Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chelsey Taylor, PhD Candidate, Swinburne University of Technology

From revolutionary Geelong ruckman Graham “Polly” Farmer, to the electrifying Krakouer brothers (Phil and Jim) at North Melbourne, through to modern stars such as Charlie Cameron, Adam Goodes, Lance Franklin and Eddie Betts, Indigenous athletes have long shone brightly on Australian Football League (AFL) fields.

However, there has recently been a worrying drop in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander players and draft picks.

It’s an issue the AFL is concerned about, with a steady decline of Indigenous players over the past four years in the men’s and women’s leagues.

In 2024, 70 men and 21 women players identified as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander.

This is a decrease of 17% since a high of 109 in 2020. The number of draftees also declined to just four in last year’s men’s draft.

The AFL has actively called for new ideas to improve Indigenous engagement given this decline.

Ahead of this week’s AFL draft, it is not just the number of draftees in isolation that’s worrying, rather the environments into which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander players enter the AFL system.

A distinct lack of consistency, support and genuine cultural understanding remains part of an ecosystem that doesn’t fully understand the value of including cultural knowledges in sport.

Culture is crucial

Culture is a vital, inherent aspect of life for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

It takes many forms, from learning language and performing activities, to understanding familial connections and learning about histories.

It is an individual right that is vitally important on a personal level.

Understanding this connection and the role of culture in daily life is a crucial step in reconciliation in Australia. It has also proven to be a critical element of recruiting, retaining and developing Indigenous players.

Club sources have identified this as a key to success but often, clubs don’t or can’t find ways to support Indigenous players.

One club source told us, anonymously:

There’s a gap between our expectations of young Indigenous players and the realities of their lives.

Funding queries

The AFL developed the Next Generation Academy program in 2017 for young Indigenous and multicultural people aged 11–18 to encourage participation and provide access to expert coaching and elite pathways into AFL.

These academies are zone-based, and while they provide an opportunity for clubs to engage and connect with local communities, they are not without criticism.

Some critics believe a lack of adequate resources results in ad-hoc and sporadic engagement. This, in turn, limits effective engagement with Indigenous families and communities.

The impact of COVID resulted in cuts to resources across the AFL landscape and development programs felt these immensely, particularly the Indigenous pathways.

Club sources also told us the success of Indigenous-specific talent pipelines – such as the Flying Boomerangs and Woomeras, which historically have developed many current AFL players – are at risk in the current climate.

Recruiting isn’t one-size-fits-all

Pathway programs into the AFL have a strong focus on getting athletes “AFL ready”. This means getting 15- to 18-year-olds performing in ways that satisfy recruiters.

The nuanced challenges of life, particularly for young Indigenous people, do not always align with performing in such ways and to such expectations.

Development occurs at varying levels and times, but potential draftees are expected to reach standardised markers to prove their talent and abilities.

This narrow view of talent development, combined with the rigid mainstream talent pathways, have a way to go to be culturally safe and accessible.

Some potential solutions

So, what might be done to help reverse the decline of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander players?

The AFL should consider new and innovative ways to work with state and regional associations that actively engage remote communities with football activity.

It may also be beneficial to engage talent scouts from a range of backgrounds and to rethink the talent pathways.

Proud Wiradjuri man, Professor John Evans, the pro vice-chancellor of Indigenous engagement for Swinburne University of Technology, rightly points out concerns about “colonialised” club cultures and the resulting systemic racism. Recent alleged cases include Hawthorn and Collingwood.

While efforts are being made to address aspects of systemic racism, issues continue to arise. This indicates more needs to be done.

Also, recent research demonstrates the need for greater authenticity in leadership pathways for Indigenous players. There are currently only three coaches working across the AFL men’s competition and two development coaches in the women’s competition who are Indigenous.

There are no Indigenous head coaches or CEOs. As of 2023, only eight clubs have Indigenous representation on the board.

Clubs that demonstrate ongoing commitment and connections with community tend to also have higher retention of Indigenous players and staff.

It isn’t enough to simply draft an Indigenous player and hope they thrive on the field.

Increased cultural education at all levels can help shift current thinking.

Placing culture at the forefront of club activity can help provide appropriate, engaged and informed support to young Indigenous players who exemplify everything we love about football, and provide club-wide benefits both on and off the field.

Chelsey Taylor has previously received research funding from various sporting organisations and currently works alongside sport in the not-for-profit sector.

Andrew Peters does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. It’s clear footy has an Indigenous participation problem, and the AFL draft is only part of the solution – https://theconversation.com/its-clear-footy-has-an-indigenous-participation-problem-and-the-afl-draft-is-only-part-of-the-solution-228779

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ladan Hashemi, Senior Research Fellow in Health Sciences, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Childhood obesity is a growing concern worldwide. But in New Zealand it’s a particularly pressing issue.

With one of the highest rates in the OECD, about one in three New Zealand children are overweight or obese. Obesity in children can lead to severe health issues that persist into adulthood.

While many factors contribute to childhood obesity – such as diet, physical activity and genetics – one often-overlooked factor is screen time.

Children are constantly surrounded by devices such as TVs, tablets and smartphones, and screen time has become a normal part of daily life.

The World Health Organization and the American Academy of Paediatrics both suggest preschool-aged children should have no more than one hour of screen time daily.

But many young children in New Zealand and overseas are spending significantly more time on screens, with many regularly surpassing these guidelines.

Our new study explored how simple family screen time rules could reduce childhood obesity risk. Our work revealed ways parents and policymakers can tackle this growing challenge.

Screens and the risk of obesity

Excessive screen time has been linked to various health issues in children, ranging from mental and emotional problems to physical health concerns like obesity.

Spending too much time with screens often means more sitting and less physical activity, both of which can lead to excess weight gain.

Additionally, screen time is associated with snacking, as children often eat while watching shows or playing games. These snacks are typically high in sugar and fat, contributing to weight gain over time.

Advertisements for high-calorie foods are also common in children’s media, increasing cravings for unhealthy snacks.

Moreover, screens emit blue light, which can disrupt sleep cycles if used close to bedtime. Poor sleep has been shown to increase hunger and cravings for high-calorie foods, making children more susceptible to weight gain.

Noticeable benefits from limits

Our research used data from the Growing Up in New Zealand study, which followed over 5,700 children and their families. We examined how family screen time rules established at the age of two influenced obesity risk by the time the children were four-and-a-half.

The results were eye-opening. We found families who set and implemented clear rules about screen use saw noticeable benefits.

These rules indirectly helped reduce obesity risk by supporting better sleep habits and limiting excessive screen use – two factors strongly linked to healthier weight.

While the study didn’t find a direct link between screen time rules and a reduced obesity rate, it did show how these rules can prevent behaviours associated with weight gain.

For example, children in families with screen time rules slept longer and spent less time on screens, both of which are critical for maintaining a healthy weight.

The most effective screen time strategies covered three main areas:

Quality: deciding what type of shows or apps children can use. Previous research recommend prioritising educational or calming media over fast-paced or violent shows, as intense content can overstimulate children, making it harder for them to relax and sleep well.

Quantity: setting a limit on how much time children spend on screens each day.

Timing: establishing rules on when screens are allowed. For instance, avoiding screen time right before bed can help prevent sleep disruption from blue light exposure.

The findings suggest setting all three types of screen rules can make a big difference in helping children form healthier habits. When families combine these rules, it doesn’t just reduce screen time; it also supports better sleep, which is vital for children’s overall health.

Over time, these small but consistent rules can have a lasting, positive impact on children’s physical and mental wellbeing, reducing the risk of developing unhealthy weight.

Other factors

It’s worth noting that screen time habits don’t exist in a vacuum. The study also highlighted how socioeconomic factors can affect screen time and, subsequently, childhood obesity.

Families in financially disadvantaged situations often have fewer resources to manage screen time effectively. These families might rely more on screens to entertain or occupy children due to limited access to alternative activities or safe outdoor spaces.

Additionally, food insecurity – a lack of access to affordable, nutritious food – can increase reliance on inexpensive, unhealthy food options, further contributing to childhood obesity.

When we accounted for factors such as poverty and food insecurity, the link between screen time and obesity became less direct. This suggests that tackling childhood obesity effectively requires addressing these underlying socioeconomic factors alongside screen time habits.

Guiding parents

For families, the key advice is to implement and maintain rules that address the quality, quantity and timing of screen use.

These rules encourage children to balance their screen time with other activities, like physical play and adequate sleep, which are essential for healthy growth and development and reduce obesity risk.

Policymakers can also play a role by supporting initiatives that assist families in lower-income brackets.

Policies which reduce poverty, make healthy food more affordable and accessible, and create safe and attractive neighbourhood spaces would all make it easier for parents to establish and follow screen time rules.

With rates of childhood obesity rising and long-term health consequences becoming more apparent, tackling this issue requires coordinated action from families, communities and policymakers alike.

This research was completed with Maryam Ghasemi, Deborah Schlichting, Maryam Pirouzi and Cameron Grant.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Basic rules for screen time at a young age can help reduce childhood obesity – new research – https://theconversation.com/basic-rules-for-screen-time-at-a-young-age-can-help-reduce-childhood-obesity-new-research-243674

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Narelle Miragliotta, Associate Professor in Politics, Murdoch University

State and territory elections held in 2024 have not delivered the electoral and legislative gains the Greens would have hoped for or expected.

Of the elections conducted this year, the Greens’ performance was, at best, a mixed bag. At worst, it was flat. As the table below shows, the party experienced either slight declines or only modest growth in their first preference vote.

Heading into an election next year, there are potential portents for the federal Greens too.

A poll by Resolve Political Monitor for the Sydney Morning Herald found the party’s net likeability has declined from –11% in December 2023 to –19% in November 2024. Moreover, its national leader Adam Bandt is rated the third most unlikeable federal politician.

The 2022 Australian Election Study (AES) found Bandt ranked highly on trust. It is conceivable that voters can trust someone they don’t like, but this seems unlikely.

The Greens get a lot of attention – but is it turning voters off?

The Greens have been a particularly assertive presence in the 47th federal parliament. This, of course, is not without its rewards, if rewards are measured in terms of free media coverage. What is less clear is whether the events that have attracted media attention are to the Greens’ electoral advantage.

Take the cases of the Greens senators walking out of the chamber and holding up placards during Senate questions over the Albanese government’s decision not to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

While such acts might appeal to the base and younger voters, other segments of the electorate may regard such action as stunts, and behaviour unbecoming of a serious parliamentary party.

Consider also the Greens’ decision in June 2024 to delay the passage of the Albanese government’s Housing Fund, even after the government’s offer of an extra $2 billion in spending on social housing.

The Greens had several concerns about the house funding proposal, key among them its consequences for renters. They said they would not support the bill until Prime Minister Anthony Albanese managed to get the states and territories to agree to a rent freeze.

However, laws for renters are a state matter, not a federal concern. And while some economists agreed the Housing Fund may result in unintended effects for renters, polling suggested the initiative was popular, including among Greens voters.

By September, the Greens announced they would support the bill. The risk for the Greens is that the time it took to secure concessions, and the argy-bargy that surrounded negotiations, supported Labor’s narrative of the party being “inflexible” or a “party of protest”, which is code for “radical”.

With the final parliamentary session for 2024 underway, the Greens are keen to restart negotiations with the Albanese government over housing and the stalled Nature Positive bill.

However, they might have overplayed their hand by holding out for as long as they have. It is possible the party could secure additional concessions from the Albanese government in exchange for their support, but they also might not. In that case, the Greens would have to decide whether to vote down one or more bills, or capitulate. However it ends, and whether fairly or not, the Greens might have squandered any claim to being a constructive and responsible balance-of-power player.

The limits of a party as movement

The Greens’ approach to politics is consistent with the party’s movement origins, grounded in a more expressive and disruptive style of political action, both within and outside of parliament.

The question is whether that approach is an incongruous and counterproductive fit for a party that is now a longstanding fixture of the political establishment, and has made clear its desire (and intention) to be an alternative party of government.

The Greens must grow their support if they are to realise their ambitions to form government. There is significant opportunity for the party to expand its vote share. There has been persistent decline in voter support for the major parties, and upwards of 22% of voters claimed no partisanship or allegiance to any party in 2022.

The question for the Greens is whether they are positioning the party to take advantage of evident discontent with the major parties, and the growth in non-party identifiers.

The Greens may well succeed in growing their support among younger voters, but are they building too narrow an electoral coalition, and alienating a wider range of progressive voters? Around 18% of enrolled voters are aged 18–29, and the party already attracts strong support among younger voters.

The Greens should also expect that more community independents (such as the Teals) will contest an even more diverse range of seats at the 2024 election. Why does this matter? The most recent Australian Election Study found that Teal voters were more likely to be “tactical voters who see their preferred party as nonviable in the electorate and use this information to defeat the most viable party”.

The Greens cannot take for granted that disaffected major party voters, and more specifically disaffected Labor voters, will necessarily choose them.

Narelle Miragliotta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. To build support, it might be time for the Greens to hang up their movement-style approach to politics – https://theconversation.com/to-build-support-it-might-be-time-for-the-greens-to-hang-up-their-movement-style-approach-to-politics-243693

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonine Jancey, Academic and Director Collaboration for Evidence, Research and Impact in Public Health, Curtin University

Last week, the federal government announced a plan to roll out an anti-vaping program in schools across the country.

The education program, called OurFutures, aims to prevent young people taking up vaping. It has been developed by experts from the University of Sydney’s Matilda Centre for Research in Mental Health and Substance Use with input from educators and young people.

So why do we need this program, what will it involve, and will it be an effective way to stop young people taking up vaping? Let’s take a closer look.

Vaping is on the rise

A survey of Australian high school students in 2022–23 showed almost one in three reported having tried vaping, while one in six had vaped in the previous month.

This represents a significant increase over time, with rates of both lifetime (ever) vaping and vaping in the past month more than doubling since 2017.

However, since this data were collected, new laws to control the supply of and access to vapes have been introduced, which aim to reduce the prevalence of vaping.

Evidence showing the harmful effects of vaping is mounting. A 2022 review found vaping was linked to a range of negative health outcomes including poisoning, addiction, burns to the face, hands and thighs, lung injury, and an increased likelihood of taking up tobacco smoking.

Vapes, or e-cigarettes, have been found to contain a number of chemicals known to cause cancer, including formaldehyde, acetone, and heavy metals such as nickel and lead. This means young vapers are breathing in chemicals found in nail polish remover, plastics, weed killer and industrial glues.

Although we don’t yet understand the longer-term health effects of vaping, the evidence we have so far indicates it’s vital to stop as many people taking up this habit as possible.

What will the program entail?

OurFutures is designed for children in years 7 and 8 based on research evidence. Students are guided through four online lessons, each of which uses a variety of activities and resources to educate them about the harms of vaping. Lessons also cover information on the impact of social media, assertive communication, and how and where to seek help.

The government says the program will be able to reach more than 3,000 schools across Australia.

Our research and that of others indicates this is an optimal age to reach young people, as it’s a time when they are starting to experiment and take up vapes.

This program is also extremely timely, as young people have told us they want vaping prevention messages in their schools to help them make informed decisions. These young people recognise there’s a lack of credible information available.

Equally, school professionals (such as principals and teachers) recognise they are unable to deal with the issue of vaping among students on their own, and have been calling for support.

The OurFutures program is currently being trialled in 40 schools across New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia.

Initial results have been positive. Just after students had completed the program, they knew more about the harms of vaping, and they reported reduced intentions to vape.

However, to our knowledge, full results from the trial have yet to be released. It’s also unclear whether these results will be maintained in the longer term.

A review of school-based vaping prevention programs found that although many interventions improved knowledge, attitudes and intentions around vaping in the short term, these effects were not always maintained.

However, this review also suggested programs delivered over multiple sessions, as is the case with OurFutures, were effective in preventing young people taking up vaping over longer periods.

An important element of any public health program is its capacity to be tailored to different populations. Australia is a culturally and linguistically diverse country, with urban, regional, and remote populations. It’s currently not clear if and how the program will take these differences into account.

The program should be part of a broader approach

Providing evidence-based, rational information in this way should help many young people doing this program better understand the potential health risks of vaping, and in turn think twice about doing it.

However, school-based education programs are only one strategy in a suite of strategies needed to address youth vaping. Relying solely on young people to change their behaviour is unrealistic and not best practice.

Young people operate in communities, influenced by family, social norms, and societal structures. Education is great, but we need to stop the exposure and access to these harmful products.

Fortunately, Australia’s crackdown on vaping is world-leading. We welcome recently announced vaping reforms, including stopping the importation of vapes, selling them solely behind the pharmacy counter, and restricting flavours, which limit their accessibility and appeal for school students.

Since these vape regulations were introduced the Australian Border Force has stopped hundreds of thousands of vapes entering Australia.

The recent Public Health (Tobacco and Other Products) Act 2023 also restricts the advertising and promotion of vapes, including on social media. This means the same bans that apply to tobacco advertising now also apply to vapes.

Our research shows vaping has been widely promoted to young people on social media. Social media companies must ensure the health of their users is prioritised over commercial interests.

Just last week the government called for a “digital duty of care”, which would require social media companies to take steps to create a safer online environment for all Australians.

Ultimately, the national vaping prevention program for Australian school students is a positive step. But it needs to be complemented by a range of strategies and continued government investment to support our young people to avoid or stop vaping.

Jonine Jancey receives funding from the Western Australian Health Promotion Foundation to undertake research into e-cigarettes.

Renee Carey has worked on commissioned research on e-cigarette use in young people for the Cancer Council of Western Australia. This work is not related to the contents of this article.

– ref. Australia’s new anti-vaping program in schools is a good step – but education is only part of the puzzle – https://theconversation.com/australias-new-anti-vaping-program-in-schools-is-a-good-step-but-education-is-only-part-of-the-puzzle-243717

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Song Shi, Associate Professor, Property Economics, University of Technology Sydney

If you’re buying a house near a river or on a floodplain, you will likely come up against the question of flood risk. We usually talk about this in terms of chance.

Houses close to the river might be at risk of a 1-in-100 year flood, meaning there’s a 1% chance a flood could hit in any given year. Houses further back might be at risk of a 1-in-500 year flood (0.2% chance). Truly extreme floods might be 1-in-1,000 or even 10,000 years. This way of thinking about flood risk is technically known as an Annual Exceedance Probability (AEP).

What does flood risk translate to? Our recent research found houses in the New South Wales town of Richmond with an AEP of 100 – meaning a 1-in-100 year flood – come at a discount of almost 11% compared to similar homes without the risk. We are prepared to pay less for houses we think might flood.

But what’s really interesting is how quickly this discount drops off. A house in an AEP 500 zone (1-in-500 years) has a 4.4% discount. There’s no discount for houses in an AEP 1,000 zone, at risk from a 1-in-1,000 year flood. People simply ignore this risk as if it doesn’t exist. But it does. The floods which devastated Lismore in 2022 were roughly 1-in-1,000 year floods – so extreme we think it won’t happen. But it can and does.

When we assess the risk of natural disasters, we often ignore or underestimate events with a low probability but high severity. But as climate change makes floods worse and worse, this is a problem. The lethal floods in Spain came after a year’s worth of rain fell in a few hours in some areas. We underestimate floods at our peril.

What a flood-prone town tells us about risk

When we think of the risk of natural disasters such as bushfires, floods and earthquakes, our perceptions tend to be bounded by thresholds. We focus on the most likely threats and tend to ignore or play down the risk of severe events with low probability.

This may have made sense historically. But this approach won’t cut it in the future. Climate change is already making severe floods more likely, including flash floods and rivers breaking their banks.

For authorities tasked with managing flood risk, this poses a major challenge. The gap between how we see these risks and the actual threat they pose could lead to major losses of lives and property. Our research suggests people stop assessing risk beyond 1-in-500 year floods (AEP 500).

In our research, we looked at Richmond, a flood-prone town of about 14,500 people in the Hawkesbury-Nepean Valley in New South Wales, and surrounding areas. This area has a long history of significant and dangerous flooding.

In the last few years, it has had five major floods, in February 2020, March 2021 and March, April and July 2022. Major floods here indicate the river has risen over 12 metres.

We used home sales data and the region’s digital flood maps to gauge how people were assessing risk in flood-prone areas.

Digital flood maps are widely used to assess the risk of flood at a specific location. In 2019, the NSW government conducted a regional flood study for the 500 square kilometre Hawkesbury-Nepean Valley, capitalising on advances in flood modelling and changes to the floodplain. These maps were updated in 2023. We used both of these maps so we could verify our findings and see how changes in the updated version changed people’s perception of risks.

These maps are very influential, as they directly shape how people see the risk of floods near them. We found these maps have strengthened residents’ perceptions of flood risk.

For instance, houses with the same flood risk levels across both 2019 and 2023 flood maps saw greater drops in price compared to houses where the risk level had changed or was unclear.

In recent years, insurers have jacked up flood insurance premiums, which could mean affected residents underinsure themselves in the future. In 2023, Richmond’s median house price was A$825,000. But if it was in the 1-in-100 AEP 100 flooding zone, our research suggests it would be discounted by about 11% ($89,100).

But while the upfront cost may be less, owners of these homes will have to pay substantially higher insurance premiums as long as they own it. Getting insurance in a AEP 100 flood zone can be much more expensive than people think.

For authorities, these maps help identify areas most vulnerable to extreme flood events, such as over a 1-in-500 year flood.

As we prepare for more severe floods hitting more often, authorities need to give people as much notice as possible.

Ahead of a major rain event, we suggest authorities should release digital flood maps of areas likely to be affected – including different AEP levels. If a extreme flood (1-in-500 years or more) is likely, people living in areas with little or no flooding in their lifetimes will be affected. They need to know.

Read more:
One in 1,000 years? Old flood probabilities no longer hold water

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. We pay less for houses in one-in-100 year flood zones – but overlook risks of more devastating floods – https://theconversation.com/we-pay-less-for-houses-in-one-in-100-year-flood-zones-but-overlook-risks-of-more-devastating-floods-243485

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Charlotte Dunn, Lecturer in Classics, University of Tasmania

The Egyptian queen Cleopatra is often associated with glamorous beauty routines, deadly snake bites, lavish banquets and torrid affairs with some of the most notorious men in Roman history.

One such (very public) affair was with Roman leader Julius Caesar.

But their “situationship” was complex. This doomed romance ended abruptly in 44 BCE when Caesar was quite literally stabbed in the back (and from all sides) by his enemies in Rome. And she pretty soon hooked up with one of his closest allies.

Queen meets consul

When Caesar met Cleopatra, he was was 52 and had a wife back in Rome. But something about the 21-year-old Cleopatra caught his eye.

Perhaps it was her charming banter and impressive mind. The ancient author Plutarch reports Cleopatra was an irresistible conversation partner, and fluent in nine languages.

Things really got started when Caesar got involved in a family feud involving Cleopatra and her royal relatives.

Cleopatra came from a long line of dramatic and ruthless kings and queens, which we now call the Ptolemies.

The Ptolemies had ruled Egypt since about 305 or 304 BCE. They didn’t always get along but they were very close. As in, genetically close.

The Ptolemies had practised brother-sister marriages (and other in-the-family marriages as well) for several generations.

According to this tradition, Cleopatra was probably married to her ten-year-old brother Ptolemy XIII when their father died and they became co-rulers of Egypt.

So in pursuing Caesar, you might say Cleopatra was going against the family trend by dating outside her siblings.

Cleopatra’s union with her little brother was not a happy one: the young Ptolemy, alongside his advisors, had managed to run Cleopatra out of Egypt, wanting to rule the kingdom without her interfering.

While Cleopatra was busy raising an army to reclaim her place on the throne, Caesar arrived at the royal palace at Alexandria in 48 BCE.

Caesar had his own political woes. He was in the middle of a civil war, and was pursuing his rival Gnaeus Pompey (also known as Pompey the Great) after defeating his army in Greece.

Ptolemy, completely misreading the situation, greeted Caesar with a gruesome and unexpected gift: Pompey’s severed head.

Outraged and disgusted, Caesar demanded Cleopatra and her brother reconcile, but Cleopatra had other plans.

Plutarch says she hid herself in a bed sack and got smuggled into the palace to meet and charm Caesar.

Was it true love?

The young Cleopatra was ambitious, and there’s no denying a connection with Caesar was politically advantageous.

Caesar also had plenty of other affairs, including one with another queen, Eunoë of Mauretania.

But there may well have been a true connection with Cleopatra. Caesar, after all, was also very well educated and ruthlessly ambitious, and the ancient author Suetonius states Cleopatra was Caesar’s most passionate love affair.

But whatever sparks flew, Cleopatra couldn’t fully escape her family responsibilities.

Caesar put her back on the throne but arranged for her to marry her youngest brother, Ptolemy XIV after her previous brother-husband (Ptolemy XIII) drowned.

Nothing spells romance like your lover ordering you to marry your 12-year-old brother, but Cleopatra needed Caesar’s help to secure her position on the throne.

Being older and ambitious, she seemingly had no trouble taking the lead in running their kingdom, pushing Ptolemy XIV to one side.

A luxurious cruise down the Nile

Some sources say Cleopatra and Caesar celebrated their success at smoothing things over in Alexandria by taking a luxurious cruise down the Nile, accompanied by 400 ships.

This promoted their partnership and alliance, and by this time there was something else to celebrate: Cleopatra was pregnant with Caesar’s son, something she wanted to advertise as the future of her dynasty.

Cleopatra and Caesar’s son was nicknamed Caesarion, meaning “little Caesar”, although he is also known as Ptolemy Caesar or Ptolemy XV.

Caesarion’s existence was a bit of a problem. Caesar probably acknowledged the boy as his son, but Roman law did not, because Roman men were not allowed to marry foreign women.

There was also of course the matter that Caesar was still married at the time, to a Roman woman named Calpurnia.

The fiercely republican Romans of this era did not have much love for monarchy, and Caesar’s dalliance with Cleopatra probably made his fellow Romans even more suspicious about his own grand plans.

When in Rome

Despite many Romans disapproving of the relationship, the Egyptian queen spent about 18 months living on Caesar’s estate in Rome.

While there, Caesar seems to have done nothing to dispel the rumours about his situationship with Cleopatra, and he may have even dedicated a golden statue of Cleopatra as Venus in the temple of Venus Genetrix.

The famous orator Cicero was not impressed, writing in a letter to a friend “reginam odi” or “I hate the queen.”

After Caesar’s assassination, Cleopatra returned to Egypt.

But she soon began a love affair with Marc Antony, Caesar’s right hand man and would-be successor to his power, if 19-year-old Octavian (who would eventually become the first emperor Augustus) had not been named heir in Caesar’s will.

Antony and Cleopatra’s relationship flourished, but ended in tragedy when Octavian’s political rivalry with Antony intensified, and Octavian used their relationship as fuel for anti-Antony propaganda.

The lovers were eventually pursued and defeated by Octavian’s forces. Both took their own lives – he by stabbing himself with a sword and she, according to one version of the tale, by compelling a snake to bite her.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What was the deal with Julius Caesar and Cleopatra’s ‘situationship’? – https://theconversation.com/what-was-the-deal-with-julius-caesar-and-cleopatras-situationship-237868

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hallam Stevens, Professor of Interdisciplinary Studies, James Cook University

On November 12, United States president-elect Donald Trump announced he would appoint Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, to lead a newly constituted Department of Government Efficiency alongside fellow tech billionaire and former presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy. The new department will be tasked with reining in government bureaucracy, curbing government spending, and reducing regulation.

Musk has been outspoken in his support of Trump’s campaign, which included potentially illegal financial “giveaways” to voters. Although Musk’s direct involvement in electoral politics is new, attempts by technology companies and their leaders to reshape public policy and governance have a long history, from transport and housing to town planning.

By looking more closely at some of these initiatives, we may be able to get a preview of what Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency will attempt to do, what government-by-tech may look like, and what might go wrong.

Replacing public services

In 2013, Musk himself proposed a new form of public transport called the “hyperloop” to connect Los Angeles and San Francisco. And Musk’s SpaceX is his attempt to out-compete the publicly funded NASA in building rockets.

But other tech companies have had similar ambitions.

Uber has made a series of attempts to replace public transportation. Companies such as Sidewalk Labs (a subsidiary of Google’s parent company, Alphabet) have made efforts to substitute for urban infrastructure by building so-called “smart cities” that collect and analyse data about people’s behaviour in order to make decisions about providing services.

An economist has even suggested that Amazon bookstores might replace public libraries. Tech companies have challenged public offerings in fields as diverse as education, identity verification and housing.

The limits of disruption

One thing many government-by-tech projects have in common is a belief that government is fundamentally inefficient, and that (unregulated) technology can provide better solutions.

Silicon Valley tech companies have long espoused “disruption”, the idea of overthrowing a moribund status quo with innovation. Unlike public bureaucracies, the argument goes, companies can “move fast and break things” to find new and more efficient ways to deliver services and value.

Tech companies following this philosophy have certainly offered services that benefit many of us in our day-to-day lives, and made huge amounts of money. But this doesn’t mean the Silicon Valley model makes sense for public administration. In fact, the evidence suggests something more like the opposite.

A history of failure

Tech’s forays into the provision of public services have had mixed results.

In 2017, the Canadian town of Innisfil replaced all its public transit with Uber. The result was spiralling costs for the city (in fees paid to Uber), more cars on the road, and higher transportation costs for low-income residents.

Sidewalk Labs’ smart-city experiment in Toronto was abandoned in 2021 after running into objections related to privacy and planning.

In the case of housing, the tech industry disruption has made existing problems worse, with Airbnb and other short-term rental companies contributing to the housing crisis.

Narrow solutions for narrow problems

Technology companies also tend to focus on a relatively narrow range of problems. Silicon Valley has helped us to find a taxi, pick a restaurant for dinner, navigate efficiently around a city, transfer cash to our friends, and search for the best rental for our vacation.

It has provided fewer solutions for finding low-income housing, providing care for the aged, or reducing our energy consumption. There are important reasons for this: tech companies want to generate revenue by tapping upper-middle class consumers with disposable income.

But these gaps also reflect the lack of diversity in Silicon Valley itself. Tech remains mostly white, mostly male, mostly upper-middle class, mostly highly educated. This impacts the kinds of problems Silicon Valley sees and the kinds of solutions it produces.

All this is bad enough for the private sector. But the job of the government is not merely to look after shareholders or customers (or even just those who voted for it), but rather to look after all its citizens.

Services for the few

The concern here is that the kinds of solutions and “efficiencies” that Silicon Valley produces may end up serving the few at the expense of the many. Some “inefficiencies” of public services arise from the fact they are designed to take as many people into account as possible. Provisions and protections for older people, for those with disabilities, for those who may not speak English as a first language, for example, all create the need for more bureaucracy and more regulation.

Musk has said public transit is a “pain in the ass” where you have to stand next to potential serial killers. Of course, in many places public transport carries no such stigma. What’s more, many of those who might like to commute in private jets (or even Teslas) may have little choice but to subject themselves to the vagaries of a public bus.

One of SpaceX’s goals is to reduce the cost of a trip to Mars to under $US1 million. This would be a remarkable achievement, but it means that Musk’s imagined Mars colony would remain incredibly elite. Spaceships and hyperloops are woefully inadequate as public policy.

Unsexy necessities

While the philosophy of disruption tries to downplay the importance of existing infrastructure and institutions, the tech industry itself relies on them. Uber depends on cars and roads (including the governments that maintains them), Airbnb depends on brick-and-mortar buildings (and the labour that builds them), and Amazon and eBay depend on transportation infrastructure and postal services.

All tech companies rely on established and enforced systems of finance, property, and taxation. These old infrastructures and institutions may be unsexy and even inefficient.

However, these so-called inefficiencies have often evolved in ways aligned with fairness, justice, and inclusivity. The record of Silicon Valley tech companies does not suggest that they share such values.

Hallam Stevens has received funding from the Ministry of Education (Singapore), the National Heritage Board (Singapore), the National Science Foundation (USA) and the Wenner-Gren Foundation.

– ref. Elon Musk’s new job will bring tech ‘disruption’ to the US government – and history says it won’t be pretty – https://theconversation.com/elon-musks-new-job-will-bring-tech-disruption-to-the-us-government-and-history-says-it-wont-be-pretty-243907

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Russ-Smith, Associate Professor, Social Work and Assistant Deputy Head of School, School of Allied Health, Australian Catholic University

From climate change to geopolitical instability to health emergencies, we are entering a period of momentous change. The technology industry likes to tell us that the antidote is artificial intelligence (AI).

But as things currently stand, AI is actually accelerating climate change, harming Country and perpetuating systemic racism.

It doesn’t have to be this way. In fact, AI can address many of the problems facing the world today.

One way to ensure this is by centring Wiradyuri (an Indigenous nation in central New South Wales) and other sovereign First Nations ways of knowing and being with the world and technology.

A long history

First Nations cultures from around the world have a long history of creating and using technology.

For example, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander fish traps and fishing practices support sustainable fishing. They allow fish populations to thrive and eliminate waste by using the entire fish.

Inuit people from modern day North America also carved bones into snow goggles and waterproofed their canoes with raw bitumen.

These examples reflect how First Nations cultures have long developed technology to help care for and enhance all life – including Country. This is a very different approach to technology to the one we find in settler colonial cultures.

A logic of destruction

Settler colonialism is where people from one country settle permanently on land where others already reside. The intention of the colonisers is to destroy what isn’t wanted (including Country and First Nations cultures), take what is desired and replace the existing social structure.

Modern nations such as the United States and Australia are examples of settler colonies.

There are numerous examples in history of people using technology to facilitate settler colonial violence. These include the infamous Tuskegee syphilis experiment which began in 1932 and continued to 1972, and the forced sterilisation of Indigenous peoples in Canada throughout the 20th century.

With the US leading AI research and development, the dominant forms of contemporary technology are perpetuating the settler-colonial logic of destroying and replacing culture, Country and communities. This AI-driven settler-colonialism is occurring at a speed and reach far greater than in the past.

Some forms of AI are programmed to steal data and erase certain perspectives, voices and experiences. People are also using the technology to specifically harm Indigenous peoples.

For example, during last year’s referendum on whether or not to create an Indigenous “Voice to Parliament” in Australia, AI was used to spread misinformation and appropriate Indigenous art in support of the “No” vote.

Time to transform

For lead author Jess, a sovereign Wiradyuri Wambuul woman, her understanding of AI draws from the Wiradyuri cosmology which teaches us that everything is related. This simple yet profound concept is encapsulated by the Wiradyuri concept “Wayanha”.

Loosely translated to English, Wayanha means transformation. It teaches that everything always exists, and has always existed. In this way a person, thing or place never simply begins or ends. Instead, it transforms.

This is as true of AI as it is of humans. Just as humans have the DNA which are the biological elements of those that came before us, so too does AI have the technological and cultural elements of what came before it.

Looking at AI this way highlights that this technology – and its impact on our world – isn’t a recent phenomenon, as some suggest. While dominant forms of AI may be different from technologies of the past, its harm on the world around us echoes that of all prior technology-aided settler-colonial violence.

Growing resistance

But this technological transformation is not a foregone conclusion. There is a growing movement of people resisting the pervasive settler-colonial AI transformations.

For example, there is the Lakota Language Learning Model project that is using a locally developed AI to preserve the native Lakota language in North America. There is also the Indigenous AI Abundant Intelligences research program that is exploring how to develop technology grounded in First Nations ways of knowing that “recognise the abundant multiplicity of ways of being intelligent in the world”.

You can trace the lineage of these examples back thousands of years to those ancient fish traps and other forms of sovereign First Nations technologies.

They show that technology doesn’t have to be harmful to people and Country in the way the dominant AI transformation currently is. Instead, by being First Nations-led, local, contextualised, purpose-built and sustainable, AI can help care for and preserve people and Country.

Jessica Russ-Smith is affiliated with the Australian Association of Social Workers where she is a non-executive Board Director.

Michelle Lazarus does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. AI for life: how sovereign Wiradyuri ways of knowing can transform technology for good – https://theconversation.com/ai-for-life-how-sovereign-wiradyuri-ways-of-knowing-can-transform-technology-for-good-243270

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laurie Menviel, Post-doctoral Research Fellow, Climate Change Research Centre, UNSW Sydney

A vast network of ocean currents nicknamed the “great global ocean conveyor belt” is slowing down. That’s a problem because this vital system redistributes heat around the world, influencing both temperatures and rainfall.

The Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation funnels heat northwards through the Atlantic Ocean and is crucial for controlling climate and marine ecosystems. It’s weaker now than at any other time in the past 1,000 years, and global warming could be to blame. But climate models have struggled to replicate the changes observed to date – until now.

Our modelling suggests the recent weakening of the oceanic circulation can potentially be explained if meltwater from the Greenland ice sheet and Canadian glaciers is taken into account.

Our results show the Atlantic overturning circulation is likely to become a third weaker than it was 70 years ago at 2°C of global warming. This would bring big changes to the climate and ecosystems, including faster warming in the southern hemisphere, harsher winters in Europe, and weakening of the northern hemisphere’s tropical monsoons. Our simulations also show such changes are likely to occur much sooner than others had suspected.

Changes in the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation

The Atlantic ocean circulation has been monitored continuously since 2004. But a longer-term view is necessary to assess potential changes and their causes.

There are various ways to work out what was going before these measurements began. One technique is based on sediment analyses. These estimates suggest the Atlantic meridional circulation is the weakest it has been for the past millennium, and about 20% weaker since the middle of the 20th century.

Evidence suggests the Earth has already warmed 1.5ºC since the industrial revolution.

The rate of warming has been nearly four times faster over the Arctic in recent decades.

Meltwater weakens oceanic circulation patterns

High temperatures are melting Arctic sea ice, glaciers and the Greenland ice sheet.

Since 2002, Greenland lost 5,900 billion tonnes (gigatonnes) of ice. To put that into perspective, imagine if the whole state of New South Wales was covered in ice 8 metres thick.

This fresh meltwater flowing into the subarctic ocean is lighter than salty seawater. So less water descends to the ocean depths. This reduces the southward flow of deep and cold waters from the Atlantic. It also weakens the Gulf Stream, which is the main pathway of the northward return flow of warm waters at the surface.

The Gulf Stream is what gives Britain mild winters compared to other places at the same distance from the north pole such as Saint-Pierre and Miquelon in Canada.

Our new research shows meltwater from the Greenland ice sheet and Arctic glaciers in Canada is the missing piece in the climate puzzle.

When we factor this into simulations, using an Earth system model and a high-resolution ocean model, slowing of the oceanic circulation reflects reality.

Our research confirms the Atlantic overturning circulation has been slowing down since the middle of the 20th century. It also offers a glimpse of the future.

Connectivity in the Atlantic Ocean

Our new research also shows the North and South Atlantic oceans are more connected than previously thought.

The weakening of the overturning circulation over the past few decades has obscured the warming effect in the North Atlantic, leading to what’s been termed a “warming hole”.

When oceanic circulation is strong, there is a large transfer of heat to the North Atlantic. But weakening of the oceanic circulation means the surface of the ocean south of Greenland has warmed much less than the rest.

Reduced heat and salt transfer to the North Atlantic has meant more heat and salt accumulated in the South Atlantic. As a result, the temperature and salinity in the South Atlantic increased faster.

Our simulations show changes in the far North Atlantic are felt in the South Atlantic Ocean in less than two decades. This provides new observational evidence of the past century slow-down of the Atlantic overturning circulation.

What does the future hold?

The latest climate projections suggest the Atlantic overturning circulation will weaken by about 30% by 2060. But these estimates do not take into account the meltwater that runs into the subarctic ocean.

The Greenland ice sheet will continue melting over the coming century, possibly raising global sea level by about 10 cm. If this additional meltwater is included in climate projections, the overturning circulation will weaken faster. It could be 30% weaker by 2040. That’s 20 years earlier than initially projected.

Such a rapid decrease in the overturning circulation over coming decades will disrupt climate and ecosystems. Expect harsher winters in Europe, and drier conditions in the northern tropics. The southern hemisphere, including Australia and southern South America, may face warmer and wetter summers.

Our climate has changed dramatically over the past 20 years. More rapid melting of the ice sheets will accelerate further disruption of the climate system.

This means we have even less time to stabilise the climate. So it is imperative that humanity acts to reduce emissions as fast as possible.

Laurie Menviel receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Gabriel Pontes receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Meltwater from Greenland and the Arctic is weakening ocean circulation, speeding up warming down south – https://theconversation.com/meltwater-from-greenland-and-the-arctic-is-weakening-ocean-circulation-speeding-up-warming-down-south-238302

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Norton, Professor in the Practice of Higher Education Policy, Australian National University

In a surprise move, the Coalition has announced it will vote against Labor’s bill to cap international student numbers. This follows previous Coalition comments saying it would work with universities to “put a cap on foreign students”.

The Greens opposed caps from the start. Between them, the Coalition and the Greens have a Senate majority, which means the Albanese government’s plan to cap international students seems dead.

For universities, TAFEs, private colleges and potential international students, this news will be cause for relief, but not celebration.

There are multiple other measures still in place to reduce international student numbers. The Coalition has also previously committed to capping international student numbers in the major cities.

So while the Coalition has now opposed Labor’s student caps, it is not opposed to the idea of caps altogether.

What did the caps bill propose?

The proposed bill would have given the education minister wide powers to cap international student enrolments by education provider, campus and course.

For 2025, the caps would have applied to enrolments that were new to the education provider.

Apart from students in exempt categories (such as postgraduate research students), vocational and higher education providers would have been allocated 270,000 commencing enrolments between them.

Exemptions make it difficult to compare the proposed 2025 cap with previous years, but during a Senate hearing earlier this month, the government gave 323,000 commencing enrolments as a comparable 2023 figure.

Separate formulas were going to apply for international student places in public universities, private universities and non-university higher education providers as well as vocational education institutes. The impact of Labor’s caps would have been uneven. This includes a small overall cut for public universities compared to 2023, with bigger reductions for other education providers.

The Coalition has been critical of the bill

During Senate hearings into the bill, and in their subsequent comments in the Senate inquiry report, Liberal senators attacked the disproportionate effects of the proposed caps on private education providers.

For some, their financial viability would be threatened. The Coalition highlighted a pilot training academy that could not survive with its capped number of international students. It would have to break contracts with international airlines.

Vocational and higher education regulators also shared their concerns about the impact on providers’ finances.

Education providers going out of business would put pressure on the Tuition Protection Service. This is a government-run but education provider-funded scheme that finds new courses for students of failed education providers or pays refunds.

While affected international students eventually get a new course or their money back, provider collapses can cause them significant stress and delay.

What might the Coalition do instead?

The Coalition’s Senate inquiry report also gives some guidance about how they would approach caps if they won the 2025 federal election.

It singled out the “excessive number” of international students flowing into Australia’s most prestigious universities, especially in Sydney and Melbourne.

“We respectfully suggest”, their comments say, “a number of Group of Eight universities have lost sight of their core mission”. The Coalition says that core mission is providing Australian students with high value tertiary qualifications.

The Coalition favourably quoted Deakin University (not a Group of Eight member), which voluntarily capped international students at 35% of total enrolments. Deakin talked about “getting the balance right” between local and overseas students.

This approach may signal a future Coalition policy for capping public universities. It tackles total international student numbers – with their affect on Australia’s population and consequent pressures on accommodation and other services – and more specific concerns about the student experience when international students dominate classes.

The Coalition has also signalled it may restrict visas for the partners and children of students.

What will Labor do now?

Labor had said if the caps bill passed it would repeal “ministerial direction 107”, a decision by former Home Affairs Minister Clare O’Neil in December 2023 on the processing of student visa applications. Now this repeal will not happen.

Ministerial direction 107 repurposed an existing risk rating, which determined how much evidence must be provided with a student visa application. Under the direction, visa applications for students from low-risk providers – whose students have low rates of visa refusals or cancellations or subsequent overstays in Australia – received visa processing priority. In practice, ministerial direction 107 favoured the more prestigious universities.

Ministerial direction 107 is widely hated by international education providers. They blame it for student numbers and revenues falling in 2024.

While the direction undoubtedly delays visa processing for higher-risk providers, its effects are conflated with the multiple other changes to visa policy since late 2023.

Ending ministerial direction 107 would still leave in place changes such as student visa applicants needing to prove a higher financial capacity, increased English language requirements, more than doubling the non-refundable visa application fee, and restrictions on onshore student visa applications.

The government could also reduce the total resources it devotes to processing student visas, which would slow the inflow of students for all providers. As my analysis shows the number of visas processed between January and August 2024 (including both grants and rejections) were only 5% lower than pre-COVID in 2019. This could be cut further.

Labor also has unfinished business on the incentives for international students to choose Australia. For nearly a year it has been foreshadowing changes to the permanent migration system that would remove points categories international students have relied on. This could include points for studying in a regional area, for undertaking professional development years and perhaps points for studying in Australia. This would be a blow to demand from migration-sensitive source countries, such as India and Nepal.

The political troubles of international education are not over

Given the Coalition’s previous statements on international student caps, their current position is a surprise.

But it does not change their overall policy goal of restricting international student numbers. They could cap enrolments in a different way. Labor has not completed its announced reforms to international education and may find other ways to reduce student numbers.

There is more to come in international education policy, whichever party wins the 2025 federal election.

Andrew Norton works for the Australian National University, which has announced significant job cuts partly due to caps on international student enrolments.

– ref. The Coalition will block the student caps bill. Brace yourself for more uncertainty over international students – https://theconversation.com/the-coalition-will-block-the-student-caps-bill-brace-yourself-for-more-uncertainty-over-international-students-243926

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Hunter, Senior Lecturer in Art and Performance, Deakin University

Melbourne Theatre Company’s My Brilliant Career is a musical re-imagining of Miles Franklin’s classic 1901 novel of the same name. It follows a young woman, Sybylla Melvyn, as she chafes against her rural constraints to seek creative freedom.

A headstrong young woman, Sybylla dreams of becoming a writer despite her family’s poverty and society’s expectations of marriage. She ultimately rejects a marriage proposal from wealthy squatter Harold Beecham, choosing her independence and artistic aspirations over conventional romance and security. But this decision comes at a personal cost.

With libretto by Sheridan Harbridge and Dean Bryant, music by Mathew Frank, lyrics by Bryant and musical direction and arrangements by Victoria Falconer, this new, contemporary take on the book was developed over five years (initially supported by the NEXT STAGE writers’ program).

Born from a shared experience of the writers’ rural upbringings, the production is an example of what can happen when shows and artists are afforded the time to develop works organically and with care.

A fine ensemble

In the Sumner Theatre, the music begins before the show starts.

Initially, a small trio plays on stage while the audience enters. Over time, other musicians drift on, joining in on violin, keys, drums, cello and more. These actor-musicians, all dressed in period costume with long skirts and cinched-in waists, are multi-instrumentalists who also play the show’s characters.

At first I’m a little discombobulated by the playful and intense energy: I have a thorough crush on Franklin’s original novel, and no less affection for the 1979 film starring Judy Davis. Once I let go of my attachments, however, I’m able to settle into – and thoroughly enjoy – this delightful musical.

The fine ensemble is competent, physical and highly skilled, with a wonderfully spirited complicité. The clarity of character and relationship between the cast members is testament to Anne-Louise Sarks’ expert direction.

Versatility and panache

Kala Gare plays the role of Sybylla Melvyn – who just wants art and music and books – with a precocious, teenage ebullience.

Gare is a versatile actor and indie musician and her effervescent performance is undercut with a good dose of raucous feminist sass. She totally grows on me, comically framing her joyful portrayal of Sybylla with wry asides to the audience: (“I am being overwhelmed by my hot untamed spirit!”).

Gare readily shifts through performance styles – from poignant piano ballads, to thrashing hard rock, to cheeky all-singing, all-dancing numbers, with panache.

Her singer/songwriter vocal delivery is quite different to some of the other ensemble members, who happily dwell in the “belter” musical theatre category. Nonetheless, the voices are integrated well.

Other standouts include Raj Labade as the smooth-voiced, charismatic Harry/Harold, and the delightful Cameron Bajraktarevic-Hayward as Frank, who brings the house down with a brilliantly over-the-top number You’re Better Than a Beauty, Baby: You’re a Brick.

Precise and choreographed physicality

Amy Campbell’s choreography makes the most of the ensemble’s physicality. Rather than being confined to the orchestra pit or relegated backstage, the performers inhabit the space with embodied and grounded presence. They move fluidly through and around the stage with precise, choreographed synchronicity.

I love to see performers who are confident in movement. In this instance the choreography shines, with many fine moments of comic physical timing and still tableaux with bodies and props.

Marg Horwell’s set is full of lushly delivered surprises. It features sparkling chandeliers, brightly coloured ribboned backdrops and spectacular flower cascades.

The costumes are similarly plush, with high Victorian-era necklines, extreme ruffles, outlandish winged cravats and fitted bodices rendered larger than life by the use of oversized shoulder pads.

The magic of the theatre is hilariously disrupted as straight-faced stage managers wittingly walk onto the stage to help dress actors, or supplying new props, in the midst of the action.

Smart, funny and thoroughly entertaining

Some of the show’s musical numbers are more successful than others. The “Australian larrikin” vibe is occasionally a bit overcooked, or undermined by unnecessarily saccharine phrases. The second act also doesn’t quite maintain the exuberant energy of the first.

That said, the overall production guarantees audiences a smart, funny and thoroughly entertaining experience that doesn’t lessen the impact of Franklin’s story.

My Brilliant Career is a refreshing reinvention of a timeless classic. The production’s success lies in its ability to honour the source material while infusing it with contemporary energy and wit.

It’s a wonderful reminder of what can be achieved when creative labour is properly resourced and carefully considered.

Kate Hunter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. My Brilliant Career: musical based on Miles Franklin’s novel takes us on a sassy, spirited journey of self-discovery – https://theconversation.com/my-brilliant-career-musical-based-on-miles-franklins-novel-takes-us-on-a-sassy-spirited-journey-of-self-discovery-243588

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Schirmer, ROLE at Queensland Conservatorium, Griffith University

It’s a universally acknowledged truth that a geriatric millennial in possession of a Scholastic book club catalogue and a television must have been a fan of Paul Jennings back in the 1980s and ‘90s.

I devoured Jennings’ short story collections, particularly the Un and Gizmo series. They were the perfect mix of silly and subversive, and always captured the awkwardness of being a kid.

After school, my brother and I would curl up and turn the TV dial to Channel 2, SAO crackers with butter and Vegemite in hand, and watch the Twist family get into all sorts of scrapes. I was particularly fond of Pete and his floppy blonde bowl cut.

So, when I found out there was a Round The Twist stage show in development – a musical, no less – I knew it would be for me.

I was, however, interested in how much the material would translate for a new generation. Would it just be a nostalgic trip to the lighthouse for the recently middle-aged, or would Generation Alpha get on board? In the interest of research, I borrowed a ten-year-old (my nephew Hugo) for the evening and off we went to the theatre.

Meeting the Twist gang

I needn’t have been concerned. Paul Hodge’s book and music, and Simon Phillips’ direction, have perfectly captured the heart of the original material in its sense of humour, its uniquely Australian sensibility, its focus on community and its downright weirdness.

We meet the Twist Family – dad Tony (Matt Hetherington) and kids Pete (Hanlon Innocent), Linda (Charly Oakley) and Bronson (played at opening by Edison Ai) as they arrive in the fictional town of Port Niranda, seeking a sea change and some “fresh air” (although Bronson’s flatulence soon puts an end to that).

The central characters put me at ease. They are earthy, charming and immediately read as a family shaped by both love and tragedy.

We soon meet the locals, including the lighthouse keeper with secrets, Nell Rickards (Christen O’Leary), and the mayoral power couple Harold and Mrs Gribble (played with high camp by David James and Tarita Botsman).

We also meet Bronson’s teacher Fay James (Liz Buchanan). Fay walks straight into Tony’s life and heart, but are the kids ready to accept a new stepmum? This storyline provides the emotional heft of the play, with Bronson’s resistance and Fay’s vulnerability authentically portrayed by Ai and Buchanan respectively.

We also meet the kids of Port Niranda. The local gang includes James Gribble (an athletic Nic Van Lits) and his offsiders, the mouth-breathing Rabbit (Carlo Boumouglbay) and the scrappy Tiger (Carla Beard).

Rounding out the cast are the objects of the two elder Twists’ affection, Fiona (Taylah Johns) and Andrew (Alex Tye). While these two actors are a little underused, both have enormous charm.

Dazzling design and musically brilliant

What separates Round The Twist from just another charming Aussie dramedy, however, is the supernatural, spooky and silly phenomena for which Jennings is famous.

The central mystery of the play includes mysterious music emanating from the lighthouse, a missing painting, a circus troupe, a pissed-off mermaid (Laura Raineri), a poltergeist pooch and a toilet ghost (one of Bryan Probets’ numerous roles).

The Twist kids sing and dance their way to solving the mystery, while navigating school crushes, evading property developers, enduring embarrassing encounters and battling their foes with the power of foot odour (up the pong!).

All this is enhanced by Renee Mulder’s brilliant design work and Craig Wilkinson’s video design. Projected images are essential to the magical realism of the piece. They resemble the animation style of Terry Gilliam, but never lose their distinctly Australian flavour.

The music is catchy and the lyrics clever. In general, the high-energy, comic pieces work better than the ballads. That said, Linda (Oakley) and Andrew’s (Tye) duet in act two is genuinely moving.

There were a couple of moments where young Bronson (Ai) missed a musical cue, but he was well-supported by the cast and the (excellent) band to find his place and carry on. It should be noted Bronson carries much of the play on his young shoulders. Ai is an absolute standout in the role.

And if you, like me, are a fan of the earworm that is the TV series theme tune (composed by Andrew Duffield), never fear! It is not only included, but is integral to the plot.

Old stories through new eyes

But what did the ten-year-old nephew think? He laughed until he cried at Pete’s (Innocent) predicament towards the end of act one, which I won’t spoil here. He gasped and bounced in his seat and praised the “smart writing”. I can only hope he will now discover and devour Jennings’ original books.

For me, the joy was in seeing so many young professionals in the cast holding their own with veterans of Australia’s theatre scene. Hearing them sing so authentically in their own voices, while telling a story that is so quintessentially Australian, reiterated to me how important it is for local arts companies to invest in and champion homegrown musical theatre.

And aside from that, it was the most fun I’ve had at the theatre all year!

Kate Schirmer works for Queensland Conservatorium Griffith University (QCGU) and the Queensland Academy of Excellence in Musical Theatre (QAEMT). Griffith University is a production partner of Queensland Theatre, and participated in the development of this work. The work also features several alumni.

– ref. Stinky feet, angry mermaids and a toilet ghost: Round The Twist musical captures the magic and madness of an Aussie TV classic – https://theconversation.com/stinky-feet-angry-mermaids-and-a-toilet-ghost-round-the-twist-musical-captures-the-magic-and-madness-of-an-aussie-tv-classic-243145

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nikki-Anne Wilson, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Neuroscience Research Australia (NeuRA), UNSW Sydney

The way people living with dementia experience the world can change as the disease progresses. Their sense of reality or place in time can become distorted, which can cause agitation and distress.

One of the best ways to support people experiencing changes in perception and behaviour is to manage their environment. This can have profound benefits including reducing the need for sedatives.

One such strategy is the use of dolls as comfort aids.

What is ‘doll therapy’?

More appropriately referred to as “child representation”, lifelike dolls (also known as empathy dolls) can provide comfort for some people with dementia.

Memories from the distant past are often more salient than more recent events in dementia. This means that past experiences of parenthood and caring for young children may feel more “real” to a person with dementia than where they are now.

Hallucinations or delusions may also occur, where a person hears a baby crying or fears they have lost their baby.

Providing a doll can be a tangible way of reducing distress without invalidating the experience of the person with dementia.

Some people believe the doll is real

A recent case involving an aged care nurse mistreating a dementia patient’s therapy doll highlights the importance of appropriate training and support for care workers in this area.

For those who do become attached to a therapeutic doll, they will treat the doll as a real baby needing care and may therefore have a profound emotional response if the doll is mishandled.

It’s important to be guided by the person with dementia and only act as if it’s a real baby if the person themselves believes that is the case.

What does the evidence say about their use?

Evidence shows the use of empathy dolls may help reduce agitation and anxiety and improve overall quality of life in people living with dementia.

Child representation therapy falls under the banner of non-pharmacological approaches to dementia care. More specifically, the attachment to the doll may act as a form of reminiscence therapy, which involves using prompts to reconnect with past experiences.

Interacting with the dolls may also act as a form of sensory stimulation, where the person with dementia may gain comfort from touching and holding the doll. Sensory stimulation may support emotional well-being and aid commnication.

However, not all people living with dementia will respond to an empathy doll.

The introduction of a therapeutic doll needs to be done in conjunction with careful observation and consideration of the person’s background.

Empathy dolls may be inappropriate or less effective for those who have not previously cared for children or who may have experienced past birth trauma or the loss of a child.

Be guided by the person with dementia and how they respond to the doll.

Are there downsides?

The approach has attracted some controversy. It has been suggested that child representation therapy “infantilises” people living with dementia and may increase negative stigma.

Further, the attachment may become so strong that the person with dementia will become upset if someone else picks the doll up. This may create some difficulties in the presence of grandchildren or when cleaning the doll.

The introduction of child representation therapy may also require additional staff training and time. Non-pharmacological interventions such as child representation, however, have been shown to be cost-effective.

Could robots be the future?

The use of more interactive empathy dolls and pet-like robots is also gaining popularity.

While robots have been shown to be feasible and acceptable in dementia care, there remains some contention about their benefits.

While some studies have shown positive outcomes, including reduced agitation, others show no improvement in cognition, behaviour or quality of life among people with dementia.

Advances in artificial intelligence are also being used to help support people living with dementia and inform the community.

Viv and Friends, for example, are AI companions who appear on a screen and can interact with the person with dementia in real time. The AI character Viv has dementia and was co-created with women living with dementia using verbatim scripts of their words, insights and experiences. While Viv can share her experience of living with dementia, she can also be programmed to talk about common interests, such as gardening.

These companions are currently being trialled in some residential aged care facilities and to help educate people on the lived experience of dementia.

How should you respond to your loved one’s empathy doll?

While child representation can be a useful adjunct in dementia care, it requires sensitivity and appropriate consideration of the person’s needs.

People living with dementia may not perceive the social world the same way as a person without dementia. But a person living with dementia is not a child and should never be treated as one.

Ensure all family, friends and care workers are informed about the attachment to the empathy doll to help avoid unintentionally causing distress from inappropriate handling of the doll.

If using an interactive doll, ensure spare batteries are on hand.

Finally, it is important to reassess the attachment over time as the person’s response to the empathy doll may change.

Nikki-Anne Wilson is affiliated with the University of New South Wales and Neuroscience Research Australia (NeuRA). She is also currently a contributor to the Ageing Advisory Committee facilitated by the Hon Kylea Tink MP. She has previously received funding from the Australian Association of Gerontology and the UNSW Ageing Futures Institute.

– ref. What is ‘doll therapy’ for people with dementia? And is it backed by science? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-doll-therapy-for-people-with-dementia-and-is-it-backed-by-science-243589

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Nethery, Senior Lecturer in Politics and Policy Studies, Deakin University

After nearly a year without basic income and support services, 42 refugees and asylum seekers remaining in Papua New Guinea will soon begin receiving a meagre allowance of 900 kina (A$338) per week from the Australian government.

These men are former Manus Island detainees who were released in 2016 after the PNG Supreme Court ruled that Australia’s offshore detention facility was unconstitutional.

Most of the refugees and asylum seekers were then transferred to the capital, Port Moresby, where the Australian government began providing them with accommodation, meals, medical, health care and settlement services

However, in November 2023, that assistance was suddenly cut off without any explanation from the Australian government.

A year later, the men were informed this month that the support would be reinstated if they vacated their current homes, though the payments would be at a much lower level than before.

The demand that the men source their own accommodations is concerning, as many are too unwell to navigate a competitive and expensive rental market. Many are at risk of homelessness.

These low payments will also make medical care unaffordable, so the threat to health and life will continue to grow more serious.

Trying to restart lives in PNG

The refugees and asylum seekers were sent to PNG under the government’s Operation Sovereign Borders policy in 2012 and 2013.

The policy, which remains in place today, requires the mandatory offshore detention of people attempting to reach Australia by sea.

From the outset, the filthy conditions of detention on Manus Island were considered so harsh that only men were sent there. Families, women and children were held on Nauru.

Manus was also the site of deadly riots in 2014. In 2017, the Australian government paid A$70 million in compensation to refugees there – the largest out-of-court settlement for a human rights case.

On the closure of the detention centre a month later, most refugees and asylum seekers were moved to Port Moresby. A few men have since managed to rebuild their lives, set up businesses and begin families, but others have struggled.

Many have been unable to find work due to high rates of unemployment in the country, discriminatory hiring practices and their poor physical and mental health.

In addition, many have been victims of violent crime and resentment from the local community.

Deal behind closed doors

In a secret deal signed by the Morrison government and PNG in late 2021, Australia agreed to provide ongoing funding for services to the remaining refugees and asylum seekers in the country.

The agreement was, and remains, confidential. We have no way of knowing what support was promised, for how long, and to whom.

This support assisted the men with accommodation, security, health care, transport services, food and grocery vouchers, immigration advice and a small stipend of 700 kina (A$268) per week or 1,200 kina (A$460) for families).

When the funding was suddenly stopped a year ago, PNG’s chief migration officer said the remaining men would be resettled within weeks. The majority were to go to New Zealand.

Local businesses, citing breach of contract and shortfalls of tens of millions of dollars, withdrew all services.

Rapid health decline

In the year since, the 42 remaining refugees have faced evictions, financial precarity, threats to their safety, and a rapid and alarming decline in their mental and physical health.

Of the people the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC) is currently in contact with, 20% are so unwell their lives are at imminent risk, 88% reported severe mental health conditions, and 100% reported physical health conditions.

Financial stress is a major cause of deteriorating mental health. One refugee who wished to remain anonymous reported:

the inflation is going higher day by day and it’s hard to manage everything, like clothes, food, electricity, other basic life necessity things […] life is like a jail […] what is our crime that we are still here?

In the last year, basic humanitarian aid has come through crowdfunding organised by Sister Jane Keogh of the Brigidine Sisters. However, this community-driven lifeline is not sustainable.

As Keogh explained to us:

Their physical conditions allied with their mental trauma means that they’re not able to cope with their lives […] many have surpassed the ability to ever lead a normal life due to their mental health.

Out of harm’s way

Since 2013, Australia has stuck with its policy that refugees subject to offshore processing would never be allowed in Australia. The United States and New Zealand have resettled most of the refugees and asylum seekers from PNG and Nauru, but these options are now uncertain for the remaining 42.

Resettlement in New Zealand requires a medical report, which is expensive and difficult for the refugees to acquire.

Without intervention by the Australian government, the consequences for the remaining refugees is dire.

As Qabil Hussain, who has been stuck in PNG for 12 years, told us:

We’ve been brought by Australia here [to PNG] and they just left us stranded here and our support was withdrawn […] I want Australia to take responsibility.

From 2018-2022, Amy Nethery was a partner in Comparative Network of Refugee Externalisation Policies (CONREP), which was co-funded by the European Union under the Erasmus+ Programme – Jean Monnet Activities (599660 EPP-1-2018-1-AU-EPPJMO-NETWORK).

Jemima McKenna is affiliated with the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre as a volunteer caseworker for their Detention Rights and Advocacy Program (DRAP). She has volunteered for the ASRC since December 2018 and has been with DRAP since March 2021. She is the caseworker for the refugees and asylum seekers quoted in this article. Jemima’s PhD is funded by the Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP).

– ref. Dozens of refugees are still stranded in precarious situations in PNG – and support from Australia is dwindling – https://theconversation.com/dozens-of-refugees-are-still-stranded-in-precarious-situations-in-png-and-support-from-australia-is-dwindling-241676

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Himanshu Gupta, Senior Research Fellow (Lived Experience), Rural and Remote Health, Flinders University

Australians lose around A$25 billion on legal forms of gambling each year, representing the largest per person losses in the world.

Gambling harms – including financial, emotional, social and psychological costs – extend to loved ones, peers and co-workers and the community. And some communities are impacted differently to others.

The Northern Territory has a growing multicultural population, with 22% of residents born overseas and 33% speaking a language other than English at home.

About 37% of multicultural Territorians are considered at-risk gamblers, compared to 14% in English speaking households.

Many migrants, including those in the NT, experience financial, social, and emotional pressures, which sometimes lead them to gambling as a means of socialisation or stress relief. Our research explores why and what might limit the risks and harms.

Read more:
Pokies? Lotto? Sports betting? Which forms of problem gambling affect Australians the most?

‘There’s not much to do’

Published earlier this year, our lived experience study explored the pressures that make gambling appealing to migrant communities.

For example, scarce recreational options in Darwin mean gambling fills a social gap. As one person we spoke to said,

It’s kind of the entertainment for us in Darwin […] there’s not much to do, so we go to the casino for fun with friends.

Gambling can become a way to socialise in the absence of other affordable, culturally relevant options.

But what begins as a casual activity can quickly lead to personal strain. Some participants in our study described family tensions.

My sister and brother-in-law got into fighting […] she said, ‘Why do you have to spend a lot of money on gambling?’ but he said, ‘That’s my hobby.’

Another person revealed how gambling impacts family dynamics:

My husband not being present most of the time because he is out gambling has really impacted me […] the kids are missing their dad. I’m missing my husband.

‘Sometimes you can win some money’

Financial stress is a significant factor increasing gambling risks, especially among migrants on temporary visas who face job and visa uncertainties.

Some migrants view gambling as a potential escape from financial pressures, as an international student explained to us,

It is common for international students to stake their tuition fees at the casino […] sometimes you can win some money.

However, gambling losses often exacerbated financial hardship, trapping individuals in cycles of debt and loss.

‘I never gambled until I came to Australia’

The NT’s legal and accessible gambling environment also plays a role, especially for migrants from countries where gambling is restricted.

A participant from Bangladesh shared,

In my country, gambling is not a good thing […] I never gambled until I came to Australia.

Another believed that

Betting on soccer is an easy way to make money […] but in Africa, I didn’t have access to as much funds as I have here [in Australia].

The perceived ease of earning money through gambling adds to the temptation, particularly in times of financial uncertainty.

‘I feel shameful talking about it’

Another critical factor is the reluctance to seek help, often due to cultural stigma or language barriers. Many migrants prefer to manage gambling issues privately. One participant stated,

In my culture, gambling is seen as a bad behaviour […] I just feel shameful talking about it.

Others expressed scepticism toward counselling, viewing it as ineffective. This reluctance can lead to isolation, with individuals and families managing gambling harms in private, often unaware of local support options.

The impacts of gambling extend to mental health, with participants describing cycles of guilt, shame and financial stress. A participant explained how online gambling worsened their addiction

My gambling problem grew worse […] I started spending more money than I had any right to be spending […] we always ended up going back to the casino or poker site until our bank account was empty.

Culturally sensitive approaches are needed

Our research shows culturally sensitive approaches are essential to address gambling harms effectively. This is includes raising awareness about gambling risks in a way that resonates with diverse communities.

Further, our research participants reported higher rates of gambling among Filipino, East Asian and African communities, with the issue anecdotally more common among women in certain Asian groups.

Expanding culturally relevant recreational opportunities could help provide a healthier alternative to gambling.

Support services should also be tailored to migrant need.

Language-specific counselling and culturally competent resources could encourage migrants to seek help. Policymakers could consider revising gambling advertising and venue availability to reduce exposure, especially in vulnerable communities.

Addressing gambling harms among migrants, including those in NT, requires collective efforts from policymakers, community leaders and local organisations.

Himanshu Gupta receives funding from Attorney General and Justice Department, Northern Territory government.

Devaki Monani is the current Chair of the Minister’s Advisory Council for Multicultural Affairs (MACMA), Northern Territory

James Smith is a member of the Strategic Advisory Group for the National Centre for Education and Training in Addiction, deputy chair of the Association for Alcohol and Other Drugs Agencies NT and a fellow and life member of the Australian Health Promotion Association.

Noemi Tari-Keresztes receives funding from NT government community benefit funding. She is an Honorary Member of the NT Lived Experience Network.

– ref. Financial stress and cultural differences make migrants particularly vulnerable to gambling harms. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/financial-stress-and-cultural-differences-make-migrants-particularly-vulnerable-to-gambling-harms-heres-why-243042

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dana McKay, Associate Dean, Interaction, Technology and Information, RMIT University

The original idea for the world wide web emerged in a flurry of scientific thought around the end of World War II. It began with a hypothetical machine called the “memex”, proposed by US Office of Scientific Research and Development head Vannevar Bush in an article entitled As We May Think, published in the Atlantic Monthly in 1945.

The memex would help us access all knowledge, instantaneously and from our desks. It had a searchable index, and documents were linked together by the “trails” made by users when they associated one document with another. Bush imagined the memex using microfiche and photography, but conceptually it was almost the modern internet.

The true value in this early idea was the links: if you wanted to explore more, there was an easy, built-in way to do that. Anyone who has spent hours following random links on Wikipedia and learning about things they never knew interested them will recognise this value. (There is of course a Wikipedia page about this phenomenon.)

Links have made the web what it is. But as social media platforms, generative AI tools and even search engines are trying harder to keep users on their site or app, the humble link is starting to look like an endangered species.

The laws of links

Modern search engines were developed in the shadow of the memex, but at first they faced unexpected legal issues. In the early days of the internet, it was not clear whether “crawling” web pages to ingest them into a search engine index was a violation of copyright.

It was also not clear whether, in linking to information that might help someone build a bomb, defraud someone, or carry out some other nefarious activity, search engines or website hosts were “publishers”. Being publishers would make them legally liable for content they hosted or linked to.

The issue of web crawling has been dealt with by a combination of fair use, country-specific exemptions for crawling, and the “safe harbour” provisions of the US Digital Millenium Copyright Act. These permit web crawling as long as the search engines do not alter the original work, link to it, only use it for a relatively short term, and don’t profit from the original content.

The issue of problematic content was addressed (at least in the very influential US jurisdiction) via legislation called Section 230. This offers immunity to “providers or users of interactive computer services” who deliver information “provided by another content provider”.

Without this law, the internet as we know it couldn’t exist, because it is impossible to manually check every page linked to or every social media post for illegal content.

This doesn’t mean the internet is a complete Wild West, though. Section 230 has been successfully challenged on the basis of illegal discrimination, when a mandatory questionnaire about housing asked for race. More recently, a case brought against TikTok has suggested platforms are not immune when their algorithms recommend specific videos.

The web’s social contract is failing

All of the laws that have created the internet, though, have relied on links. The social contract is that a search engine can scrape your site, or a social media company can host your words or pictures, as long as they give you, the person who created it, credit (or discredit if you’re giving bad advice). The link isn’t just the thing you follow down a Wikipedia rabbit hole, it’s a way of giving credit, and allowing content creators to profit from their content.

Large platforms, including Google, Microsoft and OpenAI, have used these laws, and the social contract they imply, to keep ingesting content at industrial scale.

The provision of links, eyeballs and credit, though, is falling as AI does not link to its sources. To take one example, news snippets provided in search engines and social media have displaced the original articles so much that tech platforms now have to pay for these snippets in Australia and Canada.

Large tech companies value keeping people on their sites as clicks can be monetised by selling personalised ads.

Another problem with AI is that it typically relearns infrequently and holds onto dated content. While the latest AI-powered search tools claim to do better on this front, it is unclear how good they are.

And, as with news snippets, large corporates are reluctant to give credit and views to others. There are good people-centred reasons for social media companies and search engines to want you to not have to leave. A key value of ChatGPT is providing information in a single, condensed form so you never have to click a link – even if one is available.

Copyright and creativity

Is the sidelining of links a good thing, though? Many experts argue not.

Using content without credit is arguably copyright infringement. Replacing artists and writers with AI reduces creativity in society.

Summarising information, without linking out to original sources, reduces people’s ability to fact check, is prone to bias, and may reduce the learning, thought and creativity supported by browsing many documents. After all, Wikipedia would be no fun without the rabbit hole, and the internet without links is just an online book written by a robot.

AI backlash looms

So what does the future hold? Ironically, the same AI systems that have made the link problem worse have also increased the likelihood that things will change.

The copyright exemptions that apply for crawling and linking are being challenged by creatives whose work has been incorporated into AI models. Proposed changes to Section 230 law may mean that digital platforms are safer to link to material than replicate it.

We have power for change, too: where links exist, click on them. You never know where following a trail might take you.

Dana McKay has in the past received funding from Google and the Australian Research Council

George Buchanan receives funding from the Australian Research Council, and has previously received research support from Google.

– ref. As AI and megaplatforms take over, the hyperlinks that built the web may face extinction – https://theconversation.com/as-ai-and-megaplatforms-take-over-the-hyperlinks-that-built-the-web-may-face-extinction-239933

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Bartlett, Professor, School of Biomedical Sciences and Pharmacy, University of Newcastle

Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) has recently approved a new COVID booster. The shot was developed by Pfizer and targets the JN.1 sub-variant of Omicron.

This is now the fifth iteration of the COVID vaccines, which have been updated regularly to keep up with the rapidly evolving virus, SARS-CoV-2.

But nearly five years into the pandemic, you may be wondering, why do we need yet another type of COVID booster? And do we still need to be getting boosters at all? Here’s what to consider.

Targeting the spike protein

Pfizer’s JN.1 booster (and Moderna’s, though the TGA has not approved this one at this stage) is based on mRNA technology. This technology instructs our cells to produce a specific protein – in this case SARS-CoV-2’s spike, a protein on the surface of the virus that allows it to attach to our cells.

This helps the immune system produce antibodies that recognise the spike protein and interfere with the virus getting into our cells.

In response to our strengthened immune responses from vaccinations and previous infections (called immune pressure), SARS-CoV-2 has continued to evolve over the course of the pandemic, modifying the shape of its spike protein so our antibodies become less effective.

Most recently we’ve faced a soup of Omicron sub-variants, including JN.1. Since JN.1 was first detected in August 2023, this Omicron sub-variant has spawned a variety of further sub-variants, such as KP.2 (known as FLiRT), KP.3 (known as FLuQE) and XEC.

The spike protein is made up of 1,273 amino acids, a bit like molecular building blocks. Mutations to the spike protein change individual amino acids.

Certain amino acids are important for allowing neutralising antibodies to bind to the spike protein. This means changes can give the virus an edge over earlier variants, helping it evade our immune response.

Scientists keep updating the COVID vaccines in an effort to keep up with these changes. The better matched the vaccine “spike” is to the spike protein on the surface of the virus trying to infect you, the better protection you’re likely to get.

So who should get vaccinated, and when?

Updating vaccines to deal with mutating viruses is not a new concept. It has been happening for the flu vaccine since around 1950.

We’ve become accustomed to getting the annual flu vaccine in the lead-up to the winter cold and flu season. But, unlike influenza, COVID has not settled into this annual seasonal cycle. The frequency of COVID waves of infection has been fluctuating, with new waves emerging periodically.

COVID is also more transmissible than the flu, which presents another challenge. While numbers vary, a conservative estimate of the reproduction number (R0 – how many people will one person will go on to infect) for JN.1 is 5. Compare this to seasonal flu with an R0 of about 1.3. In other words, COVID could be four times more transmissible than flu.

Add to this immunity from a COVID vaccination (or a previous infection) begins to wane in the months afterwards.

So an annual COVID booster is not considered enough for some more vulnerable people.

For adults aged 65 to 74, a booster is recommended every 12 months, but they’re eligible every six months. For adults over 75, a shot is recommended every six months.

Adults aged 18 to 64 are eligible every 12 months, unless they have a severe immune deficiency. Many conditions can cause immunodeficiency, including genetic disorders, infections, cancer, autoimmune diseases, diabetes and lung disease, as well as having received an organ transplant. For this group, it’s recommended they receive a shot every 12 months, but they’re eligible every six.

Making sense of the advice

A vaccine that targets JN.1 should provide good protection against the Omicron sub-variants likely to be circulating in the coming months.

A few things need to happen before the JN.1 shots become available, such as the Australian Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation providing guidance to the government. But we can reasonably expect they might be rolled out within the next month or so.

If they hit doctors’ offices and pharmacies before Christmas and you’re due for a booster, the holiday period might be added impetus to go and get one, especially if you’re planning to attend lots of family and social gatherings over summer.

In the meantime, the XBB.1.5 vaccines remain available. Although they’re targeted at an earlier Omicron sub-variant, they should still offer some protection.

While young, healthy people might like to wait for the updated boosters, for those who are vulnerable and due for a vaccination, whether or not to hold out may be something to weigh up with your doctor.

The advice on COVID boosters in Australia, with stronger wording (“recommended” versus “eligible”) used for more vulnerable groups, reflects what we know about COVID. People who are older and medically vulnerable are more likely to become very unwell with the virus.

For young, healthy people who may be wondering, “do I need a COVID booster at all?”, having one annually is sensible. Although you’re less likely to get very sick from COVID, it’s possible. And, importantly, vaccines also reduce the risk of developing long COVID.

While COVID vaccines do a very good job of protecting against severe disease, they don’t necessarily stop you becoming infected. Evidence on whether they reduce transmission has been mixed, and changed over time.

We’ve come to appreciate that vaccination is not going to free us of COVID. But it’s still our best defence against severe illness.

Nathan Bartlett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The latest COVID booster will soon be available. Should I get one? Am I eligible? – https://theconversation.com/the-latest-covid-booster-will-soon-be-available-should-i-get-one-am-i-eligible-239594

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carly Randall, Senior Research Scientist, Benthic and Restoration Ecology, Australian Institute of Marine Science

The Great Barrier Reef, which supports an estimated 64,000 jobs and has a social and economic value of around A$6.4 billion, is under threat due to human-induced climate change.

Scientists have begun “biobanking”, which involves gathering coral sperm from the reef during annual spawning. These samples are held in special repositories and can be used in future to create baby corals via “coral IVF”.

Until now, much of this research has been done without consultation with, or permission from, the traditional custodians of the sea Countries of origin.

But our recent research looked at how we can do things in a different and more respectful way by involving traditional custodians in decision-making and action.

What we did and what we found

More than 70 groups of First Nations peoples are traditional custodians of the Great Barrier Reef.

In the summer of 2022, scientists and First Nations peoples gathered on Konomie (North Keppel Island) in Woppaburra sea Country in Central Queensland. We were there for the annual mass coral spawning.

Scientists from the Australian Institute of Marine Science (AIMS) and Taronga Conservation Society trained the Woppaburra people and neighbouring Indigenous Rangers in gathering coral spawn, larval rearing and cryopreservation methods for biobanking.

During the training, it became clear the current scientific approach overlooked some key cultural considerations.

Woppaburra people believe all things living and non-living, including coral samples, are spiritually connected to Country and people.

By sending these samples to a land-based facility, the “biobanking” process removes them from Country, breaking this vital connection. (The samples are held in biorepositories at Taronga CryoDiversity Bank sites on Cammeraygal and Wiradjuri lands, in New South Wales).

Holding samples from another group’s Country also creates cultural concerns for the traditional custodians of the lands on which the samples are stored, and for First Nations staff and visitors to those sites.

As traditional custodians, Woppaburra people are charged with looking after Country. Maintaining an enduring link to these samples is vital for cultural safety.

This realisation led to collaborative brainstorming about the ways in which these goals could be met. We wanted biobanking samples to support reef resilience while also maintaining links to the samples’ rightful custodians.

It also raised new questions, such as:

• which group(s) hold custodianship over corals bred via IVF, using sperm and eggs from two different sea Countries?
• what if those corals are seeded to a third sea Country?
• how can we do this work more respectfully?

A different approach

We don’t have all the answers. But we started by drafting new protocols to guide the custodial stages. This includes:

• how we gather coral spawn for scientific use
• how we eventually return coral larvae to Country
• how we transfer custodianship of samples to other parties.

We are also building cross-cultural, cross-institutional collaborations to continue working together towards the same goals. These include protecting, preserving and supporting adaptation of corals in the face of climate change.

In a world first, the Woppaburra people worked with the Taronga Cultural Programs team, the AIMS Indigenous Partnerships Team, and Gamay traditional custodians, to transfer custodianship of cryopreserved coral samples.

The Woppaburra and Gamay peoples share the same totem, the humpback whale, and are seen as sister clans. This made the ceremony accompanying the acceptance especially meaningful.

While the samples will always be part of Woppaburra Country, cultural custodianship and guardianship has been transferred to the Gamay Rangers.

By working together, Western science and Indigenous knowledge were shared and new traditions were born.

As we describe in our journal paper:

An unexpected and profound outcome that emerged during the nights of spawning was a new cultural practice whereby rather than simply being discarded, the gametes remaining after sperm were sampled were combined in a small bucket and fertilised.

At the end of the night, the Woppaburra women released these early embryos and leftover gametes into the receiving waters around Konomie to ensure their return to Country.

The purpose of this practice was to respect the life potential of these embryos and gametes, either as future coral recruits on surrounding reefs or simply as part of the biocultural ecosystem of Country.

Getting it right is in everyone’s best interests

Traditional owners are increasingly re-asserting their role in managing sea Country.

As climate change continues to affect the Great Barrier Reef and new methods for reef restoration are developed, this blueprint will ensure that cultural safety remains at the forefront of restoration activities.

It is crucial organisations genuinely engage with traditional owners through the process of free, prior and informed consent. This right is recognised by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

This UN declaration sets out the processes for how traditional custodians engage with other parties in their sea Countries, for reef research and restoration.

New practices such as the protocols set out in this project give the Woppaburra people confidence their traditional cultural values are being considered and applied in a respectful manner and will remain so, into the future.

Sadly, the reef is under immense pressure from ocean warming and human-induced stress. Better partnerships between scientists, resource managers and traditional custodians of sea Countries are in everyone’s best interests.

Carly Randall works for the Australian Institute of Marine Science, a publicly funded research agency that receives funding from the Australian government, state government departments, foundations and private industry. She receives funding from the Reef Restoration and Adaptation Program, a partnership between the Australian government’s Reef Trust and the Great Barrier Reef Foundation, the Australian Coral Reef Resilience Initiative, which is a partnership between AIMS and BHP, and the G20 Coral Research and Development Accelerator Platform (CORDAP).

Bob Muir works for the Australian Institute of Marine Science, a publicly funded research agency that receives funding from the Australian government, state government departments, foundations and private industry. He receives funding from the Australian Coral Reef Resilience Initiative, a partnership between AIMS and BHP, and is a Woppaburra traditional owner.

Bryce Liddell works for the Gamay Rangers, an Indigenous Ranger team that cares for Country within coastal Sydney. Their work consists of working collaboratively with scientific institutions. The team is funded predominately by the federal government. He also sits on the Sydney Harbour Federation Trusts First Nations Advisory Group.

Harry Van Issum is affiliated with Woppaburra TUMRA Aboriginal Corporation.

Jonathan Daly receives funding from the Reef Restoration and Adaptation Program (RRAP), a partnership between the Australian government’s Reef Trust and the Great Barrier Reef Foundation, the G20 Coral Research and Development Accelerator Platform (CORDAP), and Taronga Conservation Society Australia.

– ref. Traditional owners and scientists worked together on ‘coral IVF’ projects. Here’s what we found – https://theconversation.com/traditional-owners-and-scientists-worked-together-on-coral-ivf-projects-heres-what-we-found-241915

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elise Kalokerinos, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, The University of Melbourne

It’s that time of year when students are waiting for school and university results that could change the course of their lives.

Uncertain waiting periods are among our most emotionally challenging experiences. In fact, research shows students are more stressed while waiting for their results than after finding out they have failed. This is because dealing with an uncertain situation is more stressful than dealing with a known negative outcome.

In our new research, we investigated how students can best approach this often agonising time.

Our research

We followed 101 university psychology students in Belgium receiving results that determined whether they could continue their degree.

We surveyed students ten times a day over two periods. We surveyed for two and a half days before they had their results, because previous research suggests uncertainty is hardest immediately before finding out outcomes. We then surveyed for six and a half days after results were received, because strong emotional responses can last several days.

We used a method called “experience sampling”, which involves sending short surveys repeatedly each day. These were done via smartphone.

Every survey, students used a slider scale to tell us how strongly they were feeling four positive (for example, “proud”, “happy”) and six negative (for example, “disappointed”, “anxious”) emotions. We asked questions such as: “right now, how anxious do you feel about your results?”.

Students also used a slider scale to indicate how much they used six common strategies to manage their feelings (for example, distracting yourself, accepting your feelings, or rethinking the situation). We then tested which strategies predicted better emotional outcomes both during the wait, and after results were known.

What to avoid

We found there are strategies students should avoid while they wait for results. These strategies are associated with stronger negative emotion when used in the waiting period. Two takeaway findings include:

1. Don’t reframe the situation before you know what it is

When managing stress, one generally helpful strategy is reappraisal, which involves rethinking an emotional situation to reduce its impact. For example, a student might interpret failure as a learning opportunity.

Surprisingly, we found the more students reappraised while they waited, the worse they felt. For example, a student thinking “if I fail, I can learn from it”.

But we found the more students reappraised after they received their grades, the better they felt. Reappraisal seems to only help after knowing your grades, when there is a concrete outcome to rethink.

2. Take care with how you share

When feeling bad, people often share their emotions with others. For example, a student might share their worries with a friend.

But the more students in our study shared their emotions with others while waiting for their results, the worse they felt. This may be because students are sharing to vent or complain, leading to a downward spiral. It also could be that students share with friends who are also worried, and their friends’ feelings compound their anxiety.

What can you do instead?

We found students who accepted their emotions as they were, without judgement, felt more positive during the wait. This strategy also worked well after students learned their results, regardless or what they were. This suggests acceptance is a consistently helpful approach.

Research suggests when we accept our emotions, they lose their power. In accepting our emotions, we confront the reality of the situation and let our feelings run their natural course, rather than swimming against the tide.

How can you accept your emotions?

You can practise acceptance in three steps:

1. notice and label your feelings. For example, “I’m feeling anxious” or “angry” or “ashamed”

2. experience these feelings fully, even if they are negative. Don’t try to control, diminish, or avoid them

3. don’t judge these feelings. Recognise they are normal and valid. For example, you might think, “I feel really anxious about my results, but that’s reasonable and OK”.

Acceptance may feel counterintuitive, but our research shows it can help students navigate that long and anxious wait for results.

Elise Kalokerinos receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Ella Moeck receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Waiting for exam results can be awful. Our research shows how best to manage the stress – https://theconversation.com/waiting-for-exam-results-can-be-awful-our-research-shows-how-best-to-manage-the-stress-242216

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Loosemore, Professor of Construction Management, University of Technology Sydney

Working practices in the construction industry have been labelled a relic of a bygone era – 64% of employees work more than 50 hours per week.

Long working hours can pose significant risks to people’s physical and mental health, relationships, workplace productivity and safety.

Construction is also struggling to attract and retain women. In New South Wales, about one-third of companies with fewer than 200 employees have no female employees at all.

These are serious problems for an industry under pressure to deliver 1.2 million new homes and A$230 billion of infrastructure over the next five years. Clearly, something needs to change.

One proposal is to mandate a five-day week across the sector. On face value, it may seem like common sense. Making the construction sector a more attractive place to work could attract more talent and, by doing so, alleviate other pressures.

Our research questions this assumption, highlighting that without careful design, such a proposal could have significant unintended negative consequences.

Read more:
Australia’s construction industry needs more hands on deck – so why is it ignoring skilled migrant women?

Work–life balance

To investigate the potential impacts of a shorter work week on work–life balance, we surveyed 1,475 people and conducted interviews with 111 people from across the NSW building and construction industry. We also examined leading international peer-reviewed studies.

We found that the relationship between a healthy work–life balance and a shorter working week is much more nuanced than the current debate suggests.

There certainly was evidence of unhealthy working hours in some parts of the industry. Of the people we surveyed, 39.8% consistently worked more than five days per week.

We also found 26.1% worked more than 55 hours per week, and 36.7% more than ten hours per day.

But we should be careful not to generalise. Young people, those in relatively junior roles and workers on sites – especially salaried managers and supervisors – were found to be doing the heavy lifting in terms of hours and days worked.

This was especially true on large inner-city commercial, residential and infrastructure projects.

Across all respondents, people worked an average of 50–55 hours per week, and just over five days. More than 60% said they had satisfactory, good or very good work–life balance.

Different needs

We also found that not everyone’s work–life balance will benefit from simply reducing working hours.

For construction workers, this depends on a wide range of factors, such as:

• age
• caring and family responsibilities
• financial circumstances
• how easily a particular job can be done in five days
• personal attitudes towards work.

It’s also not clear whether a shorter working week would increase female participation.

Across men and women surveyed, high salaries were widely regarded as adequate compensation for the high hours worked. Some research has even shown women might be less likely to leave the industry than men.

Our findings suggested women who take on the weight of family responsibilities could be especially disadvantaged, if they were forced to work even longer hours during the week to make up for the lost weekend.

However, most respondents saw the delineation between men and women as increasingly irrelevant and based on outdated assumptions. Most argued that the industry needs to be made more appealing to both men and women.

Strong support for a shorter week

Not surprisingly, we found strong support for a shorter working week. However, it’s a bit of a leading question.

We found that few people were willing or able to take a pay cut, work longer hours or lift their productivity during the week.

Many people were also worried about potential impacts on their projects, employers and colleagues. Few employers and clients said they were able or willing to absorb the costs of a shorter working week.

Impact on projects

Depending on a wide range of factors identified in our report, the consequences of moving the industry to a five-day week varied.

We found it could increase the time it takes to complete projects by 5–25%, and costs by 0.4–4%.

The current “hard five-day week” model being advocated for the industry – where sites are shut down on weekends – involved the greatest potential costs.

Importantly, we found subcontractors were currently underpricing five-day-week projects by as much as 20%, because they could spread the costs across other six-day projects.

If a five-day week were mandated across the entire industry, this cost increase could be added to the costs estimates above.

The jury is out

The jury is still out on the pros and cons of a mandatory five-day week in construction.

We found that a healthy work-life balance for everyone is most effectively achieved by providing people with greater flexibility and control over when, where, how and how long they work.

If flexibility can be improved for everyone in the industry, then there is no need to incur the potential risks of a mandatory five-day week to individuals, employers and clients of the industry.

If we insist on adopting a five-day week, then a soft five-day week where sites are flexibly kept open on weekends may be the better option.

This research was supported by funding from the Master Builders Association of NSW (MBA NSW).

Methodology was designed to ensure the research’s complete independence. It was conducted by University of Technology Sydney (UTS) researchers Martin Loosemore and Suhair Alkilani and received full UTS ethics clearance.

– ref. Would a mandatory five-day working week solve construction’s work-life balance woes? – https://theconversation.com/would-a-mandatory-five-day-working-week-solve-constructions-work-life-balance-woes-243023

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Ghezelbash, Associate Professor and Director, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Law & Justice, UNSW Sydney

The Albanese government is looking to introduce laws that would give it unprecedented powers to forcibly remove non-citizens from Australia. The newly introduced Migration Amendment Bill, expected to be debated in parliament this week, would:

• allow the government to send more people to third countries
• give the government immunity from being sued by people harmed when deported
• expand its powers to revisit protection findings, meaning people previously found to be refugees could be returned to their home country, and
• impose harsh visa conditions on some of those who stay.

The government says the measures are designed to protect the Australian community.

But the sweeping new removal powers are not restricted to the non-citizens with criminal histories who feature so prominently in political speeches and media reports.

They could be used to deport a wide group of people, including refugees and people seeking asylum who have lived in and contributed to the Australian community for years. It could separate families and communities, devastating Australian citizens and permanent residents who are left behind. The bill is already causing widespread fear in affected communities.

How did we get here?

This bill was introduced in response to the High Court’s judgement in the case YBFZ v Minister for Immigration earlier this month.

YBFZ (the pseudonym given to the plaintiff, a 36-year-old stateless refugee) is the latest in a series of cases decided by the High Court after its landmark decision in a separate case, NZYQ v Minister for Immigration, in November 2023.

In that case, the court found the government’s indefinite immigration detention policy was unlawful because it was a form of punishment, which under the Constitution can only be imposed by courts. The ruling led to the release of 224 people from detention.

The government responded to that decision with legislation authorising monitoring conditions, including ankle bracelets and curfews, for many of the people released. Any breach of those conditions could lead to criminal charges and imprisonment.

The YBFZ case challenged these visa conditions. The High Court ruled that they also amounted to punishment in breach of the Constitution.

The government introduced the Migration Amendment Bill a day later.

The new powers in the bill could impact a far larger group of people than those released as a result of the NZYQ case. And the bill’s concerning provisions could be overturned in further court challenges.

There is an urgent need for parliamentary scrutiny of this bill so its full consequences, including any possible unconstitutional elements, can be examined publicly before legislators vote.

Expanding powers to send people offshore

The bill creates new powers to forcibly deport non-citizens to unspecified third countries – without a need to show they pose a risk to the community.

The new provisions would mean certain visas would automatically cease as soon as a person has permission to “enter and remain in” another country that has a “third country reception arrangement” with Australia. They could immediately be put in detention in Australia until they could be removed.

Currently, asylum seekers who reach Australia by boat can be sent to Nauru. The new provisions extend this power to “bridging visa R” (BVR) holders. These visas are issued to people in detention where there is no reasonable prospect of their removal from Australia. This could be because they have been found to be owed protection, they are stateless, or their home country refuses to take them back.

This was the visa given to people released from detention as the result of the NZYQ decision. However, there is nothing stopping the government from issuing the visa to a much broader cohort in the future. Many people living in the community on other bridging visas, for instance, could be moved to this visa and sent offshore.

Some may be genuine refugees whose claims were not properly assessed. This includes those refused protection through the flawed fast-track process, which limited their ability to provide crucial information to the decision makers reviewing their protection claims.

The bill could allow for people to be held in foreign countries with no safeguards to ensure they are treated humanely, at Australian government expense. They could be detained there, potentially indefinitely, and nothing in the bill requires that a lasting solution be found for them.

The harms of Australia’s offshore regime on Nauru and Manus Island are well documented.

The offshore processing system has also come at a great financial cost to Australian taxpayers.

Evading accountability

The bill attempts to indemnify the government from being sued for any actions taken to facilitate the removal of a person from Australia or their treatment in a third country.

In the past, such civil liability claims have been a crucial accountability mechanism for those transferred offshore.

For example, dozens of refugees have secured court orders to be brought to Australia to access urgent, lifesaving treatment unavailable in Nauru or Manus Island.

Many have also sued the government for damages. In 2017, the largest human rights settlement to date was agreed between Manus Island detainees and the federal government, following a claim of unlawful detention and negligence. Other cases are ongoing.

By shutting the door to future legal challenges, the government would effectively remove one of the few proven checks on its power in this area.

Sending refugees back to harm

In addition, there are no safeguards preventing people sent to a third country later being returned to their home country where they may face persecution or other serious harm.

And the bill expands the government’s powers to revisit protection findings, meaning people previously found to be refugees could also be returned to their home country.

This power already exists in the Migration Act in relation to people who do not hold a visa. The bill seeks to expand it to people who hold certain bridging and other visas that can be specified later through regulations. This would include people who have been living in the Australian community for years.

Refugee status should be a stable and enduring protection, not something that can be easily revoked or altered based on the government’s changing policies.

Reimposing ankle monitoring and curfews

The bill and associated regulations also seek to reimpose visa conditions, such as curfews and ankle monitoring.

These conditions could be used where the immigration minister is satisfied a non-citizen poses a substantial risk of harming the Australian community by committing a serious offence.

The Human Rights Law Centre has voiced concerns the bill would allow

the government to make assumptions about people’s future behaviour and continue imposing punitive conditions that limit people’s freedom and bodily integrity.

It is unclear whether the changes meet the requirements set down by the High Court in the YBFZ case, given restrictions would continue to be imposed without court involvement.

The bill is the latest in a series of attempts to rush through migration legislation without time for public debate.

This approach places a substantial burden on the court system, where rushed legislation is tested and the Commonwealth often loses.

It is essential these issues are thoroughly examined and debated to ensure that Australia’s immigration policies remain fair, just, humane and legal.

Daniel Ghezelbash receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the NSW government. He is a member of the management committee of Refugee Advice and Casework Services and Wallumatta Legal, and a Special Counsel at the National Justice Project.

Anna Talbot receives funding from the Australian government as a PhD scholar and Strategic Litigation Network Coordinator at the Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, University of NSW, Sydney,

– ref. Another rushed migration bill would give the government sweeping powers to deport potentially thousands of people – https://theconversation.com/another-rushed-migration-bill-would-give-the-government-sweeping-powers-to-deport-potentially-thousands-of-people-243365

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A byelection occurred on Saturday in the South Australian Liberal-held state seat of Black. With all election day votes counted, Labor gained Black by a 60.6–39.4 margin over the Liberals, a 13.3% swing to Labor since the 2022 state election. Primary votes were 46.5% Labor (up 8.4%), 32.3% Liberals (down 17.8%), 15.6% Greens (up 3.8%) and 5.6% Australian Families (new).

SA doesn’t allow pre-poll and postal votes to be counted on election night, so the count is only up to 42% of enrolled voters. ABC election analyst Antony Green expects the large number of pre-poll and postal votes to reduce Labor’s lead, but Labor will still win easily. These votes will be counted from Monday.

This is the second time the SA Labor government has gained a seat from the opposition at a byelection. In March, Labor gained Dunstan, the seat of former SA Liberal premier Steven Marshall. This was the first time in a century that a SA government had gained from the opposition at a byelection.

This byelection was held owing to the resignation of former Liberal leader David Speirs, who became leader after the 2022 election. SA Labor has now gained two former Liberal leaders’ seats.

I don’t think this result is due to a backlash against Donald Trump’s election as US president, as the latest federal polls have been ordinary for Labor.

There’s only been one poll since the 2022 election of SA state voting intentions. That poll, taken in August, gave Labor a 60–40 lead. A very popular Labor government is the most likely explanation for this byelection result.

Australian economic data

The Australian Bureau of Statistics said wages grew 0.8% in the September quarter, the same as in the June quarter, but 12-month wage growth dropped to 3.5% from 4.1%. With headline inflation up 0.2% in the September quarter and up 2.8% in the previous 12 months, real (inflation-adjusted) wages were up 0.6% in the September quarter and up 0.7% in the previous 12 months.

Real wages have increased in the last four quarters, but they fell for the two years until September 2023, with the fall peaking in December 2022 at above a 4% real wage drop.

The ABS said the October unemployment rate was unchanged from September at 4.1%, with 15,900 jobs added. The employment population ratio (the percentage of eligible Austalians who are employed) remained at 64.4%, an equal record high.

Federal Morgan poll: Coalition retains narrow lead

A national Morgan poll, conducted November 4–10 from a sample of 1,665, gave the Coalition a 50.5–49.5 lead, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since the October 28 to November 3 Morgan poll.

Primary votes were 37.5% Coalition (down 0.5), 30.5% Labor (steady), 12.5% Greens (down 1.5), 6.5% One Nation (up 0.5), 8.5% independents (up one) and 4.5% others (up 0.5).

The headline figure uses respondent preferences. By 2022 election flows, Labor led by an unchanged 51–49.

Additional Resolve questions

Support for the Greens was down one to 11% in the November national Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, their lowest since February. Newspoll and Morgan have also shown a drop for the Greens.

Greens leader Adam Bandt’s net likeability was -15 in Resolve, equal with October as his lowest net likeability since February. The Greens’ net likeability was -19, their worst since August.

Other politicians and parties’ net likeability was -40 for Lidia Thorpe, -23 for Pauline Hanson, -15 for Bob Katter, -10 for Albanese, -4 for Labor, -1 for Dutton and +7 for the Liberals.

On flight upgrades, 36% said MPs should get upgrades for work but not personal flights,, 25% wanted no upgrades and 23% wanted them always allowed. By 45–39, voters thought MPs should continue to accept airline lounge memberships as long as they declare it.

On Albanese’s acceptance of benefits, 35% said he should not have accepted them for personal flights, but it was OK for official travel, 30% said it was OK to accept them and 24% said he should not have accepted benefits for either work or personal flights.

WA state and federal polls

The Western Australian state election will be held in March 2025. The Poll Bludger reported on November 13 that a DemosAU poll, conducted October 30 to November 4 from a sample of 948, gave Labor a 56–44 lead.

Primary votes were 41% Labor, 34% Liberals, 4% Nationals, 12% Greens and 9% for all Others. Labor incumbent Roger Cook had a 42–29 lead over the Liberals’ Libby Mettam as preferred premier.

The federal version of this poll gave Labor a 52–48 lead in WA, a 3% swing to the Coalition from the 2022 federal election. Primary votes were 38% Coalition, 34% Labor, 14% Greens, 6% One Nation and 8% for all Others. Albanese led Dutton as preferred PM by 40–33. A federal WA Redbridge poll gave Labor a 54.5–45.5 lead.

Victorian Resolve poll: Pesutto now preferred premier

A Victorian state Resolve poll for The Age, conducted with the federal October and November Resolve polls from a sample of over 1,000, gave the Coalition 38% of the primary vote (up one since September), Labor 28% (up one), the Greens 13% (down one), independents 14% (down one) and others 7% (steady).

Resolve doesn’t usually give a two-party figure, but The Poll Bludger estimated a Coalition lead by 50.5–49.5. Liberal leader John Pesutto led Labor incumbent Jacinta Allan as preferred premier by 30–29, a reversal of a 30–29 lead for Allan in September. It’s the first time Pesutto has led on this measure.

By 42–37, voters supported the building of more high-density housing near train and tram stations in their area.

US election late counting

I continue to follow United States election late counting for The Poll Bludger. Republicans have a 52–47 lead over Democrats in called Senate races, and are likely to win the final uncalled contest in Pennsylvania.

In the House of Representatives, Republicans have a 218–212 lead in called races with five uncalled. I expect Republicans to win two of the uncalled races, Democrats two and one is still undecided.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. South Australian Labor gains Black at byelection with big swing – https://theconversation.com/south-australian-labor-gains-black-at-byelection-with-big-swing-243468

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

With Donald Trump returning to the White House, the relationship between the US and Iran could change significantly.

Trump’s unconventional foreign policy led to a period of heightened confrontation with Iran during his first term in office. However, the regional dynamics have evolved over the past four years, and Trump’s approach to Iran may shift as a result.

Tensions are running high between the two adversaries. Last Friday, the US Department of Justice unveiled federal charges in what it said was a thwarted Iranian plot to assassinate Trump. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi dismissed the allegations as “fabricated”.

In a report in the Wall Street Journal, Iranian officials also told the US government in a secret exchange last month that the country wouldn’t seek to kill Trump.

So, will these tensions continue in a second Trump term? Or might there be an opportunity for Iran and the US to actually improve relations?

How did the ‘maximum pressure’ policy work?

During his first term, Trump enacted a so-called “maximum pressure” policy aimed at curbing Iran’s growing influence in the Middle East.

Iran had grown much stronger after sanctions were lifted as part of the 2015 nuclear deal known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), negotiated by the Obama administration.

Trump withdrew from this agreement in 2018. The US re-imposed severe sanctions on Iran and an embargo on its oil exports. This had severe impacts on Iran’s economy and contributed to social unrest within the country.

In January 2020, tensions between the US and Iran culminated in the assassination of Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani by a US drone strike. This led to reprisal attacks by Iran on a US military base in Iraq.

In response to these mounting pressures, Iran scaled back its adherence to the JCPOA. It barred International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors from monitoring its nuclear program and enriched uranium to near-weapons-grade level.

Regional dynamics have changed

Over the past four years, there have been substantial shifts in Iran’s relationships with Arab states in the region.

Most significantly, Iran and its chief rival, Saudi Arabi, resumed diplomatic relations in March 2023, marking a historic end to a long period of hostility.

Relations between the two nations quickly progressed to a level of co-operation unthinkable just years ago. And as Israel’s wars in Gaza and Lebanon have continued, Saudi Arabia has drifted away from Israel and closer to its biggest foe, Iran.

Although some scepticism remains, the foreign ministers of both countries met last month in Riyadh, followed by a meeting this week between the general chief of staff of Saudi Arabia’s armed forces and his counterpart in Tehran.

And at a summit of regional leaders in Riyadh this week, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman urged Israel to respect Iranian sovereignty and accused Israel of “collective genocide” in Gaza. The summit resolution also warned of the danger of Israel’s “expansion of aggression” against Iran and other regional countries.

The latest confrontations between Iran and Israel have underscored both nations’ destructive capabilities. A war between them would likely trigger a catastrophic broader conflict that could draw in the United States, Russia and other players. Such a scenario would have profound economic and security repercussions worldwide.

Trump’s stance towards Iran

In his campaign for a second term, Trump has consistently spoken out against prolonged US involvement in wars. He also signalled a more conciliatory approach to Iran. Rejecting the idea of US-driven regime change in Tehran, he remarked:

I would like to see Iran be very successful. The only thing is, they can’t have a nuclear weapon.

He further expressed a hope for improved relations: “I’m not looking to be bad to Iran, we’re going to be friendly, I hope.”

Elon Musk, the tech billionaire closely allied with Trump, also met with Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations earlier this week in a bid to defuse tensions in the next administration, The New York Times reported.

However, other reports indicate that Trump’s top advisers are planning to reinstate the “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran. It would include increasing sanctions again and choking off Iran’s oil income by “going after foreign ports and traders who handle Iranian oil”.

Trump’s unpredictable policymaking style suggests it is too early to know what approach he might take.

Iran’s stance toward a second-trump Term

Iran is now led by a reformist government (by Iranian standards), whose tenure would overlap with much of Trump’s second term.

President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration has voiced its desire to improve relations with the West and resume nuclear talks. And contrary to previous reformist governments in Iran, it generally enjoys the support of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has the ultimate power in the country.

Despite its military strength, Iran faces deep economic challenges, with public dissatisfaction growing. Therefore, Iran may seek to prioritise diplomatic solutions with the new Trump administration, knowing any escalation could destabilise the region.

In a sign of openness towards Trump, Iran’s vice president for strategic affairs, Mohammad Javad Zarif, has urged him to reassess the policy of “maximum pressure”, saying: “Trump must show that he is not following the wrong policies of the past.”

In the same vein, Araghchi, the foreign minister, has sent positive signals to Trump, saying:

The path forward is also a choice. It begins with respect […] Confidence-building is needed from both sides. It is not a one-way street.

He also emphasised that Iran is “NOT after nuclear weapons”.

Iran has yet to respond to Israel’s latest direct attack in late October. Though Iran has launched two direct attacks of its own on Israel this year, it may seek to de‑escalate tensions. In a statement in late October, Iran’s military said a ceasefire in the Gaza and Lebanon conflicts is more important than retaliation against Israel.

If a ceasefire were to occur, the region could enter a period of relative calm after a year of heightened tensions. This would present a valuable opportunity for the US to work with Israel, Arab states and potentially Iran towards a more permanent regional peace framework.

Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Will Trump renew ‘maximum pressure’ against Iran – or could there be an opening for dialogue? – https://theconversation.com/will-trump-renew-maximum-pressure-against-iran-or-could-there-be-an-opening-for-dialogue-243478

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The head of the National Anti-Corruption Commission. Paul Brereton, has rejected calls he resign after a finding of “officer misconduct”, declaring to do so would harm the NACC.

In a spirited defence of his digging in, Brereton argued if he was to be “deterred from discharging my duties by adverse publicity, the important independence if the commission would be undermined.

“It would be a statement that our yardstick should be popularity, not integrity.

“It would say that we should avoid making difficult decisions, lest they be unpopular.

“From there it is a short path to becoming an architect of oppression and vehicle of vengeance, rather than an instrument of integrity.”

Brereton was found by the Inspector of the NACC to have committed “officer misconduct” because he only partially, rather than adequately, excused himself during the NACC’s consideration of whether the body should investigate six people the royal commission into Robodebt referred to it.

He delegated the actual decision-making in the matter to a deputy commissioner because he had had a professional relationship with one of the people, but he took part extensively in the process of consideration.

Whether there should be an investigation into the conduct of the six is now to be reconsidered by an independent person to be appointed by the NACC.

Brereton said that after the “stinging finding” by the Inspector, some had called for his resignation, while one commentator even posted that it was ‘revolver in the library time’, which was “liked” by 1700 followers.

Brereton’s detailed defence of his actions comes ahead of a meeting this month of the parliamentary committee with oversight of the NACC.

Speaking to the National Public Sector Governance Forum, he explained why he had remained involved in the process when the Robodebt matter was being considered.

He accepted his judgement had been found to be mistaken when viewed through the legal prism of “apprehended bias” but said “the legal lens is not the only one”.

He said the referrals were received in the first week of the NACC’s operation, when it was just establishing its processes, policies and procedures, including the scope of its jurisdiction and the meaning of “corrupt conduct” under its act.

“I considered that it would have been irresponsible and negligent to abandon any involvement, to provide no guidance on these issues.”

In the circumstances he considered “an appropriate balance” could be achieved by delegating the decision to a deputy commissioner and excusing himself when it was made, while continuing to provide input on issues of general application.

“There was a balance to be struck between my responsibility as a leader for managing the affairs of the commission and issues that would have lasting implications for it on the one hand, and avoiding the perception that my prior professional relationship with one of the referred persons might influence the decision on the other.”

He accepted he had got the balance wrong.

Brereton said the NACC had amended its conflict of interest provision so a person with a declared conflict who wasn’t the ultimate decision-maker did not take part in the process.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. NACC head Paul Brereton says resigning in the face of bad publicly would ‘undermine’ the commission – https://theconversation.com/nacc-head-paul-brereton-says-resigning-in-the-face-of-bad-publicly-would-undermine-the-commission-243802