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Less about climate change, more on reducing migration: here’s what matters most to Australian voters

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ferdi Botha, Senior Research Fellow, Melbourne Institute: Applied Economic & Social Research, The University of Melbourne

Just prior to the last federal election in 2022, we surveyed Australians for their views on the important issues facing Australia using the Melbourne Institute-Roy Morgan Taking the Pulse of the Nation Survey, a nationally representative survey of Australian adults.

Top on the list were health care, open and honest government, economic stability, and housing affordability. The 2022 federal election then saw a change in government.

The survey asked Australians the same question in May 2024. While Australians still consider health services, economic stability, housing affordability, and open and honest government as the top four issues facing Australia, the magnitude of concern and the ranking of these issues have changed. Other issues have emerged as needing more attention.

Here’s what Australians told us about their priorities and what that says about how the country is changing.

Shifting priorities

Across both years, 3,772 respondents were shown a list of 17 potential issues facing Australians and asked to indicate which they thought were important.

In 2022, 77.5% identified health services and hospitals and 64.3% thought housing affordability was important.



Two years later, the top four issues remained the most important, but their relative order has changed.

Health services remains at the top of the list, but with only 69.4% indicating it is an important issue. Economic stability (68.9%) and housing affordability (64%) rose in importance when compared to their rankings in 2022. Although now ranked fourth, open and honest government fell from 75.3% to 54.5% between 2022 and 2024.

Across the board, there is less agreement among Australians as to which issues are important. At the same time, there have been changes in the perceived prominence of other problems, such as declines in the proportion of Australians who think climate change or supporting the elderly should be addressed.

Do political colours matter?

Do the top issues vary based on political party affiliation? It’s a mixed bag.

Health services and hospitals were in the top three issues for supporters of Labor and Greens parties and the Coalition in 2024. Economic stability is important for all party affiliations except the Greens. Coalition voters did not identify housing as a top three issue.

Instead, reducing crime is one of the top three issues for Coalition supporters. Perhaps unsurprisingly, addressing global warming and climate change is a top issue for those affiliated with the Greens.

How much has it changed in two years?

Two years isn’t a long time, so what changed?

The matters with the largest fall in perceived importance were open and honest government (down 20.8 percentage points), support for the elderly (down 17.2 percentage points) and addressing global warming and climate change (down 16.4 percentage points).

By far the issue that increased the most in importance among Australians was an interest in reducing migration from other countries. Compared to 2022, the share reporting this matter as an important issue increased by 17.6 percentage points.

Are the changes in importance of these issues the same across political party preference?

We found a decline in importance of open and honest government for all party types but most significantly for the Labor Party, followed by the Greens.

Similarly, voters from all parties stated that addressing support for the elderly is a less important issue in 2024 than in 2022. Across the three major parties, the importance of this issue dropped between 15 and 20 percentage points.

Lower proportions of voters from all parties believed addressing global warming and climate change was an important issue. Support for addressing climate change declined most among Labor voters, from 79.2% in 2022 to 58.6% in 2024.

Notably, among Greens voters 79% believed in 2024 that fighting climate change was important for Australia, down from 90.4% in 2022.

Finally, as alluded to earlier, significantly more Australians believe reducing immigration was important. This sentiment has more than doubled among voters of most parties.

From 2022 to 2024, support for reduced immigration increased from 25% to 50.3% among Coalition voters, from 11.8% to 22.4% among Labor voters, from 5.2% to 15.7% among Greens voters. Support increased from 28.3% to 50.7% among voters from other parties (which include, for example, independents, One Nation and the United Australia Party).

Ferdi Botha is affiliated with the Australian Reserch Council Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course.

A. Abigail Payne receives funding under the ARC-COE Life Course Centre and the Paul Ramsay Foundation. These projects are unrelated to the subject of this article.

ref. Less about climate change, more on reducing migration: here’s what matters most to Australian voters – https://theconversation.com/less-about-climate-change-more-on-reducing-migration-heres-what-matters-most-to-australian-voters-236129

Jonathan Cook: Israel is in a death spiral – who will it take down with it?

Israel’s zealots are ignoring the pleas of the top brass. They want to widen the circle of war, whatever the consequences.

ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook in Middle East Eye

There should be nothing surprising about the revelation that troops at Sde Teiman, a detention camp set up by Israel in the wake of Hamas’s October 7 attack on southern Israel, are routinely using rape as a weapon of torture against Palestinian inmates.

Last month, nine soldiers from a prison unit, Force 100, were arrested for gang-raping a Palestinian inmate with a sharp object. He had to be hospitalised with his injuries.

At least 53 prisoners are known to have died in Israeli detention, presumed in most cases to be either through torture or following the denial of access to medical care. No investigations have been carried out by Israel and no arrests have been made.

Why should it be of any surprise that Israel’s self-proclaimed “most moral army in the world” uses torture and rape against Palestinians? It would be truly surprising if this was not happening.

After all, this is the same military that for 10 months has used starvation as a weapon of war against the 2.3 million people of Gaza, half of them children.

It is the same military that since October has laid waste to all of Gaza’s hospitals, as well as destroying almost all of its schools and 70 percent of its homes. It is the same military that is known to have killed over that period at least 40,000 Palestinians, with a further 21,000 children missing.

It is the same military currently on trial for genocide at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the highest court in the world.

No red lines
If there are no red lines for Israel when it comes to brutalising Palestinian civilians trapped inside Gaza, why would there be any red lines for those kidnapped off its streets and dragged into its dungeons?

I documented some of the horrors unfolding in Sde Teiman in these pages back in May.

Months ago, the Israeli media began publishing testimonies from whistleblowing guards and doctors detailing the depraved conditions there.

The International Committee of the Red Cross has been denied access to the detention camp, leaving it entirely unmonitored.

The United Nations published a report on July 31 into the conditions in which some 9400 captive Palestinians have been held since last October. Most have been cut off from the outside world, and the reason for their seizure and imprisonment was never provided.

The report concludes that “appalling acts” of torture and abuse are taking place at all of Israel’s detention centres, including sexual violence, waterboarding and attacks with dogs.

The authors note “forced nudity of both men and women; beatings while naked, including on the genitals; electrocution of the genitals and anus; being forced to undergo repeated humiliating strip searches; widespread sexual slurs and threats of rape; and the inappropriate touching of women by both male and female soldiers”.

There are, according to the investigation, “consistent reports” of Israeli security forces “inserting objects into detainees’ anuses”.

Children sexually abused
Last month, Save the Children found that many hundreds of Palestinian children had been imprisoned in Israel, where they faced starvation and sexual abuse.

And this week B’Tselem, Israel’s main human rights group monitoring the occupation, produced a report — titled “Welcome to Hell” — which included the testimonies of dozens of Palestinians who had emerged from what it called “inhuman conditions”. Most had never been charged with an offence.

It concluded that the abuses at Sde Teiman were “just the tip of the iceberg”. All of Israel’s detention centres formed “a network of torture camps for Palestinians” in which “every inmate is intentionally condemned to severe, relentless pain and suffering”. It added that this was “an organised, declared policy of the Israeli prison authorities”.

Tal Steiner, head of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, which has long campaigned against the systematic torture of Palestinian detainees, wrote last week that Sde Teiman “was a place where the most horrible torture we had ever seen was occurring”.

In short, it has been an open secret in Israel that torture and sexual assault are routine at Sde Teiman.

The abuse is so horrifying that last month Israel’s High Court ordered officials to explain why they were operating outside Israel’s own laws governing the internment of “unlawful combatants”.

The surprise is not that sexual violence is being inflicted on Palestinian captives. It is that Israel’s top brass ever imagined the arrest of Israeli soldiers for raping a Palestinian would pass muster with the public.

Toxic can of worms
Instead, by making the arrests, the army opened a toxic can of worms.

The arrests provoked a massive backlash from soldiers, politicians, Israeli media, and large sections of the Israeli public.

Rioters, led by members of the Israeli Parliament, broke into Sde Teiman. An even larger group, including members of Force 100, tried to invade a military base, Beit Lid, where the soldiers were being held in an attempt to free them.

The police, under the control of Itamar Ben Gvir, a settler leader with openly fascist leanings, delayed arriving to break up the protests. Ben Gvir has called for Palestinian prisoners to be summarily executed — or killed with “a shot to the head” — to save on the costs of holding them.

No one was arrested over what amounted to a mutiny as well as a major breach of security.

Bezalel Smotrich, Israel’s finance minister, helped whip up popular indignation, denouncing the arrests and describing the Force 100 soldiers as “heroic warriors”.

Other prominent cabinet ministers echoed him.

Three soldiers freed
Already, three of the soldiers have been freed, and more will likely follow.

The consensus in Israel is that any abuse, including rape, is permitted against the thousands of Palestinians who have been seized by Israel in recent months — including women, children and many hundreds of medical personnel.

That consensus is the same one that thinks it fine to bomb Palestinian women and children in Gaza, destroy their homes and starve them.

Such depraved attitudes are not new. They draw on ideological convictions and legal precedents that developed through decades of Israel’s illegal occupation. Israeli society has completely normalised the idea that Palestinians are less than human and that any and every abuse of them is allowed.

Hamas’s attack on October 7 simply brought the long-standing moral corruption at the core of Israeli society more obviously out into the open.

In 2016, for example, the Israeli military appointed Colonel Eyal Karim as its chief rabbi, even after he had declared Palestinians to be “animals” and had approved the rape of Palestinian women in the interest of boosting soldiers’ morale.

Religious extremists, let us note, increasingly predominate among combat troops.

Compensation suit dismissed
In 2015, Israel’s Supreme Court dismissed a compensation suit from a Lebanese prisoner that his lawyers submitted after he was released in a prisoner swap. Mustafa Dirani had been raped with a baton 15 years earlier in a secret jail known as Facility 1391.

Despite Dirani’s claim being supported by a medical assessment from the time made by an Israeli military doctor, the court ruled that anyone engaged in an armed conflict with Israel could not make a claim against the Israeli state.

Meanwhile, human and legal rights groups have regularly reported cases of Israeli soldiers and police raping and sexually assaulting Palestinians, including children.

A clear message was sent to Israeli soldiers over many decades that, just as the genocidal murder of Palestinians is considered warranted and “lawful”, the torture and rape of Palestinians held in captivity is considered warranted and “lawful” too.

Understandably, there was indignation that the long-established “rules” — that any and every atrocity is permitted — appeared suddenly and arbitrarily to have been changed.

The biggest question is this: why did the Israeli military’s top legal adviser approve opening an investigation into the Force 100 soldiers — and why now?

The answer is obvious. Israel’s commanders are in panic after a spate of setbacks in the international legal arena.

‘Plausible’ Gaza genocide
The ICJ, sometimes referred to as the World Court, has put Israel on trial for committing what it considers a “plausible” genocide in Gaza.

Separately, it concluded last month that Israel’s 57-year occupation is illegal and a form of aggression against the Palestinian people. Gaza never stopped being under occupation, the judges ruled, despite claims from its apologists, including Western governments, to the contrary.

Significantly, that means Palestinians have a legal right to resist their occupation. Or, to put it another way, they have an immutable right to self-defence against their Israeli occupiers, while Israel has no such right against the Palestinians it illegally occupies.

Israel is not in “armed conflict” with the Palestinian people. It is brutally occupying and oppressing them.

Israel must immediately end the occupation to regain such a right of self-defence — something it demonstrably has no intention to do.

Meanwhile, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the ICJ’s sister court, is actively seeking arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant, for war crimes.

The various cases reinforce each other. The World Court’s decisions are making it ever harder for the ICC to drag its feet in issuing and expanding the circle of arrest warrants.

Countervailing pressures
Both courts are now under enormous, countervailing pressures.

On the one side, massive external pressure is being exerted on the ICJ and ICC from states such as the US, Britain and Germany that are prepared to see the genocide in Gaza continue.

And on the other, the judges themselves are fully aware of what is at stake if they fail to act.

The longer they delay, the more they discredit international law and their own role as arbiters of that law. That will give even more leeway for other states to claim that inaction by the courts has set a precedent for their own right to commit war crimes.

International law, the entire rationale for the ICJ and ICC’s existence, stands on a precipice. Israel’s genocide threatens to bring it all crashing down.

Israel’s top brass stand in the middle of that fight.

They are confident that Washington will block at the UN Security Council any effort to enforce the ICJ rulings against them — either a future one on genocide in Gaza or the existing one on their illegal occupation.

No US veto at ICC
But arrest warrants from the ICC are a different matter. Washington has no such veto. All states signed up to the ICC’s Rome Statute – that is, most of the West, minus the US — will be obligated to arrest Israeli officials who step on their soil and to hand them over to The Hague.

Israel and the US had been hoping to use technicalities to delay the issuing of the arrest warrants for as long as possible. Most significantly, they recruited the UK, which has signed the Rome Statute, to do their dirty work.

It looked like the new UK government under Keir Starmer would continue where its predecessor left off by tying up the court in lengthy and obscure legal debates about the continuing applicability of the long-dead, 30-year-old Oslo Accords.

A former human rights lawyer, Starmer has repeatedly backed Israel’s “plausible” genocide, even arguing that the starvation of Gaza’s population, including its children, could be justified as “self-defence” — an idea entirely alien to international law, which treats it as collective punishment and a war crime.

But now with a secure parliamentary majority, even Starmer appears to be baulking at being seen as helping Netanyahu personally avoid arrest for war crimes.

The UK government announced late last month that it would drop Britain’s legal objections at the ICC.

That has suddenly left both Netanyahu and the Israeli military command starkly exposed — which is the reason they felt compelled to approve the arrest of the Force 100 soldiers.

Top prass pretexts
Under a rule known as “complementarity”, Israeli officials might be able to avoid war crimes trials at The Hague if they can demonstrate that Israel is able and willing to prosecute war crimes itself. That would avert the need for the ICC to step in and fulfil its mandate.

The Israeli top brass hoped they could feed a few lowly soldiers to the Israeli courts and drag out the trials for years. In the meantime, Washington would have the pretext it needed to bully the ICC into dropping the case for arrests on the grounds that Israel was already doing the job of prosecuting war crimes.

The patent problem with this strategy is that the ICC isn’t primarily interested in a few grunts being prosecuted in Israel as war criminals, even assuming the trials ever take place.

At issue is the military strategy that has allowed Israel to bomb Gaza into the Stone Age. At issue is a political culture that has made starving 2.3 million people seem normal.

At issue is a religious and nationalistic fervour long cultivated in the army that now encourages soldiers to execute Palestinian children by shooting them in the head and chest, as a US doctor who volunteered in Gaza has testified.

At issue is a military hierarchy that turns a blind eye to soldiers raping and sexually abusing Palestinian captives, including children.

The buck stops not with a handful of soldiers in Force 100. It stops with the Israeli government and military leaders. They are at the top of a command chain that has authorised war crimes in Gaza for the past 10 months – and before that, for decades across the occupied territories.

What is at stake
This is why observers have totally underestimated what is at stake with the rulings of the ICC and ICJ.

These judgments against Israel are forcing out into the light of day for proper scrutiny a state of affairs that has been quietly accepted by the West for decades. Should Israel have the right to operate as an apartheid regime that systematically engages in ethnic cleansing and the murder of Palestinians?

A direct answer is needed from each Western capital. There is nowhere left to hide. Western states are being presented with a stark choice: either openly back Israeli apartheid and genocide, or for the first time withdraw support.

The Israeli far-right, which now dominates both politically and in the army’s combat ranks, cares about none of this. It is immune to pressure. It is willing to go it alone.

As the Israeli media has been warning for some time, sections of the army are effectively now turning into militias that follow their own rules.

Israel’s military commanders, on the other hand, are starting to understand the trap they have set for themselves. They have long cultivated fascistic zealotry among ground troops needed to dehumanise and better oppress Palestinians living under Israeli occupation. But the war crimes proudly being live-streamed by their units now leave them exposed to the legal consequences.

Israel’s international isolation means a place one day for them in the dock at The Hague.

Israeli society’s demons exposed
The ICC and ICJ rulings are not just bringing Israeli society’s demons out into the open, or those of a complicit Western political and media class.

The international legal order is gradually cornering Israel’s war machine, forcing it to turn in on itself. The interests of the Israeli military command are now fundamentally opposed to those of the rank and file and the political leadership.

The result, as military expert Yagil Levy has long warned, will be an increasing breakdown of discipline, as the attempts to arrest Force 100 soldiers demonstrated all too clearly.

The Israeli military juggernaut cannot be easily or quickly turned around.

The military command is reported to be furiously trying to push Netanyahu into agreeing on a hostage deal to bring about a ceasefire — not because it cares about the welfare of Palestinian civilians, or the hostages, but because the longer this “plausible” genocide continues, the bigger chance the generals will end up at The Hague.

Israel’s zealots are ignoring the pleas of the top brass. They want not only to continue the drive to eliminate the Palestinian people but to widen the circle of war, whatever the consequences.

That included the reckless, incendiary move last month to assassinate Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Iran — a provocation with one aim only: to undermine the moderates in Hamas and Tehran.

If, as seems certain, Israel’s commanders are unwilling or incapable of reining in these excesses, then the World Court will find it impossible to ignore the charge of genocide against Israel and the ICC will be compelled to issue arrest warrants against more of the military leadership.

A logic has been created in which evil feeds on evil in a death spiral. The question is how much more carnage and misery can Israel spread on the way down.

Jonathan Cook is a writer, journalist and self-appointed media critic and author of many books about Palestine. Winner of the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. Republished from the author’s blog with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Harris’ lead over Trump continues to increase in US national and swing state polls

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The United States presidential election will be held on November 5. In analyst Nate Silver’s aggregate of national polls, Democrat Kamala Harris leads Republican Donald Trump by 46.8–43.7 with 3.9% for Robert F. Kennedy Jr. In my previous US politics article on August 5, Harris led Trump by 45.5–44.1.

Joe Biden’s final position before his withdrawal as Democratic candidate on July 21 was a national poll deficit against Trump of 45.2–41.2. By the election, Biden will be almost 82, Trump will be 78 and Harris will be 60.

The US president isn’t elected by the national popular vote, but by the Electoral College, in which each state receives Electoral Votes based mostly on population. Almost all states award their Electoral Votes as winner takes all, and it takes 270 Electoral Votes to win (out of 538 total).

In the states narrowly won by Biden in 2020, Harris leads Trump by 4.1 points in Michigan, 3.8 points in Wisconsin, 2.1 points in Pennsylvania, two points in Nevada and one point in Arizona. Georgia is the only Biden-won state that still has Trump ahead, by 0.5 points. Trump is ahead by 1.1 points in North Carolina, a state he won in 2020.

There has been movement to Harris across all swing states in the past week. If Harris wins all the states she currently leads in, she would win the Electoral College by a 287–251 margin.

Silver’s model gives Harris a 56% chance to win the Electoral College and a 68.5% chance to win the national popular vote. Harris’ Electoral College chances have improved from 50.5% on August 5 and 37% when the Harris vs Trump model was launched on July 29. Trump had a 73% chance to win when his opponent was Biden.

Harris needs at least a two-point win in the national popular vote to be the Electoral College favourite, so the Electoral College is still relatively close. There’s also still plenty of time in which things could go wrong for Harris, or the polls could be understating Trump, as they did in 2020. But currently Harris is the slight favourite to win.

Harris’ net favourability in the FiveThirtyEight tracker of national polls is -4.1, with 48.0% unfavourable and 44.0% favourable, Her net favourablity has surged since Biden’s withdrawal, when it was -16.0. Trump’s net favourability has improved since the mid-July Republican convention, and is now -8.2 (it was -12.0 before the convention).

Trump’s running mate, JD Vance, has a -9.4 net favourable rating, down from -3.3 when he was announced at the Republican convention. Harris’ running mate Tim Walz is at about net +5 favourable. Biden’s net approval is still poor at -16.3.

The Democratic convention will take place from Monday to Thursday next week. Normally, major party presidential candidates are well known to voters by this stage, as they need to win the nominations by winning primaries that are held early in an election year.

In this case, Harris has only been the Democratic candidate for three weeks, and so the Democratic convention is a big opportunity for her to personally appeal to voters. Silver’s model will anticipate a bounce for Harris from the convention, and won’t move in her favour unless her bounce is bigger than expected.

Harris’ choice of running mate

Last week, Harris selected Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her vice presidential candidate. Media reports suggested the final two candidates for this position were Walz and Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro.

In Silver’s model, Pennsylvania is most likely to be the “tipping point” state. If either Trump or Harris win Pennsylvania, they win the Electoral College over 93% of the time.

The tipping point state is the state that puts the winning candidate over the magic 270 Electoral Votes. It is calculated after the election by ordering all states and their Electoral Votes from biggest Harris to Trump margins, then observing the state and margin that put the winner over 270 Electoral Votes.

The six states that are considered most likely to be won by either Trump or Harris are Nevada (six Electoral Votes), Wisconsin (ten), Arizona (11), Michigan (15), Georgia (16) and Pennsylvania (19). So Pennsylvania is the largest of the swing states.

At the 2022 Pennsylvania gubernatorial election, Shapiro defeated his Republican opponent by a 56.5–41.7 margin in a state that Biden won by just 1.2% in the 2020 presidential election. In a July Pennsylvania poll by Emerson College, Shapiro had a net +18 approval rating, with 49% approving while 31% disapproved.

From the point of view of maximising Harris’ chances of winning Pennsylvania and the election, Shapiro was the better choice. If Harris loses Pennsylvania but gets between 251 and 269 Electoral Votes, so that she would have won with Pennsylvania’s 19, she and Democrats will regret overlooking Shapiro.

In the Electoral College map above that was based on candidate leads in states, if Harris loses Pennsylvania while holding other states she leads in, she loses the Electoral College by 270–268. If she loses Arizona and Nevada but holds Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, she wins by 270–268.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Harris’ lead over Trump continues to increase in US national and swing state polls – https://theconversation.com/harris-lead-over-trump-continues-to-increase-in-us-national-and-swing-state-polls-236576

No, your aches and pains don’t get worse in the cold. So why do we think they do?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Manuela Ferreira, Professor of Musculoskeletal Health, Head of Musculoskeletal Program, George Institute for Global Health

fongbeerredhot/Shutterstock

It’s cold and wet outside. As you get out of bed, you can feel it in your bones. Your right knee is flaring up again. That’ll make it harder for you to walk the dog or go to the gym. You think it must be because of the weather.

It’s a common idea, but a myth.

When we looked at the evidence, we found no direct link between most common aches and pains and the weather. In the first study of its kind, we found no direct link between the temperature or humidity with most joint or muscle aches and pains.

So why are so many of us convinced the weather’s to blame? Here’s what we think is really going on.

Weather can be linked to your health

The weather is often associated with the risk of new and ongoing health conditions. For example, cold temperatures may worsen asthma symptoms. Hot temperatures increase the risk of heart problems, such as arrhythmia (irregular heartbeat), cardiac arrest and coronary heart disease.

Many people are also convinced the weather is linked to their aches and pains. For example, two in every three people with knee, hip or hand osteoarthritis say cold temperatures trigger their symptoms.

Musculoskeletal conditions affect more than seven million Australians. So we set out to find out whether weather is really the culprit behind winter flare-ups.

What we did

Very few studies have been specifically and appropriately designed to look for any direct link between weather changes and joint or muscle pain. And ours is the first to evaluate data from these particular studies.

We looked at data from more than 15,000 people from around the world. Together, these people reported more than 28,000 episodes of pain, mostly back pain, knee or hip osteoarthritis. People with rheumatoid arthritis and gout were also included.

We then compared the frequency of those pain reports between different types of weather: hot or cold, humid or dry, rainy, windy, as well as some combinations (for example, hot and humid versus cold and dry).

Female construction worker clutching back in pain on worksite on cloudy day
Bad back on a cold day? We wanted to know if the weather was really to blame.
Pearl PhotoPix/Shutterstock

What we found

We found changes in air temperature, humidity, air pressure and rainfall do not increase the risk of knee, hip or lower back pain symptoms and are not associated with people seeking care for a new episode of arthritis.

The results of this study suggest we do not experience joint or muscle pain flare-ups as a result of changes in the weather, and a cold day will not increase our risk of having knee or back pain.

In order words, there is no direct link between the weather and back, knee or hip pain, nor will it give you arthritis.

It is important to note, though, that very cold air temperatures (under 10°C) were rarely studied so we cannot make conclusions about worsening symptoms in more extreme changes in the weather.

The only exception to our findings was for gout, an inflammatory type of arthritis that can come and go. Here, pain increased in warmer, dry conditions.

Gout has a very different underlying biological mechanism to back pain or knee and hip osteoarthritis, which may explain our results. The combination of warm and dry weather may lead to increased dehydration and consequently increased concentration of uric acid in the blood, and deposition of uric acid crystals in the joint in people with gout, resulting in a flare-up.

Why do people blame the weather?

The weather can influence other factors and behaviours that consequently shape how we perceive and manage pain.

For example, some people may change their physical activity routine during winter, choosing the couch over the gym. And we know prolonged sitting, for instance, is directly linked to worse back pain. Others may change their sleep routine or sleep less well when it is either too cold or too warm. Once again, a bad night’s sleep can trigger your back and knee pain.

Likewise, changes in mood, often experienced in cold weather, trigger increases in both back and knee pain.

So these changes in behaviour over winter may contribute to more aches and pains, and not the weather itself.

Believing our pain will feel worse in winter (even if this is not the case) may also make us feel worse in winter. This is known as the nocebo effect.

Older woman sitting reading book next to wood fire
When it’s cold outside, we may be less active.
Anna Nass/Shutterstock

What to do about winter aches and pains?

It’s best to focus on risk factors for pain you can control and modify, rather than ones you can’t (such as the weather).

You can:

  • become more physically active. This winter, and throughout the year, aim to walk more, or talk to your health-care provider about gentle exercises you can safely do at home, with a physiotherapist, personal trainer or at the pool

  • lose weight if obese or overweight, as this is linked to lower levels of joint pain and better physical function

  • keep your body warm in winter if you feel some muscle tension in uncomfortably cold conditions. Also ensure your bedroom is nice and warm as we tend to sleep less well in cold rooms

  • maintain a healthy diet and avoid smoking or drinking high levels of alcohol. These are among key lifestyle recommendations to better manage many types of arthritis and musculoskeletal conditions. For people with back pain, for example, a healthy lifestyle is linked with higher levels of physical function.

The Conversation

Manuela Ferreira receives funding from multiple research foundations and Australian and international government research councils. None of it related to this article.

Manuela Ferreira has provided expert consultation to the Advisory Board of VIATRIS Medical Affairs to guide the appropriate use of celecoxib.

Leticia Deveza is affiliated with Rheumatology Department, Royal North Shore Hospital and Kolling Institute, University of Sydney.

ref. No, your aches and pains don’t get worse in the cold. So why do we think they do? – https://theconversation.com/no-your-aches-and-pains-dont-get-worse-in-the-cold-so-why-do-we-think-they-do-235117

Air New Zealand won’t be the last company to miss its climate goals – here’s why

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pii-Tuulia Nikula, Associate Professor, School of Business, Eastern Institute of Technology

Getty Images

Air New Zealand’s recent decision to abandon its short-term climate target raises the question of how many other businesses might follow.

The airline withdrew from the Science Based Target initiative (SBTi), the leading global body for the private sector to set and validate climate targets.

SBTi currently lists 24 New Zealand businesses which have set at least some targets and 11 which made a commitment but are yet to set or have their targets validated.

Most of the New Zealand businesses with targets are large companies in industries such as telecommunications and electricity generation. Other examples include well-known businesses such as Fletcher Building, Fonterra, New Zealand Post, and Ports of Auckland.

The case of Air New Zealand

Air New Zealand’s 2030 target aligned with the Paris Agreement goal to keep warming below 2°C (but not the more ambitious 1.5°C goal). The airline proposed to reduce its “well-to-wake” jet fuel emission intensity by 28.9%, the equivalent of a 16.3% absolute reduction compared to its 2019 base year.

Air New Zealand is not the only company failing to meet its SBTi commitments. Numerous businesses have failed to set net-zero targets after making a commitment, including the likes of Microsoft, Unilever and Procter & Gamble. Other airlines have had their SBTI commitments removed.

Silver Fern Farms and Kiwi Property Group are examples of New Zealand businesses with expired commitments. SBTi makes it easy for companies to make a commitment and some may only realise the practical challenges of meeting their climate targets during the two years they have to set and validate them.

Other New Zealand businesses, such as Auckland Airport, seem to have withdrawn from SBTi with less media attention after setting targets. The Auckland Airport company’s website states it is still committed to meeting science-based targets, so leaving SBTI does not necessarily indicate an organisation is abandoning climate goals.

Air travel has returned to pre-pandemic levels.
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Absolute emission cuts can be hard if business growth remains an objective. Airlines have bounced back following the COVID pandemic, with the largest number of flights on one day recorded on July 6 this year.

Air New Zealand says it remains committed to decarbonising and reaching its 2050 net-zero target. However, making only long-term commitments without science-based best practice is problematic. How are current leaders held accountable for Air New Zealand achieving or failing a 2050 goal?

Airline decarbonisation is built heavily on massive but unproven technological leaps, such as electrification and new aviation fuels. Reaching the 2050 target could involve large amounts of offsetting, rather than genuine emission reductions.

Limitations and shortcomings

To set SBTi climate targets requires organisations to calculate their emissions, including those in the value chain, and set targets to reduce them in line with the Paris Agreement goals.

Targets can be short and long-term and either based on generic methodology or sector-specific pathways. The SBTi dataset currently includes around 9,000 organisations worldwide, of which more than 5,800 have approved targets.

SBTi’s methodology has attracted academic interest and criticism. Limitations of the scheme include shortcomings of the methodology to calculate science-based pathways or questions around how we can set emission budgets for individual businesses.

The methodology also fails to account for global inequalities. For instance, companies in developed countries may need to set even more ambitious goals so that those in developing countries can continue to grow. As SBTi both sets and verifies targets, it has also been criticised for lacking independence.

An SBTi monitoring report based on 2022 data highlights both limited transparency and mixed ability of businesses to achieve their targets. Other New Zealand research and analysis reported mixed results in organisational decarbonisation.

The future of science-based targets

SBTi is now in the process of reviewing its corporate net-zero standard. In April, the SBTi board released a statement in support of allowing businesses to use carbon credits towards some of their reduction targets. However, a pending revision of its corporate net-zero standard suggests this is unlikely.

With the changes to the SBTi process and announcement by Air New Zealand, it feels we are at a crossroads. Businesses are betwixt and between whether they should be ambitious and set climate targets they may not achieve, or play it safe and only promise incremental progress, not helping to meet global climate goals in time.

What does it mean if industries cannot find feasible pathways to achieve rapid and deep decarbonisation? Some companies need to start rethinking their business models to ensure they can play a meaningful role in the low-carbon transition.

No matter what position businesses take, we need to make sure they disclose their progress. In New Zealand, the new climate disclosure requirements make it easier to track progress of some of the largest listed companies and financial institutions, but many other businesses provide limited public transparency.

A current project to publish the climate efforts of a group of New Zealand businesses will release the scores in September. The aim is to increase public awareness and accountability of some of the country’s key emitters.

Similar efforts are operating across the globe to keep businesses involved in SBTi and other climate target schemes accountable for their promises. Ultimately, the integrity of global climate action depends on ensuring climate targets are not only aspirational but also attainable and grounded in scientific reality. Therein lies the challenge.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Air New Zealand won’t be the last company to miss its climate goals – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/air-new-zealand-wont-be-the-last-company-to-miss-its-climate-goals-heres-why-236420

Indigenous science can help solve some of the great problems of our time. Here’s how

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tristan Kennedy, Professor & Pro Vice-Chancellor (Indigenous), Monash University

Yilka Rangers burning using drip torches. Rohan Carboon/Indigenous Desert Alliance, CC BY-NC-ND

Australia has committed to elevating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander knowledge as one of five national priorities in science and research.

This comes as part of the National Science Statement released on Monday by the Minister for Industry and Science, Ed Husic. The statement signals the national priorities that will shape investment and policy across research and development over the next decade.

Australian research already punches above its weight. The statement notes we produce 3.4% of the world’s research with just 0.33% of the world’s population. So how can we accelerate our impact?

Indigenous knowledge systems are a national strength. The history of science on this continent is extraordinary, yet we often fail to recognise the sophisticated knowledges held by our First Nations peoples. Indigenous voices must be at the table.

The first peoples, the first scientists

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were the first astronomers, physicists, biologists and pharmacists on this continent. From as far back as 65,000 years Indigenous people have been integrating knowledge systems with and for people and Country.

There are many examples of Indigenous knowledge contributing to contemporary problems. Traditional Aboriginal burning takes into account local weather conditions, plants, environments and animals. It is showing how plants react to fire, how to reduce the risk of major fire events, and support regeneration and biodiversity.

Indigenous-led approaches to urban water are pointing towards more sustainable water management practices that also regenerate ecological and cultural environments.

Beyond this, Indigenous approaches to research can challenge Western science models in important ways that can bring about new leaps of innovation.

The stakes are high

The new national statement comes at a time when we face existential threats in climate change, artificial intelligence, new pandemics, social unrest and beyond. Research remains crucial to finding solutions for our survival.

But we must approach the task of elevating these knowledge systems in the right way and be mindful of the ongoing legacies of colonisation.

Eminent Māori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith has noted: Indigenous people are considered the most researched in the world, and yet have seen the least amount of benefit. The legacy of these past practices continues to foster uncertainty and distrust of research (and researchers) by many in Indigenous communities.

This observation, based on engagement and conversations with communities, highlights an imbalance in research benefit between those who are studied and those who do the research. It is tied to centuries of colonisation.

Science has long adhered to the principle of “do no harm”. However, Western science has sometimes done harm. This was recently highlighted in Melbourne University’s book Dhoombak Goobgoowana, or truth-telling in the Woi Wurrung language, which described some of the terrible outcomes of colonial biases in science.

At the same time Western institutions and industries have extracted an extraordinary amount of knowledge from Indigenous peoples. According to the World Health Organization

around 40% of pharmaceutical products today draw from nature and traditional knowledge, including landmark drugs: aspirin, artemisinin [an ancient Chinese herbal malaria treatment], and childhood cancer treatments.

This has benefited humanity, and fattened the profits of many pharmaceutical companies. Yet Indigenous people have seen very little financial benefit – or even credit.

This is one of the many reasons we need to foster Indigenous-led research and engage communities in research.

A seat at the table – and more

Bringing more people to the table – both in research and at universities in general – will help us ask better questions. It will ensure people, especially Indigenous peoples, can lead or guide the research, see benefit and help build capacity in communities.

The Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies code of ethics points the way forward. It centres Indigenous self-determination, Indigenous leadership, sustainability and accountability, and demonstrating impact and value. It all starts with listening, and ensuring that research addresses priorities determined and supported by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

The National Science Statement calls for teamwork. It calls for research collaborations between universities, civil society, governments and international partners to solve some of our biggest societal, geopolitical, economic and environmental challenges.

This task also demands new approaches to what responsibility means in research. To create futures in which people can thrive, responsible research must go beyond compliance to formal rules of ethics and integrity.

It must ask much bigger questions about the place of research within local communities and much larger geopolitical environments. And it must reconsider how we partner well with the governments, industries and the communities with which we are embedded.

This takes us right back to the question of why we do research. Is it to publish more papers, or find a drug that makes a lot of money? Or are we here to make the world a better place?

It’s a question the National Statement on Science is asking. It is up to us to put it into practice.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Indigenous science can help solve some of the great problems of our time. Here’s how – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-science-can-help-solve-some-of-the-great-problems-of-our-time-heres-how-236597

Raygun is now Australia’s most famous dancer. What does she reveal about our own attitudes towards dance?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeanette Mollenhauer, Honorary Fellow (Dance), Faculty of Fine Arts & Music, The University of Melbourne

The inclusion of breaking in the 2024 Olympic Games certainly raised eyebrows. And now, Australian competitor Rachael Gunn (known as “Raygun”) is one of the most famous Olympians from any nation – as well as Australia’s most famous dancer.

Her performance generated an onslaught of (often negative) social media memes, comments and bullying. However, her teammates showed their support, with Australian rower Angus Widdicombe even carrying Gunn on his shoulders on the day of the closing ceremony.

Raygun’s Olympic story offers the chance for Australians to examine their attitudes towards dance. For instance, was her dancing so out of place in a nation that has the Nutbush as one of its cultural icons?

Yes, Australia has impressive professional companies such as The Australian Ballet, Sydney Dance Company and Bangarra Dance Theatre, but Raygun has pushed community-based dance into the spotlight. She has also forced Australia to examine its own attitudes towards the various forms and functions of dance. And that’s your best move, B-girl!

A nation of shy dancers

Why do Australians feel that dance is mainly for performance, rather than participation? We get up and sing tunelessly at karaoke, but shy away from dancing in public. The most recent arts participation report from Creative Australia shows that while one in six Australians engage with music, only one in ten Australians regularly dance. It seems we’re just not a nation of recreational dancers.

In 2007, Australian dance writer Lee Christofis – a child of Greek immigrants – posed the question: “why can’t the ‘English’ teach their children how to dance?” He couldn’t understand why his Anglo-Australian neighbours had no community dance activities.

His observation still rings true today. Creative Australia’s 2023 report shows both First Nations Australians (25% compared to 8% of non-First Nations) and Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) Australians (17% compared to 6% of non-CALD) are more likely to dance than Anglo-Australians.

Maybe Anglo-Australians have been conditioned to think “dance” only means what we see on stages and screens – that it is something reserved for those with the physique and flair of Paul Mercurio in Strictly Ballroom (1992).

The community roots of dance

Unless they’re thinking about the Nutbush, white Australians don’t usually connect “dance” with “community” as First Nations and CALD Australians tend to. But the reality is that, alongside technique and athleticism, dance has always been about community, politics and expression.

In her own article for The Conversation, Gunn described how breakdancing emerged in the Bronx (New York) among African-American and Puerto Rican youths, before being adopted across nations.

And it’s not the only community dance form that has been co-opted for mass entertainment. Tap dance also emerged from African and Irish-American roots to be included in mainstream dance practices. Twerking is another example of a style with African roots being popularised through Western mass media.

But despite co-opting dances from various other cultures, Western societies still view classical ballet and contemporary dance as the pinnacle of the dance world. The dance section of The Sydney Morning Herald focuses on these two styles – and likely shapes public opinion. Certainly, media reviews can make or break an artist or troupe by either attracting or repelling audiences.

In Australia, it’s difficult for anyone outside of ballet and contemporary dance to receive adequate government funding. Money often doesn’t go beyond the stage door to the grassroots dancers – to those who enjoy folk, swing, square or, of course, breakdancing.

In Gunn’s own words:

[in] Australia, we haven’t had the same level of investment going in. […] I was never going to beat these b-girls at what they do, so I did what I do best and I went out and I showed myself, my creativity, my style, a little bit of Australian character so that I could try and make my mark on this world stage.

The reaction to Raygun’s performance is about dance, but also about national expectation; with Australia coming to the end of its most successful Games ever, receiving a score of zero is just not what people wanted to hear.

Raygun got the whole world talking

Even before the Paris games, it was confirmed that breaking won’t be renewed in the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics – held in the nation where breaking first emerged. Gunn wasn’t happy with the news.

She is a dance scholar with a focus on cultural politics in breaking. Her research centres on gender imbalances in breaking, with one early article containing a brief reference to her “enactment of Australian-ness” when dancing. Perhaps this approach inspired her Paris costume and choreography?

Although her routine didn’t land with everyone, Gunn has been defended by AusBreaking, fellow Olympians and even Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, who applauded her for sticking to the “Australian tradition of people having a go”.

Overall, Gunn has given Australia much to talk about. The aftermath of her Olympic appearance has revealed a lot about our own attitudes towards dance – and the fact we don’t indulge in it as much we ought to. She has also brought breaking to the world’s attention – and for both of these, she should be congratulated.

The Conversation

Jeanette Mollenhauer is affiliated with PopMoves, a subsidiary of the Dance Studies Association. Rachael Gunn is also a member.

ref. Raygun is now Australia’s most famous dancer. What does she reveal about our own attitudes towards dance? – https://theconversation.com/raygun-is-now-australias-most-famous-dancer-what-does-she-reveal-about-our-own-attitudes-towards-dance-236582

NAPLAN results again show 1 in 3 students don’t meet minimum standards. These kids need more support

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Holloway, Senior Research DECRA Fellow, Institute for Learning Sciences and Teacher Education, Australian Catholic University

The latest national NAPLAN results are out and the results are very similar to last year.

In both 2023 and 2024 we have seen about one in three school students fall short of minimum numeracy and literacy expectations and about one in ten needing additional support.

What does this mean?

What is NAPLAN?

Introduced in 2008, NAPLAN is an annual test of all Australian students in years 3, 5, 7 and 9. It aims to see whether students are developing basic skills in literacy and numeracy. Students receive one of four bands: “needs additional support,” “developing,” “strong” and “exceeding”.

Schools have been releasing individual results to families since the start of term 3. Today, we have the overall results.

What are the results?

In reading, the average proportion of students who achieved “exceeding” and “strong” levels in 2024 was 67%. This increased from Year 3 (66.3%) to Year 5 (71.4%), then dropped in Year 7 (67.3%) and Year 9 (63%).

The average proportion of students who achieved “needs additional support” was 10.3%. This dropped from Year 3 (11.3%) to Year 5 (8.7%) and increased in Year 7 (10.2%) and Year 9 (11.1%).

In numeracy, the average proportion of students who achieved “exceeding” and “strong” was 65.5%. This increased from Year 3 (63.5%) to Year 5 (67.8%) was relatively stable in in Year 7 (67.2%) and then dropped in Year 9 (63.4%).

The average proportion of students who achieved “needs additional support” was 9.5%. This dropped from Year 3 (9.7%) to Year 5 (8.6%) and increased in Year 7 (9.4%) and Year 9 (10.4%).

Like last year, more Indigenous students and students in very remote schools were identified as “needs additional support” than their peers.

For example, in reading, across all year groups, around one in three Indigenous students are in the “needs additional support” level, compared to about one in ten non-Indigenous students.

Recent changes

This is only the second year of the current NAPLAN system.

Early last year, the testing window was moved from May to March. In 2023, NAPLAN was also done entirely online for the first time.

There was also a major change in how NAPLAN is reported. Now, results are reported against four proficiency levels instead of ten.

How did these changes affect the 2024 results?

It was possible such big changes could have created years of instability, but this hasn’t been the case so far.

This lack of change in the results can be interpreted a couple of ways. The Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority chief executive Stephen Gniel said the results are a “testament to the hard work” of schools and students.

Not only have NAPLAN changes been difficult to navigate, we cannot forget the impact of COVID on student learning. Teachers have had a tremendous responsibility to help students return to a sense of normal in the past two years.

Education Minister Jason Clare, however has a different interpretation. As he said:

We have a good education system, but it can be a lot better and a lot fairer and that’s what these results again demonstrate.

These results provide another year of evidence our system is fundamentally unfair and too many children are being left behind.

Who ‘needs additional support’?

One advantage of the new proficiency levels is they explicitly tell us how we should respond to the results.

This is not new information. Year after year students from more advantaged backgrounds perform higher on tests like NAPLAN. We also know inequitable access to resources is a major factor in these results.

What is new is these results themselves tell us what to do: “provide additional support”.

How can we do this?

Last month, the federal government released released details of the next funding agreement for Australian schools, due to start in 2025.

As part of this, Clare announced A$16 billion of federal funding for public schools. This funding is only available if schools implement significant changes, including phonics and numeracy checks in the early years, evidence-based teaching and catch-up tutoring.

Clare has said he wants this money to make a difference to “the kids who really need it”.

We know government schools have not received adequate funding, as promised by previous reforms.

As the next phase of school funding in finalised this year, governments should ensure schools with large proportions of disadvantaged students receive the support they need to help all Australian students succeed.

The Conversation

Jessica Holloway has received funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. NAPLAN results again show 1 in 3 students don’t meet minimum standards. These kids need more support – https://theconversation.com/naplan-results-again-show-1-in-3-students-dont-meet-minimum-standards-these-kids-need-more-support-236688

Does free-to-air TV really need gambling ads to survive?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Hughes, Lecturer, Research School of Management, Australian National University

fongbeerredhot/Shutterstock

If anything is a sure bet right now, it’s corporate Australia’s willingness to use some variation of the “for society’s good” argument.

The most recent example of this is the claim being made, including by federal minister Bill Shorten, that an outright ban on gambling advertising would be disastrous for free-to-air TV.

To be clear, Labor still supports new restrictions on gambling advertisements, including hourly caps and bans during kids’ TV and during and around sports broadcasts.

But it has rejected the idea of a total ban, prompting a backlash extending as far as some of its own backbench MPs.

Speaking on ABC’s Q&A on Monday night, Shorten said Australia’s free-to-air TV broadcasters were in “diabolical trouble”, with many needing gambling ad revenue “in order just to stay afloat”.

“I’m not convinced that complete prohibition works,” he said.

So would our commercial TV networks really fall over tomorrow without gambling ad revenue? Or is something else at play?




Read more:
The government is under pressure to ban gambling ads. History shows half-measures don’t work


Who is buying ads in Australia?

Let’s start by building a bigger picture of where advertising spend more broadly comes from in Australia. Global analytics firm Nielsen regularly compiles top 20 lists of both the categories and individual companies spending the most on ads here.

In 2023 the top category, retail, accounted for A$2.56 billion in advertising spend. Gambling and gaming, in contrast, represented just $239 million, less than a tenth of this figure.

Horse racing in AUstralia
Ad spending by the gambling industry pales in comparison to that of the retail sector.
Pic Media Aus/Shutterstock

Harvey Norman topped the list of individual companies in 2023. The first we see of any gambling brand is Sportsbet, which came in at 16th.

For gambling companies, it’s fair to assume the lion’s share of this goes to TV. Research by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) found 68% of gambling companies’ ad spend went to free-to-air TV markets.

As for the remainder, 9% went to radio, 15% to social media and 8% to other online platforms.

How much is actually getting spent?

But how do we estimate the gambling industry’s total annual advertising spend? There are certainly a lot of numbers getting thrown around.

One source put it at $300.5 million for 2022.

More recently, ACMA published detailed figures for the period between May 2022 and April 2023 which put it at just over $238 million, with $162 million of this going to free-to-air TV networks.

But the way advertising is classified – what defines an advertisement – can sometimes differ between agencies. Then there is the number of brands operating, which is constantly changing.

In a market with so many competitors, any new entrant needs to spend big on advertising just to capture enough market share to be viable.

This is why I argue that the actual figure for financial year 2023 may be slightly higher than ACMA’s widely quoted figure, accounting for the big ad spend of new entrants that may have fallen outside the time window assessed.

Based on average company ad spend as a percentage of revenue and the size of the gambling industry, I estimate it could be higher, in the ballpark of $275 million.

How much is that to the networks?

This exercise is all about putting these figures in context.

Channel Seven, for example, brought in $1.5 billion in revenue in 2023. Even if it had received the gambling industry’s entire ad spend at my higher estimate of $275 million, this would still only account for less than 20% of its annual turnover.

If that money all went to TV ads, Channel Seven’s stated 38.5% share of television advertising revenue would put its revenue from the estimated sports betting advertising at about $106 million in this example, around 7% of its total annual revenue.

Losing most of that would hurt, but wouldn’t mortally threaten the business.

Young man watching soccer game on TV
While significant, gambling ad revenue is only a small fraction of total revenue for the networks.
JulieK2/Shutterstock

A total ban would most likely be phased in over a number of years, not enacted overnight.

Australia’s free-to-air networks would adapt, restrategise, and find and develop new markets to replace that revenue. Their management teams are far too smart to just shrug their shoulders and take a revenue hit on the corporate chin.

Networks have had plenty of time to adapt

Just a refresher. LinkedIn is now more than 20 years old. Facebook is 20. YouTube is 19. X (formerly known as Twitter) is 18. TikTok is seven.

If free-to-air TV’s business model is so glacial it can’t function in the digital age, it probably doesn’t deserve to be operating in the big leagues.

Digital is here and has been for a while now. The media industry has borne the brunt of this change, but has also had the most time to adapt to the disruptors, who are now more established oligopolies and duopolies than “cool start-ups” out of Silicon Valley.

The argument that we need to protect sports gambling ads to protect the big media brands – has little to no basis. It’s a worn out argument we’ve seen time and time again – big tobacco, I’m looking at you.

Protecting the interests of corporate Australia at the cost of society itself is a gamble none of us should be prepared to take.

The Conversation

Andrew Hughes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Does free-to-air TV really need gambling ads to survive? – https://theconversation.com/does-free-to-air-tv-really-need-gambling-ads-to-survive-236686

Earnings announcements at an AGM can reflect a corporate power play, not necessarily a company’s true value

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nelson Ma, Associate Professor, corporate governance, innovation, University of Technology Sydney

Anton Gvozdikov/Shutterstock

With reporting season in full swing, many ASX-listed companies are releasing their financial results to the market.

These results are used to cast judgement on the performance of the company, led by the chief executive officer (CEO). Amid all the information released by the company, there is one figure all eyes will fixate on – earnings.

The earnings figure will have wide-ranging impacts on company employees, investors, and everyday Australians who have their superannuation invested in the stock market.

Despite its importance, the financial reporting process that goes on behind the scenes to decide the earnings figure is hidden to those outside the boardroom.

The hidden process in financial reporting

Financial reporting is a complex process that involves millions, if not billions, of company transactions summarised into one earnings figure. While the concept of earnings is straightforward, the choices made in calculating them are anything but simple.

At face value, earnings are the difference between what a company receives from customers for delivering a good or service and what it costs the company to deliver that good or service.

However, behind the figure are many choices the company makes about which accounting policies to use. This includes deciding how long an asset will last or how many customers will not pay their debts to the company.

These decisions can result in major changes to the earnings figure.

Boardroom power play

Typically, investors benefit from higher stock values when their companies report higher than expected earnings.

Often, the other big winner is the CEO. CEOs regularly receive large bonuses when earnings exceed performance targets set by the company. This is designed to motivate CEOs to improve company performance.

However, academic research reveals some CEOs will engage in disturbing action to meet performance targets.

Instead of driving genuine performance improvements, the pressure faced by CEOs to meet targets often results in them pushing for accounting policies that inflate earnings.

There are safeguards to maintain checks and balances on the CEO. The board of directors is responsible for overseeing CEO decision-making to protect investor interests.

But some CEOs have power over the board of directors, and have the ability to push back on restrictions on their decision making.

CEO power isn’t just about charisma or leadership style. It’s about the ability to influence key decisions, particularly in financial reporting.

When a CEO wields excessive power — due to long tenure, significant ownership, or close personal ties to the board — they can inflate earnings to present a more favourable picture of the company’s performance than reality warrants.

The audit committee: a critical safeguard

A key safeguard against this is the audit committee – a group within the board of directors. Members of the audit committee monitor the financial reporting process used in generating earnings to protect the interests of investors.

However, our research examining more than 2,500 US companies across 12 years uncovers a troubling trend about how CEOs reduce the effectiveness of the audit committee.

Powerful CEOs appear to influence the decision of who serves on the audit committee. These CEOs often favour committees which provide weaker monitoring – resulting from less knowledge of accounting or a lack of authority to question the CEO.

CEOs also prefer audit committee members to be people with whom they share close personal ties. This may include members who attended the same university or have membership at the same golf club.

The consequences of a powerful CEO having a “weaker” audit committee? Earnings are more likely to be inflated to meet performance targets.

Measures to avoid conflicting interests

In Australia, there are some protections against this corporate manoeuvring.

The ASX Corporate Governance Principles recommend separating the roles of CEO and board chair, having boards where most directors are independent of the company, and ensuring audit committees have the relevant qualifications and experience.

However, our research suggests these measures are not enough to protect investors’ interests. While recommendations promote safeguards to limit direct conflicts of interest, they fall short of dealing with the root cause – CEOs wielding excessive power over their colleagues.

This issue is exemplified in the case of Qantas where the board of directors failed to challenge the decisions made by former CEO Alan Joyce.

Importantly, Alan Joyce exerted power over the board of directors, controlling key decisions and often disregarding the input of the board of directors.

What’s needed

In companies there is a power struggle to influence key accounting decisions about earnings.

Although there are safeguards, our research points towards CEO power being a threat to the effectiveness of those safeguards protecting the integrity of the earnings figure and other accounting information.

Investors and individuals involved with companies should take the earnings figure with a grain of salt.

This should especially be the case when the company has a CEO who holds outsized influence. Such awareness is crucial in helping to protect the interests of investors and all Australians dependent on the stock market for their financial wellbeing.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Earnings announcements at an AGM can reflect a corporate power play, not necessarily a company’s true value – https://theconversation.com/earnings-announcements-at-an-agm-can-reflect-a-corporate-power-play-not-necessarily-a-companys-true-value-236580

Is it OK to lie to someone with dementia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, Dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

Pikselstock/Shutterstock

There was disagreement on social media recently after a story was published about an aged care provider creating “fake-away” burgers that mimicked those from a fast-food chain, to a resident living with dementia. The man had such strict food preferences he was refusing to eat anything at meals except a burger from the franchise. This dementia symptom risks malnutrition and social isolation.

But critics of the fake burger approach labelled it trickery and deception of a vulnerable person with cognitive impairment.

Dementia is an illness that progressively robs us of memories. Although it has many forms, it is typical for short-term recall – the memory of something that happened in recent hours or days – to be lost first. As the illness progresses, people may come to increasingly “live in the past”, as distant recall gradually becomes the only memories accessible to the person. So a person in the middle or later stages of the disease may relate to the world as it once was, not how it is today.

This can make ethical care very challenging.

Is it wrong to lie?

Ethical approaches classically hold that specific actions are moral certainties, regardless of the consequences. In line with this moral absolutism, it is always wrong to lie.

But this ethical approach would require an elderly woman with dementia who continually approaches care staff looking for their long-deceased spouse to be informed their husband has passed – the objective truth.

Distress is the likely outcome, possibly accompanied by behavioural disturbance that could endanger the person or others. The person’s memory has regressed to a point earlier in their life, when their partner was still alive. To inform such a person of the death of their spouse, however gently, is to traumatise them.

And with the memory of what they have just been told likely to quickly fade, and the questioning may resume soon after. If the truth is offered again, the cycle of re-traumatisation continues.

older man looks into distance holding mug
People with dementia may lose short term memories and rely on the past for a sense of the world.
Bonsales/Shutterstock

A different approach

Most laws are examples of absolutist ethics. One must obey the law at all times. Driving above the speed limit is likely to result in punishment regardless of whether one is in a hurry to pick their child up from kindergarten or not.

Pragmatic ethics rejects the notion certain acts are always morally right or wrong. Instead, acts are evaluated in terms of their “usefulness” and social benefit, humanity, compassion or intent.

The Aged Care Act is a set of laws intended to guide the actions of aged care providers. It says, for example, psychotropic drugs (medications that affect mind and mood) should be the “last resort” in managing the behaviours and psychological symptoms of dementia.

Instead, “best practice” involves preventing behaviour before it occurs. If one can reasonably foresee a caregiver action is likely to result in behavioural disturbance, it flies in the face of best practice.




Read more:
When someone living with dementia is distressed or violent, ‘de-escalation’ is vital


What to say when you can’t avoid a lie?

What then, becomes the best response when approached by the lady looking for her husband?

Gentle inquiries may help uncover an underlying emotional need, and point caregivers in the right direction to meet that need. Perhaps she is feeling lonely or anxious and has become focused on her husband’s whereabouts? A skilled caregiver might tailor their response, connect with her, perhaps reminisce, and providing a sense of comfort in the process.

This approach aligns with Dementia Australia guidance that carers or loved ones can use four prompts in such scenarios:

  • acknowledge concern (“I can tell you’d like him to be here.”)

  • suggest an alternative (“He can’t visit right now.”)

  • provide reassurance (“I’m here and lots of people care about you.”)

  • redirect focus (“Perhaps a walk outside or a cup of tea?”)

These things may or may not work. So, in the face of repeated questions and escalating distress, a mistruth, such as “Don’t worry, he’ll be back soon,” may be the most humane response in the circumstances.

Different realities

It is often said you can never win an argument with a person living with dementia. A lot of time, different realities are being discussed.

So, providing someone who has dementia with a “pretend” burger may well satisfy their preferences, bring joy, mitigate the risk of malnutrition, improve social engagement, and prevent a behavioural disturbance without the use of medication. This seems like the correct approach in ethical terms. On occasion, the end justifies the means.

The Conversation

Steve Macfarlane works for Dementia Support Australia, a service led by HammondCare.
He is a member of the Royal Asutralian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists

ref. Is it OK to lie to someone with dementia? – https://theconversation.com/is-it-ok-to-lie-to-someone-with-dementia-236229

Wild genes in domestic species: how we can supercharge our crops using their distant relatives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rajeev Varshney, Professor, Food Futures Institute, Murdoch University

International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics, Author provided

Food security is shaping up as one of the biggest challenges we face globally. In some places, access to food has steadily deteriorated in recent years, due to wars, inflation and climate-driven extreme weather. The cost of basic foods such as eggs and vegetables has made news worldwide.

Food price inflation is now ahead of overall inflation in over half the world’s nations. The obvious answer is to grow more crops, especially the energy-dense top six – rice, wheat, corn, potatoes, soybeans and sugarcane.

Unfortunately, it’s getting harder to produce food due to conflict, more extreme weather such as flash droughts and floods and a surge in plant diseases and pests.

For farmers to keep producing in an uncertain future, we need better crops. But much cutting edge agricultural research focuses on improving specific aspects of a plant – better drought resistance, or a better ability to tolerate salt in the soil. This may not be enough to cope with future shocks.

Our research suggests a way to accelerate the creation of stronger crops by drawing on the full genetic strength of crop species.

Crops that don’t stop

Humans have greatly modified the plants which give us the lion’s share of our food, using tools such as selective breeding and genetic manipulation.

But much agricultural research is done in isolation. Researchers dive deep into solving specific problems – how to make wheat resilient against a specific fungus, for example.

The growing challenges to food security across many fronts means a new approach is needed. The changing climate will throw many different threats at our crops. Parts of the world might endure flash droughts while extreme rain floods others. Some pests and diseases will thrive in a hotter world.

That’s why we’re looking to another approach – pangenomics, which attempts to capture every gene a species has access to.

You might think a species has a unified set of genes, but this is not true. Yes, all rice plants have a set of shared genetic sequences. But individual plants and strains have distinct genetic differences too. The pangenome covers all of these.

The idea of a pangenome only emerged in 2005, when microbiologist Hervé Tettelin and his collaborators were looking for a vaccine against the streptococcus bacteria. As they examined different strains, they realised how much additional genetic information was held in them.

It was a breakthrough, and showed how much we missed by focusing closely on a single isolate of a species. Before their discovery, we had assumed an individual of a species carried enough information to accurately represent the genomic content of that species. But this isn’t correct.

This realisation has changed how we see our crops. Rather than trying to perfect a single cultivar (cultivated variety) using only its own genetic package, the pangenome offers a way to reinfuse lost vigour from the wider gene pool.

In 2019, we took the pangenome approach further by considering the entire gene pool of a crop, including its domestic cultivars – and their wild relatives. Many wild relatives of domesticated crops still exist. These plants have huge genetic diversity, and often harbour superior genes or gene variants (alleles) lost to crop plants through domestication and breeding.

We dubbed this approach the “super-pangenome” to recognise the capture of domesticated and wild gene pools.

How can this help shore up food supplies?

For more than 10,000 years, humans have domesticated and selectively bred crops. But wild relatives have thrived over the same timeframe.

There are good reasons these wild relatives have not been domesticated, from poor taste to difficulty of storage to low yields. But what they do have are desirable traits in their genetic code we can identify, isolate and infuse back into the domesticated species.

Once we have genetic data from across a species and its wild relatives, we can begin looking for particularly useful genes. What we’re after are the ones responsible for adapting to or surviving environmental stresses likely to get worse in the future, such as drought, saline soils and extreme temperatures. We can identify genes responsible for disease resistance and determine why certain varieties offer other desirable traits such as better taste or higher yields.

Around the world, a number of promising research projects use this approach, from American researchers using the genes of wild grapes to boost the yield of domesticated grapes to Chinese researchers doing similar work on tomatoes.

wheat seedling cracked earth
How can we make crops more resilient to heat, drought and pests?
KPixMining/Shutterstock

We and our colleagues are focused on the humble chickpea, a highly nutritious legume of particular importance to India’s 1.4 billion people. Chickpeas, like other legume crops, take nitrogen from the air and fix it in the soil, which improves fertility and helps offset emissions of nitrous oxide, a lesser-known greenhouse gas.

But chickpeas lack of genetic diversity due to several evolutionary bottlenecks, domestication and selective breeding. This is already causing problems, because low genetic diversity makes species more vulnerable to pests and disease. Chickpea farmers in Western Australia still remember the outbreak of a fungal blight which almost wiped out production in the late 1990s and left the crop unpopular – even while other states expanded exports.

The solution: look to the wild relatives. In the genomes of relatives such as Cicer echinospermum, we found several promising genes which helped resist this fungus.

These genes can now be incorporated into domesticated species through modern approaches – such as genomics-assisted breeding and gene editing – to develop disease-resistant and high-yielding chickpea varieties.

Once we seek out and capture the full gene stock of our most important crops, both wild and domesticated, it will become easier and faster to supercharge these essential plants – and equip them with the genes they need to survive the uncertainties the future holds.

The Conversation

Rajeev Varshney receives funding from the Grains Research & Development Corporation, Australia, for pulses research at Murdoch University.

Vanika Garg receives funding from the Grains Research & Development Corporation, Australia for pulses research at Murdoch University.

ref. Wild genes in domestic species: how we can supercharge our crops using their distant relatives – https://theconversation.com/wild-genes-in-domestic-species-how-we-can-supercharge-our-crops-using-their-distant-relatives-233437

NZ already spends less on health than Australia or Canada – we need proper funding, not ‘crisis’ management

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Esther Willing, Associate Professor of Hauora Māori, University of Otago

Getty Images

We are being told the health system is in crisis, “on the brink of failure” – spending beyond its budget, waiting times getting longer, suffering from widespread staff shortages.

The government has responded by dismissing the board of Te Whatu Ora (Health NZ) and appointing Lester Levy as commissioner, with the task of reducing “overspending”. Levy himself has called the system “bloated” and said a “reset” is needed.

However, claims of overspending downplay the most significant external contributors to our stressed health system, while attempting to shift the focus internally. We are concerned the overspending narrative may be a precursor to doubt being cast on the viability of the publicly-funded system in general.

Many of the challenges faced by our health system are not unique to New Zealand. Global workforce shortages have been building since the 2000s, affecting most health systems.

COVID-19 exacerbated these trends. Many healthcare workers experienced burnout during the pandemic and left the health system. Many who remain are stressed and overworked.

Workforce pressures combine with a number of other factors: increased demand for health services, ageing populations (of patients and the health workforce), ever-growing treatment options and rising patient expectations, and an increasing prevalence of chronic health conditions needing ongoing, long-term care.

NZ underspends on health

The health systems of most high-income countries are under stress. But by far the biggest local factor contributing to New Zealand’s stressed health system is historical and current underfunding. Rather than overspending, it has been incredibly frugal for a long time.

Throughout the 2010s, just over 9% of the country’s GDP was spent on health, when most comparable countries were spending between 10% and 12%. According to OECD data, in 2020 New Zealand spent the equivalent of US$3,929 per capita on health – far less than Canada (US$6,215) and Australia (US$5,802).

That gap drives salary differences with comparable countries for health workers, exacerbating our workforce shortages as valuable trained staff leave for better pay elsewhere. While there is scope for productivity improvement in parts of the system, any such gains would be small compared to the cumulative extent of past underfunding.

Also important is the two-tiered nature of the New Zealand health system. The 1938 Social Security Act, which created the publicly-funded system, aimed to ensure health services would be free and accessible to all citizens. Now, however, primary health care is not affordable for around one in eight New Zealanders.

The problem goes back to the original compromise between the government and the medical profession. GPs retained the right to operate as private businesses, receiving government subsidies while also charging patients consultation fees. Doctors in public hospitals became salaried, but were allowed to operate a parallel private practice.

Consequently, better-off people could access health services more quickly in the private sector. No government since has been able to shift these arrangements, despite the considerable inequities of access they entail.

Would other funding models work?

For more than 80 years, the basic design of the publicly-funded health system has served us well, even with the two-tiered design flaws. Around 80% of the health system is funded publicly through taxation, a model we share with the UK, Spain and Scandinavian countries.

Given 37% of New Zealanders currently have private insurance, would a greater role for private funding reduce pressure on public funding? International experience tells us no.

The private insurance-based US health system is by far the most expensive in the world, soaking up nearly 18% of GDP. The prices paid by private insurers for health services have increased significantly faster than public parts of the US system.

The private insurance-based US health system is the most expensive in the world.
Getty Images

There is also New Zealand evidence that private insurance can burden the public sector, with acute followup care sometimes required in public hospitals. Private insurers manage the pinch of rising healthcare costs by increasing premiums and tightening eligibility restrictions.

Health systems that rely on funding via private insurance are less accessible, less efficient, less equitable and generally have worse health outcomes. Put simply, market-based healthcare doesn’t deliver the expected benefits of markets, but does generate the expected downsides.

Another alternative to the tax-funded system is social insurance, where employers and employees pay into sickness funds, not unlike New Zealand’s Accident Compensation Corporation.

In countries with social insurance, such as Germany and the Netherlands, the provision of care is predominantly from non-government providers, rather than government-run hospitals. But research has shown there are higher cost pressures in social insurance systems because they are costlier to administer than tax-based systems.

In tax-based systems, rationing due to funding shortfalls is more visible in the form of waiting times and waiting lists. In private insurance-based systems, rationing is based on affordability and is far less visible.

Protecting access and fairness

Addressing the challenges within New Zealand’s health system requires adequate funding, and investment in the people who make up the system itself.

This includes the healthcare workers who take care of us, and the administrative and support staff who make that healthcare possible.

Short-term belt-tightening will most likely deepen the crisis. In the longer term, a viable publicly-funded system is more efficient and effective than the known alternatives.

This requires a policy commitment to actively address the many drivers of the crisis in ways that align with our values of universal access and fairness.

Meanwhile, we will need to have difficult conversations about how we address this underfunding, and how we train and support healthcare workers. Our publicly-funded health system is needed as much now as when it was first set up, to ensure all New Zealanders have access to healthcare when they need it.

The Conversation

Esther Willing receives funding from the Health Research Council.

Paula Lorgelly receives or has received funding from the Ministry of Health, Health New Zealand and the Health Research Council.

Peter Crampton receives or has received funding from the Health Research Council of New Zealand and the Ministry of Health. He is a member of the Public Health Advisory Committee, the Board of Te Tāhū Hauora (Health Quality and Safety Commission), and the Ministry of Health Primary and Community Care Advisory Group. He was a member of the Health and Disability System Review panel.

Tim Tenbensel receives funding from the Health Research Council. He is affiliated with Health Coalition Aotearoa.

Jaime King and Robin Gauld do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NZ already spends less on health than Australia or Canada – we need proper funding, not ‘crisis’ management – https://theconversation.com/nz-already-spends-less-on-health-than-australia-or-canada-we-need-proper-funding-not-crisis-management-236583

Municipal politicians claim to be ideological moderates. Is it true?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Lucas, Professor of Political Science, University of Calgary

Municipal politicians often argue that local government is the part of the political world where things actually get done. Other levels of government might be plagued by partisan factionalism and ideological radicalism, they like to say, but municipal government continues to chug along, effective but unrecognized.

In municipal politics, the saying goes, there’s no right-wing or left-wing way to pick up the garbage. This makes the people who are elected to municipal office more pragmatic and ideologically moderate than their provincial or federal cousins.

It’s an appealing vision, especially in our politically polarized age. But is it true?

Comparing politicians

As municipal elections loom in the Yukon, the Northwest Territories, Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan this fall, this is a tricky question to answer.

To really understand if municipal politicians are closer to the ideological centre than their provincial or federal counterparts, it’s necessary to compare politicians across all levels of government. It’s rare for politicians in more than one level of government to be included in the same research studies — which is exactly what’s needed to be able to compare across levels.

Fortunately, however, two teams of political scientists have spent the past two years surveying Canadian politicians across all levels of government. These surveys make it possible to actually answer the age-old question: are municipal politicians really ideological moderates?

In a new research article, I combined surveys of provincial and federal politicians (from a project called POLPOP) with surveys of municipal politicians (from a project called the Canadian Municipal Barometer) into a single multilevel mega-survey.

Both survey projects included questions about politicians’ ideological self-understanding — that is, where they place themselves on a left-right spectrum — as well as their policy attitudes.

Policy attitudes

My analysis found that municipal politicians are in fact more likely to think of themselves as ideological moderates. Compared to provincial or federal politicians, municipal politicians tend to place themselves closer to the centre of the left-right spectrum, rather than the extremes.

This is what political scientists call “symbolic” ideology“ — how you think of yourself ideologically — and on this scale, municipal politicians do tend to be more moderate.

But ideology isn’t just about how we think of ourselves. It’s also about our actual policy attitudes. If I have fiercely right-wing views on gun control, immigration, environmental policy and health care, you might reasonably describe me as a “right winger” even if I think of myself as a centrist.

On this second measure — politicians’ actual policy attitudes — I find no important differences among municipal, provincial and federal politicians. When digging into politicians’ views on policy issues like income redistribution, electric vehicle subsidies or euthanasia, it turns out that municipal politicians aren’t any closer to the ideological centre than other politicians.

This means that municipal politicians think of themselves as moderate, but when we measure their actual policy attitudes, they don’t stand out for their ideological moderation.




Read more:
Foreign interference could affect municipal elections, too. Here are 2 ways to reduce it


Genuine non-partisans

There’s a further twist to my findings. In Canadian municipal elections, candidates don’t have to be partisans to get elected; they don’t need to declare themselves as part of the Liberal or NDP or Conservative team.

Many municipal politicians do identify strongly with a political party — some have even been elected to office at the provincial or federal level — but some don’t. In fact, more than a quarter of municipal politicians are genuine non-partisans, with no party affiliation or identity at all.

It turns out that the differences in ideological self-perception between municipal politicians and provincial/federal politicians are driven by these municipal non-partisans. Non-partisanship and ideological moderation go hand in hand: non-partisan local politicians also tend to think of themselves as ideological moderates.

Self-perceptions matter

So even though Canada’s municipal politicians aren’t distinctly moderate in their policy attitudes, many think of themselves as moderates — and the reason for this difference, in large part, has to do with Canada’s distinctively non-partisan municipal elections.

Even if municipal politicians aren’t actually any more moderate than provincial or federal politicians in their policy beliefs, their self-perceptions are still important. They reflect a longstanding norm of ideological moderation in municipal politics — pragmatism, non-partisanship, compromise — which probably shapes how politicians go about their business on council.

But my findings also make it clear that Canadians can’t count on the municipal system to automatically attract more moderate politicians. If Canadians want municipal representatives who are pragmatic, willing to compromise and ideologically moderate, they need to go out into their communities and find them — and then elect them to office.

The Conversation

Jack Lucas receives funding from SSHRC.

ref. Municipal politicians claim to be ideological moderates. Is it true? – https://theconversation.com/municipal-politicians-claim-to-be-ideological-moderates-is-it-true-236471

Rat birth control programs may not be the most efficient way to address urban rat infestations

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kaylee Byers, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Health Sciences; Senior Scientist, Pacific Institute on Pathogens, Pandemics and Society, Simon Fraser University

Spiking rodent bait with birth control is a temporary approach to addressing rat infestations. (Shutterstock)

Rats are present in almost every city in the world, building their own rat settlements in parallel with human urban infrastructure.

Cities are ideal habitats for rats because they offer everything a rat needs to survive: food, water and harbourage — a place to live. For brown rats, also known as Norway rats, any patch of soil can quickly become a home, and their omnivorous diets allow them to thrive on kitchen scraps, backyard gardens, fruit trees and even waste in our garbage bins and sewer systems.

Several North American cities are considering the use of new contraceptive products to address rat infestations. This effort is commendable as it shows that cities are exploring alternative approaches to more established techniques that are known to cause harms, such as poisons that kill non-targeted wildlife.

However, the use of birth control raises the question: Could reducing rat reproduction be the solution to our rat worries?

three rats around a black garbage bag
Rats thrive in cities because of the availability of food, water and places to live.
(Shutterstock)

Putting rats on birth control

Rat birth control products, packaged as sugary bait, reduce the number of offspring rats produce. Given that rats can have about five litters a year, with an average of four to eight pups in each litter, addressing reproduction is an attractive approach to reducing rat numbers. However, there are three important limitations to such a strategy.

First, not all rats will eat the bait. This is a classic problem of rat management strategies that rely on poison and kill-trapping. Numerous studies demonstrate that even with intensive baiting and trapping programs, there will often be some rats left behind. Once the campaign ends, the surviving rats can once again reproduce, and populations can rebound in as little as four weeks.

naked rat pups surrounded by leaves
A female rat can produce up to 40 pups a year.
(Shutterstock)

Second, rat birth control does nothing to address the reason for why rats are there in the first place. Access to food, water and harbourage create environments conducive to rats, and also determine the number of rats that can survive in an area. By reducing the number of offspring of rats that eat the bait, it may increase the likelihood of survival of the offspring of other rats that do not eat the bait, as well as rats from any neighbouring areas where the bait was not applied.

For this reason, these types of approaches will likely be most successful in situations where the resources available to rats can be simultaneously reduced or removed and the immigration of new rats can be avoided, such as in indoor settings.

Third, focusing solely on reducing the number of rats may not, paradoxically, reduce the harms that people are experiencing. For example, in under-resourced neighborhoods, rats are symbolic of social injustice and neglect.

Our research has found that most rat complaints to the City of Vancouver are actually complaints about situations involving poor environmental hygiene, where rats are invoked by complainants to urge the city to respond. In neither scenario will reducing or removing rats address the ultimate problem.

a person wearing blue gloves placing bright blue bait in a black box
Using poisoned bait to address rat infestations can place other animals at risk.
(Shutterstock)

Diversified approaches

The bottom line is that just as a variety of tools are needed to build a house, so are a variety of tools and approaches required to successfully deliver a rat control program.

In addition to contraceptives, these tools could include enforcing bylaws that enshrine the right of low-income tenants to a healthy living environment. Municipalities could also implement the use of rat-proof garbage containers or schedule more frequent garbage collection.

Other approaches include programs that prevent the accumulation of tree fruit that could serve as a food source for rats and divert those fruits for human consumption. Even rebate programs that support home improvements could be used — research shows that home improvements for energy efficiency also help keep rodents away.

Ideally, rat control tools are best used in the context of a broader program developed, implemented, maintained, evaluated and improved by a diverse set of specialists. In addition to extermination interventions run by pest control professionals, such a program might include: surveillance to quantify rats and rat-related harms to prioritize management efforts and measure their success; policies to provide municipalities with the legislative authority to prevent and address infestations; new waste management systems; or urban planning to ensure that new developments are more resistant to infestations.

Addressing rat infestations requires complex solutions and collaborative approaches.

A complex issue like rat management is unlikely to be solved by a single approach. By combining a variety of rat management tools, we not only improve our attempts to address rat-related issues, but also increase the overall health and resiliency of urban environments.

The Conversation

Kaylee Byers is co-lead of the Vancouver Rat Project and collaborates with the Chicago Rat Project.

Chelsea Himsworth is co-lead of the Vancouver Rat Project.

ref. Rat birth control programs may not be the most efficient way to address urban rat infestations – https://theconversation.com/rat-birth-control-programs-may-not-be-the-most-efficient-way-to-address-urban-rat-infestations-234335

Kiribati elections 2024 – what’s at stake in today’s vote

By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

The I-Kiribati people will go to the polls for the first round of voting today.

Ballots are expected to open at 7am NZ time.

The Kiribati Electoral Commission is responsible to conduct the election with the support of the Ministry for Culture and Internal Affairs.

There is minimal information available online about the polls, with the most official election information shared via the Ministry of Culture’s Facebook page in late July, which was the candidate lists.

There will be 114 candidates — one less than the previous election — contesting for the first round of voting, with a second on Monday next week.

After that parties will put up their candidates for president, one of whom is likely to be Taneti Maamau, the man who has held the title of Beretitenti, or President, for the past eight years.

“On the evening of the first round of voting (on Wednesday evening) the provisional results are shared on local radio in taetae ni Kiribati,” New Zealand’s High Commissioner in Tarawa, André van der Walt, said.

Results on local radio
“We anticipate the counts for larger constituencies such as in South Tarawa would only be concluded by morning on Thursday.

“The second round of voting will take place on Monday 19 August with results released on local radio overnight. We anticipate the final results will be known on Tuesday 20 August.”

The popular vote for the Beretitenti is expected in September or October.

There are 18 women standing this time, and this compares with just seven female candidates in 2020.

Among them are 10 women in the crowded South Tarawa district — three of who are lawyers.

The low-lying Micronesian nation with a population of about 120,000 is one of the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels.

This will be the second elections to be held after Kiribati had switched back allegiance from Taiwan to China in September 2019.

Significant issues
RNZ Pacific’s correspondent in Kiribati, Rimon Rimon, said there were some significant issues that would influence voters this election, such as the soaring cost of living and suggestions the government was struggling to meet its bills.

Kava has been a campaign commodity for candidates on the Kiribati campaign trail, says RNZ correspondent Rimon Rimon. Image: RNZ/Jamie Tahana

Campaigning, which has been going on for months, has “become more intense”, Rimon said, adding that “the incumbent candidates seeking re-election [are] really going out”.

He said some people affiliated to political parties were also using kava as a “campaign tool” hoping to win votes.

“A lot of people are saying that they are seeing some of the candidates giving out kava, which is quite a popular commodity here, even though the time for giving out things have already stopped, according to the laws.

“We’re seeing a lot of these. People are giving away kava, not the candidates, but some people tend to know that person giving out the kava belongs to a certain candidate or is a supporter of that candidate.

“Kava has been a commodity used by candidates to really get people around to sit around and talk about ideas that they want to share.”

He added campaigning “goes right to the 11th hour” because “any last-minute effort is very useful”.

Some of the bigger issues confronting whichever government comes to power will be the cost of a copra subsidy that has been deemed wildly extravagant by international financial agencies, along with an unemployment benefit, paid monthly.

They will also find a judicial system turned on its head after the outgoing government removed five expatriate judges on spurious grounds. This left the country without higher courts for months, leading to a huge backlog in cases.

There is also the increasingly stronger link with China which has now led to reports of Chinese police on patrol in parts of Kiribati.

‘Quite draconian’
According to Rimon, a lot of the poeple on the ground want “something new” because Maamau’s government “have taken quite a tough approach on how they introduce a lot of their policies and decisions”

“Some of their policies are quite draconian, especially with media and all news information. I hear a lot of people saying we should have something new,” he said.

But then of course, the other half of the population, or people that I’ve been speaking to, especially in South Tarawa, are quite happy with the government’s performance and would like to see another four years of their reign in government.”

Pacific political watchers say there has been growing competition across the region between Australia, the US and China.

“Each Pacific island country is trying to navigate those waters in their own unique way and try and make the most out of it for themselves,” Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s Pacific analyst Blake Johnson told RNZ Pacific.

“And Kiribati does seem to be doing that a little differently to some of the others, in terms of just the transparency.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Media watchdog says Al Jazeera paying ‘devastating price’ in warning on Gaza reporter

Pacific Media Watch

A global media watchdog has expressed concern for the safety of an Al Jazeera reporter after false claims by the Israeli military.

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said it was concerned for Anas al-Sharif, Al Jazeera Arabic’s correspondent in northern Gaza, after an Israel military spokesperson accused him of “presenting a lie” in his coverage of Israel’s air strike on al-Tabin School on August 10.

The Israeli military claimed al-Sharif was “‘covering up’ for Hamas and Islamic Jihad after Israel killed dozens in its strike on a Gaza City school complex,” said CPJ programme director Carlos Martinez de la Serna.

The strike killed some 100 people in a building housing Palestinians displaced by the war on the besieged enclave.

“Al Jazeera journalists have been paying a devastating price for documenting the war. They and all journalists should be protected and allowed to work freely,” Martinez de la Serna said.

Israel claims Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad were operating from a mosque in the school complex.

Al-Sharif has been threatened previously over his work and his father was killed on December 11, 2023, in an Israeli air strike on the family home in Jabalia.

CPJ has documented the killing of at least seven journalists and media workers affiliated with Al Jazeera — which Israel has banned from operating inside Israel — since October 7.

‘Blatant intimidation’
In an earlier statement made by the Al Jazeera Media Network, it described the Israeli military views as a “blatant act of intimidation and incitement against our colleague Anas Al-Sharif”.

“Such remarks are not only an attack on Anas’s character and integrity but also a clear attempt to stifle the truth and silence those who are courageously reporting from Gaza.”

Meanwhile, Jordan’s Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ayman Safadi, has also accused the Israeli government of lying.

“No amount of disinformation by radical Israeli officials spreading lies, including about Jordan, will change the fact that Israel’s continued aggression on Gaza . . .  [is] the biggest threat to regional security,” he said.

In a post on X, Safadi added: “The facts about the horrors this most radical of Israeli governments is bringing upon innocent Palestinian[s] . . .  and the threat of its illegal actions and radical policies to the security and stability of [the] region are so clear and documented.

“No propaganda campaigns, no lies, no fabrications can cover that.”

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Kiribati elections 2024 – what’s at stake in Wednesday’s vote

By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

The I-Kiribati people will go to the polls for the first round of voting tomorrow.

Ballots are expected to open at 7am NZ time.

The Kiribati Electoral Commission is responsible to conduct the election with the support of the Ministry for Culture and Internal Affairs.

There is minimal information available online about the polls, with the most official election information shared via the Ministry of Culture’s Facebook page in late July, which was the candidate lists.

There will be 114 candidates — one less than the previous election — contesting for the first round of voting, with a second on Monday next week.

After that parties will put up their candidates for president, one of whom is likely to be Taneti Maamau, the man who has held the title of Beretitenti, or President, for the past eight years.

“On the evening of the first round of voting (on Wednesday evening) the provisional results are shared on local radio in taetae ni Kiribati,” New Zealand’s High Commissioner in Tarawa, André van der Walt, said.

Results on local radio
“We anticipate the counts for larger constituencies such as in South Tarawa would only be concluded by morning on Thursday.

“The second round of voting will take place on Monday 19 August with results released on local radio overnight. We anticipate the final results will be known on Tuesday 20 August.”

The popular vote for the Beretitenti is expected in September or October.

There are 18 women standing this time, and this compares with just seven female candidates in 2020.

Among them are 10 women in the crowded South Tarawa district — three of who are lawyers.

The low-lying Micronesian nation with a population of about 120,000 is one of the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels.

This will be the second elections to be held after Kiribati had switched back allegiance from Taiwan to China in September 2019.

Significant issues
RNZ Pacific’s correspondent in Kiribati, Rimon Rimon, said there were some significant issues that would influence voters this election, such as the soaring cost of living and suggestions the government was struggling to meet its bills.

Kava has been a campaign commodity for candidates on the Kiribati campaign trail, says RNZ correspondent Rimon Rimon. Image: RNZ/Jamie Tahana

Campaigning, which has been going on for months, has “become more intense”, Rimon said, adding that “the incumbent candidates seeking re-election [are] really going out”.

He said some people affiliated to political parties were also using kava as a “campaign tool” hoping to win votes.

“A lot of people are saying that they are seeing some of the candidates giving out kava, which is quite a popular commodity here, even though the time for giving out things have already stopped, according to the laws.

“We’re seeing a lot of these. People are giving away kava, not the candidates, but some people tend to know that person giving out the kava belongs to a certain candidate or is a supporter of that candidate.

“Kava has been a commodity used by candidates to really get people around to sit around and talk about ideas that they want to share.”

He added campaigning “goes right to the 11th hour” because “any last-minute effort is very useful”.

Some of the bigger issues confronting whichever government comes to power will be the cost of a copra subsidy that has been deemed wildly extravagant by international financial agencies, along with an unemployment benefit, paid monthly.

They will also find a judicial system turned on its head after the outgoing government removed five expatriate judges on spurious grounds. This left the country without higher courts for months, leading to a huge backlog in cases.

There is also the increasingly stronger link with China which has now led to reports of Chinese police on patrol in parts of Kiribati.

‘Quite draconian’
According to Rimon, a lot of the poeple on the ground want “something new” because Maamau’s government “have taken quite a tough approach on how they introduce a lot of their policies and decisions”

“Some of their policies are quite draconian, especially with media and all news information. I hear a lot of people saying we should have something new,” he said.

But then of course, the other half of the population, or people that I’ve been speaking to, especially in South Tarawa, are quite happy with the government’s performance and would like to see another four years of their reign in government.”

Pacific political watchers say there has been growing competition across the region between Australia, the US and China.

“Each Pacific island country is trying to navigate those waters in their own unique way and try and make the most out of it for themselves,” Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s Pacific analyst Blake Johnson told RNZ Pacific.

“And Kiribati does seem to be doing that a little differently to some of the others, in terms of just the transparency.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Fiji’s Rabuka ‘will apologise’ to Melanesian leaders over failure to visit West Papua

By Lice Movono and Stephen Dziedzic of ABC Pacific Beat

Fiji’s Prime Minister, Sitiveni Rabuka, says he will “apologise” to fellow Melanesian leaders later this month after failing to secure agreement from Indonesia to visit its restive West Papua province.

At last year’s Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) leaders meeting in Cook Islands, the Melanesian Spearhead Group appointed Rabuka and PNG Prime Minister James Marape as the region’s “special envoys” on West Papua.

Several Pacific officials and advocacy groups have expressed anguish over alleged human rights abuses committed by Indonesian forces in West Papua, where an indigenous pro-independence struggle has simmered for decades.

Rabuka and Marape have been trying to organise a visit to West Papua for more than nine months now.

But in an exclusive interview with the ABC’s Pacific Beat, Rabuka said conversations on the trip were still “ongoing” and blamed Indonesia’s presidential elections in February for the delay.

“Unfortunately, we couldn’t go . . .  Indonesia was going through elections. In two months’ time, they will have a new substantive president in place in the palace. Hopefully we can still move forward with that,” he said.

“But in the meantime, James Marape and I will have to apologise to our Melanesian counterparts on the side of the Forum Island leaders meeting in Tonga, and say we have not been able to go on that mission.”

Pacific pressing for independent visit
Pacific nations have been pressing Indonesia to allow representatives from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to conduct an independent visit to Papua.

A UN Human Rights committee report released in May found there were “systematic reports” of both torture and extrajudicial killings of indigenous Papuans in the province.

But Indonesia usually rejects any criticism of its human rights record in West Papua, saying events in the province are a purely internal affair.

Rabuka said he was “still committed” to the visit and would like to make the trip after incoming Indonesian president Prabowo Subianto takes power in October.

The Fiji prime minister made the comments ahead of a 10-day trip to China, with Rabuka saying he would travel to a number of Chinese provinces to see how the emerging great power had pulled millions of people out of poverty.

He praised Beijing’s development record, but also indicated Fiji would not turn to China for loans or budget support.

“As we take our governments and peoples forward, the people themselves must understand that we cannot borrow to become embroiled in debt servicing later on,” he said.

“People must understand that we can only live within our means, and our means are determined by our own productivity, our own GDP.”

Rabuka is expected to meet Chinese president Xi Jinping in Beijing towards the end of his trip, at the beginning of next week.

Delegation to visit New Caledonia
After his trip to China, the prime minister will take part in a high level Pacific delegation to Kanaky New Caledonia, which was rocked by widespread rioting and violence earlier this year.

While several Pacific nations have been pressing France to make fresh commitments towards decolonisation in the wake of a contentious final vote on independence back in 2021, Rabuka said the Pacific wanted to help different political groups within the territory to find common ground.

“We will just have to convince the leaders, the local group leaders that rebuilding is very difficult after a spate of violent activities and events,” he said.

Rabuka gave strong backing to a plan to overhaul Pacific policing which Australia has been pushing hard ahead of the PIF leaders meeting in Tonga at the end of this month.

Senior Solomon Islands official Collin Beck took to social media last week to publicly criticise the initiative, suggesting that its backers were trying to “steamroll” any opposition at Pacific regional meetings.

Rabuka said the social media post was “unfortunate” and suggested that Solomon Islands or other Pacific nations could simply opt out of the initiative if they didn’t approve of it.

“When it comes to sovereignty, it is a sovereign state that makes the decision,” he said.

Republished with permission from ABC Pacific Beat.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why are child carers still paid less than retail workers? And how can we help fix it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

VGVMEDIA/Shutterstock

So certain is the Australian government that childcare workers are being poorly paid that it is handing them an extra 15% – 10% this December, followed by a further 5% in December 2025 – and speaking as if there’s more to come.

It is calling the increases “interim” because it expects the Fair Work Commission to offer at least that much. The commission has begun an investigation into what “early childhood education and care workers” are actually worth compared to workers in other occupations.

They’re not paid as much as most. On a list of the average hourly rates for about 100 occupations prepared by the Bureau of Statistics, child carers are the eleventh lowest. They earn an average of $31.20 an hour – less than receptionists, who get $31.50, less than retail workers on $32, and less than data entry workers on $33.10.

Yet the Fair Work Commission says childcare workers are required to

  • provide a nurturing environment and interact with the children in such a way
    that each individual child’s emotional needs are met

  • provide environments and experiences which are appropriately stimulating and
    engage with the children in such a way that each child’s cognitive, language and creative development is stimulated

  • observe babies and children sensitively and accurately and use a
    developmental analysis of those observations to assist in planning and caring
    appropriately for each child

  • plan appropriate programs for individual children and groups of children for all areas of their development and wellbeing

  • guide children’s behaviour and manage situations where a child’s behaviour
    is difficult and challenging

  • communicate appropriately and sensitively with families in a way that is
    supportive of the child’s well-being and development

The commission has given an indication of what it will do. It says it won’t start its investigation with a “blank slate”. It will piggyback on the research it used to address the undervaluation of aged care work.

That may be a good sign for childcare workers – in March, the commission awarded most aged care workers more than 20%, and some as much as 28.5%.

Why is childcare so poorly paid?

If you guessed that gender was one of the reasons childcare workers are so poorly paid, the commission’s research suggests you’re right. About 96.6% of childcare workers are women. It’s one of the most highly feminised industries there is.



Australian parents come into it too. As childcare customers, we are reluctant to pay too much more.

And when it comes to nurses employed by governments, as taxpayers we seem to be reluctant to pay too much more.

But much of it isn’t deliberate discrimination. The way the commission tells it, much of what has happened to the pay rates of childcare workers – along with nurses, aged care workers and workers in all manner of other highly feminised occupations – is a series of accidents, each building on the other.

Here’s the commission’s potted history of how we got here, which goes back more than a century.

Wages for those with wives and children

The first tribunal to set a so-called “living wage” was the Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration in the so-called Harvester decision of 1907.

Sunshine Harvester made grain harvesters at Sunshine, now a western suburb of Melbourne.

Justice Henry Bournes Higgins ruled that even unskilled workers were entitled to live in “frugal comfort”, which he said was enough to allow an unskilled labourer to feed, house and clothe a wife and three children. Skilled workers would get a margin for skill.

Women, often single and not usually needing to support wives and children, got less; in early days about 30% less and later about 25% less.

The 1969 equal pay decision was meant to end that gap. It granted equal pay to women where they were assessed as doing exactly the same work as men.

But women usually don’t do exactly the same work as men. Even today, women are far more likely to be nurses than men, and far more likely to be child carers.

Caring still isn’t seen as ‘equal value’ work

So in 1972, the commission ruled that even women undertaking different jobs than men had to get the same pay rate, so long as the work was of equal value.

Equal value was hard to determine, and for a lot of jobs, it never was. There were a few attempts to link skill levels in feminised industries to the C10 classification in the Metal Industry Award, but they depended on an assessment of skills.

So-called invisible caring skills often weren’t noticed, in part because work similar to nursing and childcare had been traditionally done at home without charge and without training, even though training was later required.

The commission – now called the Fair Work Commission – had shown itself to be slow in updating assessments of the skills required for jobs such as childcare, meaning that female pay has climbed at a snail’s pace relative to men’s for decades.

Four decades ago, the average Australian woman working full time got 82% of what the average man did. Two decades later it was 85%. Last year it was 87%.



What’s being done? And will it be enough?

Responding that glacial change, in 2022 the newly-elected Albanese government rewrote the Fair Work Act to require the commission to “promote job security and gender equality”.

That’s what the commission’s now doing. It is having to do it not only because it has been slow in the past, but also been the ultimate employers have been stingy, forcing childcare workers and nurses to rely on awards.

For childcare workers, the ultimate employers are parents. For nurses, they are largely state governments. Few have been keen to pay over the odds.

The Productivity Commission says the only way to get more workers into childcare is to pay them more, either in our own right as parents, or through our taxes via the government.

There’s little doubt the economy can afford it. Calculations by AMP chief economist Shane Oliver suggest the increase just announced will lift Australia’s overall wages bill by a few tenths of a percentage point.

Figures released Tuesday showed overall wages climbed 4.1% in the year to June, a few points above prices which climbed 3.8%.

A few more points would be welcome, but they wouldn’t contribute to ongoing wage inflation: they would be a one-off correction for an injustice.

If we had it in us, we would help as well. Either as parents or taxpayers, we would pay childcare centres more, so they could pay their workers more. We would act as if their work – nurturing our children – really mattered.

The Conversation

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

ref. Why are child carers still paid less than retail workers? And how can we help fix it? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-child-carers-still-paid-less-than-retail-workers-and-how-can-we-help-fix-it-236563

The government is developing a new digital ID system. It must first gain the public’s trust

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Toby Murray, Associate Professor of Cybersecurity, School of Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne

Shisu_ka/Shutterstock

On Tuesday, Australia’s minister for government services, Bill Shorten, announced the federal government is developing a new digital identity and credential system. Known as the Trust Exchange (TEx), Shorten said the new system will be “world leading” and represents an “exciting step forward for Australia’s digital infrastructure”.

But details about the system are scarce. Shorten admitted it is still something of an “abstract concept” at this point. However, we know it will allow people to prove things about themselves (for example, who they are or whether they are over 18) to organisations, while controlling how much information they share.

The system could make it much easier for people to access government and business services while keeping better control of their sensitive information.

However, its success will depend on a crucial factor: public trust.

And right now, with the ghost of the Robodebt royal commission findings still very much alive, the public has every right to be distrustful of government technology.

So, how should the government address the potential trust and privacy concerns surrounding its new digital identity system?

Why do we need a new digital ID system?

The Trust Exchange system is related to two other existing government systems: MyGov and MyGovID.

MyGov is the central online portal for accessing Australian government services. It includes the MyGov mobile phone app, which has a wallet feature allowing people to show digital versions of their Centrelink concession or Medicare cards.

MyGovID is the government’s current online digital identity system. It allows you to prove who you are to several online services, including MyGov and a range of other government organisations and agencies. You can, for example, log in to MyGov online using your MyGovID.

The new Trust Exchange system is designed to give people much greater control over what personal digital information they share with organisations.

At present, you can show your digital driver’s license if you are requested to prove your identity when entering a sports club. However, that requires you to share not only your age but also your name and street address with club staff.

The new system would allow you to prove that you are over 18 by using your mobile phone, without having to share any other information about yourself.

If successful, the new system could reduce the need for companies to collect and store so much sensitive identity information about their customers.

It therefore holds significant promise in an age in which sensitive data breaches, like those that hit Optus and Medibank in 2022, seem to be an almost everyday occurrence.

Public trust is vital

However, for the Trust Exchange system to succeed, the public will need to have trust in the security and privacy of the system.

The minister has said businesses will be able to trust the information in the system because it will be backed by existing systems like MyGovID.

This makes sense; to create a standard strength MyGovID, you need to upload your valid driver’s license and passport into the MyGovID system. Any business can therefore trust the information you share with it via TEx really is genuine.

However, this raises the obvious concern about how the new system itself will be secured.

At the moment, MyGovID is used by relatively few organisations. However, the Trust Exchange system looks to have much more ambitious goals: to become the de facto method for Australians to prove things about themselves to companies, venues and government agencies.

If that happens, accounts will be exposed to far higher risk of hacking than MyGovID currently is.

Less obvious are potential privacy concerns.

Will MyGov wallets contain a record of each time we prove our age to purchase alcohol? What about to enter adult establishments? Will the government have access to that information? And if so, what will that information be used for?

Finally, it’s not clear whether the government sees the new digital identity system as a means to provide age verification to prevent children from accessing online pornography.

From the government’s perspective, doing so might seem attractive. However, that would raise significant privacy concerns if the system records online interactions.

What can the government do to build public trust?

In the wake of Robodebt, it’s up to the government to assure Australians the Trust Exchange system can be trusted and will keep their sensitive information secure.

This is doubly important given Shorten said the system will be opt-in rather than mandatory.

The government should act now to reassure the public it will protect their privacy and security.

This will require carefully explaining what information the system will and will not collect about individuals, who will have access to that information and how it will be secured.

Crucially, the Trust Exchange system should be designed to limit how much information it records about the organisations individuals interact with. Ideally, it would record none at all. If this information is recorded, the government must carefully explain why that collection is necessary.

In the absence of this kind of careful consideration and explanation, the public will have every right to remain sceptical of this technology.

The Conversation

Toby Murray receives research funding from the Department of Defence. He is the Director of the Defence Science Institute, which receives funding from the state governments of Victoria, Tasmania and the Commonwealth government.

ref. The government is developing a new digital ID system. It must first gain the public’s trust – https://theconversation.com/the-government-is-developing-a-new-digital-id-system-it-must-first-gain-the-publics-trust-236689

The gambling industry is pulling out all the stops to prevent an ad ban, but the evidence is against it

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samantha Thomas, Professor of Public Health, Deakin University

Shutterstock

With parliament sitting this week, the federal government is trying to finalise its proposed laws to limit gambling advertising.

The current proposal is a partial ban, with limits to ads during general TV programming. Previously, a parliamentary committee, chaired by late Labor MP Peta Murphy, unanimously recommended banning gambling ads entirely.

The betting industry, unsurprisingly, doesn’t want a full ban. Speaking on ABC Radio, the chief executive of Responsible Wagering Australia (the peak body for the industry), Kai Cantwell, argued bans push gamblers to illegal offshore services. He said this has already happened in parts of Europe. He also rejected suggestions advertising was normalising gambling to children.

But is that true? What does the evidence say about ad bans like this?

Marketing is key

The gambling industry is one of the most innovative health harming industries of modern times. The evidence about the harms from gambling is clear. They include relationship breakdown, physical ill-health, job loss, debt, crime, homelessness, family related violence and suicide.

Technological advances have enabled the industry to develop sophisticated and instantly accessible products. They promote these products using novel marketing strategies that are able to rapidly target individuals through different media channels, including TikTok. The industry is driven by highly profitable and powerful companies, including those who legitimise and facilitate gambling, such as broadcasters and sporting codes.

For the gambling industry to make money, people have to lose. This is also why a continuing customer base is necessary. Marketing is core to the industry’s business model, creating pathways to new products and brands.

A smartphone screen filled with betting apps
Betting companies use a range of technologies to reach new audiences.
Shutterstock

As companies compete to spruik their products, children and young people are exposed to saturation gambling marketing in their everyday lives. Evidence from multiple countries shows that marketing is doing its job – contributing to the normalisation of gambling for young people, promoting brand recognition and recall and shaping positive perceptions of gambling. It’s also creating a perception that gambling has limited risk attached to it. As one 11-year-old told us:

When kid’s get to 18, they will want to bet all the time.

Of course the gambling industry disagrees with these conclusions. When asked if he thought that gambling had become normalised for children in recent years, Cantwell said no.

He agreed more could be done to ensure that children were not targeted by advertising, but went on to state that it was the illegal offshore market that was “advertising very heavily towards children and young people”. Cantwell said Australian providers were working with government to ensure that children were not targeted by advertising.

That work doesn’t appear to be preventing children from being exposed to gambling marketing everywhere they go. Sportsbet and the TAB are commonly recalled brand names among young people. Young people have also told us they would bet with a particular brand because of familiarity, they liked the advertisements, or that they had seen a company promote deals or offers. One said:

Sportsbet, because if you bet with them you can get your money back.

What did the inquiry find?

This is why the recent parliamentary inquiry unanimously recommended the need for strong regulatory action on gambling advertising. It proposed legislation to phase in a blanket ban on gambling advertising, with a fundamental aim of protecting children. These calls have been backed by numerous Australian politicians and many others who have stressed that partial bans will only ever get partial results.




Read more:
The government is under pressure to ban gambling ads. History shows half-measures don’t work


It is perhaps not surprising that gambling companies, and those that profit from gambling, strenuously oppose significant restrictions on gambling marketing. They use a range of strategies to delay, distract, and deflect calls for evidence-based regulation that would disrupt pathways to their products.

In his interview, Cantwell advocated for a “balanced, nuanced approach” and “sensible reforms”: in other words, nothing that would cause the industry any discomfort. He also stated a blanket ban on advertising would “run the risk of driving Australian consumers into online illegal offshore providers”.

However, experts have cast doubt on these claims. A focus on protecting young people overshadows any claims about the impact of advertising restrictions on driving people to unregulated markets. Financial counsellors, who are at the forefront of helping those recover from gambling related harms have said:

In financial counselling casework, we observe that the dominant harm comes from those licensed in Australia [who can advertise heavily]. We observe only a very small amount of gambling with the unregulated, overseas operators […]

The parliamentary inquiry also looked closely at illegal offshore gambling. They cited evidence from the regulator in Spain. The gambling industry, television and advertising sectors lobbied against reforms there too. After implementing advertising restrictions, the regulator found:

None of the dire predictions have occurred […] The TV stations said that they would go broke without gambling revenue and this has not happened […] Spanish sports teams said that they wouldn’t be competitive if they were the only ones not allowed sponsorship, and this hasn’t happened either […] The threat of gamblers migrating to illegal operators had not occurred either.

The inquiry acknowledged that continued action on illegal offshore gambling was an important part of preventing gambling harm. It is worth noting that since November 2019, the Australian Communication and Media Authority (ACMA) has actively blocked 995 illegal offshore gambling and affiliate websites.

While there will always be means for some determined people to access these sites, increased resourcing for the regulator would help ensure people are prevented from accessing them where possible.

In her foreword to the parliamentary inquiry report, Peta Murphy thanked those with lived experience of gambling harm who had testified to the inquiry. She stated:

It took incredible courage and strength for you to come forward, and it is your experiences, described in your own words that have provided the foundation for this report and its recommendations.

We now wait to see if the government will show the political courage and strength to go up against powerful vested interests.

The Conversation

Samantha Thomas has received research funding from the Australian Research Council Discovery Grant Scheme, the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, Healthway and the New South Wales Office of Responsible Gambling. She is a board member for the International Confederation of Alcohol, Tobacco and other Drug Research Associations (ICARA). She is the Editor in Chief for Health Promotion International.

ref. The gambling industry is pulling out all the stops to prevent an ad ban, but the evidence is against it – https://theconversation.com/the-gambling-industry-is-pulling-out-all-the-stops-to-prevent-an-ad-ban-but-the-evidence-is-against-it-236679

Refugees in Australia are miles behind in health and wellbeing outcomes. Here’s why

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Abela Mahimbo, Senior Lecturer in Public Health, University of Technology Sydney

RDNE Stock Project/Shutterstock

Health outcomes for refugees and people with humanitarian visas are far worse than the general Australian population. They are more likely to self-report long-term conditions, including diabetes (80% higher), kidney disease (80%), stroke (40%) and dementia (30%).

Among hospitalisations for refugees and humanitarian migrants, one in 14 are for potentially preventable conditions. New data shows that when it comes to COVID, they are five times more likely than permanent migrants to be hospitalised.

And those who’ve been held for long periods in immigration detention shoulder significant health-care costs – an estimated 50% higher than other asylum seekers.

Why is the health of refugees and humanitarian entrants so much worse than the rest of the country? And what can we do about it?

Higher risk of physical and mental health issues

Health is a fundamental human right. But refugees and humanitarian entrants in Australia face multiple challenges that limit their ability to fully enjoy this right.

Compared with the rest of the population, people in Australia who hold humanitarian visas are at a higher risk of physical and mental health issues. Factors contributing to this are complex, interrelated and interconnected.

People fleeing persecution are more likely to have experienced significant human rights violations, torture and trauma, which impacts their mental health and wellbeing.

While in exile, they are also likely to have experienced precarious living conditions with limited access to water, sanitation and hygiene, as well as food insecurity and limited access to basic health care.

These can lead to significant health issues. The most common include:

  • mental illnesses
  • nutritional deficiencies
  • infectious diseases
  • under-immunisation
  • poor oral and eye health
  • poorly managed chronic diseases
  • delayed growth and development in children.

These conditions may require immediate care or long-term management – or both.

One study measured the burden of mental health diseases – such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) – on refugees and humanitarian migrants in Australia over five years. It found more than 34% had either PTSD or elevated psychological distress.

Persistent mental illness was associated with loneliness, discrimination, insecure housing, financial hardship and chronic health conditions.

3 gaps for refugees

People from refugee backgrounds have unique health and cultural beliefs, practices, and needs that are often not well understood by health-care providers. These unique needs can affect the quality of care they receive.

1. Language barriers

Most refugees and humanitarian entrants have limited English proficiency and some have limited written literacy in their own languages.

This can make navigating health-care settings a challenge. Difficulties understanding diagnoses, treatment options, and the need for follow-up can especially complicate chronic health issues such as diabetes and high blood pressure, which need ongoing monitoring and treatment.

While the government funds translating and interpreting services, research shows they are often underused and inefficient. Accessing interpreting for smaller or emerging groups can also be more challenging, as services tend to cater to established language groups.

Language barriers can also limit job opportunities and lead to financial pressure, with a ripple effect in overall health and wellbeing.

2. Health literacy

Health literacy is the ability to access, understand and use health information to make more informed decisions about our health. It is linked to improved self-reported health status, lower health-care costs, increased health knowledge, and reduced hospitalisation.

Some refugees and humanitarian entrants have limited health literacy, associated with poor health outcomes.

A study we undertook during the early stages of the pandemic with Arabic, Karen, Dari and Dinka-speaking refugees showed participants with lower health literacy were less willing to receive COVID vaccines. Their scepticism about the vaccine and the virus was further affirmed by conspiracy theories and misinformation online.

3. Continuity of care

Patients from refugee backgrounds can fall through the cracks when services are not well coordinated or can’t be followed up.

For example, Australia’s National Immunisation Program schedule for children is very comprehensive compared with other countries. But many childhood vaccinations require multiple doses over time. When the need for follow-up appointments is not communicated properly – or recall systems aren’t culturally appropriate – they may be missed.

Looking to the future

Improving health and wellbeing for refugees and humanitarian entrants is complex. We need strong foreign policy that promotes stability and basic services overseas, as well as humanitarian aid for crises.

In Australia, non-medical factors also influence health outcomes. They include housing, secure employment, working conditions, social inclusion, safety from discrimination and general literacy, as well as health literacy.

We need to recognise and draw on the protective factors that are strongly linked to the health and wellbeing of people from refugee backgrounds. These include things such as social connectedness, resilience, a sense of belonging and identity, and adapting to a new culture.

We need further research into what helps and hinders refugee health and wellbeing. It must involve people of refugee backgrounds, community organisations and academic institutions.

Our health-care services need to be responsive, sensitive and inclusive. This is imperative in meeting the unique cultural and social needs of people of refugee backgrounds.

Abela Mahimbo receives funding from NHMRC.

Andrew Hayen receives funding from the NHMRC, MRFF and UNICEF.

Angela Dawson receives funding from NHMRC and the Department of Health and Aged Care

ref. Refugees in Australia are miles behind in health and wellbeing outcomes. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/refugees-in-australia-are-miles-behind-in-health-and-wellbeing-outcomes-heres-why-235652

Thinking about trying physiotherapy for endometriosis pain? Here’s what to expect

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Stubbs, Senior Lecturer in Physiotherapy, University of Technology Sydney

Netpixi/Shutterstock

Endometriosis is a condition that affects women and girls. It occurs when tissue similar to the lining of the uterus ends up in other areas of the body. These areas include the ovaries, bladder, bowel and digestive tract.

Endometriosis will affect nearly one million Australian women and girls in their lifetime. Many high-profile Australians are affected by endometriosis including Bindi Irwin, Sophie Monk and former Yellow Wiggle, Emma Watkins.

Symptoms of endometriosis include intense pelvic, abdominal or low back pain (that is often worse during menstruation), bladder and bowel problems, pain during sex and infertility.

But women and girls wait an average of seven years to receive a diagnosis. Many are living with the burden of endometriosis and not receiving treatments that could improve their quality of life. This includes physiotherapy.

How is endometriosis treated?

No treatments cure endometriosis. Symptoms can be reduced by taking medications such as non-steriodal anti-inflammatories (ibuprofen, aspirin or naproxen) and hormonal medicines.

Surgery is sometimes used to diagnose endometriosis, remove endometrial lesions, reduce pain and improve fertility. But these lesions can grow back.

Whether they take medication or have surgery, many women and girls continue to experience pain and other symptoms.

Pelvic health physiotherapy is often recommended as a non-drug management technique to manage endometriosis pain, in consultation with a gynaecologist or general practitioner.

The goal of physiotherapy treatment depends on the symptoms but is usually to reduce and manage pain, improve ability to do activities, and ultimately improve quality of life.

What could you expect from your first appointment?

Physiotherapy management can differ based on the severity and location of symptoms. Prior to physical tests and treatments, your physiotherapist will comprehensively explain what is going to happen and seek your permission.

They will ask questions to better understand your case and specific needs. These will include your age, weight, height as well as the presence, location and intensity of symptoms.

You will also be asked about the history of your period pain, your first period, the length of your menstrual cycle, urinary and bowel symptoms, sexual function and details of any previous treatments and tests.

They may also assess your posture and movement to see how your muscles have changed because of the related symptoms.

During the consultation, your physio will assess you for painful areas and muscle tightness.
Netpixi/Shutterstock

They will press on your lower back and pelvic muscles to spot painful areas (trigger points) and muscle tightness.

If you consent to a vaginal examination, the physiotherapist will use one to two gloved fingers to assess the area inside and around your vagina. They will also test your ability to coordinate, contract and relax your pelvic muscles.

What type of treatments could you receive?

Depending on your symptoms, your physiotherapist may use the following treatments:

General education

Your physiotherapist will give your details about the disease, pelvic floor anatomy, the types of treatment and how these can improve pain and other symptoms. They might teach you about the changes to the brain and nerves as a result of being in long-term pain.

They will provide guidance to improve your ability to perform daily activities, including getting quality sleep.

If you experience pain during sex or difficulty using tampons, they may teach you how to use vaginal dilators to improve flexibility of those muscles.

Pelvic muscle exercises

Pelvic muscles often contract too hard as a result of pain. Pelvic floor exercises will help you contract and relax muscles appropriately and provide an awareness of how hard muscles are contracting.

This can be combined with machines that monitor muscle activity or vaginal pressure to provide detailed information on how the muscles are working.

Yoga, stretching and low-impact exercises

Yoga, stretching and low impact aerobic exercise can improve fitness, flexibility, pain and blood circulation. These have general pain-relieving properties and can be a great way to contract and relax bigger muscles affected by long-term endometriosis.

These exercises can help you regain function and control with a gradual progression to perform daily activities with reduced pain.

Low-impact exercise can reduce pain.
ABO Photography/Shutterstock

Hydrotherapy (physiotherapy in warm water)

Performing exercises in water improves blood circulation and muscle relaxation due to the pressure and warmth of the water. Hydrotherapy allows you to perform aerobic exercise with low impact, which will reduce pain while exercising.

However, while hydrotherapy shows positive results clinically, scientific studies to show its effectiveness studies are ongoing.

Manual therapy

Women frequently have small areas of muscle that are tight and painful (trigger points) inside and outside the vagina. Pain can be temporarily reduced by pressing, massaging or putting heat on the muscles.

Physiotherapists can teach patients how to do these techniques by themselves at home.

What does the evidence say?

Overall, patients report positive experiences pelvic health physiotherapists treatments. In a study of 42 women, 80% of those who received manual therapy had “much improved pain”.

In studies investigating yoga, one study showed pain was reduced in 28 patients by an average of 30 points on a 100-point pain scale. Another study showed yoga was beneficial for pain in all 15 patients.

But while some studies show this treatment is effective, a review concluded more studies were needed and the use of physiotherapy was “underestimated and underpublicised”.

What else do you need to know?

If you have or suspect you have endometriosis, consult your gynaecologist or GP. They may be able to suggest a pelvic health physiotherapist to help you manage your symptoms and improve quality of life.

As endometriosis is a chronic condition you may be entitled to five subsidised or free sessions per calendar year in clinics that accept Medicare.

If you go to a private pelvic health physiotherapist, you won’t need a referral from a gynaecologist or GP. Physiotherapy rebates can be available to those with private health insurance.

The Australian Physiotherapy Association has a Find a Physio section where you can search for women’s and pelvic physiotherapists. Endometriosis Australia also provides assistance and advice to women with Endometriosis.

Thanks to UTS Masters students Phoebe Walker and Kasey Collins, who are researching physiotherapy treatments for endometriosis, for their contribution to this article.

Professor Caroline Wanderley Souto Ferreira is affiliated with Universidade Federal de Pernambuco (Federal University of Pernambuco)-Brazil. She is a professor of women’s health physiotherapy for undergraduate and graduate students.

Peter Stubbs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Thinking about trying physiotherapy for endometriosis pain? Here’s what to expect – https://theconversation.com/thinking-about-trying-physiotherapy-for-endometriosis-pain-heres-what-to-expect-236328

‘The dream is to reform Bangladesh’: can a new leader steer the country towards democracy?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

When Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled in the face of a mass uprising last week, a power vacuum was left in the 170 million-person country.

After Hasina left the country, the army took over and swiftly established an interim government to steer Bangladesh towards free and fair elections within three months.

Amid hopes for genuine societal reform, however, people are still wary. Is the three-month timeline sufficient to transform a politically fraught Bangladesh into a substantive democracy that can resist sliding back into autocracy?

Bangladesh at a critical juncture

For the past 15 years, heavy-handed, one-party rule in Bangladesh has squeezed opposition parties out of the political system and deprived citizens of true democracy.

The breaking point came when nationwide, student-led protests against an unfair government job quota transformed into a defiant movement to oust Hasina.

The 84-year-old Nobel laureate and entrepreneur Muhammad Yunus has now been appointed head of the transitional government, bringing much-needed credibility and economic expertise to a fragile moment.

The interim government also includes rights activists, professors, lawyers, former government officials and prominent members of Bangladesh’s civil society. Promisingly, it includes two 26-year-old student leaders – Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. This move elevates young voices to a position of political decision-making.

Previously sidelined parties are getting back in the game, as well, such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami party. The public, however, has little appetite for these old players.

And the country that the interim government inherits is far from stable. High inflationary pressures, endemic corruption and the undermining of democratic institutions have left Bangladesh in an economic mess.

On the security front, Hasina’s departure has unleashed a wave of violence, with attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu minority population, in addition to looting and arson attacks around the country.

Yunus now shoulders the weight of a nation’s hopes, facing monumental expectations of uniting a fractured society, restoring the economy and reestablishing law and order.

Caretaker government: toothless or transformative?

The interim government will likely try to steer the country towards significant constitutional reform, either by drafting a new constitution or amending the existing one.

But the very existence of an interim government – let alone exercising power to amend the constitution – is unconstitutional in and of itself.

Following the 15th constitutional amendment enacted in 2011, the current constitution no longer provides for caretaker governments. This creates a legal paradox, even though the interim government’s role in addressing the current crisis is widely seen as necessary.

Another critical decision facing the caretaker regime is when to hold elections. The constitution mandates a three-month deadline, but if the interim government rushes into an election, it likely won’t begin to resolve any of the underlying issues that led to the protests.

Legal experts have recommended delaying the elections to allow more time for essential political reforms.

One of the most vital tasks is restoring the independence of vital institutions, including the election commission.

Under Hasina, the parliament acted merely as a rubber stamp, the civil service and judiciary were deeply politicised and the media and civil society were tightly controlled. While some institutions may quickly thrive in a more open environment, others will bear the scars of the past for years.

Amtul Chowdhury, a 28-year-old lawyer in District and Session Judges Court in Chittagong, told me the interim government shouldn’t be bound by the existing constitution. She views it as a problematic document in need of reform – a task the caretaker government lacks the parliamentary power to enact.

Instead of rushing to call an election within 90 days, the focus should be on restoring law and order, freeing the judiciary from political biases, and ensuring its independence to uphold the rule of law. Right now, the judicial system is rotten.

According to Chowdhury, more time is required to create space for new, visionary political parties to emerge.

If our only choices are the old political parties we’re unhappy with, there will never be any real reform.

Looking forward

Bangladesh has seen this cycle of political turmoil before – autocrats or governments forced out by popular uprisings, only to be replaced by regimes that ultimately fail to meet public expectations.

What is different this time around is the student-led movement was not carried out under the banner of a specific political party; its success was due to the neutrality and participation of all people.

As a student protester in the capital Dhaka told me,

After years of irregularities imposed by previous governments, rebuilding a progressive and fair system would require intensive support and collaboration among both the interim government and citizens of Bangladesh. [We need] to unlearn the toxic process that has been existing for decades and to relearn healthy and constructive ways of life for the betterment of our country.

Much of the transition to a substantive democracy will rely on the powerful sense of solidarity, hope and civic consciousness that the country’s youth has been embracing.

However, the challenges facing this generation are immense. The interim government, and any future leadership, must address the growing inequality in society and lack of employment opportunities for young people.

With nearly 40% of the population under 18, there is a pressing need to turn this demographic into an asset rather than a burden. Continued investment in the country’s youth is also essential for the government to move away from its past autocratic tendencies. And there’s no doubt that young people, given the chance, will give back to their country.

As my niece Arnaz Tariq, who is a 20-year-old Bangladeshi student at Mississippi State University in the US, told me:

The interim government needs to realise that since 1971, Bangladesh hasn’t really listened to its youth. We are ready to speak our minds, to be heard, and to be part of change-making. Our generation is connected to the world – we know the dream of a better government isn’t just a fantasy.

We have ideas that are in step with global standards, ideas that could transform our country into a place where the youth want to build their future, and not seek it elsewhere. The dream is to reform Bangladesh, not to leave it.

Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘The dream is to reform Bangladesh’: can a new leader steer the country towards democracy? – https://theconversation.com/the-dream-is-to-reform-bangladesh-can-a-new-leader-steer-the-country-towards-democracy-236678

Paul Keating takes on Nancy Pelosi, after she accused him of ‘ridiculous’ comment about Taiwan

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Former prime minister Paul Keating has launched a war of words against veteran US Democratic politician Nancy Pelosi, after she accused him of making a “stupid” comment.

The exchange began with Keating last week telling the ABC’s 7.30 that “Taiwan is not a vital Australian interest” and it was “Chinese real estate”.

Pelosi, a former speaker of the US House of Representatives, said Keating’s claim about Taiwan was “ridiculous”. She told the ABC:

It is not Chinese real estate and he should know that. Taiwan is Taiwan and it is the people of Taiwan who have a democracy there. I think that that was a stupid statement… I don’t know what his connection is to China that he would say such a thing. But it is really not in the security interest of the Asia-Pacific region for people to talk that way.

In a Tuesday statement headed “Pot calling the kettle black”, Keating slammed Pelosi’s claim that his comment was not in the security interest of the region, and harked back to her controversial visit to Taiwan, which at the time escalated China–US tensions.

“This is from the former leader of the US House of Representatives who, in a recklessly indulgent visit to Taiwan in 2022, very nearly brought the United States and China to a military confrontation – for the first time since the Second World War,” Keating said.

“Pelosi had to be warned by her president, Joe Biden, and with him, the Pentagon, of the military risks of her visit… But this is the same Nancy Pelosi who thinks my remarks about ‘One China’ – a policy which the whole world recognises as one country, China and Taiwan – are in some way out of line.”

Keating said both the US and Australia subscribed to the “One China” policy and had done so for decades.

“Both our countries believe it is in no one’s interest for Taiwan to be subject of some sort of violent takeover. This is why I said on 7.30 last week that Chinese and Taiwanese interests will get resolved socially and politically over time. That’s what will happen there.”

Keating said that in being asked “a truncated question by 7.30”, Pelosi would have been unaware he’d also said Taiwan “will get resolved socially and politically over time … between the two parties, without the need of confrontation or violence”.

Keating said in making public comment, he represented Australia’s national interests, not those of the US, or the interests of Taiwan.

“I have remarked a number of times that so-called democratic choices by
Taiwan are not central or interests vital to Australia any more than say, the absence of democratic forms in countries like Cambodia or Laos are vital to Australia.”

In a swipe at the ABC, Keating said the national broadcaster “would do better to represent Australian strategic interests when it has the opportunity, rather than being excited by sensationalist comment from a person who shares not a jot of identity with Australian national interests”.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Paul Keating takes on Nancy Pelosi, after she accused him of ‘ridiculous’ comment about Taiwan – https://theconversation.com/paul-keating-takes-on-nancy-pelosi-after-she-accused-him-of-ridiculous-comment-about-taiwan-236691

Nuns are a staple on the Hollywood screen – even as they disappear from real life. What’s behind our timeless obsession?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marcus Harmes, Professor in Pathways Education, University of Southern Queensland

Nuns are a staple of pop culture. Think of The Sound of Music (1965), Sister Act (1992), The Nun’s Story (1959), The Bells of St Mary’s (1945), Heaven Knows Mr. Allison (1957) and Black Narcissus (1947).

Last year brought us The Nun II (following 2018’s The Nun), The New Boy, Deliver Us and Sister Death. This year, we’ve had Immaculate and The First Omen. Most of this current crop are horror films or dark dramas – a long way from the wholesomeness of the postulant (or trainee-nun) Maria in the Sound of Music, the upbeat singing of Sister Act, or the knockabout comedy of Nuns on the Run (1990).

But away from the silver screen, we are seeing the disappearance of nuns.

Nuns are vanishing in two ways. Many no longer wear a habit, opting instead for conservative everyday clothing, a shift prompted by the modernising Second Vatican Council. Nuns now pass unrecognised in the community, rather than being marked out by a habit.

The other way is that there are simply not many nuns left, especially in the western world in countries such as the United States, and most of those who remain are in their 80s.

So why are we so perennially fascinated by nuns on film?

A dying vocation

In 2020, there were about 650,000 women in Catholic religious orders around the world – down 100,000 from just ten years earlier.

It was famously said of the Irish that every family had at least one nun in it: in Ireland, there were more than 13,000 nuns in the 1960s. There are now less than 4,000, and they have an average age of over 80.

Since 1965, the number of nuns in the United States has fallen by 65%. In Australia there were over 14,000 nuns in 1966, but now only 3,500.

But you would not notice that decline in cinema.

The meeting of nuns and horror

In Immaculate, Sydney Sweeney battled depravity and defilement in an isolated convent. In Consecration, a young doctor finds murder and conspiracy in (once again) an isolated convent.

Nuns in horror films are not anything new.

Nuns have been characters in horror cinema since 1922 when the famous silent movie Haxen appeared.

The roots are even deeper and 17th and 18th century literature. Aphra Behn’s The History of the Nun (1689) and Matthew Lewis’s The Monk (1796) linked nuns with murder, bigamy, kidnap and satanism, among other themes.

Horror classics (and some not so classic) such as The Devils (1971), The Omen (1976, and remade in 2006), Silent Night, Deadly Night (1984) and The Killer Nun (1979) have kept nuns and horror together.

Why are nuns still so darkly fascinating, even though real nuns are now small groups of elderly women? And why are so many filmmakers turning to horror to tell stories about nuns?

One reason is the age-old fascination with the inner world and inner lives of nuns. While few religious sisters wear the dark habit, in cinema the habit is indispensable.

With their bodies encased in dark habits, and their lives enveloped in enclosed convents, voyeurism and horror find a natural meeting place in nuns.

The creative desire to look inside the cloistered world of nuns is not always sensationalist. The acclaimed Australian miniseries Brides of Christ (1991) was a sensitive account of the inner spiritual and institutional lives of nuns. But recent films like Consecration and Immaculate show filmmakers are fascinated by nuns as a source of exploitation, showing them as violated and sexual objects.

Narratives around nuns have shifted.

In the 1960s and 1970s, especially, nuns in popular culture were sunny and wholesome (such as Maria in The Sound of Music or Sister Bertrille in the 1960s sitcom The Flying Nun), or a reassuring presence (like the singing nun in 1974’s Airport 1975).

In years since, the world has learned more about events that took place inside convents after survivors came forward and investigative journalists uncovered a range of scandals in America, Ireland, Australia and elsewhere.

These events were then dramatised in films such as The Magdalene Sisters (2002) and Philomena (2013), which mark a decisive turn away from wholesome and happy nuns to convents as places of abuse and neglect, especially of babies and young women.

This darker turn in nun films is based on the true horror of abuse, not the supernatural horrors of Consecration and Immaculate. But both types of horror – the reality of abuse and the fantasy of the supernatural – are at odds with what nuns should be: holy, spiritual and pure.

This contrast is irresistible to filmmakers and results in striking themes and visuals.

Some orders of nuns are becoming extinct – but for now they live on in our popular culture.

But what we see is disconnected from reality. Nuns in full habits and gothic convents in film are not like the plain clothed nuns of reality, who are more likely to be found in a community centre than a creepy old convent.

But these dark fantasies are deeply embedded in our cultural imagination and have endured despite drastic real world changes in the Church. The number of nuns continues to dwindle. It is quite possible that, in the future, the only nuns we will ever see are these cinematic sisters.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nuns are a staple on the Hollywood screen – even as they disappear from real life. What’s behind our timeless obsession? – https://theconversation.com/nuns-are-a-staple-on-the-hollywood-screen-even-as-they-disappear-from-real-life-whats-behind-our-timeless-obsession-235662

NASA just shut down a planetary defence mission that tracks asteroids. Now what?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steven Tingay, John Curtin Distinguished Professor (Radio Astronomy), Curtin University

Artist’s impression of NEOWISE spacecraft. NASA/Caltech-JPL

Launched in 2011, NASA’s NEOWISE mission operated in Earth’s orbit until late last week. It detected more than 3,000 near-Earth objects or NEOs – asteroids or comets whose orbits can bring them close to Earth, even with the possibility of a collision. NEOWISE was shut down on August 8.

Surveying the population of NEOs is central to the emerging concept of planetary defence. That is, understanding and mitigating the risk of collision from asteroids large enough to do significant damage to Earth.

NEOWISE has made fundamental contributions to establishing the knowledge base for planetary defence, with more than 200 of the 3,000 objects it studied not known to us previously.

Now at mission end, and commanded by NASA to shut itself down, NEOWISE will re-enter Earth’s atmosphere before the end of this year. Where does that leave us with defending our planet?

All Known Asteroids in the Solar System (1999–2018)

From astrophysics to planetary defence

NEOWISE started life as a different mission, simply called WISE (Wide-field Infrared Survey Explorer). It was designed to study the infrared radiation from distant galaxies in the universe.

Infrared means “beyond red” – infrared light sits just past the red end of the spectrum of colours humans can see. We know infrared radiation better as the heat from the Sun, for example, or from a radiator keeping us warm in winter.

Infrared light is just outside the part of the spectrum that the human eye can see.
brgfx/Shutterstock

When the coolant on the WISE mission ran out and these sensitive observations of galaxies couldn’t be carried out any more, NASA granted a mission extension under the NEOWISE name. They realised the telescope system was still sensitive enough to detect asteroids and comets that come close to Earth and the Sun, thereby having a very strong infrared signal.

NASA has an extraordinary history of squeezing extra life out of missions that reach completion. In this case, NEOWISE represented an entire second life, in an entirely different area of research.

How will we defend Earth now?

As well as the discovery and study of thousands of NEOs, NEOWISE established the foundation of knowledge that has informed a new, dedicated planetary defence mission. NASA’s NEO Surveyor will be launched in 2027.

NEO Surveyor’s goal is to discover approximately two thirds of all NEOs larger than 140 metres in diameter, over a five year baseline survey. This is a big step toward fulfilling the mandate United States Congress has provided to NASA: to discover 90% of all NEOs in this size range.

If they hit Earth, asteroids of this size could cause mass casualties if the impact were over a large metropolitan region.

You might think this poses a bit of a risk – shutting down NEOWISE three years before launching NEO Surveyor. What happens if one of these big asteroids comes our way in the next few years?

The risks are very small, as estimates show asteroids 140 metres in diameter impact Earth only approximately every 20,000 years. So, we would have to be extremely unlucky to have one in any given three-year period, especially impacting a place that would cause a large amount of damage. Only around 3% of Earth’s surface is occupied by urban areas.




Read more:
‘City killers’ and half-giraffes: how many scary asteroids really go past Earth every year?


NASA doesn’t really have much of a choice with the end of NEOWISE. The Sun’s 11-year activity cycle is picking up and causing Earth’s upper atmosphere, the ionosphere, to thicken. NEOWISE is flying through this ionosphere and can’t raise its orbit, so the ionosphere is inevitably dragging NEOWISE back to Earth.

NEO Surveyor started construction in 2023, so a 2027 launch is pretty impressively rapid, which is minimising the gap between NEOWISE and NEO Surveyor.

NEOWISE is scheduled to enter Earth’s atmosphere before the end of the year, but we don’t know precisely when.

Weighing almost 700kg, some of NEOWISE itself is likely to impact the surface of Earth. Hopefully it stays away from populated areas in the process – some recent re-entry events have resulted in space debris falling reasonably close to populated areas.

An asteroid is coming! What next?

Knowing about an asteroid on a collision course with Earth is one thing. Doing something about it is another thing altogether.

Huge steps toward planetary defence occurred two years ago, when the DART mission flew to an asteroid, impacted it, and changed its trajectory. This demonstrated it’s possible to change the course of asteroids, which could be used in the future to protect Earth from a collision.




Read more:
NASA’s asteroid deflection mission was more successful than expected. An expert explains how


Predicting potential Earth impacts as far as possible in advance, years preferably, gives the DART-style technology approach a chance.

The pioneering work of NEOWISE, and the upcoming comprehensive observations of NEO Surveyor, will place an enormous amount of information in our scientific bank, which will never go out of date and will be the basis for planetary defence for perhaps hundreds of years into the future.

The Conversation

Steven Tingay is affiliated with the Australian Labor Party.

ref. NASA just shut down a planetary defence mission that tracks asteroids. Now what? – https://theconversation.com/nasa-just-shut-down-a-planetary-defence-mission-that-tracks-asteroids-now-what-236515

The plight of the pig-nosed turtle, one of the unlucky 13 added to Australia’s threatened species list

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Deborah Bower, Associate Professor in Zoology and Ecology, University of New England

daniilphotos, Shutterstock

Australia’s unique biodiversity is under siege. The national list of species threatened with extinction is growing, with eight animals and five plants added just last month.

Among them is the pig-nosed turtle, a peculiar creature found in catchments of the Northern Territory. Once teeming with life, these seasonal floodplains are now fragmented and degraded from land clearing, water extraction and feral animals.

The crisis facing the pig-nosed turtle is a microcosm of the broader challenges confronting Australia’s wildlife. A staggering 2,224 species and ecological communities are currently threatened with extinction, with turtles among the most vulnerable.

The survival of the pig-nosed turtle and countless other species depends on our ability to act decisively. By prioritising environmental protection and making sustainable choices, we can ensure a future in which Australia’s unique biodiversity thrives.

More endearing features of the pig-nosed turtle

The pig-nosed turtle is the last of its kind. It is the only remaining species in its family.

The species is found in the tropical northern rivers of Australia and the southern rivers of New Guinea.

Its peculiarities are not confined to its strange nose. The top of its shell is covered with skin, which means it is more delicate than most turtles. It can even get sunburnt.

Most freshwater turtles simply have paws with webbed fingers, whereas sea turtles have flippers with fused bones. But pig-nosed turtles are different again, with flippers mostly made of elongated fingers. This makes them the bats of the turtle world.

Mother turtles lay eggs in the sandy bank beside the water and then leave them alone. When the water level rises and the eggs are swamped, the baby turtles hatch out explosively.

Species such as these unique turtles are culturally important and have been part of First Nations culture for thousands of years. So their decline represents a loss not just for the environment but also for Australia’s cultural heritage.

Turtle troubles

In the Northern Territory, pig-nosed turtle populations have very low genetic diversity. This makes them highly susceptible to threats such as diseases.

Their range is already restricted to relatively few locations, leaving them more at risk from disturbances.

Along with climate change, damage to nesting areas by Asian water buffalo and cattle, and the possible future threats of disease and water extraction, these factors all contributed to the new listing of pig-nosed turtles as vulnerable to extinction.

Climate change has already altered flood patterns, contributing to a decline in habitat quality. But it threatens to make the turtle’s existence even more perilous in the future, because temperature during egg incubation determines a hatchling’s sex. If it’s too warm, they all become female.

We have previously reported on the threatened species listing process including particular challenges for freshwater turtles in Australia. We noted the pig-nosed turtle’s dependence on continuous water flows, even in the dry season. This is threatened by development of Australia’s northern rivers.

Until recently, Australia recognised eight (32%) of its 25 freshwater turtle species as threatened with extinction. But we believe almost half (48%) of all Australian freshwater turtle species now meet the criteria for listing as threatened with extinction under Commonwealth legislation.

Unfortunately there are some species for which no scientific research has been done, and others for which we simply don’t have enough data to evaluate their status adequately. So the true number of threatened species could be greater still.

Conservation efforts undone by weak environmental laws

Citizen science initiatives such as the 1 Million Turtles Community Conservation Program show that Australians care deeply about turtles and are willing to contribute to their survival.

People all over Australia are rescuing turtles from roads and creating islands to protect turtle eggs from foxes. Building on this enthusiasm, we can create a powerful movement to protect these iconic animals.

But the progress of conservation programs can be easily undone if we don’t put better legislation in place to protect our wildlife.

How we can turn things around

Australia has the worst mammal extinction record in the world. We cannot afford to repeat this mistake with our turtles, frogs or other unique wildlife. And yet the number of threatened species continues to grow, pushing us further from the “zero extinctions” goal.

The pig-nosed turtle was added to the threatened species list along with three freshwater fish, three lizards, one frog, one rainforest tree, two flowering shrubs, a daisy and an orchid species. That brings the total to 661 animals, 1,457 plants and 106 ecological communities.

Current environmental laws are clearly inadequate. Tougher penalties for habitat destruction, more investment in conservation, and greater efforts to tackle climate change will be crucial if we are to halt and reverse species decline.

Australia has an opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to protecting natural and cultural heritage. This will require a collaborative effort involving governments, scientists, Indigenous communities and the public. It’s not too late for our beloved pig-nosed turtle, but the window of opportunity is closing.

Deborah Bower receives government funding from New South Wales, South Australia, Queensland and the Commonwealth. She is employed by the University of New England and a principal investigator of the 1 Million Turtles citizen science program.

Carla Eisemberg receives funding from the Commonwealth and Northern Territory Government.

Ricky Spencer receives funding from ARC, Department of Industry, Science, Energy and Resources, WIRES and Foundation for National Parks and Wildlife

ref. The plight of the pig-nosed turtle, one of the unlucky 13 added to Australia’s threatened species list – https://theconversation.com/the-plight-of-the-pig-nosed-turtle-one-of-the-unlucky-13-added-to-australias-threatened-species-list-236411

From net zero to Indigenous knowledge, Australia has finally set new science priorities. How can we meet them?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie Walker, Visiting Fellow, National Centre for the Public Awareness of Science, Australian National University

NicoElNino/Shutterstock

The Australian government has updated the nation’s science and research priorities, and released a National Science Statement. This marks the first wholesale update on Australia’s vision and plan for the future of science and technology in nearly a decade, with the last set of priorities being handed down by the Abbott government in 2015, and the last science statement in 2017.

Minister for Industry and Science Ed Husic has announced five key priorities:

  • transitioning to net zero
  • support for healthy and thriving communities
  • elevating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander knowledge systems
  • protection and restoration of Australia’s environment
  • building a secure and resilient nation.

Given the policy impact of these commitments, it’s worth examining what they mean – and how they should guide Australia’s progress on a number of fronts.

1. Transitioning to a net zero future

While Australia’s emissions per person have been falling, we still emit more than double the carbon dioxide of comparable countries such as the United Kingdom or New Zealand.

Australia is a research leader in battery technology, solar cell technologies and green metals. However, our overall investment in clean energy research, already behind our peers, is falling.

Focused investment in green energy research is needed to cut emissions in hard-to-decarbonise sectors, such as air transport and agriculture.

2. Supporting healthy and thriving communities

Australia is a world leader in medical discoveries – anyone who’s been given the “green whistle” pain reliever by paramedics has felt the effects of Australian medical research. But too often Australian discoveries don’t stay here for development.

Researchers often find they need to move their discoveries to the United States or the European Union to get them into production and into hospitals, ambulances and pharmacies.

Australian health and medical researchers need more support to apply and commercialise their findings here at home. More work is also needed on preventative care, so we can stop illnesses before they start.

Of course, “thriving communities” need more than the best available medical care. They also need connection and resilience. This too can be supported by research – such as findings that show what helps communities bounce back after devastating bushfires.

3. Elevating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander knowledge systems

Historically, and to everyone’s detriment, Australia has not done well at recognising, respecting and celebrating the knowledge systems of its First Nations peoples.

But Australia has much to gain by fully embracing Traditional Knowledge as part of its science. This must be done with respect and equity at the forefront: our next steps in weaving together knowledge systems must be led with and bring empowerment to, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and communities.

One recent example is the collaboration between Nyikina Mangala man John Watson and Professor Ron Quinn, who have been turning bark from the Mudjala tree into natural treatments for severe pain.

4. Protecting and restoring Australia’s environment

Australia’s lands and waters are home to an estimated 700,000 native species. Many of these remain undiscovered and many are at risk of extinction.

The last 20 years has seen threatened plant populations decline by 72%, and populations of threatened mammals and birds fall by 38% and 52% respectively.

We need to stop this decline and protect Australia’s natural inheritance, through science-informed measures such as conservation reserves, controlling invasive species, restoring degraded ecosystems and breeding endangered plants and animals.

5. Building a secure and resilient nation

Security and resilience come in many forms. It means protecting our crucial digital infrastructure from cyber attacks. It also means making sure our buildings, roads and energy systems can survive disasters and a changing climate. Protecting our agriculture from pests and diseases also falls under this heading.

Focusing on this priority means broad investment in research across disciplines, bringing together industry and academia.

So, how do we put these priorities into practice?

To meet these priorities, Australia will need greater investment in science and research across the board. While international collaborations are fantastic, we can’t rely on other countries to do this vital research for us.

We’ll need more highly skilled people to do this research – people bringing unique perspectives, ideas and training with them. That means bringing people into STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) careers from more diverse backgrounds.

Unfortunately, we are still conditioning girls to have lower confidence in science than boys. They’re more likely to avoid subjects such as physics and engineering.

In 2021, only 0.5% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people had a STEM degree, compared with 4.9% of the Australian population, according to the recent Diversity in STEM Review. This needs to change if we are to advance our science and research priorities.

We’ll also need more long-term investment in research infrastructure, and in STEM education and training.

Making a future in Australia

The national science priorities dovetail with the government’s Future Made in Australia initiatives in modern manufacturing, renewable energy and more.

Pulling this off will require partnerships between industry, education and governments. To properly harness the ideas and innovations of researchers, we need to make it easy for them to move from academia to industry and back again.

A review of Australia’s research and development funding was announced in this year’s federal budget.

The government could use this to put Australia on a path towards investing 3% of our GDP into Australian research and development – something countries such as the United States, Germany and Japan already do.

Sustained investment in Australian research and development can make the ambitious goals of the new national science statement a reality.

The Conversation

Kylie Walker is CEO of the Australian Academy of Technological Sciences and Engineering (ATSE) which receives funding from the Department of Education and the Department of Industry, Science and Resources.

ref. From net zero to Indigenous knowledge, Australia has finally set new science priorities. How can we meet them? – https://theconversation.com/from-net-zero-to-indigenous-knowledge-australia-has-finally-set-new-science-priorities-how-can-we-meet-them-236573

New evidence from West Papua offers fresh clues about how and when humans first moved into the Pacific

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dylan Gaffney, Associate Professor of Palaeolithic Archaeology, University of Oxford

Tristan Russell/Raja Ampat Archaeological Project, Author provided

In the deep human past, highly skilled seafarers made daring crossings from Asia to the Pacific Islands. It was a migration of global importance that shaped the distribution of our species – Homo sapiens – across the planet.

These mariners became the ancestors of people who live in the region today, from West Papua to Aotearoa New Zealand.

For archaeologists, however, the precise timing, location and nature of these maritime dispersals have been unclear.

For the first time, our new research provides direct evidence that seafarers travelled along the equator to reach islands off the coast of West Papua more than 50 millennia ago.

Digging at the gateway to the Pacific

Our archaeological fieldwork on Waigeo Island in the Raja Ampat archipelago of West Papua represents the first major international collaboration of its kind, involving academics from New Zealand, West Papua, Indonesia and beyond.

We focused our excavations at Mololo Cave, a colossal limestone chamber surrounded by tropical rainforest. It stretches a hundred metres deep and is home to bat colonies, monitor lizards and the occasional snake.

In the local Ambel language, Mololo means the place where the currents come together, fittingly named for the choppy waters and large whirlpools in the nearby straits.

Archaeologists at an excavation site.
Archaeologists Daud Tanudirjo and Moses Dailom excavating at Mololo Cave.
Tristan Russell, CC BY-SA

Excavation uncovered several layers of human occupation associated with stone artefacts, animal bones, shells and charcoal – all physical remains discarded by ancient humans living at the cave.

These archaeological findings were rare in the deepest layers, but radiocarbon dating at the University of Oxford and the University of Waikato demonstrated humans were living at Mololo by at least 55,000 years before the present day.

Foraging in the rainforest

A key finding of the excavation was a tree resin artefact that was made at this time. This is the earliest example of resin being used by people outside of Africa. It points to the complex skills humans developed to live in rainforests.

Scanning-electron microscope analysis indicated the artefact was produced in multiple stages. First the bark of a resin-producing tree was cut and the resin was allowed to drip down the trunk and harden. Then the hardened resin was snapped into shape.

The function of the artefact is unknown, but it may have been used as a fuel source for fires inside the cave. Similar resin was collected during the 20th century around West Papua and used for fires before gas and electric lighting was introduced.

This tree resin artefact, found at Mololo Cave, dates back to 55,000 to 50,000 years ago. A chart below shows how it may have been made and used.
The tree resin artefact found at Mololo Cave dates back to 55,000 to 50,000 years ago. The chart shows how it may have been made and used.
Dylan Gaffney, CC BY-SA

Our study of animal bones from Mololo indicates people hunted ground-dwelling birds, marsupials and possibly megabats. Despite Waigeo Island being home to small animals that are difficult to capture, people were adapting to using rainforest resources alongside the coastal foods islands readily offer. This is an important example of human adaptation and flexibility in challenging conditions.

A hand holding a piece of tree resin to start a fire.
A modern example of tree resin from the Raja Ampat Islands being used for starting a fire.
Dylan Gaffney, CC BY-SA

Seafaring pathways to the Pacific

The Mololo excavation helps us to clarify the precise time humans moved into the Pacific. This timing is hotly debated because it has major implications for how rapidly our species dispersed out of Africa to Asia and Oceania.

It also has implications for whether people drove Oceanic megafauna like giant kangaroos (Protemnodon) and giant wombats (Diprotodontids) to extinction, and how they interacted with other species of hominins like the “hobbit” (Homo floresiensis) that lived on the islands of Indonesia until about 50,000 years ago.

Archaeologists have proposed two hypothetical seafaring corridors leading into the Pacific: a southern route into Australia and a northern route into West Papua.

In what is today northern Australia, excavations indicate humans may have settled the ancient continent of Sahul, which connected West Papua to Australia, by 65,000 years ago.

However, findings from Timor suggest people were moving along the southern route only 44,000 years ago. Our work supports the idea that the earliest seafarers crossed instead along the northern route into West Papua, later moving down into Australia.

A map showing the two possible seafaring pathways from Asia to the Pacific region: a northern route along the equator to Raja Ampat and a southern route via Timor to Australia.
Two possible seafaring pathways from Asia to the Pacific region: a northern route along the equator to Raja Ampat and a southern route via Timor to Australia.
Dylan Gaffney, CC BY-SA

West Papua: an archaeological enigma

Despite our research, we still know very little about the deep human past in West Papua. Research has been limited primarily because of the political and social crisis in the region.

Importantly, our research shows early West Papuans were sophisticated, highly mobile and able to devise creative solutions to living on small tropical islands. Ongoing excavations by our project aim to provide further information about how people adapted to climatic and environmental changes in the region.

Hand stencils of unknown age from the Raja Ampat Islands.
Hand stencils of unknown age from the Raja Ampat Islands.
Tristan Russell, CC BY-SA

We know from other archaeological sites in the independent country of Papua New Guinea that once humans arrived in the Pacific region, they kept venturing as far as the New Guinea Highlands, the Bismarck Archipelago and the Solomon Islands by 30,000 years ago.

It was not until about 3,000 years ago that seafarers pushed out beyond the Solomon Islands to settle the smaller islands of Vanuatu, Fiji, Samoa and Tonga. Their descendants later voyaged as far as Hawaii, Rapa Nui and Aotearoa.

Charting the archaeology of West Papua is vital because it helps us understand where the ancestors of the wider Pacific came from and how they adapted to living in this new and unfamiliar sea of islands.


The authors acknowledge the contribution of Abdul Razak Macap, a social anthropologist at the Regional Cultural Heritage Center in Manokwari.


The Conversation

Dylan Gaffney received funding for this research from the National Geographic Society, the Leakey Foundation, the Royal Anthropological Institute, Magdalene College, the University of Cambridge, Gates Cambridge, the Quaternary Research Association, and the National Environment Research Council UK. The research also received funding from the Max Planck Society and the DFG in Germany.

Daud Aris Tanudirjo is affiliated with Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia, which provides funding, facilities and in-kind support for this West Papua research.

ref. New evidence from West Papua offers fresh clues about how and when humans first moved into the Pacific – https://theconversation.com/new-evidence-from-west-papua-offers-fresh-clues-about-how-and-when-humans-first-moved-into-the-pacific-231686

A galactic ‘comet’ called Terzan 5 just illuminated a 100-year-old puzzle about cosmic rays

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Krumholz, Professor, Research School of Astronomy and Astrophysics, Australian National University

The star cluster Terzan 5. ESA / Hubble, CC BY

When my colleagues and I set to work on a century-old cosmic mystery, we found an unexpected celestial laboratory in Terzan 5, a dense star cluster currently plunging through our galaxy at breakneck speed.

This stellar oddity has allowed us to study the behaviour of cosmic rays – high-energy particles whose erratic paths through space have baffled astronomers since their discovery in 1912.

By observing radiation produced by Terzan 5’s cosmic rays, we’ve achieved a scientific first: measuring how quickly these particles change direction due to fluctuations in interstellar magnetic fields. Our research is published today in Nature Astronomy.

Fast-moving radiation from outer space

Cosmic rays are something no one expected to be there. When radioactivity was first discovered in the 1890s, scientists thought all sources of radiation were on Earth.

But in 1912, Austrian-American physicist Victor Hess measured the ambient radiation level in a high-altitude balloon and discovered it was much higher than at ground level, even during an eclipse when the Sun was blocked. This meant the radiation had to be coming from space.

Today we know the mysterious radiation Hess discovered as cosmic rays: atomic nuclei and elementary particles such as protons and electrons that have somehow been accelerated to nearly the speed of light. These particles zip through interstellar space, and thanks to their high energies a small fraction of them can penetrate the upper atmosphere, as Hess discovered.

But we cannot easily tell where they come from. Cosmic rays are charged particles, which means their direction of travel changes when they encounter a magnetic field.

The staticky picture of the cosmic ray cosmos

The magnetic deflection effect provides the basic technology for old cathode ray tube (CRT) monitors and televisions, which use it to steer electrons toward the screen to create a picture. Interstellar space is full of magnetic fields, and those fields are constantly fluctuating, deflecting cosmic rays in random directions – sort of like a broken CRT in an old TV that only shows static.

So instead of cosmic rays coming straight to us from their source like light does, they wind up spreading out almost uniformly across the galaxy. Here on Earth we see them coming almost equally from all directions in the sky.

While we now understand this general picture, most of the details are missing. The uniformity of cosmic rays across the sky tells us that cosmic ray directions randomly change, but we have no good way of measuring how fast this process happens.

Nor do we understand the ultimate source of the magnetic fluctuations. Or we didn’t, until now.

Terzan 5 and the displaced gamma rays

That’s where Terzan 5 comes in. This star cluster is a copious producer of cosmic rays, because it contains a large population of rapidly rotating, incredibly dense and magnetised stars called millisecond pulsars – which accelerate cosmic rays up to extremely high speeds.

These cosmic rays don’t make it all the way to Earth, thanks to those fluctuating magnetic fields. However, we can see a telltale sign of their presence: some of the cosmic rays collide with photons of starlight and convert them into high-energy uncharged particles called gamma rays.

Terzan 5 is a ‘globular cluster’ of stars near the heart of our galaxy.

The gamma rays travel in the same direction as the cosmic ray that created them, but unlike the cosmic rays, the gamma rays are not deflected by magnetic fields. They can travel in a straight line and reach Earth.

Because of this effect, we often see gamma rays coming from powerful sources of cosmic rays. But in Terzan 5, for some reason the gamma rays don’t exactly line up with the positions of the stars. Instead, they seem to be coming from a region about 30 light-years away, where there is no obvious source.

A galactic-scale ‘comet’

This displacement has been an unexplained curiosity since it was discovered in 2011, until we came up with an explanation.

Terzan 5 is close to the centre of our galaxy today, but it isn’t always. The star cluster is actually moving in a very wide orbit that keeps it far off the plane of the galaxy most of the time.

It just happens to be plunging through the galaxy right now. Because this plunge takes place at hundreds of kilometres per second, the cluster sweeps up a cloak of magnetic fields around itself, like the tail of a comet plunging through the solar wind.

The globular cluster Terzan 5 (centre) is shown in visible light, overlaid with gamma ray intensity. The gamma ray source is centre below and to the right of Terzan 5. A zoomed-in version of the central region is shown in the upper left.
ESO / Digitized Sky Survey 2 / F. Ferraro

Cosmic rays launched by the cluster initially travel along the tail. We don’t see any of the gamma rays these cosmic rays produce, because the tail isn’t pointed directly at us – these gamma rays are beamed along the tail and away from us.

And here is where the magnetic fluctuations come in. If the cosmic rays stayed well-aligned with the tail, we would never see them, but thanks to magnetic fluctuations their directions start to change.

Eventually, some of them start to point toward us, producing gamma rays we can see. But this takes roughly 30 years, which is why the gamma rays don’t seem to be coming from the cluster itself.

By the time enough of them are pointing at us for their gamma rays to be bright enough to be visible, they have travelled 30 light-years down the magnetic tail of the cluster.

Cosmic rays and interstellar magnetic fields

So thanks to Terzan 5, for the first time we have been able to measure how long it takes magnetic fluctuations to change cosmic ray directions. We can use this information to test theories for how interstellar magnetic fields work and where their fluctuations come from.

This brings us a big step closer to understanding the mysterious radiation from space discovered by Hess more than 100 years ago.

Mark Krumholz receives funding from the Australian Research Council and supercomputer time from the National Computational Infrastructure (Australia), the Pawsey Supercomputing Centre (Australia), and the Oak Ridge Leadership Computing Facility (USA).

ref. A galactic ‘comet’ called Terzan 5 just illuminated a 100-year-old puzzle about cosmic rays – https://theconversation.com/a-galactic-comet-called-terzan-5-just-illuminated-a-100-year-old-puzzle-about-cosmic-rays-236575

We reviewed the health habits of centenarians. These 4 things could lead to a longer life

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Zhaoli Dai-Keller, Honorary Senior Lecturer, School of Pharmacy, University of Sydney; Nutritional epidemiologist and Lecturer, School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney

Anna Kuzmenko/Shutterstock

The number of centenarians around the world rose from 151,000 in 2000 to 573,000 in 2021. People are living longer, and we can expect to see more people reach 100 in the years to come.

Centenarians exemplify successful ageing, often experiencing fewer chronic diseases and maintaining independence in daily life well into their 90s. While genetics contribute to longevity, modifiable factors account for more than 60% of successful aging.

But what sort of factors specifically contribute to living to 100? To find out, we reviewed lifestyle and health habits of centenarians and near-centenarians (those aged 95–99) worldwide.

Our recent review included 34 observational studies published since 2000. Here are four key factors we found contribute to extreme longevity.

1. A diverse diet with controlled salt intake

Centenarians and near-centenarians typically had a balanced and diverse diet. We found, on average, they consumed between 57% and 65% of their energy intake from carbohydrates, 12% to 32% from protein, and 27% to 31% from fat. Their diets included staple foods (such as rice and wheat), fruits, vegetables, and protein-rich foods like poultry, fish and legumes, with moderate red meat consumption.

This dietary pattern, similar to the Mediterranean diet, is linked to lower risks of physical function impairment and death.

The Mediterranean diet has been linked to longevity.
Antonina Vlasova/Shutterstock

Most centenarians also preferred a low-salt diet. While only one study in our review measured the mean daily sodium intake, finding 1.6 grams, this was within the World Health Organization’s recommendation of less than 2g of sodium per day (equivalent to about 5g of salt). The traditional Okinawan diet, known for its consumption by Japanese centenarians on Okinawa Island, contains an estimated 1.1g of sodium.

We found higher salt intake (those who preferred salty food or added extra salt to meals) had a 3.6-fold increased risk of physical function impairment compared to those without a preference for salt.

Practically, these findings suggest we should include plenty of wholegrains, root vegetables, beans, legumes, fruits and vegetables in our diet, minimise red meat consumption and opt for lean poultry, fish, and plant-based protein, and monitor salt in our food.

2. Lower medication use

Centenarians are not free from chronic conditions but typically develop them much later than average adults. More than half of the people in our review experienced common issues such as hypertension (high blood pressure), dementia, or cognitive impairment.

We found people in our review took an average of 4.6 medications. The most frequently used medications included blood pressure medications and drugs for heart disease. This is similar to the results of a large health register-based study in Spain, which found centenarians took an average of 4.9 medications. Non-centenarians in this study took 6.7 medications on average.

The fact centenarians appear to take fewer medications may indicate better health with fewer medical conditions. However, data on medication use is often self-reported and so may not be entirely accurate, especially among those with cognitive impairment.

There seems to be an association between lower medication use and living longer.
pikselstock/Shutterstock

Polypharmacy is often defined as taking five or more medications simultaneously, and is common in older adults. Inappropriate polypharmacy is associated with increased risks of adverse events such as falls, cognitive impairment and hospitalisation, due to harmful drug interactions.

While the type or number of prescribed medications may not be within a patient’s control, it’s important for doctors to prescribe medications only when necessary, fully inform patients about benefits and risks, and regularly review treatment plans.

3. Getting good sleep

Sleep quality and quantity affect the immune system, stress hormones, and cardiometabolic functions such as obesity, high blood pressure, and diabetes. Good sleep is associated with extended years of good health and reduced risks of chronic diseases.

In our review, 68% of the centenarians were satisfied with their sleep quality. In a survey of adults’ sleep satisfaction in 13 countries in 2020, sleep satisfaction ranged from 29% to 67%.

The optimal sleep duration is between seven and eight hours per night. Tips to achieving better sleep include keeping a regular sleep routine, creating a restful environment, exercising regularly and managing stress.

4. Living environment

More than 75% of the centenarians and near-centenarians in our review lived in rural areas. This is a pattern reflected in “blue zones”, areas known for high concentrations of centenarians, such as Okinawa in Japan, Sardinia in Italy, the Nicoya Peninsula in Costa Rica, and Ikaria in Greece.

This may be partly related to the connection between nature and health and wellbeing. For example, exposure to green space has been associated with lower stress, depression, blood pressure, type 2 diabetes and heart disease, potentially increasing life expectancy.

More people will live to 100 in the years to come.
Dan Negureanu/Shutterstock

Other important factors

We didn’t look at all lifestyle factors associated with longevity in our review. Research also shows not smoking, avoiding alcohol or drinking moderately, staying physically active and maintaining social connections are important for boosting a person’s chances of living to 100.

Of course, adopting the lifestyle changes discussed in this article won’t guarantee you’ll reach the ripe old age of 100. And on the flip side, some centenarians have shared questionable health habits.

But many older adults are seeking to adopt healthier lifestyles to prevent and manage chronic conditions, while health-care professionals are similarly recognising the value of lifestyle medicine.

The earlier you can adopt positive lifestyle changes and healthier habits, the better placed you’ll be to achieve a long and healthy life. Becoming a centenarian is a lifelong endeavour.

Zhaoli Dai-Keller is a full-time academic, as a Lecturer at the School of Population Health and affiliated with the Ageing Futures Institute, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of New South Wales. She is also an Honorary Senior Lecturer at the School of Pharmacy, University of Sydney.

Perminder Sachdev is Scientia Professor of Neuropsychiatry at the University of New South Wales, Sydney and co-director of Centre of Healthy Brain Ageing in the School of Clinical Medicine at UNSW Sydney. He is also Director of the Neuropsychiatric Institute at the Prince of Wales Hopsital, Randwick, NSW. He receives funding from NHMRC Australia and NIH, USA.

ref. We reviewed the health habits of centenarians. These 4 things could lead to a longer life – https://theconversation.com/we-reviewed-the-health-habits-of-centenarians-these-4-things-could-lead-to-a-longer-life-235100

‘Will this degree lead to a job?’ is the wrong question. Here’s what you should ask instead

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cherine Fahd, Associate Head of School, School of Design, University of Technology Sydney

Good Free Photos/Unsplash, CC BY

It is the season of university open days and study decisions for Year 12 students.

As an academic, the question I get asked most by students and parents is, “will this degree lead to a job?”.

It is understandable. However, it isn’t necessarily the right question to ask as young people consider what course will suit them best.

Focusing solely on immediate job prospects (“degree equals job”) can limit the understanding of what university courses actually provide.




Read more:
Uni is not just about lectures. When choosing a degree, ask what supports are available to you


What is a degree for?

A degree isn’t merely a gateway to employment, it’s the foundation for a life of professional and personal development.

Students often begin a university course with a specific career path in mind, only to discover new interests that lead them in unexpected directions.

For example, a student might start a design degree dreaming of becoming a fashion designer, only to find the demands of the industry clash with their introverted nature. Instead, they might discover a passion for sustainable textiles, a field requiring meticulous material research.

Their design degree didn’t lead to one end point, but gave them the opportunities to learn what they were really suited to, and the skills to pursue this.

Not about becoming an expert in one thing

University education is also not just about mastering a subject, it’s about acquiring transferable skills, such as problem solving, communication and the ability to work in diverse situations with diverse people.

It is also about developing critical thinking and the ability to assess evidence. These skills can then be applied to many ideas and issues.

In today’s unpredictable, technology-driven world, new jobs emerge quickly, while others fade away. A university degree should equip students with the adaptability to navigate these changes, rather than simply slotting into existing job categories.

So, instead of asking whether a degree will directly lead to a job, consider these following five questions.

A university degree should teach students to work with others and solve problems.
Marvin Meyer/ Unsplash, CC BY

1. What skills will I develop in this program?

Creative degrees, for example, encourage critical thinking, creativity, technical skills, and the ability to articulate and present ideas, skills that are highly valued across many fields.

An arts or health sciences degree may also encourage valuable critical thinking and research skills.

2. Are there opportunities for practical experience?

Look for courses that offer internships, industry projects and practical workshops. These experiences help students build professional networks and gain insights about what they really like (and don’t like) about different types of work.

3. Will the course expose me to diverse cultural contexts?

Consider programs that offer international exchange opportunities. These experiences can be transformative, broadening students’ cultural perspectives and enhancing their sensitivity and awareness to diverse cultural environments. They also cultivate maturity and independence by challenging students to navigate unfamiliar environments with their peers.

Many universities and courses offer students the chance to do a portion of their degree overseas.
Samantha Gades/ Unsplash, CC BY

4. How does this course encourage resilience and lifelong learning?

Seek out courses that emphasise creativity, experimentation, independent thinking and teach in hands-on learning environments.

Such courses teach students to cope with change – a skill they will need in fast-evolving workplaces. It also prepare students for a lifetime of continuous learning, which is essential for sustained career growth and personal development.

5. What have recent graduates done with this degree?

Exploring the diverse paths of graduates can provide a realistic view of a degree’s possibilities.

On open days, seek out workshops and current students and staff. Ask about further study options – do students in a certain course often need (or want) to do postgraduate study?

And remember

Whatever students choose to study it’s important they do something they are truly interested in. Education can and should be enjoyable.




Read more:
Unsure what to study next year? 6 things to consider as you make up your mind


Cherine Fahd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Will this degree lead to a job?’ is the wrong question. Here’s what you should ask instead – https://theconversation.com/will-this-degree-lead-to-a-job-is-the-wrong-question-heres-what-you-should-ask-instead-236393

It Ends with Us was never a romance novel – thankfully the film understands this

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lucy Rouse, PhD Candidate and Casual Academic in English Literatures , University of Wollongong

This piece contains spoilers.


It Ends with Us, by Colleen Hoover, is a novel TikTok loves to hate, gaining a lot of criticism for the stark contrast between its marketing and its subject matter. Marketed – and shelved – as a romance novel, between its pink, floral covers, It Ends with Us is a novel about domestic violence.

On sites like Goodreads, readers call the novel “confronting”, “triggering”, and “NOT romance”, warning future readers the novel is “not what [they] expect”.

The film attempts to rectify the issues of its deceptive categorisation by making some major changes to its marketing. The abuse plot is revealed in the trailer, changing the way viewers will approach the narrative. It Ends with Us becomes a tale of resilience, rather than a romance.

What makes a romance?

Hoover’s 2016 novel follows 23-year-old Lily Bloom and her “too-good-to-be-true” relationship with Ryle Kinkaid, a charming neurosurgeon seven years her senior.

Simultaneously Lily reminisces on her first love, a homeless boy named Atlas, who she has not seen since he was violently bashed by Lily’s abusive father.

Ryle and Lily’s relationship becomes turbulent when Ryle begins getting aggressive in arguments. To further complicate matters, Lily bumps into Atlas.

Ryle’s insecurity simmers, and eventuates in him pushing Lily down a set of stairs and attempting to sexually assault her. After being hospitalised due to the abuse, Lily finds out she is pregnant.

Novel cover.
The pink, floral cover of the novel ties it into the romance genre.
hamdi bendali/Shutterstock

Although only occurring in three chapters, the novel’s violence is shocking, yet strategically obscured. Readers do not know if Lily has been purposely hit, or if it was – as Ryle keeps telling her – “a mistake”.

Hoover showers readers with apologies and steamy scenes between Lily and Ryle following the abuse, reminding readers that the novel is, technically, a romance. Ryle is a stereotypical romantic hero, with his career being its own subgenre of romance fiction.

Readers want a happy ending, and (TikTok critics notwithstanding) are willing to forgive Ryle’s violence to get it.

The novel ends with Lily asking Ryle for a divorce, and, after a time-jump, Lily reunites with Atlas, telling him she is ready to fall in love again.

The largely accepted definition of romance fiction, outlined by the Romance Writers of America, is a narrative with a central love story, and an “emotionally satisfying and optimistic ending”. By this definition, It Ends with Us fulfils the genre.

However, as a novel largely about domestic violence, It Ends with us is far from “satisfying”.

Reworking the narrative

The film takes a more mature approach than the novel by casting 36-year-old Blake Lively as Lily and 40-year-old Justin Baldoni (who also directs) as Ryle.

In the novel, Hoover partly justifies the abuse by the young age of its protagonists. Lily forgives Ryle even after he has hurt her multiple times, which the novel positions as naivety.

The film changes this, instead stressing the difficulty of leaving an abusive relationship.

Baldoni’s aggressive and domineering tone hangs over the film, making Ryle an unnerving character from his first appearance. While Ryle is an intense character in the novel, being described as “an intimidating presence”, his violence is offset by the novel’s position in the romance genre.

Readers do not have to acknowledge his violent tendencies because they believe it will be fixed by the novel’s conclusion.

The film does not allow audiences to justify Ryle’s character. We see the lead up to the abuse unfolding.

Ryle speaks down to Lily, ordering her around. Visually, Ryle overpowers Lily in most scenes, standing over her – a manifestation of the looming violence audiences know is approaching.

These visual cues from Baldoni’s portrayal distance the watcher from the whirlwind relationship between Lily and Ryle.

Ryle’s off-putting nature is starkly contrasted by how the film focuses on Atlas (Brandon Sklenar). When Lily reunites with Atlas, the screen blurs around him and music swells. The narrative was never about Ryle – it was always Atlas.

While the film contains romance, it is not a romance film. The marketing of It Ends With us worked to foreground its violent twist. While watching the film, audiences are not wondering “if” Ryle will hurt Lily, it is a matter of “when” it will happen.

Narratives about domestic violence are essential to understanding and empathising with victims, but authors must handle abuse with sensitivity. While there may be a place for domestic violence in romance stories, It Ends with Us is not an example to follow.

The changes made to the film indicate the novel’s shortcomings. By revealing the novel’s twist in the trailer, hopefully the film will catalyse a change in how we market It Ends with Us, and move the novel from the romance section, into its rightful place in adult fiction.


The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

The Conversation

Lucy Rouse receives an AGRTP scholarship from the Australian Government for her PhD studies.

ref. It Ends with Us was never a romance novel – thankfully the film understands this – https://theconversation.com/it-ends-with-us-was-never-a-romance-novel-thankfully-the-film-understands-this-236492

NZ is running out of gas – literally. That’s good for the climate, but it’s bad news for the economy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Dempsey, Associate professor, University of Canterbury

Getty Images

The coalition government recently announced its plan to reverse a ban on new oil and gas exploration to deal with an energy security challenge brought on by rapidly declining natural gas reserves.

But this assumes, rather optimistically, that repealing the ban will prompt companies to invest in new gas fields.

In practice, those companies will be carefully considering whether there is anyone to sell their gas to, or whether a future government could change the rules again.

Investors don’t love political volatility or market risk, and New Zealand currently has both.

The coming gas crunch

Modelling by the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) suggests the ban repeal would result in an additional 14 million tonnes of carbon dioxide emitted by 2035.

This estimate is based on an assessment of climate impacts resulting from the policy reversal, compared to a baseline.

The usual baseline used for such assessments was set in 2022 by the Climate Change Commission. But the government argued it was already out of date and instead proposed a different one, with 15% fewer emissions from gas, because the country is running out much faster than expected.

In one sense, New Zealand is perpetually running out of gas. Energy companies estimate how much is left underground and how long that resource will last. At the same time, they are drilling new development wells – $350 million worth between 2016 and 2020 – which adds more gas to the reserves and pushes out the ultimate end date.

What has changed is that all the extra drilling hasn’t turned up much extra gas in the past few years. This is despite record amounts spent on new wells – nearly $1.3 billion between 2020 and 2024. Energy companies now think there’s less gas than previously thought.

It seems the end date is much closer, which is why the government has shifted to a new baseline to reflect less gas (and lower emissions). This is a good result for the climate – but it might not be great for New Zealand’s economy in the near term.


This graph shows gas supply and demand between 2016 and 2024.
Despite higher investment in drilling wells, less gas was discovered in recent years.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

When gas runs low

As an island nation, New Zealand can’t easily import more gas from overseas. There is no pipeline to Australia, and liquefied natural gas terminals are expensive to build.

Macroeconomics tells us that when a resource becomes scarce in a closed market, the following things happen.

First, with a fixed amount of gas to go around, its use has to be prioritised. This means some users might miss out. As it happens, the government has been struggling to renew a contract to supply schools, prisons and hospitals with gas.

Second, when a resource becomes scarce, its price tends to rise. This tracks with the experience of Pan Pac, a forestry owner and processor in Hawkes Bay which reported a three-fold increase in gas costs, from $3 million a year to potentially $9 million at current prices.

Now, some would say the cure for high prices is exactly that: high prices. A gas crunch could ultimately shift demand to other sources such as heat pumps for home and industry. Some of this was subsidised through the previous administration’s Government Investment in Decarbonising Industry Fund.

But until the switch happens, resource scarcity means you can’t produce as many goods, and this could have an effect on GDP. Methanex, a major exporter of methanol produced from natural gas, is a key concern here. Less methanol would mean fewer exports and, potentially, job losses.

Methanex is already operating at reduced capacity, and it recently initiated high court proceedings against Nova Energy, which uses natural gas to produce electricity. Nova cut gas supply to Methanex and the companies disagree on whether their contract allows for this.

Tough decisions ahead

A new gas field could take a decade or longer to find, develop and bring online. At the same time, if there are no new reserves (regardless of whether the government goes through with the repeal of the ban), we can expect gas supply to drop to half within six years, according to MBIE forecasts.

This means there might not be enough gas to simultaneously maintain synthetic (ammonia-based) fertiliser production, peak electricity generation and methanol exports. What should get prioritised?

Ammonia is essential to the farming sector and food production. In the future, we might replace natural gas used to make ammonia with green hydrogen produced from ultra cheap solar. But that’ll take investment and intention.

Methanex exports are worth $800 million a year and the company is a significant contributor to the economy. A transition to a green methanol industry is possible, but would need a huge amount of green hydrogen (made using renewable energy) and green carbon dioxide (sourced from biomass or direct air capture).

This would be transformative to the economy but also take a lot of financial support.

Lastly, we burn a lot of gas to keep heat pumps running in winter when hydro lakes are low. And we almost ran out earlier in the year.

A future energy system with abundant solar, grid-scale batteries and smarter use of hydro storage might avoid this as gas is phased out. The problem is that these solutions cost a lot of money and take time to implement. New Zealand apparently doesn’t have much of either.

The Conversation

David Dempsey receives science funding from MBIE to work on topics related to the energy industry.

Jannik Haas receives science funding from public institutions like MBIE to work on topics related to energy systems and holds clean energy stocks.

Rebecca Peer receives science funding from MBIE to research topics related to energy transitions and future energy systems.

ref. NZ is running out of gas – literally. That’s good for the climate, but it’s bad news for the economy – https://theconversation.com/nz-is-running-out-of-gas-literally-thats-good-for-the-climate-but-its-bad-news-for-the-economy-235645

Bathroom fans and sliding glass doors: new research shows how those cold draughts sneak into your home

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Ambrose, Research Team Leader, CSIRO

Winter is now well upon us, and many of us – especially those living in old homes – are discovering just how draughty they are. In fact, Australia has some of the least air-tight homes in the world.

But there’s good news. New research by CSIRO, which I led, shows Australia’s newly built homes are far less permeable than they used to be.

We tested the air-tightness of 233 new dwellings in Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Canberra and Adelaide, and found a significant improvement compared to homes built nine years ago. We also identified where most leaks occur.

Our results show a few simple steps – which we outline below – can dramatically improve the energy performance of a home, and ensure occupants don’t shiver through winter unnecessarily.

apartment block and foliage
New Australian houses and apartments are more air-tight than a decade ago.
Shutterstock

What exactly is air-tightness?

Air-tightness refers to the amount of air filtering uncontrolled into or out of a building – such as through gaps or cracks in floors, ceilings and walls, or around windows and doors.

The level of air-tightness is especially important when a home is heated or air-conditioned. The more draughty a building, the greater the energy required to maintain the internal temperature. This can lead to higher energy bills.

In fact, air leaks can cause 15−25% of winter heat loss in buildings.

Draughty homes can also let in dust, pollen and pollutants, affecting the health of occupants. Conversely, a building that is too air-tight – in other words, poorly ventilated – can also lead to problems such as condensation and mould.

Ideally, a building should find the right balance between air-tightness and controlled ventilation.

What we did

We wanted to determine air-tightness levels in new dwellings. They had to be less than four years old and built using typical techniques – which excluded the use of alternative construction materials such as straw bales.

CSRIO commissioned air tightness tests on 105 apartments and 128 detached houses. Before a dwelling was tested, systems such as air-conditioning and extraction fans were turned off. Doors, windows and closable vents were shut.

A fan was used to adjust air pressure inside each dwelling to a set level, ensuring consistency with all homes being tested. Then air flow in and out of the home was measured using specialised equipment.

We then compared the results to similar air-tightness testing CSIRO undertook on 129 new homes in 2015.

A person standing next to a blower door unit that is mounted in the front door of a house.
A typical blower door set up in the front door of one of the homes we tested.
Author

What we found

Overall, we found a 65% improvement in the air tightness of newly constructed dwellings in Australia.

In particular, new apartments were well-sealed and recorded the lowest overall average air leakage. Single-storey houses were the next best performing, followed by two-storey houses.

We expected that as dwellings got larger they would become less air-tight, because the increased area creates more opportunity for leaks. The average results show this was generally true.

However, some large homes were very air-tight, while some small homes were leaky.

Although new homes are much less permeable than older homes, air leaks still exist. In two-thirds of apartments and houses, bathroom fans were identified as a leakage point, while sliding glass doors were an issue in 63% of apartments.

Sliding doors were also a major issue in half the houses tested. But the biggest issue in houses was poor or missing door seals. This was identified in 65% of houses tested.

These sources of leaks are also common in older homes.

Smoke testing of a combination fan light and heater for air leaks
Exhaust fans, especially combination ones, were found to be major leak points.
Author

A few simple tips

There are simple ways to rectify leaks in both new and old homes.

Hoods can often be fitted to existing exhaust fans to stop air passing through unintentionally. Or the fan can be swapped out for one fitted with a “damper”, which closes the fan when it’s not in use.

Sealants can be used to fill gaps in walls, and sealing strips can be fitted around doors and windows. Even the classic door snake will help stop draughts under the door.

Our report also makes the following recommendations:

  • air tightness standards to be incorporated into the building code
  • a requirement for continuous mechanical ventilation in new dwellings, especially apartments
  • the use of “building wraps” – layers of material that seal homes from water and air
  • more specific air-tight specifications in the national energy star-rating tool
  • develop relevant education resources for the building industry.

Overall, our research shows the air-tightness of new Australian homes is the best it’s been. This is great news.

The above recommendations, if adopted, would help ensure even more Australians enjoy comfortable homes that require less energy and money to run.

The Conversation

Michael Ambrose received funding from the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water to undertake this research project,

ref. Bathroom fans and sliding glass doors: new research shows how those cold draughts sneak into your home – https://theconversation.com/bathroom-fans-and-sliding-glass-doors-new-research-shows-how-those-cold-draughts-sneak-into-your-home-236242

Parents are waiting more than 30 years for an Australian visa. The new home affairs minister needs to act

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Mares, Adjunct Senior Research Fellow, School of Media, Film and Journalism, Monash University

If overseas-born Australians want to sponsor a parent to join them permanently in Australia, they can go down one of two routes.

The expensive path is a contributory parent or aged parent visa with a price tag of close to $50,000 per person. The cheaper option is a standard parent or aged parent visa, which costs “only” $5,125, but takes much longer.

The government sets an annual cap of 8,500 parent visas, with about eight in ten granted to “contributory” applicants. This is 4,000 more places than the Coalition granted in its last year in office, but is still way too few to meet demand.

As a result, the logjam grows. On June 30 2023, Home Affairs had 140,615 parent visa applications on hand. A year later, it was 151,596.



A year ago, Home Affairs advised new applicants that a contributory parent visa “may take at least 12 years to process”. Now it says the time frame is 14 years. This is ridiculous, but the wait for the cheaper, standard visa is beyond absurd — it’s now stretched to 31 years.

Many applicants will die before their cases are considered. They, and their Australian families, are condemned to live in limbo, clinging to forlorn hope.

“Providing an opportunity for people to apply for a visa that will probably never come seems both cruel and unnecessary,” said the expert panel reviewing the migration system.

Overhauling the system

Early in its tenure, the government commissioned the panel that found the migration system “not fit for purpose”.

A second report by former Victorian police commissioner Christine Nixon revealed “grotesque” visa abuses.

Former Home Affairs minister Clare O’Neil declared the system broken and unveiled a new migration strategy that aspired to wholesale reform instead of further tinkering.

She and then immigration minster Andrew Giles set in train significant work, including an overhaul of the points system used to select permanent skilled migrants and a review of settings intended to attract them to regional Australia.

But they prioritised fixing skilled migration ahead of addressing family migration, particularly the dysfunctional system of parent visas. It’s a long-term mess that keeps getting worse.

Political distractions

Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke says he was in almost constant briefings in the days after becoming home affairs minister, his focus on a pending High Court decision that could again declare government policy unlawful.

The opposition hammered the government over its handling of the November ruling that indefinite immigration detention was unconstitutional. Burke doesn’t want to be caught out if the court upholds a challenge to the legislation it passed in response.

Lawyers for stateless man known as YBFZ, argue imposing curfews and ankle bracelets on all released detainees breaches the separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary.

But managing the political fallout from legal battles distracts from other profound problems in Australia’s migration system, including the tens of thousands awaiting parent visas.

What’s the solution?

As I wrote previously, the expert panel suggested shifting to a lottery system as New Zealand has in place. New Zealand grants 2,000 places annually to parents who entered its immigration processing queue before October 2022. Applications submitted after that date go into a pool with 500 spots up for grabs in a ballot. Once New Zealand clears its backlog, it can implement a lottery for all parent visas.

Australia could do something similar. It could grant 7,500 visas a year to parents waiting in the queue and offer 1000 by ballot. At that rate, though, it would still take two decades to clear the backlog.

Drawing names from a hat would at least remove the inequity of allowing those who can stump up $50,000 to jump forward in the visa line. But tens of thousands of families would still be denied a visa.

Canada introduced to a lottery system in 2015 and its parent program offers 20,500 places.

The chances of winning remain slim — about one in seven. More than 100,000 applicants miss out and disappointed families will probably keep trying, year after year. They may not be stuck at the back of an endless queue, but they too are left hoping against hope for a visa that may never come.

An alternative is to scrap permanent parent migration altogether. Extended families could still come together using temporary parent visas. While expensive and problematic, the temporary parent visa allows an initial stay of three to five years, time to be in Australia while grandchildren are very young or to provide support in times of need.

Scrapping permanent parent migration would be the honest approach, since neither Labor nor the Coalition will expand the parent visa program to meet demand. Skilled migration is their top priority. They see parents as a drain on the system, consuming more in services than they contribute through work and taxes.

Politics vs policy

But Labor and the Coalition know scrapping permanent parent migration would upset overseas-born voters in marginal seats. This is central to the parent conundrum: the major parties’ immigration policies sit in tension with their electoral strategies.

Whatever government decides to do in the long-term, as a new minister, Burke has an opportunity to act decisively and stop the problem getting worse. He could freeze new applications for permanent parent visas pending a thorough review of the options while Home Affairs nibbles away at the backlog of 150,000 applications.

It is unconscionable to let the queue grow longer, fostering hope for a visa that will never come. Eventually hard decisions will have to be made.

Previous ministers have kicked this can down the road for more than a decade. Now it’s at Burke’s feet.

Peter Mares received funding from The Scanlon Foundation Research Institute to research and write The Parent Conundrum, an extensive narrative on parent migration to Australia published in July 2023, but the views in this article are the views of the author alone and do not represent the position of the Scanlon Foundation. Peter Mares is a fellow at the Centre for Policy Development, a sessional moderator with Cranlana Centre for Ethical Leadership, and sits on the advisory committee to the Centre for Equitable Housing. He is a regular contributor to Inside Story magazine.

ref. Parents are waiting more than 30 years for an Australian visa. The new home affairs minister needs to act – https://theconversation.com/parents-are-waiting-more-than-30-years-for-an-australian-visa-the-new-home-affairs-minister-needs-to-act-236312

Albanese government developing proposal for new digital ID system to protect personal information

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The minister for government services, Bill Shorten, will unveil a new initiative that would allow people to have more control over the personal information they share.

The scheme, called the Trust Exchange (TEx), would allow people to verify their identities and credentials based on official information already held by the federal government.

The plan is still in its very early developmental stage.

Shorten will tell the National Press Club on Tuesday that the scheme would mean “sharing only the personal information to get the job done – and in some cases, not handing over any personal information at all.

“It can all be done via the digital wallet on your phone – the TEx technology does the rest.”

In his speech, partially released ahead of delivery, Shorten gives the example of paying for a hotel room. Currently, a person may be asked for a driver’s licence or passport to do this.

“With TEx, instead of handing over those documents and having them taken to the back office to be photocopied, you will scan a QR code on the front desk – or use technology similar to tap-to-pay machine – which digitally shakes hands with your myGov wallet.

“You choose which information to share from your digital wallet and consent to its use.

“You will have a record in your myGov wallet of what you shared and with whom you shared it.”

Shorten says there are numerous advantages of the TEx system:

  • a person would give their consent every time their information was shared
  • they would choose what information to share
  • the shared information would be trusted because of the rigorous privacy and security standards of the system.

A person starting a new job, for example, would be able to verify their identity via myGov or the government digital ID, and then through their wallet, share attributes of their identity with their employer – but only the ones they agreed to.

“It could be date of birth, address, citizenship or visa status, or qualifications, occupational licences or working with children check. You control what details are exchanged.”

In another example, TEx could be used for a person to prove they are old enough to enter a club.

“They’d just hold their phone up to a QR code or tap-to-pay machine, and a digital token will be sent to the club vouching for their identity, and they are over 18.

“None of that information needs to be kept by the club. The token will be a valuable promise to the club but of zero value to a cybercriminal.

“Because the confirmation token will not contain any personal information.”

Shorten says TEx could be used in exchanges between governments and businesses, as well as between consumers and governments and consumers and businesses.

“Whatever the case, online or in person, you choose what is shared, you consent to it being shared and you can trust it is safe.”

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Albanese government developing proposal for new digital ID system to protect personal information – https://theconversation.com/albanese-government-developing-proposal-for-new-digital-id-system-to-protect-personal-information-236603

Breaking bad: Why Australia’s Raygun scored zero in Olympics debut

By Amit Sarwal

The Paris Olympics might be over, but in a stunning turn of events on the last weekend Australian breakdancing champion Rachael Gunn, known as B-girl Raygun, scored a zero in her debut.

The 36-year-old university lecturer with a PhD in cultural studies failed to earn a single point across her three bouts when breaking made its Olympic debut, sparking widespread criticism both online and in some mainstream media outlets.

Amid the backlash, MGbility, a breaking judge, offered an explanation for Gunn’s poor performance.

PARIS OLYMPICS 2024

MGbility expressed empathy for the Australian performer, attributing her lack of points to the high level of competition rather than a lack of effort.

“I feel personally very sorry,” MGbility told News Corp.

“The breaking and hip hop community definitely stands behind her. She was just trying to bring something new, something original, something that represents her country.”

MGbility further elaborated on the judging process, explaining that Gunn’s performance, while creative, fell short when compared to her rivals.

“We have five criteria in the comparative judging system. Just her level was maybe not as high as the other competitors.

“Her competitors were just better, but it doesn’t mean that she did really bad. She did her best.”

Primarily, breaking is judged on creativity, personality, technique, variety, musicality and vocabulary, which is the variation and quantity of moves. In her routine, Raygun incorporated elements she felt were uniquely Australian, including hopping like a kangaroo, yawning at an opponent, and performing the sprinkler.

MGbility noted that originality and innovation are key in breaking, and Gunn’s interpretation, though spirited, did not resonate with the judges.

“She was representing Australia and Oceania and did her best,” MGbility said.

“Unfortunately for her, the other b-girls were better. That’s why she didn’t score any votes in her rounds.

“Breaking is all about originality and bringing something new to the table from your country or region, and this is exactly what Raygun was doing.”

Samuel Free, a title-winning breakdancer and Raygun’s coach—and husband—anticipated that her routine in Paris would include some unconventional moves.

In an interview with Stan Sport before her Olympic performance, he hinted that those playful elements would likely make an appearance.

“She’ll definitely have some signature moves, and there will be a few surprises too—a little bit of Aussie flavour she’s keen to bring in.”

Despite the criticism, Raygun has found support from prominent figures, including Australian Olympic team chef de mission Anna Meares.

Meares had strongly condemned the online abuse directed at the athlete and praised her resilience in a male-dominated sport.

“I love Rachael, and I think what has occurred on social media with trolls and keyboard warriors has been really disappointing,” Meares stated.

She highlighted Gunn’s perseverance, recalling her struggles in 2008 as the only woman in a male-dominated sport, which led to her qualifying for the Olympics in Paris.

“She is the best female breakdancer we have for Australia,” Meares asserted.

“Raygun is an absolutely loved member of this Olympic team. She has represented the Olympic spirit with great enthusiasm, and I absolutely love her courage and character.

“I feel very disappointed for her that she has come under attack.”

Following her exit from the competition, Raygun criticised the decision to drop breaking from the Los Angeles 2028 programme, calling it “disappointing.”

She also responded to critiques of her choice to wear the Australian Olympic tracksuit during her performance, a point of pride for the athlete.

Reflecting on the experience, Gunn said, “I know how rare this opportunity is, and I wanted to take the chance to wear the green and gold. It was a real moment of pride for me to wear the Australian uniform, especially with the Indigenous print on the arms.”

No matter what the judges say or what the trolls write, it’s undeniable that 36-year-old B-girl Raygun unintentionally stole the spotlight and is now poised to become an Australian cult icon.

Republished with permission from The Australia Today.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

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