can read themselves – https://theconversation.com/why-its-important-to-read-aloud-to-your-kids-even-after-they-can-read-themselves-256089

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hugh Stanford, Researcher Associate, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University

Across Australian cities, leftover and overlooked green spaces are everywhere. Just think of all the land along stormwater drains, railway lines and vacant lots. While often dismissed as useless or unsightly, there’s a growing understanding of the value these spaces bring to cities.

These informal green spaces can support biodiversity and offer rare freedom to explore, play or connect with nature in a less controlled way than formal spaces such as parks. They also help to cool our cities.

My new research looks at how cities globally are rethinking overlooked green spaces. I identified three ways to unlock the value of these areas: leaving spaces intentionally unmanaged, supporting temporary or informal uses, or formalising them as parks or other public places. Each approach offers different benefits and challenges for cities trying to create greener, more liveable neighbourhoods.

Local councils are under increasing pressure to create more formal green space, with residents, at times, calling on councils to buy land for new parks. But let’s start with what’s already there.

1: Hands off: the case for doing less

In some cases, doing nothing can be surprisingly powerful.

When governments step back, communities and nature can step in, with potentially joyful, creative and ecologically rich results. In the Belgian capital of Brussels, for example, disused railway land, left unmanaged, has become a haven for biodiversity, offering valuable insights into how ecosystems can regenerate without human interference.

Closer to home, there are many examples of railway land being used informally as green space. One site, in the Melbourne suburb of Northcote, has become a makeshift trail used by walkers, dog owners and children on bikes. Though not officially a park, it functions like one, with its informal character fostering a sense of ownership and spontaneity among users. In the past few months, local residents have started planting native vegetation and putting up makeshift art installations, and even a swing.

But this hands-off approach has limitations. It works best where a strong sense of community, or ecological value, already exists. And while nature can bounce back in surprising ways, it often needs a helping hand.

2. Helping out: supporting informal or temporary uses

Where informal installations already exist – such as art installations or unauthorised plantings known as guerrilla gardens – councils can support and even help grow these initiatives.

Some councils may see local-led efforts as a liability, but these efforts represent an opportunity to bring life to underused land at minimal cost. By recognising and supporting such activities, including financially, councils can empower residents to shape their own neighbourhoods in meaningful ways. This can include expanding existing installations or establishing new installations on other underused sites.

There is also benefit in local councils creating their own temporary installations such as pop-up parks. This has been shown to be an effective way to activate underused space and trial initiatives before more permanent plans are developed.

Examples include the creation of a temporary park in Ballarat Street, Yarraville in 2012. Community support for the temporary park led to the construction of a permanent park in 2014.

3. Stepping in: when formalising makes sense

There are times where formal intervention is warranted – for example, where land is contaminated or supports invasive weeds. In such cases, transforming a site into a fully developed park can deliver significant benefits. Land alongside a river, road or railway line, can be readily transformed into a long “linear park” with walking trails and bike paths.

In Paris, the conversion of a former industrial railway line into a linear park is a great example, attracting both locals and tourists.

Melbourne, too, has its own success in revitalising disused infrastructure. The Greening the Pipeline project in Melbourne’s west involves converting a disused sewer main into a vibrant linear park. These projects demonstrate the benefits that can be achieved from developing high-quality, permanent public green spaces from underused land.

But formalising public use of urban green space comes at a cost, financially and otherwise: a highly designed park can crowd out the quirky, unplanned character that makes many informal spaces feel special. That’s why it’s crucial to see formalising green space as one option among many, and to reserve it for sites where potential benefits justify the investment.

A call to action

If you work in urban planning or local government, resist the urge to control and replace. Look at what’s already available. Sometimes the best thing you can do is observe, step back and support. Not all public spaces need a master plan.

If you’re a resident, get out there. Start small: plant something native, or set up a swing (where safe to do so). By engaging with the green spaces already around you, you might help create your own slice of urban paradise – no land purchase required.

Hugh Stanford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Old drains and railways are full of life. Here’s how to make the most of these overlooked green spaces – https://theconversation.com/old-drains-and-railways-are-full-of-life-heres-how-to-make-the-most-of-these-overlooked-green-spaces-255736

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marian Makkar, Senior Lecturer in Marketing, RMIT University

Workplace burnout – a state of emotional, physical, and mental exhaustion – and the COVID pandemic have sparked a rethink of the traditional 9-to-5 job.

It’s been estimated 30% of the Australian workforce is experiencing some degree of burnout, raising serious concerns about the possible impacts on mental health.

Is it possible – and if so, wise – to take addressing burnout into your own hands? Some responses to the problem, such as “micro-retirement”, have enjoyed recent popularity on social media.

But a small number of people take an even more radical approach – dumping the 9-to-5 path entirely for careers that prioritise meaning, enjoyment and personal growth. We sought to find out how this move played out for one group in particular – snowsports instructors.

Our research – published in the International Journal of Research in Marketing – covers a 10.5-year study of snowsports instructors who left their 9-to-5 jobs for a meaningful career on the slopes of Canada, Japan, the United States and New Zealand.

We looked at instructors’ journeys into the lifestyle, how they managed their new careers, and what led some to eventually return to the 9-to-5.

Chasing winter

We interviewed 13 snowsports instructors aged 25 to 40 (seven men, six women), collected image and video artefacts, followed social media accounts and surveyed snow school reports. Our lead researcher also participated in the lifestyle herself.

All our participants had at least a bachelor degree and previous steady careers in fields such as education or information technology.

During our decade-long field work, we found instructors earned just enough money to maintain this lifestyle, often travelling with their possessions in one or two bags.

Beyond the adrenaline and beauty of a life in the snow, we found people were first motivated to enter this career to escape the corporate world and ties of modern life. One participant, Lars, said:

If you just get a job, you get maybe 20 days off a year for the next 40 years, and once you stop, once you’ve got a job and a house and a mortgage and a kid […] you’re trapped.

A sense of accomplishment

At the centre of our research was the idea of building a career around the ancient Greek concept of “eudaimonia”. This term is sometimes translated to “happiness” in English, but its broader connotations mean it’s closer to “flourishing” and involves a sense of purpose and living a life of virtue.

That’s in contrast to the related concept of “hedonism” – which centres on the pursuit of pleasure for its own sake. Eudaimonia is meant to make us reflect on life’s purpose, potential and meaning.

As our participants mastered the sport and career, they moved from mere enjoyment or hedonism of being in the snow to finding meaning and purpose in their jobs.

They felt a sense of accomplishment and appreciation of snowsports as a sport and job requiring dedication, care and commitment.

Challenges along the way

However, with every career there are demands that shape how people manage work and purposeful pursuits. Instructors must bear financial costs such as buying their own equipment, paying for certifications and accommodation.

Eventually the lifestyle was not sustainable for some due to precarious working conditions and minimal wages. Relying on the weather to produce snow, unfair compensation and fixed-term contracts wore many down.

An unhappy participant confessed:

You think about money all day everyday […] working out the costs, staffing and lesson prices! Yet they (ski resort managers) tell me as an instructor that I shouldn’t think about my monetary work. Well, if it wasn’t about the money, you wouldn’t charge as much for lessons.

In the period we studied, six returned to a regular 9-to-5 job.

An alternative to meaningless jobs?

The late American anthropologist David Graeber coined the phrase “bullshit jobs” to describe jobs that comprise meaningless tasks that add no real value aside from providing a salary.

Our study offers a window into the lives of those who sought an alternative, trying to build something they love into the daily work they do to earn a living.

For many, despite challenges the ability to ride slopes daily remained more appealing than a desk job. One told us:

At university my first management lecturer said, ‘you could go on to be a CEO, earn $300,000 a year and have a month off every year to go skiing’, and I said, ‘or I could go skiing every day and still afford to eat and pay my rent’. It’s all I really need.

But things didn’t work out for all of them. The experience of those who left suggests choosing meaningful work can be difficult and can force people out if the surrounding organisational system is not supportive.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ever wanted to ditch the 9-to-5 and teach snowsports? We followed people who did it for 10 years – https://theconversation.com/ever-wanted-to-ditch-the-9-to-5-and-teach-snowsports-we-followed-people-who-did-it-for-10-years-255012

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Gildersleeve, Professor of English Literature, University of Southern Queensland

With Mother’s Day around the corner, you may be wondering what gift you’ll give mum – or any of the mums in your life. This year, why not skip the fancy dinner and offer one of the most precious gifts there is: quality time, in front of the TV.

When I asked seven experts what movies they’d recommend for Mother’s Day, I wasn’t expecting I, Tonya or Alien: Romulus – but their responses have made me realise just how multifaceted the experience of motherhood is, and how weirdly and wonderfully it can be reflected onscreen.

So here’s what to watch if you want to laugh, cry, or scream, in an ode to mothers everywhere.

I, Tonya (2017)

The first film from Margot Robbie’s production company LuckyChap Entertainment – which earned Robbie an Oscar nomination for best actress – is an ideal viewing choice for anyone wanting to support Aussie female talent.

Former American figure skater Tonya Harding became a household name in 1994, after her then-husband Jeff Gillooly orchestrated an assault on her primary rival, Nancy Kerrigan, in a bid to block Kerrigan from representing the United States at that year’s Winter Olympics.

I, Tonya presents the event, and those of Harding’s career leading up to it, from a more sympathetic perspective than usual. Although it is careful to open with the caveat that the story is derived from “irony-free, wildly contradictory, totally true interviews with Tonya Harding and Jeff Gillooly”, the film presents Harding’s life as one of abuse and cruelty at every turn.

The judges can’t stand her “unfeminine” power. Her husband only shows love through violence. And her heartless mother, LaVona (Alison Janney) is desperate to cash-in on the financial gains from her career success, while simultaneously resenting it.

Janney’s performance as LaVona won her the Academy Award for best supporting actress, a title thoroughly deserved as an ice-cold LaVona chainsmokes through barbed criticisms and physical threats. While I, Tonya may not be the most obvious choice for a film to watch on Mother’s Day, it certainly will make you appreciate yours.

– Jessica Gildersleeve

Stepmom (1998)

Stepmom, starring Julia Roberts and Susan Sarandon, is a family weepy for anyone who needs a cathartic cry. Directed by Chris Columbus, the comedy–drama follows the story of terminally ill woman Jackie Harrison (Sarandon) as she comes to grips with the fact her ex-husband’s new girlfriend Isabel (Roberts) will soon be her children’s stepmother.

The film, like others under Columbus’ direction, is a critique of domestic dysfunction (think Home Alone, Mrs Doubtfire, or Nine Months), and an exploration of the lengths characters will go in order to restore the ruptured (nuclear) family, whether literally or symbolically.

Despite its melodramatic machinery and predictable ending, Stepmom offers a nuanced portrayal of the struggles of children during separation or divorce. We see 12-year-old Anna and her little brother, Ben, an aspiring magician, caught in an emotional tug-of-war between their loyalty to their dying mother and their natural affection for their new stepmum.

In an honest moment, an anxious Ben asks his dad, “can you ever fall out of love with your kids?”

“No, that’s impossible,” Dad responds.

In an equally realistic thread, the sullen Anna begrudgingly turns to Isabel for advice on boys, clothes and makeup – their relationship soon resembling one of sisters rather than adversaries (controversially, Roberts’ character even takes it upon herself to explain the concept of “snowblowing” to the tween).

In 1998, Stepmom was ahead of its time – not in its representation of motherhood, but in its acknowledgement the nuclear family was, even back then, a thing of the past.

– Kate Cantrell

Double Jeopardy (1999)

Like most thrillers made in the 1990s, Double Jeopardy begins in the Pacific Northwest region of the United States: the epicentre for murder and mist.

Libby Parsons (Ashley Judd) is living the idyllic waterfront life with her husband Nick (Bruce Greenwood) and son Matty. After being convinced by Nick to go yachting, Libby wakes up on the boat (during what could best be described as a mist storm) to discover Nick is missing, and there is an endless path of blood from her hands to the yacht’s edge.

Libby is tried and convicted for Nick’s murder. While grieving her son in jail, she finds out her husband is actually alive and has framed her. Libby’s cellmate tells her about the “double jeopardy” rule: you can’t be tried for the same crime twice.

The montage of Libby preparing for revenge in jail signals an uptick in campy action. Upon her release, we’re introduced to parole officer Travis (Tommy Lee Jones). A game of cat and mouse ensues that is equal parts thrilling and ridiculous.

Ultimately, Libby must choose between vengeance and getting her son back. Will she follow the rules and wait, or will she put her relentless jail workouts to good use? Double Jeopardy is profoundly stupid and fun, with all the unexpected charm of a midday movie that pulls you in, despite not making much sense.

It’s just the kind of movie my mum and I have found ourselves glued to on a Saturday afternoon – cheerleaders for revenge.

– Kathleen Williams

Monster-in-Law (2005)

What lengths would you go to protect your son from marrying someone unsuitable? One of the first references to the roles of the mother-in-law can be traced back to Latin literature, and the comedic play Hecyra, by Roman playwright Terence, which was first successfully performed in 160 BC. The play’s comedic twist is that the mother-in-law is accused of hating her son’s wife.

The 2005 box office hit Monster-in-Law (2005) follows this trajectory and takes it to the extreme. Viola Fields (Jane Fonda) becomes manipulative and acts downright dirty to prevent her son, Kevin (Michael Vartan), from getting married to his fiancée Charlie (Jennifer Lopez) – who she thinks is not good enough for him.

This romantic comedy has the conventions of love, romance, a wedding, and overall impending chaos. It is about a mother trying to do what she thinks is best for her son, as well as the fragile links between romantic love, familial love and matriarchy.

In parts, the film transgresses into slapstick territory, as Kevin remains oblivious of Viola’s volatile antics towards Charlie. The tension between the two strong female leads hilariously spirals out of control in the lead-up to the wedding.

Monster-in-Law is a feel-good film that draws on the close bond between mother and child, making it good viewing for Mother’s Day.

– Panizza Allmark

The Wild Robot (2024)

There’s a cultural belief that once your baby is in your arms, you’ll immediately know how to look after them, or that you can draw on your own experience of being mothered, or find the right path in one of eleventy billion parenting books.

But even if you did have a good experience of being mothered (and many don’t), or you find some great books, parenthood remains a journey of uncertainty and trial and error.

When I took my young children to see The Wild Robot, I laughed and cried way more than them. Not just because the animation was so beautiful, or because the story was so moving, but because of the non-didactic moments that resonated so strongly with how we parents feel.

We often don’t know what we’re doing; we’re trying our best, and wishing it will be the right thing – playing out an internal war between wanting to protect our children and wanting them to forge their own path.

In The Wild Robot, Roz the robot (voiced by Lupita Nyong’o) is focused on helping her adopted gosling Brightbill (Kit Connor) learn how to fly – something she has no experience of. More importantly, Brightbill must fly on a migration flight with other birds, where she can’t join him.

The film mirrors the beautiful and horrifying knowledge parents carry: if we do our job, our children will become their own individuals who are able and willing to leave us. All we can hope is we’ve formed a bond that will make them want to return.

– Rebecca Beirne

My Big Fat Greek Wedding (2002)

Was your mother born overseas? It’s likely. Nearly half of all Australians have a parent born overseas. Or perhaps you married into a family where your “new mum” was born overseas?

Your mother-in-law counts on Mother’s Day. Don’t forget it. And if you married into a wonderfully loud Greek/Italian family as I did, then your mother-in-law is likely a hard worker who deserves to be entertained. So why not offer her, and all the mums in your life, a sweet, disarming rom-com about a clash of cultures and a life milestone all mums can get behind: a wedding. A Big Fat Greek Wedding, to be precise.

Written by and starring Nia Vardalos, this film tells the tale of Toula Portokalos, who, at the “advanced” age of 30, remains persistently unmarried in the early aughts Chicago. In Greek terms, this is already a tragedy. The title does a lot of heavy lifting in terms of what comes next.

The real charm of the film is the clash of cultures that anyone with any ethnic background will recognise.

My Big Fat Greek Wedding was a small film with huge global success. Will your mum care it was made with a budget of just US$5 million but grossed more than US$360 million worldwide, making it one of the most profitable films of all time, with a more than 6,150% return? Probably not.

But she’ll love John Corbett, that tall guy who was also in Sex in City (and he’s really good in this one). Just make sure you skip the sequels.

– Ruari Elkington

Alien: Romulus (2024)

Not everyone wants to watch saccharine romantic comedies on Mothers’ Day. If you can relate, dystopian horror film Alien: Romulus (2024) offers much darker pleasures.

Feminist scholars have long found the Alien franchise to be rife with symbolism and repressed fears about motherhood, birth and reproductive organs. Alien: Romulus goes further than the original 1979 film in making the theme of sexual violation explicit. As you might expect from Fede Álvarez, the director of Evil Dead (2013), there is plenty of body horror as human characters are assaulted and orally impregnated by Alien species.

The film also includes neo-Marxist messages about “the company” and its violation of workers’ bodies. Working mums may enjoy the dark humour of a futuristic corporation that literally sucks the life out of workers before politely thanking them for their service.

Leading action woman Rain Carradine (Cailee Spaeny) is more vulnerable and relatable than the iconic character Ripley of previous films. When Rain discovers her work contract has tipped over into slavery, she joins up with her ex-boyfriend Tyler (Archie Renaux) and his pregnant sister Kay (Isabela Merced) to hijack a space station.

They must then manage a coolly indifferent IT operating system called “MU/TH/UR” to control the ship. The fact Kay is pregnant does not bode well; her baby eventually bursts out as a hideous alien-human mutant which tries to eat her.

Alien Romulus is basically every unspeakable anxiety about pregnancy and motherhood realised through spectacular special effects. It’s also the franchise’s best film since the original.

– Susan Hopkins

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Stepmums, alien mums, robot mums, vengeful mums: 7 films to watch this Mother’s Day – https://theconversation.com/stepmums-alien-mums-robot-mums-vengeful-mums-7-films-to-watch-this-mothers-day-255004

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dennis Doyle, Professor Emeritus of Religious Studies, University of Dayton

Cardinal Robert Prevost of the United States has been picked to be the new leader of the Roman Catholic Church; he will be known as Pope Leo XIV.

Attention now turns to what vision the first U.S. pope will bring.

Change is hard to bring about in the Catholic Church. During his pontificate, Francis often gestured toward change without actually changing church doctrines. He permitted discussion of ordaining married men in remote regions where populations were greatly underserved due to a lack of priests, but he did not actually allow it. On his own initiative, he set up a commission to study the possibility of ordaining women as deacons, but he did not follow it through.

However, he did allow priests to offer the Eucharist, the most important Catholic sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, to Catholics who had divorced and remarried without being granted an annulment.

Likewise, Francis did not change the official teaching that a sacramental marriage is between a man and a woman, but he did allow for the blessing of gay couples, in a manner that did appear to be a sanctioning of gay marriage.

To what degree will the new pope stand or not stand in continuity with Francis? As a scholar who has studied the writings and actions of the popes since the time of the Second Vatican Council, a series of meetings held to modernize the church from 1962 to 1965, I am aware that every pope comes with his own vision and his own agenda for leading the church.

Still, the popes who immediately preceded them set practical limits on what changes could be made. There were limitations on Francis as well; however, the new pope, I argue, will have more leeway because of the signals Francis sent.

The process of synodality

Francis initiated a process called “synodality,” a term that combines the Greek words for “journey” and “together.” Synodality involves gathering Catholics of various ranks and points of view to share their faith and pray with each other as they address challenges faced by the church today.

One of Francis’ favorite themes was inclusion. He carried forward the teaching of the Second Vatican Council that the Holy Spirit – that is, the Spirit of God who inspired the prophets and is believed to be sent by Christ among Christians in a special way – is at work throughout the whole church; it includes not only the hierarchy but all of the church members. This belief constituted the core principle underlying synodality.

Francis launched a two-year global consultation process in October 2022, culminating in a synod in Rome in October 2024. Catholics all over the world offered their insights and opinions during this process. The synod discussed many issues, some of which were controversial, such as clerical sexual abuse, the need for oversight of bishops, the role of women in general and the ordination of women as deacons.

The final synod document did not offer conclusions concerning these topics but rather aimed more at promoting the transformation of the entire Catholic Church into a synodal church in which Catholics tackle together the many challenges of the modern world. Francis refrained from issuing his own document in response, in order that the synod’s statement could stand on its own.

The process of synodality in one sense places limits on bishops and the pope by emphasizing their need to listen closely to all church members before making decisions. In another sense, though, in the long run the process opens up the possibility for needed developments to take place when and if lay Catholics overwhelmingly testify that they believe the church should move in a certain direction.

Change is hard in the church

A pope, however, cannot simply reverse official positions that his immediate predecessors had been emphasizing. Practically speaking, there needs to be a papacy, or two, during which a pope will either remain silent on matters that call for change or at least limit himself to hints and signals on such issues.

In 1864, Pius IX condemned the proposition that “the Church ought to be separated from the State, and the State from the Church.” It wasn’t until 1965 – some 100 years later – that the Second Vatican Council, in The Declaration on Religious Freedom, would affirm that “a wrong is done when government imposes upon its people, by force or fear or other means, the profession or repudiation of any religion. …”

A second major reason why popes may refrain from making top-down changes is that they may not want to operate like a dictator issuing executive orders in an authoritarian manner. Francis was accused by his critics of acting in this way with his positions on Eucharist for those remarried without a prior annulment and on blessings for gay couples. The major thrust of his papacy, however, with his emphasis on synodality, was actually in the opposite direction.

Notably, when the Amazon Synod – held in Rome in October 2019 – voted 128-41 to allow for married priests in the Brazilian Amazon region, Francis rejected it as not being the appropriate time for such a significant change.

Past doctrines

The belief that the pope should express the faith of the people and not simply his own personal opinions is not a new insight from Francis.

The doctrine of papal infallibility, declared at the First Vatican Council in 1870, held that the pope, under certain conditions, could express the faith of the church without error.

The limitations and qualifications of this power include that the pope be speaking not personally but in his official capacity as the head of the church; he must not be in heresy; he must be free of coercion and of sound mind; he must be addressing a matter of faith and morals; and he must consult relevant documents and other Catholics so that what he teaches represents not simply his own opinions but the faith of the church.

The Marian doctrines of the Immaculate Conception and the Assumption offer examples of the importance of consultation. The Immaculate Conception, proclaimed by Pope Pius IX in 1854, is the teaching that Mary, the mother of Jesus, was herself preserved from original sin, a stain inherited from Adam that Catholics believe all other human beings are born with, from the moment of her conception. The Assumption, proclaimed by Pius XII in 1950, is the doctrine that Mary was taken body and soul into heaven at the end of her earthly life.

The documents in which these doctrines were proclaimed stressed that the bishops of the church had been consulted and that the faith of the lay people was being affirmed.

Unity, above all

One of the main duties of the pope is to protect the unity of the Catholic Church. On one hand, making many changes quickly can lead to schism, an actual split in the community.

In 2022, for example, the Global Methodist Church split from the United Methodist Church over same-sex marriage and the ordination of noncelibate gay bishops. There have also been various schisms within the Anglican communion in recent years. The Catholic Church faces similar challenges but so far has been able to avoid schisms by limiting the actual changes being made.

On the other hand, not making reasonable changes that acknowledge positive developments in the culture regarding issues such as the full inclusion of women or the dignity of gays and lesbians can result in the large-scale exit of members.

Pope Leo XIV, I argue, needs to be a spiritual leader, a person of vision, who can build upon the legacy of his immediate predecessors in such a way as to meet the challenges of the present moment. He already stated that he wants a synodal church that is “close to the people who suffer,” signaling a great deal about the direction he will take.

If the new pope is able to update church teachings on some hot-button issues, it will be precisely because Francis set the stage for him.

Dennis Doyle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Pope Leo XIV faces limits on changing the Catholic Church − but Francis made reforms that set the stage for larger changes – https://theconversation.com/pope-leo-xiv-faces-limits-on-changing-the-catholic-church-but-francis-made-reforms-that-set-the-stage-for-larger-changes-256181

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

By late last week it was clear Labor would win the election, but it came as more of a surprise when Peter Dutton lost the Queensland seat of Dickson he’d held since 2001.

Nor did many anticipate Greens leader Adam Bandt, member for Melbourne since 2010, would be swept away, in a lower house rout that has seen the minor party stripped of three of its four House of Representative seats.

Both the Liberals and the Greens are in existential moments, in need of new leaders and some painful introspection’s about their future directions.

Thinking back to the Liberal experience after Kevin Rudd’s 2007 victory, some wonder why anyone would be putting up their hand for the party leadership.

The Liberals churned through three leaders between 2007 and 2009. Brendan Nelson took over the party after Labor’s victory; undermined by Malcolm Turnbull, he lasted less than a year. Turnbull survived just over a year before being ousted by Tony Abbott.

Admittedly the experience of Peter Dutton was different – he was given a full term as opposition leader.

But the chances of Dutton’s successor becoming prime minister will be very low. With the added seats Labor has won, the Liberals are looking at a two-term strategy. The odds are on more than one leader, and generational change, in that time. Tim Wilson, 45, who has won back Goldstein, obviously has his eye on the prize in the longer term.

Despite all the disincentives, Sussan Ley, 63, and Angus Taylor, 58, both want this thankless post that’s up for grabs at Tuesday’s party meeting.

The battle has turned into a fight over negatives as much as positives. Supporters of Ley say Taylor did a dreadful job as shadow treasurer, including not producing a tax policy. The Taylor camp argues Ley, the deputy leader, under-performed generally.

Both contenders hold regional NSW electorates. Taylor’s support base is the conservative wing of the party; Leys’ is the moderate wing. The relative weightings of the factions in the Liberal party room has changed somewhat as a result of the election, in the favour of the moderates.

For those Liberal MPs whose votes are not tightly locked in by factional allegiances, there are multiple questions they need to consider.

Who will be able to keep the party together, while forcing it to face up to what changes it must make, and driving a major overhaul of policy? Who can improve the Liberals’ standing with women, and with younger voters? Who can better handle the relationship with the Nationals?

On the last point, anyone who might think it would be best to break the Coalition is, I believe, misguided. Going it alone didn’t work in the 1970s and the 1980s. Different as they may be, the Liberals and Nationals are, electorally, two parts of a whole.

They need their collective numbers to win and they’re better to stay together in opposition, to make the partnership in government work. But the relationship may be rocky.

At the election, the Nationals retained almost all their seats and will have a relatively bigger voice from now on.

On Thursday, however, their highest profile senator, Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, jumped from the Nationals to the Liberals. She said she thought she could be more effective in the Liberals, “especially as the party faces a significant rebuild […] I feel obliged to play a robust part in”.

This was a concerted move from the right, and will play into the leadership contest in an as-yet unclear way. With speculation that she might run as Taylor’s deputy, Price was asked on Sky on Thursday night she would be willing to be drafted for a position. “I will not put limitations on myself,” she said.

For the Liberals, there is absolutely no silver lining from this election. The Greens can take some comfort in the fact they’ve retained their numbers (11) in the Senate, with only a small fall in their Senate vote. On the projected results, the Greens are set to be the sole negotiators with the government in the Senate on legislation opposed by the Coalition.

Who will become leader is still an open question, with South Australian veteran Senator Sarah Hanson-Young, deputy leader Mehreen Faruqi, and the party’s Senate leader, Larissa Waters, mentioned. Whoever gets the post, the leadership will return to the Senate, where it always was until Bandt obtained the position in early 2020.

Post election, Anthony Albanese has continued his fierce pre-election attack on the Greens. “What I hope comes out of the new Senate is a bit of a recognition that one of the reasons why the Greens political party have had a bad outcome in the election is the view that they simply combined with the Coalition in what I termed the ‘noalition’, to provide blockages, and that occurred across a range of portfolios, housing, treasury, as well as environment,” he told the ABC.

Albanese was particularly scathing about Greens housing spokesman Max Chandler-Mather who lost his seat and criticised parliament as a “sick place”.

“Maybe what he needs is a mirror and a reflection on why he’s no longer in parliament. […] This is a guy who stood before signs at a CFMEU rally in Brisbane describing me as a Nazi.”

Bob Brown, the Greens’ inaugural leader from 2005 to 2012, describes Albanese’s comments as “ungracious” in “his moment of glory”.

While the Greens’ pro-Palestinian position came under much criticism, Brown strongly defends it, declaring it “honorable”.

Brown, speaking to The Conversation, says the Greens will be in an extraordinarily powerful position in the Senate, and their “environmental origins will  come back to the fore”. He urges the Greens to “have deaf ears to calls for the Senate to be a rubber stamp”. The Constitution, he says, has the Senate with equal powers with the house except on money matters.

Brown predicts the Greens will be “resurgent” at the next election.  His strongest message is directed squarely at the government. “The Greens should never direct preferences to Labor again – because Labor takes preferences with one hand and stabs the Greens with the other.”

Like the new Liberal leader, Bandt’s successor will inherit a party at a fork in the road. Does it become more militant or more moderate, more confrontational in its dealing with the government, or as transactional as possible?

Bandt’s hope of the Greens power-sharing with a Labor government in the lower house has evaporated. So how does the party use what power it has in the Senate, while trying to put itself in the best position to avoid going further backwards at the next election?

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Grattan on Friday: Bitter struggle in Liberals for likely poisoned chalice, as Jacinta Price defects from Nationals – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-bitter-struggle-in-liberals-for-likely-poisoned-chalice-as-jacinta-price-defects-from-nationals-255634

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

In the new parliament the government is expected to need only the Greens to pass the legislation opposed by the Coalition. Counting is not finished but on present indications it won’t require any other Senate crossbenchers.

Given Labor’s enhanced position it makes much harder an independent’s job of holding the Labor government to account and pursuing their own agenda.

One independent who had considerable success pursuing his issues in the last parliament is ACT Senator David Pocock. Pocock saw a massive 18-point swing towards him at the election, easily finishing first, above Labor’s Katy Gallagher.

Pocock now faces the reality that, despite an increase in his vote share, his actual negotiating power is weakened.

Pocock joins us today to talk about the new Senate situation, his aspirations for the next three years and the election generally.

On his stunning result from the ACT,

It was a really humbling result to see so much support. At the last election, I said to Canberrans that I wanted to be accessible and accountable to them and then stand on my record and I really tried to do that. So I think it’s probably a combination of things. One, people wanting someone who’s actually going to stand up for the ACT.

Couple that with a campaign where Peter Dutton and the Coalition made it just so hard for Canberra Liberals. You had a situation where the ACT Senate candidate for the Libs, Jacob Vadakkedathu, was pushing back on public service cuts, was saying how desperately the national capital needs a convention centre and needs it to be funded at least partially by the feds.

On the results more broadly, while Labor saw a massive positive result, Pocock asserts that voters don’t want the status quo.

It’s clearly a big victory for the Labor Party, but I don’t think this is a vote for the status quo. We saw independents across the country making seats marginal, potentially winning seats or holding on to their seats. The swing towards independents was about the same as the swing towards the Labor party.

I think the task of this next parliament is to really crack on with dealing with the big challenges we face in a really constructive way. I don’t think people just want more of the same.

Asked what 2035 climate change target he would like to see, Pocock stresses now is not the time to be cautious,

I think we’ve got to be really ambitious. From what I’ve heard from experts, we need to be looking at [a] 75 to 85, 90% [2035 emissions reductions target]. This is a time to go really hard on this, and we’ll hear the Labor Party, we’ll hear the Coalition say that, well we’re a small jurisdiction, what we do is important but it’s not the big game, we’ve got to support our partners overseas. We are one of the biggest fossil fuel exporters in the world, and we’re one of the highest per capita emitters. So what we do actually really matters.

I think people want to see that sort of leadership. We’re being, I think, essentially conned now that places like Japan need our gas for their energy security – when Japan is now exporting more gas than we send to them.

Pocock highlights that the conduct from both sides during this campaign is why truth in political advertising laws are needed,

When it comes to something like electoral reform, we saw [Labor] do a deal with the Coalition under the guise of we need the major parties to agree on this and get it through parliament. Then when it comes to truth in political advertising laws, Which they’ve committed to doing, they introduced a bill and then they just shelved it because I think it was actually inconvenient for them – because we saw them during this election use some pretty questionable tactics. Both the major parties are doing this, and I think more and more Australians expect better, want better.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: David Pocock wants us to aim for up to 90% reduction in emissions by 2035 – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-david-pocock-wants-us-to-aim-for-up-to-90-reduction-in-emissions-by-2035-256218

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Issy Borley, Research Technician, CSIRO

Over the last decade, humanity’s emissions of carbon dioxide (CO₂) have stabilised after a period of huge growth. Average growth is now down to just 0.6% per year, compared to 2% per year in the previous decade. But levelling off isn’t the same as declining – and we’ve levelled off at a very high rate of emissions. The Global Carbon Project estimates human activities released a record high of 10.2 gigatonnes of carbon (GtC) in 2024.

Last year, the atmosphere’s concentration of CO₂ rose at the fastest rate on record. Over the last decade, atmospheric CO₂ increased an average of 2.4 parts per million (ppm) a year. But last year, concentrations jumped by 3.5 ppm, reaching 424 ppm in the atmosphere. These concentrations are more than 50% higher than the pre-industrial period.

While we’re burning more fossil fuels than ever, recent emissions growth has been offset by falling rates of deforestation and other land use emissions.

Why are CO₂ concentrations still rapidly increasing? We’re still pumping massive amounts of long-buried CO₂ into our atmosphere. The only way for this carbon to leave the atmosphere is through natural carbon sinks – and they’re struggling to keep up.

How do we know the amount of CO₂ in the atmosphere?

Perched on a remote and windy clifftop on Tasmania’s northwest tip lies the Kennaook/Cape Grim Baseline Air Pollution Station. This station has an important job: monitoring baseline changes in atmospheric gases. The location was chosen because air here has travelled hundreds of kilometres over the ocean in an area unaffected by local pollution.

For decades, Australian scientists have directly measured the changes to the atmosphere here. Alongside other monitoring stations worldwide, this gives us an accurate and precise record of changes in greenhouse gases and ozone depleting chemicals in the atmosphere.

Filling the bathtub

Carbon dioxide is very good at trapping heat. Over the Earth’s 4.5 billion years, pulses of CO₂ have created hothouse worlds, very different to the pleasant climate humans have enjoyed since the last ice age, about 11,000 years ago. The last time CO₂ went past 400 ppm was likely more than two million years ago.

It’s easy to confuse CO₂ emissions and concentrations of CO₂ in the atmosphere. Emissions influence atmospheric concentrations, but they are not the same.

Releasing long-buried carbon back into the atmosphere by burning fossil fuels and producing CO₂ emissions is like turning on the tap in a bathtub and the amount of water in the tub is the atmospheric concentration.

The Earth has natural ways of dealing with carbon dioxide. Plants, soils and oceans are carbon “sinks” – they all draw down carbon from the atmosphere and store it. Think of them as the bath’s plughole.

The problem is, we’re filling up the tub with CO₂ much faster than the Earth’s carbon sinks can pull them out. As a result, CO₂ concentration in the atmosphere rises. Atmospheric CO₂ matters because it is what actually influences climate.

If we apply current global emissions and scenarios where emissions decrease either steadily or rapidly to the CSIRO Simple Carbon-Climate Model, we can estimate how much our bathtub is likely to fill. These graphs show emissions must be significantly cut before we can start to see a fall in atmospheric concentration.

Why did CO₂ concentration jump last year?

The single largest influence in last year’s spike in CO₂ concentration is likely to be changes to carbon sinks.

Every year, oceans, forests and soils absorb about half the emissions humans produce. But this figure isn’t set – it changes as the Earth’s systems change.

For instance, plants grow more in wetter years and store more carbon in their structures through photosynthesis and growth.

But climate change is making fires more intense and more frequent. As trees burn, they release stored carbon back to the atmosphere. Emissions from enormous wildfires in Canada in 2023 and South America in 2024 likely contributed to the atmospheric CO₂ jump.

Recent research suggests a weakened biosphere has strongly contributed. Severe droughts across the northern hemisphere in 2024 cut the ability of the planet’s soils and plant life to soak up and store CO₂.

The speed at which carbon sinks soak up CO₂ depends on environmental conditions, which are largely out of our control. As climate change worsens, the capacity of natural carbon sinks to draw down our emissions will likely reduce.

In the bathtub analogy, water leaves the tub through the plughole. If the plughole narrows, less water can escape and our tub will fill up even faster.

The main lever we can control is the tap on the bathtub – the emissions we produce. Many nations are now cutting their emissions, but not enough to begin the sharp decline in concentration we need.

In the 1980s, the Earth’s thin, protective layer of ozone – just 10 parts per million – was being eaten away by chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other chemicals in fridges, air conditioners and aerosol cans. Nations replaced these chemicals and the ozone hole began to close. Fossil fuels are far more important to our current way of life than CFCs were. But we now have good options to replace them across many industries.

This is a crucial moment. Our current rate of emissions will only cause CO₂ concentrations and global temperatures to rise. Natural carbon sinks will not pull out enough carbon to stabilise our climate on a time frame meaningful to humans. The earlier the action and decrease in emissions, the better our future.

Issy Borley receives funding from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology.

Cathy Trudinger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Ray Langenfelds receives funding from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology.

– ref. Even as emissions level off, carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is growing faster than ever. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/even-as-emissions-level-off-carbon-dioxide-in-the-atmosphere-is-growing-faster-than-ever-heres-why-254072

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew James Couzens, Lecturer in Digital Media, CQUniversity Australia

Donald Trump has said the United States should be applying tariffs to movies “produced in foreign lands”. This has the potential to deeply impact the Australian film industry.

Local crews are currently celebrating a boom in big budget production at studios on the Gold Coast, Sydney and Melbourne. Over the last five years, foreign production has represented almost half of all drama production expenditure in Australia.

But the history of Hollywood making movies in Australia warns us not to get complacent.

When times are good for Australian film crews they can be very good indeed. But global events can leave studios empty and film crew without work.

Read more:
How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia

How Hollywood influenced Australian cinema

Hollywood’s influence was felt in Australian production from the silent era.

For its 1927 adaptation of Marcus Clarke’s literary classic For the Term of His Natural Life, local production and distribution company Australasian Films hired Hollywood director Norman Dawn. They felt this was necessary to appeal to American audiences.

For most of the 20th century, Hollywood production used Australia for its exotic setting. Films like On the Beach (1959), Kangaroo (1952) and The Sundowners (1960) brought their crews from America, rather than using Australians.

By the late 1960s, Hollywood’s cultural dominance was seen as a serious problem.

The Australian federal government established new grant and investment schemes for local films, intended to establish Australian culture in response to American influence.

The local industry’s independence was fervently protected, and we saw the release of films like Picnic at Hanging Rock (1975) and Newsfront (1978), aimed at establishing a distinct Australian film culture.

The international box office success of George Miller’s 1979 film Mad Max motivated a shift to more commercial, Hollywood-aligned filmmaking in Australia. Many in the industry argued the film illustrated the value of pursuing a popular cinema modelled on American production practices.

This laid the groundwork for Hollywood to become even more integrated with the local production industry.

Studios and infrastructure

The 1988 opening of Village Roadshow Studios and the filming of the 1988 Mission Impossible television series on the Gold Coast ignited the relationship between the Australian film industry and Hollywood that exists today.

These studios were followed by Fox Studios Australia (now Disney Studios Australia) in Sydney, home to productions including The Matrix and Star Wars: Episodes I–III.

These studios acquired international investment from Hollywood studios and received significant state government support. They supported new collaborations between Hollywood and the Australian film industry, though some criticised this direction for Australian cinema.

Throughout the 1990s, there was a rapid increase in the quantity of footloose production – a term referring to films originating from Hollywood but shooting elsewhere to reduce costs.

The comparatively weak Australian dollar, low labour and construction costs, and strong state government incentives meant that blockbusters like The Matrix could cut their budgets by as much as a third by shooting in Australia rather than Hollywood.

The local industry grew as big budget Hollywood films created jobs for Australian production crews. These crews depended on a steady supply of foreign production, because local productions were not big enough to support local crews.

Bust

The Australian film production industry was thrust into crisis in the second half of the 2000s, when a strong Australian dollar coupled with the global financial crisis wiped out the supply of footloose productions.

In 2008–09, foreign production brought just A$31 million into the country, from a high in 2003–04 of $519 million, adjusted for inflation.

This saw screen employment drop and some production facilities close.

Industry lobbying encouraged the federal government to introduce a 16.5% location tax offset for foreign films shooting in Australia, and a 30% tax offset for post, digital and visual effects.

Combined with the weakening Australian dollar, this brought Hollywood production back with a vengeance by 2014–15.

But the impact that a dry spell of blockbuster production could have on the Australian industry gave Hollywood producers significant negotiating power. In response, state and federal governments offered heavy hitters like Disney’s Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Men Tell No Tales (2017) and Thor: Ragnarok (2017) tens of millions of dollars on top of existing offsets.

Boom

In 2020–21, the expenditure of foreign films shooting in Australia more than doubled compared to previous years. This was due to Australia, and especially Queensland, being one of the few places in the world where production could take place during COVID lockdowns.

Foreign production, especially on the Gold Coast, exploded.

Studio infrastructure was stretched to breaking point, with some films using makeshift studio spaces like the Gold Coast Convention and Exhibition Centre.

Growing capacity became a policy priority, and significant investment was directed towards training crew and expanding studio facilities.

The boom in Hollywood expenditure in Australia has resulted in an expansion of local production capability through crew training and investment in facilities.

But, as the global financial crisis bust shows, growth can be a double edged sword. It requires a consistent supply of footloose production to sustain itself.

The anxiety around Trump’s recently proposed tariffs demonstrates the Australian film industry remains dependent on footloose production.

Policy must now address how to exploit boom periods to support sustainability during the inevitable bust.

Andrew James Couzens has received funding from The Gold Coast Film Commission.

– ref. 100 years of boom and bust: a potted history of Hollywood’s long relationship with Australia – https://theconversation.com/100-years-of-boom-and-bust-a-potted-history-of-hollywoods-long-relationship-with-australia-256079

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Edward Hurcombe, Senior Lecturer in Media and Communication, RMIT University

This year’s federal election demonstrated that Australia’s media landscape has changed. Big players are no longer “kingmakers” in politics.

Influencers on TikTok and Instagram have seemingly become journalists. Politicians are going on podcasts, and campaign advertising has become memes.

Australia’s news media has historically been concentrated in the hands of a few large companies. Now there are fresh new voices.

But who are these new players? Are they even “journalists”? And to what extent are older media, such as News Corp, still influential?

Too much attention?

Labor’s stunning victory on Saturday night defied even the most optimistic predictions. But it was also evidence of the apparently declining influence of the largest commercial media company operating in Australia, News Corp.

In the recent past, News Corp and its owner Rupert Murdoch were regarded by politicians as a major factor in deciding elections. Getting on Murdoch’s good side was an important goal for budding prime ministers.

But despite its major papers supporting the Coalition at every state and federal election since 2010, the Labor Party still wins elections.

In the aftermath of the Coalition’s smashing defeat, commentators were even openly considering whether the Liberal and National parties were providing Murdoch and its Sky News channel with too much attention.

Analysts have suggested the Coalition’s fixation on “culture wars”, promoted by Sky News television hosts, left them out of touch with the issues ordinary Australians care about. The Coalition’s focus on Welcome to Country ceremonies in the final weeks of the campaign is an example of this tone-deaf misstep.

Read more:
In its soul-searching, the Coalition should examine its relationship with the media

Shifts of influence

The other major feature of this election was the rise of influencers. This started in December last year, when Peter Dutton appeared on Sam Fricker’s podcast. Fricker is a former diver with 168,000 Instagram followers.

Anthony Albanese followed suit in early 2025, when he appeared on Abbie Chatfield’s podcast. Chatfield is a politically progressive Instagram star with more than 560,000 followers.

Influencers weren’t just interviewing politicians, however. They were also reporting the news. In March, a dozen influencers were invited by the Labor Party to participate in the annual budget lock-up.

The privilege of reading the budget ahead of its official launch is usually reserved for journalists, but financial and feminist influencers, among others, were also included.

Some news outlets raised eyebrows at this development, while others expressed concern at reports the Labor Party had funded the travel costs for these influencers.

But what was clear was the government felt it could no longer rely on traditional media to get the message out. Instead, it recognised that influencers are now a major source of news for many people – especially young people.

Read more:
Social media is the new election battleground. Is embracing influencers smart, risky or both?

How do we make sense of this?

Does this mean influencers have replaced journalists? Well, it’s more complicated than that.

Research from the University of Canberra has shown young audiences receive most of their news from social media, and video content is increasingly popular for this demographic. The video platform YouTube has also become a powerhouse for political content, and upstart digital outlets such as The Daily Aus on Instagram have cemented themselves as legitimate news sources.

But we shouldn’t ignore traditional media. The ABC, along with SBS, is still the most trusted news source in Australia. The ABC’s recent election night coverage broke viewership records.

Established media has also been experimenting in digital news. This includes Guardian Australia’s influencer-style TikTok content, and the “Politics Explained” videos produced by the ABC’s multiplatform journalism team.

These developments in Australia reflect what’s been happening in the United States, where legacy outlets such as the LA Times and the Washington Post have become adept at creating fun, accessible and informative news content for digital audiences.

The recent focus on influencers also neglects how Australian news has been facing digital disruption for decades. In the 2010s, BuzzFeed Australia was also producing accessible and millennial-friendly news, and faced similar controversy when its journalists joined the Canberra Press Gallery.

Still, influencers present both opportunities and challenges for news. On the one hand, they can reach audiences who would otherwise be avoiding news. They can provide fresh new perspectives on issues, especially on topics relevant to young people, such as housing.

However, their ambivalent status also can present ethical concerns. Not being bound by newsroom codes of conduct can be freeing, but it can result in the transparency issues we saw in the budget lock-up.

Influencers’ emphasis on “authenticity” can also lead to partisan news coverage. Some influencers who call themselves “citizen journalists” have even been accused of spreading misinformation.

Australia’s news landscape is much more diverse than it used to be. But it’s also more complex than simply a story of old versus new media.

Edward Hurcombe receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. In the age of the influencer, does the political backing of News Corp matter anymore? – https://theconversation.com/in-the-age-of-the-influencer-does-the-political-backing-of-news-corp-matter-anymore-255876

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Josh Holloway, Lecturer in Government in the College of Business, Government and Law, Flinders University

The Greens’ federal election result has been widely condemned as a “disaster”.

The party has been all but wiped out in the House of Representatives. It has lost three of its four members, including leader Adam Bandt, who has just conceded his once safe seat of Melbourne. This leaves the Brisbane electorate of Ryan as the Greens’ only remaining seat in the lower house.

Yet the tired explanations being rolled out – the party is too extreme, too obstructionist, too distant from a mythical single-issue environmentalist past – misidentify the party’s dilemmas.

And they overlook the fact the Greens’ influence will be greater in the new parliament, at least in the Senate.

Under-delivering

The Greens share the blame for the tone of these election post-mortems.

This is a party of campaign hubris, consistently over-promising and under-delivering.

Bob Brown’s “green government” is yet to emerge. Christine Milne’s aspirations of gains in the bush barely materialised. And the “small-l liberals” chased by Richard Di Natale now prop up independents.

Bandt’s list of new target seats appears to have stretched resources too thin and underscored the challenges of taking a Senate party into the House.

The campaign narrative of “keeping Dutton out and getting Labor to act” may have suited a time when either a Labor or Coalition minority government was a possibility. But it did little to distinguish the Greens as Labor gained momentum.

Many voters may have thought kicking Peter Dutton out was best done by voting for Labor, backed up by supporting the Greens in the Senate to encourage more ambitious Labor action.

National vote holds up

And yet – is the election result all that bad?

Despite a small negative swing, the Greens’ nationwide primary vote was still above 12%. This election sits alongside 2010 and 2022 as among the party’s largest ever share of votes.

Support ticked up in seats as divergent as Lalor, Fraser, Macarthur, Barton, Newcastle, Page, Spence, and Swan. Even in divisions lost to Labor, such as Griffith and Brisbane, voters did not abandon the party in large numbers.

The Greens will also maintain their Senate numbers. This gives them sole balance of power, making them pivotal to Labor’s legislative success.

Clearly, if the Greens are too “extreme”, it’s an extremism shared by a significant and relatively stable share of Australians.

Lower house obstacles

So, what explains this mix of loss and achievement?

The Greens routinely highlight the barriers of the lower house electoral system. They have a point. Single member districts tend not to produce a chamber that reflects primary vote share.

Preferential voting can be a boon to minor parties. But it also makes the outcomes of tight, multiparty electoral contests – the kind the Greens relied on to win in 2022 – susceptible to even slight shifts in voters’ preferences.

Given the Nationals and a slew of independents held their seats, this may read like a cop out.

But unlike the Nationals, the Greens lack a clear geographic cleavage that corrals large numbers of electors their way. And contrary to vaguely centrist independents, the Greens occupy ideological space where most voters don’t reside – even if many of the Greens’ “social democratic” policy positions have broad support when considered individually.

This is hardly new. The party is no more stridently left-wing than in 2022. But even in the country’s most progressive seats, there is always a conservative rump. If the Liberal Party is knocked out of a race, most of their preferences will flow to Labor, which can be decisive.

Senate obstruction

Much has been made of the Greens’ legislative obstruction in the Senate. Delaying Labor’s housing agenda is one such example.

Dabbling in opposition before ultimately capitulating for minor concessions may have dampened Greens support.

The Greens reaped neither the benefits of opposition nor those of compromise, but instead the costs of both. It’s hard to see crucial segments of voters in lower house seats not being repulsed by this, even as the party finds sufficient support to meet Senate quotas.

Way forward

The future requires serious internal reflection on who the party appeals to, and how.

A new parliamentary strategy is needed to leverage Senate balance of power for progressive outcomes and electoral growth. Greens also need to navigate a relationship with the government that is seemingly hostile to the very existence of the party (has anyone mentioned the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme yet?).

With the loss of Bandt from parliament, the party’s leadership – spilled following an election, regardless of outcome – is now wide open.

Who will lead the Greens now?

Bandt’s replacement will need to balance electoral appeal with an ability to contain internal ructions that have diminished, not disappeared.

Senator Larissa Waters ought to be a frontrunner. She has held leadership positions for 10 years and is popular, both electorally and internally. Crucially, she represents Queensland, a state where the Greens need to regain votes.

Another option is Senator Nick McKim, who would return the party’s centre of gravity to Tasmania, and offer previous state party leadership experience.

Another candidate could be Senator Sarah Hanson-Young, who has long held leadership aspirations.

In a party where members are stridently advocating for greater say in leadership selection, the process could open up and be unpredictable.

All is not lost

The Greens do best when voters turn away from Labor.

As the government advances an unambitious agenda of, at best, “thin labourism”, the number of disappointed and disaffected voters will grow.

Even a modest swing against Labor at the next election puts several House seats back in play, alongside the Greens’ ongoing presence in the Senate.

Josh Holloway does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Greens’ election hubris – how the minor party lost its way and now its leader – https://theconversation.com/greens-election-hubris-how-the-minor-party-lost-its-way-and-now-its-leader-255954

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leoni Connah, Lecturer in International Relations, Flinders University

Tensions between India and Pakistan escalated this week after India launched missile strikes on its long-time rival, killing more than 30 people.

India was retaliating for a terror attack on tourists in Indian-controlled Kashmir on April 22, which killed 26 civilians, most of them Indian. New Delhi has blamed a Pakistan-based militant group for the incident.

Pakistan has vowed revenge for the airstrikes, calling them an “act of war”.

If a full-scale war does break out between the two nuclear powers, it wouldn’t be the first time they have fought over the disputed region of Kashmir. In fact, the two sides have been in conflict over Kashmir since 1947.

The people of Kashmir, meanwhile, are stuck in the middle of this geopolitical rivalry, trapped in a security state with little hope for the future.

Life before the April 22 terror attack

Before the attack on the tourists last month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government had made repeated claims that “normalcy” was returning to the region.

However, Kashmir remains one of the most heavily militarised zones in the world and the people have long suffered human rights abuses the Indian government has justified on the grounds of counter-terrorism.

In 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which had granted a special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, along with a high degree of autonomy.

The revocation of this article brought Jammu and Kashmir, now a “union territory”, under the full control of the Modi government in New Delhi.

This decision was made on behalf of Kashmiris, not in consultation with them. Speaking with Kashmiris in 2020 as part of my ongoing research on the region, there was a huge sense of betrayal at the move.

One of my interview subjects claimed Indian security forces were “instilling fear and psychological warfare” in Kashmir. Another said “it’s no exaggeration to say after every three kilometres, there’s a checkpoint” manned by Indian security forces. The situation worsened during the COVID pandemic, with increased lockdowns and curfews.

Some hope did return last September when Kashmiris were able to vote in regional assembly elections for the first time in a decade.

The election meant the new local assembly would have the power to make and amend laws, debate local issues and approve decisions for the territory, particularly in education and culture.

However, this doesn’t mean “normalcy” had returned, nor was Kashmir peaceful and tranquil.

In February of this year, there were reports that Indian security forces had conducted operations against suspected militants, resulting in a lockdown and 500 people being detained.

A young Kashmiri man died by suicide after allegedly being tortured by police in February. The next day, another man was shot dead by the army.

These are just two incidents that are part of a wider cycle of violence that has become a part of everyday life in Kashmir.

Life after April 22

After the April 22 tourist attack, the central government has doubled down on its heavy-handed approach to Kashmir under the guise of counter-terrorism.

Kashmiris have been subjected to an increased security presence, new lockdowns, “cordon and search operations”, social media surveillance, house demolitions and other draconian measures.

Police say some 1,900 Kashmiris have been detained and questioned since the attack. This number will no doubt continue to rise.

It is no wonder Kashmiris were saying “everyone lives in fear”, even before India launched missile strikes on its neighbour.

Possible retaliation from Pakistan – or a wider war – now looms, with Kashmiris again on the front lines.

Calls for India to follow Israel’s lead

There is a very big concern that right-wing Indian media outlets and social media posts are now encouraging the Indian government to respond to the terror attack in the same way Israel has retaliated against Hamas in Gaza.

Some commentators are portraying the April 22 attack as India’s version of the October 7 Hamas attack on southern Israel, which could become a dangerous precedent for what the future holds for Kashmir.

Israel also recently announced its support for India’s right to “self-defence”.

In addition, the rise in right-wing rhetoric increases the likelihood of Islamophobic attacks taking place against Kashmiris, as well as Muslims in India more broadly.

Pathways to peace?

Each war fought between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has ended with negotiations and treaties.

Bilateral relations have been attempted numerous times over the years and would be a preferable option to increased escalation in the current conflict.

Ultimately, it is the Kashmiris who suffer the most whenever tensions boil over between the two nuclear powers. As one young man recently said:

My parents don’t allow me to step outside. Every time I get a call, I feel a wave of anxiety, fearing it might be the police.

Kashmir might be a wonderland, a mini-Switzerland or a paradise for others, but for us, it is an open prison. Everyone lives in fear. What future do we have?

Leoni Connah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Everyone lives in fear’: trapped between two warring nuclear giants, the people of Kashmir continue to suffer – https://theconversation.com/everyone-lives-in-fear-trapped-between-two-warring-nuclear-giants-the-people-of-kashmir-continue-to-suffer-256085

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samara Kim, PhD Candidate & Researcher, Southern Cross University

Korean adoptees worldwide are grappling with a devastating possibility: they were not truly orphans, but may have been made into orphans.

For decades, adoptees were told they were “abandoned”, “rescued” or “unwanted”. Many were told their Korean families were too “poor” or “incapable” to raise them – and they should only ever feel grateful for being adopted.

But these long-held stories are now under scrutiny.

Our recent research interrogates the narratives that have obscured the darker realities of intercountry adoption. Rather than viewing adoption solely through the lens of “rescue”, our work examines the broader power structures that facilitated the mass migration of Korean children to western countries, including Australia.

South Korea’s reckoning with its adoption history

In March, South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its preliminary findings after collecting records and testimony from a coalition of overseas Korean adoptee-led organisations (including the Australia–US Korean Rights Group).

The preliminary report revealed a disturbing pattern of human rights violations in the country’s adoption industry, including:

• forced relinquishments
• falsified records
• babies switched at adoption
• inadequate screening processes, and
• deep-rooted institutional corruption.

The commission’s chair described finding

serious violations of the rights of adoptees, their biological parents – particularly Korean single mothers – and others involved. These violations should never have occurred.

The commission is expected to release its final report soon, but due to the upcoming presidential election and political uncertainty in South Korea, the timeline remains unclear.

Chilling cases

This is not the first time intercountry adoption has made headlines for irregularities, human rights abuses, or illicit and illegal practices.

While Australia was expanding the number of children for intercountry adoption from South Korea in the 1980s, Park In-keun – director of South Korea’s infamous Brothers Home, an illegal detention facility that sent children overseas for adoption – was arrested for embezzlement and illegal confinement.

He was ultimately acquitted of the most serious charges in South Korea before escaping to Australia. He was then charged again in 2014 for embezzlement, including government subsidies and wages of inmates forced into slave labour in South Korea. He died two years later.

Other allegations of human rights violations and abuses came to light around the same time with the arrest of Julie Chu.

She was accused of facilitating a “baby export” syndicate. Children were believed to have been kidnapped from Taiwan to send to Western countries, including Australia, in the 1970s and 80s. She was convicted of forgery, but denied being involved in trafficking.

Since then, other cases have continued to emerge involving countries such as Chile, Sri Lanka, India, Ethiopia and Guatemala.

What is the adoption industrial complex?

Intercountry adoption is not just a social practice. It’s also an economic and political system sometimes known as the transnational adoption industrial complex.

This network of organisations, institutions, government policies and financial systems created a globalised adoption economy worth billions of dollars. According to numerous investigations, Western nations, as “receiving” countries, drove the demand for the continuous sourcing of children.

As Park Geon-Tae, a senior investigator with South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, said:

To put it simply, there was supply because there was demand.

Australia received an estimated 3,600 Korean children from the 1970s to the present, as part of more than 10,000 intercountry adoptions.

Prospective parents typically paid between US$4,500 and $5,000 to facilitate acquiring a child in Australia in the 1980s, equivalent to A$21,000 today.

Since colonisation, Australia has had a long and painful history of child removal. From the Stolen Generations involving First Nations children to the forced adoption of children born to unwed mothers, child separation has been deeply embedded in the nation’s social policy.

While national apologies have acknowledged the irreparable harms caused by these policies, the same ideologies and structures were repurposed as the blueprint for intercountry adoption.

In recent years, other western nations, such as Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland, have begun to investigate their own roles in the intercountry adoption industry. These nations have either suspended their adoption programs, issued formal apologies or launched formal investigations.

Thus far, Australia and the United States have not.

Challenging the ‘rescue’ myth

Intercountry adoption has long been framed as a humanitarian act. The central idea was that children needed “rescuing” and any life in a Western country would be “better” than one with their families in their home country.

Many adoptees and their original families were expected to just move on or be grateful for being “saved”.

However, research shows this gratitude narrative disregards the deep trauma caused by forced separation.

Studies have reported that adoptees experience lifelong ruptures due to cultural, familial and ancestral displacement. Forced assimilation makes reconnection with family and culture complex or nearly impossible.

Many intercountry adoptees have also voiced concerns about abuse, violence and mistreatment in adoptive homes.

Questioning the ‘orphan crisis’ myth

The myth of a global orphan crisis has also been a powerful driver of intercountry adoption.

Adoption groups often reference outdated UNICEF estimates that there are 150 million orphans globally. However, this figure obscures the fact most of the children classified as “orphans” are children of single parents, or children currently living in homes with extended family or other caregivers.

This was the case in South Korea. Most children sent for adoption were not true orphans, but children who had at least one parent or extended family they could have stayed with if they were adequately supported.

The belief that millions of children of single parents were “orphans” in need of “rescue” was used to justify calls for faster, less regulated adoptions.

Labelling these children as “orphans” also helped attract millions of dollars in philanthropic donations. However, donors were rarely interested in supporting children to stay with their families and communities in their home countries.

Instead, the focus was often on removing and migrating them for the purpose of intercountry adoption.

The question then emerges: was this about finding families for babies or finding babies for Western families?

Samara Kim is a founding member of KADS Connect, an advocacy organisation for South Korean adoptees.

Kathomi Gatwiri and Lynne McPherson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘These violations should never have occurred’: the troubled history of intercountry adoption – https://theconversation.com/these-violations-should-never-have-occurred-the-troubled-history-of-intercountry-adoption-254200

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Digital Storytelling Team, The Conversation

Are you keen to know how many women there are in the new House of Representatives? And how the parties fare on gender balance?

What about how many young people will have a vote in the parliament, given they’re such a big voting bloc?

We’ve pulled together information from the Australian Electoral Commission, the ABC and some party websites to give you the most complete picture of the new parliament.

Digital Storytelling Team does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Explore the new House of Representatives – https://theconversation.com/explore-the-new-house-of-representatives-256214

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Collins, Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Newcastle

Have you had a blood test to check your cholesterol level? These check the different blood fat components:

• total cholesterol
• LDL (low-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “bad cholesterol”
• HDL (high-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “good cholesterol”
• triglycerides.

Your clinician then compares your test results to normal ranges – and may use ratios to compare different types of cholesterol.

High blood cholesterol is a major risk factor for cardiovascular disease. This is a broad term that includes disease of blood vessels throughout the body, arteries in the heart (known as coronary heart disease), heart failure, heart valve conditions, arrhythmia and stroke.

So what does cholesterol do? And what does it mean to have a healthy cholesterol ratio?

What are blood fats?

Cholesterol is a waxy type of fat made in the liver and gut, with a small amount of pre-formed cholesterol coming from food.

Cholesterol is found in all cell membranes, contributing to their structure and function. Your body uses cholesterol to make vitamin D, bile acid, and hormones, including oestrogen, testosterone, cortisol and aldosterone.

When there is too much cholesterol in your blood, it gets deposited into artery walls, making them hard and narrow. This process is called atherosclerosis.

Cholesterol is packaged with triglycerides (the most common type of fat in the body) and specific “apo” proteins into “lipo-proteins” as a package called “very-low-density” lipoproteins (VLDLs).

These are transported via the blood to body tissue in a form called low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol.

Excess cholesterol can be transported back to the liver by high-density lipoprotein, the HDL, for removal from circulation.

Another less talked about blood fat is Lipoprotein-a, or Lp(a). This is determined by your genetics and not influenced by lifestyle factors. About one in five (20%) of Australians are carriers.

Having a high Lp(a) level is an independent cardiovascular disease risk factor.

Knowing your numbers

Your blood fat levels are affected by both modifiable factors:

• dietary intake
• physical activity
• alcohol
• smoking
• weight status.

And non-modifiable factors:

• age
• sex
• family history.

Read more:
Got high cholesterol? Here are five foods to eat and avoid

What are cholesterol ratios?

Cholesterol ratios are sometimes used to provide more detail on the balance between different types of blood fats and to evaluate risk of developing heart disease.

Commonly used ratios include:

1. Total cholesterol to HDL ratio

This ratio is used in Australia to assess risk of heart disease. It’s calculated by dividing your total cholesterol number by your HDL (good) cholesterol number.

A higher ratio (greater than 5) is associated with a higher risk of heart disease, whereas a lower ratio is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

A study of 32,000 Americans over eight years found adults who had either very high, or very low, total cholesterol/HDL ratios were at 26% and 18% greater risk of death from any cause during the study period.

Those with a ratio of greater than 4.2 had a 13% higher risk of death from heart disease than those with a ratio lower than 4.2.

2. Non-HDL cholesterol to HDL cholesterol ratio (NHHR)

Non-HDL cholesterol is the total cholesterol minus HDL. Non-HDL cholesterol includes all blood fats such as LDL, triglycerides, Lp(a) and others. This ratio is abbreviated as NHHR.

This ratio has been used more recently because it compares the ratio of “bad” blood fats that can contribute to atherosclerosis (hardening and narrowing of the arteries) to “good” or anti-atherogenic blood fats (HDL).

Non-HDL cholesterol is a stronger predictor of cardiovascular disease risk than LDL alone, while HDL is associated with lower cardiovascular disease risk.

Because this ratio removes the “good” cholesterol from the non-HDL part of the ratio, it is not penalising those people who have really high amounts of “good” HDL that make up their total cholesterol, which the first ratio does.

Research has suggested this ratio may be a stronger predictor of atherosclerosis in women than men, however more research is needed.

Another study followed more than 10,000 adults with type 2 diabetes from the United States and Canada for about five years. The researchers found that for each unit increase in the ratio, there was around a 12% increased risk of having a heart attack, stroke or death.

They identified a risk threshold of 6.28 or above, after adjusting for other risk factors. Anyone with a ratio greater than this is at very high risk and would require management to lower their risk of heart disease.

3. LDL-to-HDL cholesterol ratio

LDL/HDL is calculated by dividing your LDL cholesterol number by the HDL number. This gives a ratio of “bad” to “good” cholesterol.

A lower ratio (ideal is less than 2.0) is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

While there is lesser focus on LDL/HDL, these ratios have been shown to be predictors of occurrence and severity of heart attacks in patients presenting with chest pain.

Read more:
Health Check: five food tips that could save your life after a heart attack

If you’re worried about your cholesterol levels or cardiovascular disease risk factors and are aged 45 and over (or over 30 for First Nations people), consider seeing your GP for a Medicare-rebated Heart Health Check.

Clare Collins AO is a Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics at the University of Newcastle, NSW and a Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI) affiliated researcher. She is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Leadership Fellow and has received research grants from NHMRC, ARC, MRFF, HMRI, Diabetes Australia, Heart Foundation, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, nib foundation, Rijk Zwaan Australia, WA Dept. Health, Meat and Livestock Australia, and Greater Charitable Foundation. She has consulted to SHINE Australia, Novo Nordisk, Quality Bakers, the Sax Institute, Dietitians Australia and the ABC. She was a team member conducting systematic reviews to inform the 2013 Australian Dietary Guidelines update, the Heart Foundation evidence reviews on meat and dietary patterns and current Co-Chair of the Guidelines Development Advisory Committee for Clinical Practice Guidelines for Treatment of Obesity.

Erin Clarke is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Newcastle, and an affiliated researcher with Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI). She is also an Accredited Practising Dietitian working in private practice. She is currently supported by L/Prof Clare Collins’ National Health and Medical Research Council Leadership Fellowship. She has received funding from the New South Wales Ministry of Health, University of Newcastle, HMRI, Hunter New England Health and has an industry grant with Honeysuckle Health Pty Limited. She also holds positions on the Nutrition Society of Australia Council as Co-Chair of the Newcastle Regional Group, she is an early career representative for the HMRI Food and Nutrition Research Program and the University of Newcastle College of Health, Medicine and Wellbeing ECR Research Sub-Committee. She is also a member of the Nutrition Society of Australia Precision and Personalised Nutrition Special Interest Group and the NSW Cardiovascular Research Network.

– ref. What is a blood cholesterol ratio? And what should yours be? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-blood-cholesterol-ratio-and-what-should-yours-be-253126

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vera Korasidis, Lecturer in Environmental Geoscience, The University of Melbourne

Roughly 140 million to 100 million years ago, the piece of land that is modern day Australia was located much further south on Earth. In fact, what is now Victoria was once within the polar circle, up to 80 degrees south of the equator and shrouded in darkness for months at a time.

Despite these harsh conditions, dinosaurs thrived here, leaving behind evidence of their existence at various palaeontological sites.

For decades, scientists have come to these sites to study the rocks containing the bones of these ancient creatures in order to better understand them.

My new research with palynologist Barbara Wagstaff, published in Alcheringa, builds on existing knowledge by using plant fossils from bone-bearing sites in the region to explain how the forests these dinosaurs lived in evolved – and, for the first time, illustrating them in detail.

One of the warmest periods on Earth

The Early Cretaceous epoch – between roughly 140 million and 100 million years ago – represents one of the warmest periods in the last half a billion years of Earth’s history. The sustained warmth was a result of increased volcanic activity, which released large quantities of carbon dioxide levels into the atmosphere.

The sustained warmth resulted in no polar ice caps, high sea levels and flooded continents.

The geographic distribution of land masses was also very different back then. The supercontinent Gondwana, in which most of the southern continents we know today were clumped into a single landmass, had only just started to break apart. At the time, southernmost Australia was in the polar circle.

The dinosaurs that lived in this region are known as “polar dinosaurs”. They included small ornithopods (plant-eaters with beaks and cheeks full of teeth) and therapods (carnivorous and predatory dinosaurs).

Read more:
Carnivorous dinosaurs thrived in Australia 120 million years ago, new fossils show

Building a picture of ancient plants

For decades, palaeontologists have been studying rocks from Victorian sites. To establish the age of the recovered dinosaur bones, we’ve needed the expertise of palynologists – palaeontologists who study microscopic fossil spores and pollen produced by plants.

Palynologists identified key species that they dissolved out of rocks. They deduced the dinosaur bones ranged in age from 130 to 100 million years old.

At the same time they were carefully recording all the microscopic spores and pollen they saw in the slides to build a picture of the plants through the Early Cretaceous period.

A planet-altering transition

The transition from a world without flowers to one with flowers has fascinated scientists for centuries, most famously Charles Darwin who labelled them “an abominable mystery”. More importantly, it also forever changed our planet.

Shortly after their first appearance approximately 132 million years ago, albeit in the southern portion of the supercontinent Laurasia, we see an explosive radiation of flowering plants not only in our new record from Victoria, but also globally.

What fuelled the evolution and rapid global expansion of flowering plants that dominate the Australian landscape today?

Our new research suggests warmer conditions helped flowering plants migrate across the globe and colonise understorey habitats shortly after evolving. Increased competition also contributed to the turnover in understorey flora, with flowering plants outcompeting lycophytes in rapidly colonising braided river channels after flooding events.

The appearance of flowering plants in the landscape resulted in the extinction of numerous understorey plants (in particular ferns) with a long fossil record.

As a result, by 100 million years ago, the forests of Victoria included an open conifer-dominated forest canopy. The subcanopy beneath was made up of seed ferns and ferns. Flowering plants and ferns featured in the understorey, alongside liverworts, hornworts, lycophytes and sphagnum-like mosses.

Diversifying in a warming world

High carbon dioxide levels in the past made the planet warmer. This is consistent with what’s happening today. As a result of these warmer conditions cool-temperate forests thrived in the polar circle.

For flowering plants, the warmer conditions provided an opportunity to diversify in an increasingly warm world. However, not all plants adapted to the warming world, with many understorey floras, including ferns, becoming extinct.

The fossil record provides crucial insights into how life will respond to predicted future climate conditions because these have occurred before in Earth’s history.

Knowing this history is crucial to our response to the current climate change challenge.

Some exciting places to visit to see fossils in Australia include Eric the Red West dig site in the Otway Ranges, Inverloch’s Dinosaur Dreaming dig site in Victoria, the Dinosaur Trail along the Queensland towns of Hughenden, Richmond and Winton, and sauropod footprints in Western Australia at Gantheaume Point.

Vera Korasidis is currently an ARC DECRA Fellow. Initial funding for this research (1983/1984) was provided by BHP Group Limited (granted to Ray Cas and Larry Frakes, respectively). Funding for the early stages of this research (1984–2000) was primarily provided by Thomas Rich and Patricia Vickers-Rich with funding sources including National Geographic, the Australian Research Council (ARC) and Monash University. Funding since 2000 was provided through a Bicentennial Gold 88 Endowment, ARC Linkage grant and National Geographic.

– ref. Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time – https://theconversation.com/forest-home-of-polar-dinosaurs-120-million-years-ago-in-southern-australia-recreated-in-detail-for-the-first-time-255494

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Chruścik, Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences, University of Southern Queensland

Cysts are small pockets of fluid that form inside the body. Ovarian cysts are common, affecting around one in ten women. But sometimes they can cause pain – especially when they burst.

You can usually manage the pain at home. However, persistent pain can be the sign of something more serious, such as polycystic ovary syndrome (also known as PCOS).

Here’s what you should know about ovarian cysts: why they form, how to manage the pain if they burst, and when you should talk to a doctor.

How do cysts form?

The ovaries are two small almond-shaped organs on either side of the uterus. They have two main jobs: to release the eggs and produce hormones that help regulate the menstrual cycle.

Every month, one of the ovaries releases an egg. This process is called ovulation. A small sac containing the egg – called a follicle – releases it into the fallopian tube, where it waits for fertilisation by the sperm.

This sac usually dissolves after the follicle is released. But if the follicle isn’t released properly, or doesn’t dissolve, the fluid within the sac starts to fill and form a cyst.

Can you feel an ovarian cyst?

This is quite common and most of the time the cyst goes away on its own. We don’t even know it is there.

But sometimes a cyst can grow and start causing pain.

This might be a constant and dull pain, or it may be a sensation of fullness, pressure or heaviness. You’ll usually feel this to one side in the area below your belly button, but the pain can also radiate to the back and hips. A cyst can also cause discomfort and pain during sex.

Ovarian cysts tend to be categorised into three groups: small (under 2cm), medium (2–5cm) and large (above 5cm).

Doctors generally watch for cysts that are large, grow rapidly or have an irregular shape or appear solid on an imaging scan. These characteristics may indicate a higher risk of complications.

What about when it bursts?

You can think of the cyst like a balloon. When you fill it up a little bit and leave it alone, it will eventually deflate on its own.

But if you keep filling the balloon more and more, it may burst. That’s what happens when an ovarian cyst continues to fill with fluid.

If a cyst bursts, you will generally feel a sudden, sharp pain. Depending on its size – and how much fluid the cyst releases into the pelvic area around the ovary – this may ease into a dull ache or cramp, or it may continue to cause significant pain.

The released fluid can irritate the nearby tissues and organs and may make you feel nauseated. Some people may also experience weakness, dizziness, rapid breathing, vaginal bleeding or vomiting.

How do I know if it’s a cyst bursting?

The symptoms of a ruptured ovarian cyst can be similar to other serious conditions, such as appendicitis, ectopic pregnancy or kidney stones. These require very different treatments.

It is important not to self-diagnose.

You should seek care if you experience sharp, intense pain that comes on quickly, especially if it feels different from your usual period pain or doesn’t settle. It could be a sign that a cyst has burst or twisted, known as ovarian torsion.

Other signs to watch out for include pain accompanied by:

• fever or chills

• dizziness or fainting

• rapid breathing or racing heartbeat

• heavy vaginal bleeding not related to your period

• nausea or vomiting

• a sudden increase in pressure or discomfort in your lower abdomen.

The only way to know for sure what’s going on is through a proper medical assessment. Ultrasound imaging is the most common way to diagnose ovarian cysts, but other methods such as blood tests or other scans may be used in some cases.

If you’re not sure whether you should see a doctor, you can also check your symptoms (online or over the phone) using the Australian government’s free health advice website. In an emergency, always call 000.

How should you treat the pain?

Once you know you’re dealing with a burst cyst, treatment is very similar to managing period pain.

One of the best home remedies is heat therapy, such as using a hot water bottle, heating pad or a warm compress. Heat helps by improving the blood circulation to the area, allowing muscles to relax and reducing tension in surrounding tissues.

Heat also helps your body remove the fluid from the burst cyst and this reduces inflammation. Warmth stimulates the release of endorphins – sometimes known as “natural painkillers”.

Rest, hydration and warm baths may also help relieve the pain.

When pain is intense, over-the-counter pain medications are recommended. The best options are non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs – such as ibuprofen – and pain-reducing analgesics, such as paracetamol.

These drugs target different steps in how the body processes pain, which is why they can be used at the same time. Ibuprofen reduces inflammation, while paracetamol tackles pain (but has no influence on inflammation).

Anna Chruścik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor? – https://theconversation.com/ovarian-cysts-can-be-painful-when-they-burst-when-do-you-need-to-see-a-doctor-253224

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Ross Smith, Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury

There is a growing feeling in New Zealand that the regional geopolitical situation is becoming less stable and more conflicted. China has ramped up its Pacific engagement, most recently with the Cook Islands, and the United States under Donald Trump is abandoning the old multilateral world order.

As a result, we’re beginning to see New Zealand shift away from a two-decades-long preference for engaging with multiple partners towards a more conventional balancing strategy.

Essentially, this attempts to counter the perceived threat from a strong country – namely China – with a combination of external alliances and internal policies.

Externally, New Zealand has sought re-align itself within the US-led security sphere. Participation in pillar two of the AUKUS security pact has been seriously discussed, and New Zealand has actively engaged with NATO as a member of the “Indo-Pacific Four” (along with Australia, Japan and the Republic of Korea).

Internally, a NZ$12 billion “defence plan” was announced in early April. This will see New Zealand increase defence spending from just over 1% of GDP to more than 2% over the next eight years.

Foreign Minister Winston Peters has made no secret of these changing priorities. He has said he is simply taking “the world as it is”, adding:

this realism is a shift from our predecessors’ vaguer notions of an indigenous foreign policy that no-one else understood, let alone shared.

This was a direct repudiation of the previous Labour government’s foreign minister, Nanaia Mahuta. Her tenure had offered a glimpse of what a foreign policy guided by te ao Māori – the Māori worldview – might look like.

Four tikanga Māori principles underpinned the policy: manaakitanga (hospitality), whanaungatanga (connectedness), mahi tahi and kotahitanga (unity through collaboration), and kaitiakitanga (intergenerational guardianship).

Beyond Western-centric thinking

Clearly, te ao Māori offers a very different way of looking at international relations. At its core it adopts a “relational” understanding of the world that views reality as a series of entanglements: “human with human, human with nonhuman, nonhuman with human, human and nonhuman with transcendent”.

It is also a non-anthropocentric view: humans are not the masters of the world but rather stewards or custodians of a complex web of relations.

But as we argue in a recent Global Policy article, despite good intentions, Mahuta’s four tikanga Māori were mostly used rhetorically. They did not fundamentally alter New Zealand’s foreign policy, which remained firmly Western-centric.

We suggest those four tikanga principles would be enhanced by adding the concept of “utu” as a kind of overarching framework.

Largely thanks to the famous 1983 film of the same name, utu is often thought to simply mean violent revenge. In fact, it is a much deeper concept that refers to the “process of restoring physical and spiritual relationships to an equal or harmonious state”.

Utu as a foreign policy framework

A foreign policy underpinned by utu, therefore, would seek to build relationships that are harmonious and reciprocal.

Harmony, in this sense, goes beyond notions of an international order characterised by global peace, greater connectedness, increased cooperation and interdependence.

While these are important, an utu-informed view of harmony would also take into account the relationship between humans and the natural world, and between present, past and future generations.

Similarly, in the Western-centric view, reciprocity is typically “invoked as an appropriate standard of behaviour which can produce cooperation among sovereign states”.

But utu involves a reciprocity built through hospitality (manaakitanga), something which has to be given even if serious discord exists in a relationship. Reciprocity is also important in interactions between humans and the natural world.

Consequently, an utu foreign policy doctrine would offer a radically different lens than New Zealand is currently using.

A genuinely independent foreign policy

Firstly, it would require New Zealand to reject the Western geopolitical construct
of the “Indo-Pacific”, which vastly oversimplifies the complex realities of the region.

And it would mean viewing China not as an existential threat, but rather as a crucial relationship that is subject to the principles of manaakitanga, despite growing discord and diplomatic challenges.

Secondly, it would see New Zealand recognise climate change as the primary existential threat to the status quo. This would align closely with the country’s Pacific neighbours whose Blue Pacific initiative offers an alternative to the Indo-Pacific focus.

Lastly, it would help New Zealand more consistently and coherently pursue a genuinely independent foreign policy. This should have bipartisan appeal, as it would give New Zealand a unique perspective on the world.

Ultimately, as New Zealand faces a more complex regional environment and a range of national security challenges, utu in its true sense offers a more constructive framework.

Perhaps adopting a more complex – and more humble – understanding of the world, as provided by te ao Māori, would give policymakers an alternative pathway to simply taking “the world as it is”.

The author acknowledges the contribution of independent researcher Bonnie Holster, co-author of the Global Policy paper on which this article is based.

Nicholas Ross Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order – https://theconversation.com/utu-as-foreign-policy-how-a-maori-worldview-can-make-sense-of-a-shifting-world-order-255602

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Among the notable features of this year’s election campaign was that Australia’s second-oldest political party was apparently missing in action. At the same time, it managed to avoid the rout inflicted on its coalition partner.

The Nationals, who have represented rural and regional Australia in the federal parliament for more than a century, were nowhere to be seen as an identifiable, separate political party.

This isn’t unusual. The parties that make up the Coalition do highly targeted messaging in their electorates, but then fall neatly into policy lockstep when an election is called. This time, however, the Nationals seemed particularly shy.

Leader David Littleproud stopped issuing media releases on April 24, a full nine days before the election was held, and his speech to the National Press Club given that day was not available on the party website. It is hard to imagine former party leaders Tim Fischer, John Anderson or Ian Sinclair being quite so reticent.

The focus of the commentary since election night has been on the Liberals’ failings, particularly in the major cities. You could be forgiven for thinking “Coalition” was a synonym for “Liberals”.

But as the Liberal Party tries to reckon with these failings, the Nats are in a position of increasing power. The great survivors of Australian politics now appear to be better at surviving than their coalition counterparts. It’s just a question of how they want to use that power and longevity.

Growing party power

The Nationals are a uniquely Australian phenomenon. First, they are an avowedly agrarian party in a highly urbanised country.

Second and more distinctly, they are part of what the rest of the world would see as a decidedly odd coalition arrangement. Elsewhere, coalition governments are negotiated after the election result is known and involve public bargaining and horse trading.

In the Australian coalition arrangement, these negotiations occur behind closed doors and can hold even in opposition. The Nats benefit because they have access to ministerial and shadow ministerial positions with the power, salary and other advantages that these confer.

The National Party largely held its own in the face of the Labor landslide. At most, it lost one of its 10 House of Representatives seats: Calare in northern New South Wales, which has been held by a former Nat, now independent.

Its primary vote actually increased marginally from 3.6% in 2022 to 4.0%. This is less than One Nation (6.3%) but because of its dispersed vote, One Nation didn’t win a lower house seat.

The Nats appear likely to lose a NSW senator as part of the joint party ticket. Nonetheless, the Nats are now a proportionally larger force in the Coalition, with Nats and Nationals-aligned LNP members accounting for just over 40% of Coalition MPs.

On that basis they could become more influential over policies and shadow portfolios. Including senators, they now account for 30% of the Coalition party room.

At a crossroads

The demise of the Nationals has been predicted for decades, but still they persist.

The peculiar Australian coalition arrangement works for them. They will benefit both from holding shadow ministerial positions if the Coalition is retained and likely having a greater role in determining policy direction.

Whether the Liberals benefit from a continuing coalition is an open question. They need to rebuild in the cities and focus on regaining the support of voters who are socially liberal but economically conservative, younger, and female. There’ll inevitably be a review of what went wrong for the Liberals, and this might best be done free of ties to the Nats.

The choice seems to be between shifting policy closer to the ten community independents or remaining hitched to the conservative Nationals. The ill-fated nuclear power policy has, after all, been attributed to David Littleproud.

Deciding which way to fall won’t be easy. Apparently aware of his party’s increased leverage, Nationals Senator Matt Canavan has said they were led too much by the Liberals during the last parliament. He said:

I worry that we have been gun shy in this last term of parliament in a futile attempt to give the Liberals space or some sort of opportunity to win seats in the city.

So is now the time for the Coalition partners to go it alone? Probably not.

On present numbers, the Liberals could struggle to form the opposition in their own right. The combined LNP in Queensland makes the situation even more complicated.

The Nats have no incentive to leave. Open competition could see them lose seats to the Liberals in the future.

And besides, two Liberal leadership contenders, Angus Taylor and Sussan Ley, hold seats with significant rural histories, both of which have been held by the Country/National Party.

Linda Botterill has in the past received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Grains Research and Development Corporation, and Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (now Agrifutures).

– ref. While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition? – https://theconversation.com/while-the-liberals-haemorrhaged-the-nationals-held-their-own-is-it-time-to-break-up-the-coalition-255626

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Farrell, Professor of Economics (Health Economist), RMIT University

Imagine having to pay A$39 dollars a day to park your car while visiting your sick child in hospital.

For families already struggling in a cost-of-living crisis, hospital parking fees are not just another expense. They can be a financial barrier to supporting loved ones in their most vulnerable moments.

Hospital parking is a big revenue earner. In New South Wales, public hospitals collected almost $51.7 million in parking fees in 2024. That was up from $30.2 million in 2023.

It may be tempting to view hospital parking fees as exploiting a captive market. But the reality is much more complex.

It involves urban economics, pressures on health-care funding and competing demands for limited space, often in busy city centres.

Let’s start with supply and demand

Basic economics tells us that price is the mechanism for balancing supply and demand. This is known as the equilibrium price. If demand is greater than supply, the price rises. So for urban hospitals, where parking spaces are limited, this scarcity creates market conditions that, not surprisingly, drive up prices.

But economics also tells us that if there’s still demand for parking despite the price, then under some circumstances suppliers can charge more than the equilibrium price. Put simply, this “inelastic demand” means it is possible to charge more to a captive audience.

You could certainly argue hospital patients and visitors are a captive audience. While many hospitals are well serviced by public transport, hospital patients and visitors are often too sick or time-poor to use it. So they have little choice than to pay for parking. For rural hospitals, there is limited or no public transport, so visitors have to drive.

So are hospitals taking advantage of the inelastic demand for parking? Are they price gouging – setting prices above what is considered reasonable or fair? Or are there reasons for setting such high prices?

Location, location, location

Car parks of hospitals in prime locations are not just attractive to hospital patients and visitors. They’re also attractive to other users, such as those working in the city or sightseeing. High parking fees deter these users, ensuring spaces are available for hospital users.

High prices prevent hospital users from overstaying. This prevents them doing non-hospital activities (such as shopping) after their hospital appointment or visits and before returning to their cars.

Hospitals also charge high prices to raise revenue for health care. In a statement to the ABC earlier this year, NSW Health said extra money raised from parking is reinvested into health services and facilities.

But it makes sense to encourage visitors

However, raising parking fees to support hospital budgets could be a false economy. We know hospital visitors have an important role in patients’ recovery times. So if high parking costs deter visitors or carers, this could lead to longer hospital stays for their loved ones.

Cheaper parking might allow for more visiting, leading to shorter hospital stays and significant cost savings per patient.

I (Lisa) had firsthand experience of this when my elderly father with dementia was admitted to hospital recently. The hospital allowed 24/7 visitor access for carers (in this case, my mother) and free hospital parking. Access 24/7 is important for patients with dementia who are often disorientated in hospital. This disorientation is typically worse in the evening (known as sundowning).

Having carers present meant staff could focus on medical issues. It facilitated visits outside normal visiting hours (when dementia patients typically need the extra support) and when the demand for parking spaces is lower.

Who needs cheap parking?

High parking prices reflect the high demand for a fixed supply of parking spaces that are rationed to those most willing to pay (those with the income). But a better solution is to ration according to need (that is, to boost patient wellbeing).

The economics solution is to charge different users different prices. Most hospitals do this already by offering concessions. But concessions can differ by hospital or state. Not everyone knows concession-rate parking is available, and it can be hard for some people to find out if they qualify.

So if you are concerned about the cost of hospital parking, know the fees and available concessions before you park. You can find this on most hospitals’ websites.

Currently, concessions are generally based on income (including the possession of a concession card). But we need a greater shift towards providing concession rates based on need. For example those visiting long-stay patients clearly need concessions to support patient wellbeing.

A media campaign has called for a national cap on hospital parking costs for frequent users.

Most car parks have a daily limit but frequent users can soon accumulate large bills over weeks or months of hospital visits. For many patients, particularly those requiring frequent treatments such as dialysis, parking costs accumulate annually.

How could we make things cheaper and fairer?

We need to apply concession rates to hospital visitors on the basis of need, not just income. Need should be informed by patient wellbeing and the importance of visitors to the healing process.

We need a consistent set of rules across hospitals about concession-rate parking. This would simplify the process for hospital car park users.

We also need to look at longer-term solutions. When expanding hospitals or planning new ones, we can consider transitioning away from prime locations. This would help make parking less attractive to non-hospital users.

The challenge for health-care systems is balancing operational necessity of recovering costs with the ethics of equity and access that prevent necessary care.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain – https://theconversation.com/why-is-hospital-parking-so-expensive-two-economics-researchers-explain-255716

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Vo, Senior lecturer in Vietnamese culture and politics, University of Wollongong

At a time of widespread global trade instability, Australia should be expanding and diversifying its economic partnerships. Supply chains remain fragile, and protectionist rhetoric is once again gaining traction in major Western economies.

US President Donald Trump’s America First agenda includes sweeping tariffs on imports, withdrawal from multilateral agreements and pressure to take production in-house.

At the same time, China, Australia’s largest trading partner, has often used trade for geopolitical leverage. In 2020, Beijing imposed tariffs of more than 200% on Australian wine. This wiped 30% off the sector’s export value.

So economic diversification is not only desirable but strategically imperative.

An opportunity

Fifty years on from the fall of Saigon, Vietnam presents a compelling opportunity for economic and strategic diversification. The reunited country is eager to move beyond its wartime image and assert itself as an emerging economic powerhouse.

Since the launch of the Doi Moi reforms in 1986, Vietnam has embraced economic liberalisation and market-oriented policies. The Doi Moi reforms opened the economy to foreign trade, allowed private ownership and restructured state-owned enterprises.

From a growth rate of just 1.6% in 1980, Vietnam is now set to become one of the world’s top 20 economies by 2050. In 2023 alone, it attracted A$8.5 billion in foreign direct investment, underscoring strong investor confidence.

The 50th anniversary of reunification on April 30 provided insights into the country’s growth. Celebrations included military parades, 3D virtual reality displays and exhibitions promoting advances in technology.

Slow to act

Yet Australia has been slow to act. Despite geographic proximity and shared interests, Australia’s economic footprint in Vietnam remains surprisingly small. In 2023, Australian foreign direct investment totalled just A$3 million. It ranked 22nd, behind countries including Switzerland and Seychelles.

In trade, the disparity is similarly stark. Vietnam accounts for only 2.33% of Australia’s exports and 1.4% of imports. Two-way trade between the two countries reached $26.3 billion in 2022. At the same time, Vietnam’s trade with the United States, topped A$191.9 billion.

Some Australian firms are already making inroads. BlueScope Steel, Linfox, and SunRice have invested significantly in manufacturing, logistics and agriculture. And RMIT University has been a key player in transnational education since it opened the first of three campuses in Vietnam in 2000.

ANZ and Qantas also have a visible presence. However, small and medium-sized enterprises – which comprise more than 98% of Australian businesses – remain largely absent. Many prefer export partnerships or distributor agreements over direct investment.

Potential obstacles

Australian companies have long favoured English-speaking or high-income markets. These offer greater institutional and cultural familiarity and regulatory certainty.

Vietnam’s relationship-based commercial environment poses challenges, especially for firms lacking embedded networks and local knowledge. Concerns around regulatory transparency, intellectual property protection, contract enforcement and corruption – though improving – continue to weigh on corporate decisions.

Small to medium enterprises, in particular, face extra barriers due to limited institutional support, regulatory understanding, market intelligence and in-country networks.

Help from government

The Australian government has taken some steps to catch up. The Enhanced Economic Engagement Strategy, launched in 2021, aims to double two-way investment and elevate both nations to top ten trading partner status.

It identifies priority sectors such as agriculture, education, clean energy, digital technology and manufacturing. However, the strategy contains no enforceable legal protections, tariff concessions or means of dispute resolution.

The lack of these matters. Japan, South Korea and the European Union have pursued coordinated economic strategies that include concessional loans, robust legal frameworks and in-market support services. These help their businesses thrive in Vietnam’s complex regulatory environment.

Similarly, the EU has integrated trade promotion with legal certainty under agreements like the EU Vietnam Free Trade Agreement.

More needs to be done

Without comparable tools, Australia’s initiatives risk being more aspirational than actionable.

Last year’s upgrade in bilateral ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, signals growing political will.

For Australia to realise the potential of its relationship with Vietnam it should back long-term policies. These policies should reduce market entry barriers, incentivise small to medium enterprises and increase joint skills development.

Investors also need legal and institutional support.

Australia has strong potential to expand into emerging sectors. These include renewable energy, digital technology, healthcare, vocational education and training, green and smart infrastructure and agritech.

Vietnam’s push for environmentally sustainable economic growth, digital transformation and workforce training aligns closely with Australian strengths. This creates opportunities for strategic investment and cooperation.

There is the potential for Australia to build a dynamic partnership with Vietnam central to its long-term economic position in the Indo-Pacific.

Anne Vo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links? – https://theconversation.com/vietnam-is-poised-to-become-a-top-20-economy-so-why-is-australia-taking-so-long-to-make-trade-and-investment-links-255722

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily Baulch, Research Associate, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney

This piece contains spoilers.

Marvel’s men are sad. And that’s a good thing.

Thor’s depressed in Avengers: Endgame. Tony Stark has panic attacks in Iron Man 3. Peter grieves in Spider-Man: No Way Home.

In Marvel’s latest release Thunderbolts* (or The New Avengers), we finally see a male superhero seek advice on how to deal with mental illness.

The only problem? His impromptu therapist is a woman he’s only just met.

A blanket of darkness

Bob Reynolds (Lewis Pullman) is a new and damaged superhero experiment. Bob believes the world might be better off without him – foreshadowing that he’s not entirely wrong.

Bob turns to Yelena Belova (Florence Pugh) for help. Yelena understands, saying “that darkness gets pretty enticing”. As she struggles to describe the feeling, Bob supplies the word: a void.

Yelena offers a survival tactic: push the darkness deep down and carry on. It’s terrible advice and they both know it. But in that moment, it’s honest, and it connects them.

Thunderbolts explores suicidal thoughts, PTSD and bipolar disorder. Bob speaks of the euphoric highs and shattering lows he experiences, often resulting in blackouts. His mental illness becomes metaphoric: his internal darkness manifests in his powers, and he becomes the villainous superpower of the film.

Some of the film handles these themes well. Bob’s bipolar spreads into a dangerous blanket of darkness into which others, literally, vanish. At the film’s climax, Bob battles the dark, depressed version of himself. He beats himself up, seeking to beat the evil version of himself and, metaphorically, his mental illness. It doesn’t work. The darkness spreads to his stable self, too.

But Yelena and the Thunderbolts fight their way to him, embracing him in a hug, and their support gives him the strength to confront his trauma.

Women as emotional supports

Done well, positive depictions of mental health struggles can be important pieces of representation.

Unfortunately, most mental health depictions in major films are not done well, when they are included at all. Accurate portrayals of bipolar disorder remain rare. Research shows on young adult literature continues to lack mental health representation, especially by authors with lived experience.

Across Hollywood, from Rey saving Kylo Ren in Star Wars to Beauty fixing the Beast, women are constantly cast as emotional supports for men.

This is also true throughout the Marvel Cinematic Universe. The Black Widow offers the Hulk her hand; Tony Stark punches him to sleep. Scarlet Witch is forced to carry her grief for Vision. In Thunderbolts, Yelena becomes the latest emotional ballast for a traumatised man.

These women take these roles despite their own troubles, often without support or recognition from their male counterparts.

Yelena steps into the dark emanating from Bob, believing her own struggles will allow her to help him. It’s poignant and beautiful in a way. Those who have walked through hell know the pathway through.

But it’s also troubling.

To save Bob from himself, she must risk her body, mind and mental wellbeing. Alone, her flashbacks become real as she comes face to face with her childhood trauma, undergoing psychological torture at Bob’s hands to reach him.

The weight of emotional labour

Yelena’s actions aren’t just a trope. They reflect a broader cultural script where women are expected to take on emotional responsibility not just for themselves but also for the men around them.

Women are taught to care about others. At home and at work, the emotional labour undertaken by women often goes unnoticed, but it comes with real costs: stress, burnout and self-neglect.

As men struggle with loneliness and a lack of friendships, women are expected to fill that gap. This dynamic, sometimes called “mankeeping”, leaves women doing the emotional work of informal therapy without support or reciprocity.

Taking on these informal therapist roles results in disempowerment and dissatisfaction.

The film’s depiction of Bob’s mental health issues has positive aspects: it goes against the pressure to conform to traditional ideas of masculinity, where men are taught to suppress their emotions and be stoic. Bob is allowed to be vulnerable and ask for help, and, despite his actions, is still shown to be worth helping.

A significant number of young men who follow masculinity influencers believe they need to be stoic and control their emotions and that women should occupy traditional gender roles, being soft, nurturing, motherly and supportive.

These beliefs can not only discourage men from seeking professional help: they set women up to carry the emotional burden in relationships, often at great personal cost.

Addressing mental health

Toxic masculinity is well and truly alive, but women aren’t the answer to it.

Addressing mental health issues effectively requires a multifaceted approach that includes professional intervention, personal responsibility and mutual support within relationships.

Thunderbolts gestures toward progress, but doesn’t quite escape old tropes. Bob’s pain is real, but it’s also weaponised. His mental illness becomes a threat, and his instability something others must contain.

The film acknowledges he’s struggling, but ultimately treats his struggle as dangerous as his void-like inner turbulence is unleashed on those around him. It’s a reflection of a broader cultural pattern: when men’s emotional pain is left unaddressed, it festers, and women are often expected to absorb the cost.

We’re left with a troubling question: in the stories we tell, are we promising struggling young men a fairytale ending of romance and self-sacrifice in the shape of a young woman coming to save them from themselves?

If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

Emily Baulch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline – https://theconversation.com/marvels-thunderbolts-shines-a-light-on-mens-mental-illness-but-falls-down-with-this-outdated-plotline-255869