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What is Visanne, the endometriosis drug just added to the PBS?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nial Wheate, Professor of Pharmaceutical Chemistry, Macquarie University

Kaspars Grinvest/Shutterstock

The drug Visanne (also known as dienogest) is the first endometriosis treatment to be added to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) in 30 years.

Endometriosis is a chronic and often debilitating condition, where tissue similar to that which normally lines the uterus grows in areas just outside the organ. It affects around one in seven Australian women and there is currently no cure.

Why has the government decided to subsidise Visanne? Here’s how this daily tablet works and who it might help.

What is Visanne and how does it work?

Visanne is a synthetic drug from a family of hormones called progestins. It works by reducing the production of another hormone called estradiol.

Estradiol regulates female reproductive cycles and is the primary female sex hormone. But it also promotes the growth of the endometrium – the tissue that lines the uterus.

Limiting estradiol’s production in the body helps to lessen the crippling effects of the condition by curbing the abnormal growth of this tissue.

In a 2023 study, Visanne was shown to be effective in controlling the symptoms of endometriosis. After a year of treatment with a once daily 2 milligram dose of the drug, women experienced an average reduction of endometrium growth by around 26%. This led to a significant reduction in the condition’s effects, particularly in alleviating period pain.

In another 2022 study (funded by the company behind the drug), researchers examined its use in nearly 900 women across six countries. They found more than 90% of them reported a drop in endometriosis-associated pelvic pain with drug treatment.

Are there side effects?

Like all drugs, Visanne has risks and potential side effects.

The most common effects include headache, breast discomfort, hot flushes, acne, hair loss, abdominal and back pain, weight gain, vaginal bleeding and unusual weakness.

In the 2022 study, two out of five patients reported side effects related to Visanne, including vaginal hemorrhage (10.4%), bleeding between periods (metrorrhagia – 7.3%) and skipped periods (amenorrhea – 6.4%).

The intensity of side effects often lessen over time. But it can mean those who decide to take Visanne may be balancing pain relief with a range of other new symptoms.

While some endometriosis treatments are associated with a loss of bone density and an increased risk of osteoporosis later in life, the manufacturer claims the drug has no, or very little, impact on bone mineral density.

How much will it cost?

Previously, the annual cost of Visanne was A$800 to patients. On the PBS, the price of the daily tablets will reduce to around $380 per year, or around $90 for pension and concession card holders.

But the Australian government will more than make up the extra expense through the benefits of increasing accessibility of the drug.

Why has it been added to the PBS?

The primary consideration for listing a drug on the PBS is its cost-effectiveness. This means the drug must provide a significant health benefit when compared with the cost of existing treatments.

A woman works on her laptop in bed.
Endometriosis forces many women to reduce their working hours – or even quit their jobs.
MashaSay/Shutterstock

Endometriosis has been calculated to cost the Australian economy at least $7.8 billion per year.

Half of women who have endometriosis are reported to have to manage their condition at work, with many having to reduce their working hours. A 2021 study by academics at Western Sydney University found one in six women with endometriosis have lost their jobs due to their endometriosis.

Solutions for helping women to remain and be effective in the workforce are essential to Australia closing the gender pay gap.

However the cost of Visanne remains high for many individuals, who will still be paying close to $400 a year to reduce their pain and maintain a high quality of life. And many women may need to continue to take other drugs (such as paracetamol) alongside Visanne, further adding to the cost.

Is Visanne right for you?

Visanne is just one available treatment for endometriosis.

There are other effective and safe treatments that are already listed on the PBS, such as combination oral contraceptives, gonadotrophin-releasing hormone drugs and long-acting implants that slowly release progestogens.

It is important to note for some women who take the drug, Visanne can stop ovulation and also make it more difficult to become pregnant.

If you suffer from endometriosis, and your current medications are not sufficient in reducing the pain and inflammation, speak to your doctor. They can determine if a change to Visanne is right for you.

The Conversation

Nial Wheate in the past has received funding from the ACT Cancer Council, Tenovus Scotland, Medical Research Scotland, Scottish Crucible, and the Scottish Universities Life Sciences Alliance. He is a fellow of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute, a member of the Australasian Pharmaceutical Science Association and a member of the Australian Institute of Company Directors. Nial is the chief scientific officer of Vaihea Skincare LLC, a director of SetDose Pty Ltd (a medical device company) and was previously a Standards Australia panel member for sunscreen agents. Nial regularly consults to industry on issues to do with medicine risk assessments, manufacturing, design, and testing.

ref. What is Visanne, the endometriosis drug just added to the PBS? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-visanne-the-endometriosis-drug-just-added-to-the-pbs-245028

New research shows how long, hard and often you need to stretch to improve your flexibility

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lewis Ingram, Lecturer in Physiotherapy, University of South Australia

Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels

Can you reach down and touch your toes without bending your knees? Can you reach both arms overhead? If these sound like a struggle, you may be lacking flexibility.

Flexibility is the ability to move a joint to through its full range of motion. It helps you perform most sporting activities and may prevent muscle injuries. And because most daily activities require a certain amount of flexibility (like bending down or twisting), it will help you maintain functional independence as you age.

Although there are many types of stretching, static stretching is the most common. It involves positioning a joint to lengthen the muscles and holding still for a set period – usually between 15 and 60 seconds. An example would be to stand in front of a chair, placing one foot on the chair and straightening your knee to stretch your hamstrings.

Static stretching is widely used to improve flexibility. But there are no clear recommendations on the optimal amount required. Our new research examined how long, how hard and how often you need to stretch to improve your flexibility – it’s probably less than you expect.

Women practise a rotation stretch
Static stretching means positioning and lengthening muscles while holding still.
Cliff Booth/Pexels

Assessing the data

Our research team spent the past year gathering data from hundreds of studies on thousands of adults from around the world. We looked at 189 studies of more than 6,500 adults.

The studies compared the effects of a single session or multiple sessions of static stretching on one or more flexibility outcomes, compared to those who didn’t stretch.

How long?

We found holding a stretch for around four minutes (cumulatively) in a single session is optimal for an immediate improvement in flexibility. Any longer and you don’t appear to get any more improvement.

For permanent improvements in flexibility, it looks like you need to stretch a muscle for longer – around ten minutes per week for the biggest improvement. But this doesn’t need to occur all at once.

How hard?

You can think of stretching as being hard, when you stretch into pain, or easy, when the stretch you feel isn’t uncomfortable.

The good news is how hard you stretch doesn’t seem to matter – both hard (stretching to the point of discomfort or pain) and easy stretching (stretching below the point of discomfort) equally improve flexibility.

Mother does a cobra stretch with her child
Stretching doesn’t have to feel uncomfortable.
Valeria Ushakova/Pexels

How often?

If you are looking to improve your flexibility, it doesn’t matter how often you stretch each week. What is important is that you aim for up to ten minutes per week for each muscle that you stretch.

So, for example, you could stretch each muscle for a little more than one minute a day, or five minutes twice a week.

The amount of time you should spend stretching will ultimately depend on how many muscles you need to stretch. If you are less flexible, you will likely need to dedicate more time, given you’ll have more “tight” muscles to stretch compared to someone more flexible.

Can everyone improve their flexibility?

Encouragingly, it doesn’t matter what muscle you stretch, how old you are, your sex, or whether you are a couch potato or an elite athlete – everyone can improve their flexibility.

Static stretching can be done anywhere and at any time. And you don’t need any equipment. You can stretch while watching your favourite TV show, when in the office, or after walking the dog to help you relax. It’s a great way to start and end your day.

Man stretches his quads
You can stretch anywhere, at any time.
Shutterstock

Although the exact stretches needed will depend on which muscles are “tight”, examples of some very common stretches include:

  • placing one foot upon on bench and leaning forward at the waist while keeping your knee straight to stretch your hamstrings
  • bending your knee and holding your ankle against your buttock to stretch your quadriceps muscles
  • reaching one arm while bending your elbow to stretch your triceps muscles.

However, the best advice is to visit a qualified health professional, such as a physiotherapist or exercise physiologist, who can perform an assessment and prescribe you a list of stretches specific to your individual needs.

As you can see, it really isn’t too much of a stretch to become more flexible.

The Conversation

Grant R. Tomkinson has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, National Institutes of Health, and Public Health Agency of Canada.

Hunter Bennett and Lewis Ingram do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New research shows how long, hard and often you need to stretch to improve your flexibility – https://theconversation.com/new-research-shows-how-long-hard-and-often-you-need-to-stretch-to-improve-your-flexibility-242488

Luxon says Israeli PM would be arrested if he visits New Zealand

Asia Pacific Report

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has told a media conference Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would be arrested if he entered New Zealand

“We support the ICC [the International Criminal Court],” Luxon said yesterday.

“We believe in the international rules-based system, we support the ICC, and we would be obligated to do so.”

The NZ prime minister’s comments followed the ICC announcing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Israel’s former defence minister Yoav Gallant on allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity in the 13-month war on the besieged Gaza Strip that has killed more than 44,000 people — mostly women and children.

Netanyahu and Gallant are now fugitives from global justice after the ICC issued the arrest warrants against them.

Although Israel — and the US — does not recognise the authority of the ICC, the highest international criminal court, and Netanyahu and Gallant will not turn themselves in, the pair’s world has got a lot smaller.

The Rome Statute, the treaty that established the ICC, includes 124 state parties across six continents.

Legally bound
Under the statute, countries that are part of the ICC are legally bound to enforce its arrest warrants, according to international human rights lawyer Jonathan Kuttab.

“The law operates on the basis of a presumption that people will obey it. That’s how all laws are created,” Kuttab told Al Jazeera.

“You expect everybody to respect the law. Those who don’t respect the law are themselves violating the law.”

He added that there were early signs that countries would not ignore the court’s decision.

Many of Israel’s allies — including several European Union countries — have committed to enforcing the arrest warrants.

The ICC was set up in 2002 to prosecute war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression when member states are unwilling or unable to do so themselves. It is based in The Hague in the Netherlands.

The case at the ICC is separate from another legal battle Israel is waging at the top UN court, the International Court of Justice, in which South Africa accuses Israel of genocide, an allegation Israeli leaders deny.

Here is a list of the countries where Netanyahu and Gallant could be detained after the ICC’s decision.

A total of 124 countries are state parties to the Rome Statute, which founded the International Criminal Court. They include 29 nations from the Americas: Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Barbados, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Map: CC AJ Lab

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

To map the vibration of the universe, astronomers built a detector the size of the galaxy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Miles, Postdoctoral Researcher in Astrophysics, Swinburne University of Technology

Carl Knox, OzGrav, Swinburne University of Technology and South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO)

Using the largest gravitational wave detector ever made, we have confirmed earlier reports that the fabric of the universe is constantly vibrating. This background rumble is likely caused by collisions between the enormous black holes that reside in the hearts of galaxies.

The results from our detector – an array of rapidly spinning neutron stars spread across the galaxy – show this “gravitational wave background” may be louder than previously thought. We have also made the most detailed maps yet of gravitational waves across the sky, and found an intriguing “hot spot” of activity in the Southern Hemisphere.

Our research is published today in three papers in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society.

Ripples in space and time

Gravitational waves are ripples in the fabric of space and time. They are created when incredibly dense and massive objects orbit or collide with each other.

The densest and most massive objects in the universe are black holes, the remnants of dead stars. One of the only ways to study black holes is by searching for the gravitational waves they emit when they move near each other.

Just like light, gravitational waves are emitted in a spectrum. The most massive black holes emit the slowest and most powerful waves – but to study them, we need a detector the size of our galaxy.

The high-frequency gravitational waves created by collisions between relatively small black holes can be picked up with Earth-based detectors, and they were first observed in 2015. However, evidence for the existence of the slower, more powerful waves wasn’t found until last year.

Several groups of astronomers around the world have assembled galactic-scale gravitational wave detectors by closely observing the behaviour of groups of particular kinds of stars. Our experiment, the MeerKAT Pulsar Timing Array, is the largest of these galactic-scale detectors.

Today we have announced further evidence for low-frequency gravitational waves, but with some intriguing differences from earlier results. In just a third of the time of other experiments, we’ve found a signal that hints at a more active universe than anticipated.

We have also been able to map the cosmic architecture left behind by merging galaxies more accurately than ever before.

Black holes, galaxies and pulsars

At the centre of most galaxies, scientists believe, lives a gargantuan object known as a supermassive black hole. Despite their enormous mass – billions of times the mass of our Sun – these cosmic giants are difficult to study.

Astronomers have known about supermassive black holes for decades, but only directly observed one for the first time in 2019.

When two galaxies merge, the black holes at their centres begin to spiral towards each other. In this process they send out slow, powerful gravitational waves that give us an opportunity to study them.

We do this using another group of exotic cosmic objects: pulsars. These are extremely dense stars made mainly of neutrons, which may be around the size of a city but twice as heavy as the Sun.

Pulsars spin hundreds of times a second. As they rotate, they act like lighthouses, hitting Earth with pulses of radiation from thousands of light years away. For some pulsars, we can predict when that pulse should hit us to within nanoseconds.

Our gravitational wave detectors make use of this fact. If we observe many pulsars over the same period of time, and we’re wrong about when the pulses hit us in a very specific way, we know a gravitational wave is stretching or squeezing the space between the Earth and the pulsars.

However, instead of seeing just one wave, we expect to see a cosmic ocean full of waves criss-crossing in all directions – the echoing ripples of all the galactic mergers in the history of the universe. We call this the gravitational wave background.

A surprisingly loud signal – and an intriguing ‘hot spot’

To detect the gravitational wave background, we used the MeerKAT radio telescope in South Africa. MeerKAT is one of the most sensitive radio telescopes in the world.

As part of the MeerKAT Pulsar Timing Array, it has been observing a group of 83 pulsars for about five years, precisely measuring when their pulses arrive at Earth. This led us to find a pattern associated with a gravitational wave background, only it’s a bit different from what other experiments have found.

The pattern, which represents how space and time between Earth and the pulsars is changed by gravitational waves passing between them, is more powerful than expected.

This might mean there are more supermassive black holes orbiting each other than we thought. If so, this raises more questions – because our existing theories suggest there should be fewer supermassive black holes than we seem to be seeing.

The size of our detector, and the sensitivity of the MeerKAT telescope, means we can assess the background with extreme precision. This allowed us to create the most detailed maps of the gravitational wave background to date. Mapping the background in this way is essential for understanding the cosmic architecture of our universe.

It may even lead us to the ultimate source of the gravitational wave signals we observe. While we think it’s likely the background emerges from the interactions of these colossal black holes, it could also stem from changes in the early, energetic universe following the Big Bang – or perhaps even more exotic events.

An oval shaped diagram marked with coordinates, showing a purple background with orange and yellow blobs. There is a particularly bright blob at the bottom right.
A map of the gravitational wave background across the sky, including a mysterious ‘hot spot’ in the southern hemisphere.
Grunthal & Nathan et al. / MNRAS

The maps we’ve created show an intriguing “hot spot” of gravitational wave activity in the Southern Hemisphere sky. This kind of irregularity supports the idea of a background created by supermassive black holes rather than other alternatives.

However, creating a galactic-sized detector is incredibly complex, and it’s too early to say if this is genuine or a statistical anomaly.

To confirm our findings, we are working to combine our new data with results from other international collaborations under the banner of the International Pulsar Timing Array.

The Conversation

Matthew Miles is affiliated with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav), the MeerKAT Pulsar Timing Array, the Parkes Pulsar Timing Array and the International Pulsar Timing Array. He receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Rowina Nathan is affiliated with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav), the MeerKAT Pulsar Timing Array, the Parkes Pulsar Timing Array and the International Pulsar Timing Array. She receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. To map the vibration of the universe, astronomers built a detector the size of the galaxy – https://theconversation.com/to-map-the-vibration-of-the-universe-astronomers-built-a-detector-the-size-of-the-galaxy-244157

97% of adult Australians have limited skills to verify information online – new report

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sora Park, Professor of Communication, News & Media Research Centre, University of Canberra

An example of an Instagram post used in the study. Instagram/Park et al. 2024

Australians now use social media more often than any other type of media, including TV, radio and websites. While the increased use of social media platforms present new opportunities to access and engage with information, it also introduces serious challenges associated with the spread of misinformation.

The sheer volume of information available on social media is overwhelming. These platforms can be used to target people with false, manipulative and misleading claims.

It’s not surprising most adults regularly encounter false and misleading information when they are online. And those who use social media see misinformation the most.

Although people are concerned about misinformation, our new report reveals that 97% of adults in Australia have limited skills to verify information online.

Concerning findings

Our study tested the ability of 2,115 adult Australians to verify information online. Our sample was representative of the Australian adult population.

Participants were shown two real-life web pages and two social media posts. They were asked to evaluate each of them and decide whether the content is reliable and trustworthy. They were also instructed to explain the steps they took to reach the decision.

To evaluate the content, participants could search online on use any device they had at hand.

In all four tasks, respondents were first asked if the claims on the social media posts or websites were true. These questions had a correct answer.

An example of a social media post with verifiable information used in our study.
Facebook

After the first question, participants were asked to explain how they reached their conclusion. If the respondent provided some evidence as to how they were able to verify the information, they were given one point. If the person clearly articulated how they conducted the verification task and provided sufficient evidence, they were given two points.

The highest score achievable was eight points. We grouped respondents into three categories based on their scores:

  • no ability (a score of zero)
  • emerging ability (one to three points)
  • developing ability (four or more points)

The results raise serious concerns about the ability of Australians to identify misinformation online. Almost half (45%) of adult Australians showed “no ability” to take basic steps to verify online information, and 52% had only an “emerging ability”.

Only 3% of respondents were ranked with a “developing ability” because they scored four or more points.

A large gap between assumption and reality

Most studies about media literacy are based on people’s self-reports – what they say they can do. Prior to this research, very little was known about adult Australians’ actual ability to identify misinformation online.

Our study reveals a large gap between what people say they can do and their actual ability.

In our previous survey, 42% of adult Australians said they were confident they could check if information found online is true.

However, in our new study involving the same respondents, 39% of those who said they were confident didn’t demonstrate any ability to verify information, and 55% had only basic skills. This shows many people overestimate their ability.

Another important finding from the current study: the ability to verify information online is low across the board, across all age groups.

There wasn’t a huge difference between age groups – overall, the vast majority of Australians were struggling to verify information. That said, older Australians tended to score slightly lower. A little more than half of the 60–69 age group landed in the “no ability” category, compared to 38% of those aged 30–39 years.

We did find that news and information consumption habits are related to people’s ability to verify information. Heavy news consumers scored higher. Only 36% of heavy news consumers were in the “no ability” group, compared to 59% of those who are non-news consumers.

This indicates that regularly accessing quality information verified by professional journalists may help people distinguish fact-based and fact-checked stories from other information.

What stands in the way of better verification skills?

We found common challenges that may prevent people from making informed judgements about dubious information.

One unhelpful behaviour was to rely on existing beliefs to decide if content is true, rather than scrutinise the claims made in the post.

Another type of unhelpful strategy is to make a snap judgement about veracity based on a person’s past experience with a content producer or actor featured in the post.

We also found many people accept content at face value, mostly based on their “gut feeling” or emotional response, rather than questioning the content.

These unhelpful strategies prevented people from engaging in lateral reading to verify sources and information. Rather than staying on the website, lateral reading is when you leave the page to check other sources to assess the credibility of the original site.

How do we improve Australians’ ability to verify online content?

Accessing reliable and trustworthy information enables citizens to make informed decisions about everything – from voting, to making purchases, to staying safe online, to accessing health advice and services.

Australians must urgently update their media literacy skills to suit the online environment. However, unlike many advanced democracies such as the Netherlands or Finland, Australia doesn’t have a national media literacy policy or strategy to ensure citizens are provided with support to help them verify information online.

The good news is Australians do want access to media literacy support. In our study, 82% of participants agreed adults need access to media literacy education.

They want this education to be delivered in a range of ways – via online tutorials, short videos and in libraries.

The federal government just failed to get a misinformation bill through the Senate, and some argue legislation may be ineffective even it if is passed.

Our work shows that without equipping citizens with media literacy, legislation can only have limited impact. Misinformation will remain part of our media diet: we all need to develop our ability to be able to identify and respond to it.

The Conversation

Sora Park receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Creative Australia, SBS and Boundless Earth.

Tanya Notley is a member of the Australian Media Literacy Alliance. She has a current grant from the Australian Research Council.

ref. 97% of adult Australians have limited skills to verify information online – new report – https://theconversation.com/97-of-adult-australians-have-limited-skills-to-verify-information-online-new-report-243595

‘They’re my babies’: what our attitudes to backyard chickens reveals about Australians

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily A. Buddle, Research Fellow in Humanities, University of Adelaide

Shutterstock

Chicken – or chooks, as they are affectionately known in Australia – have been a mainstay in backyards for generations.

More and more Australians now keep chickens, after the COVID pandemic triggered food shortages and prompted concern for egg supplies. At the same time, the welfare of egg-producing chickens is also in the spotlight, leading to an increase in the sale of free range eggs.

Globally, academic research into the trend has largely focused on public health and biosecurity risks. The human relationship to backyard chickens has not been deeply explored. Our recent research sought to change this.

We surveyed backyard-chicken owners in Adelaide, and found their relationships with the birds blur the lines between pet and livestock. The results throw up interesting questions about animal welfare, our trust in food systems, and how we relate to the non-human world.

Relationships with backyard chickens blurs the lines between pet and livestock.
Shutterstock

What our research found

We interviewed 44 people who keep chickens at home. The in-depth discussions were conducted either over the phone or at suburban fodder stores, where chicken feed is sold.

We questioned participants on their motivations for keeping chickens in their backyards. Some saw their chickens as pets – in fact, one participant told us “they’re my babies”. Another respondent said:

Chickens as pets are a heap of fun and they’ve got such personalities and character and that’s one of the reasons why I like to have them out and about.

Backyard chickens provided an ongoing supply of fresh eggs from a trusted source. One person said:

I like fresh eggs. I don’t like buying eggs […] I get better quality […]  And less stress to the chickens. I know that the chickens are happy. They’re not barn, they’re not cage, they’re definitely free range.

Others valued being able to recycle their food scraps by feeding them to chickens.

Some respondents said backyard chooks provided an educational experience for their children. One told us:

Hatching baby chicks has been an amazing experience for us and I think as our kids have grown up the whole thing has taught them a bit about life cycles and life and death.

Others said keeping chickens helped teach their children how to care for animals and educated them about where food comes from. Many recounted having chickens when they were children, and wanted the same experiences for their children or grandchildren.

Backyard chickens also provided some people with opportunities to connect with neighbours, by sharing food scraps and gifting eggs.

Backyard chickens can educate kids about where food comes from.
Shutterstock

A few ethical quandaries

Interestingly, while some participants ate chicken, many emphasised that they would not kill or eat their own birds. Some had a preference for free-range chicken, but others said their keeping of backyard chickens had not influenced the type of meat they buy.

And while people valued their chickens for their ability to provide eggs and companionship, they were not likely to allow the animals inside the home. They were also unlikely to take them to the vet if they were unwell. As one person told us:

I personally just can’t justify the cost of the vet versus the monetary value of my chickens.

So while chickens are seen as pets, they are not considered as valuable as cats and dogs, which would usually be given vet care if needed.

This is worrying from a biosecurity perspective. Backyard chickens are capable of spreading highly pathogenic diseases such as avian influenza, and preventing this is difficult if chicken owners don’t take the animal to the vet.

What’s more, sick or injured chickens that don’t receive vet care may suffer unnecessarily, raising animal welfare concerns.

People who otherwise consume chicken wouldn’t kill or eat their backyard chooks.

What all this means

Our results suggest backyard chickens are valued primarily because they provide eggs – but importantly, not meat. They are also valued for the human experiences they produce.

Owners consider their chooks to have distinct personalities and other attributes associated with pets. Yet the animals are not afforded the same care as cats and dogs.

This suggests backyard chickens occupy an in-between space on the human-animal relations spectrum – they are neither livestock nor companion animals.

As the trend of keeping backyard chickens grows, policymakers should consider the biosecurity risks and welfare of these and other animals that exist outside traditional categories.

This is especially important given the potential for a particularly virulent strain of avian influenza known as H5N1 to arrive in Australia and devastate wild and farmed bird populations.

Earlier this year, food security issues again came to the fore when Coles limited egg purchases in most of its supermarkets due to a bird flu outbreak in Victoria. It coincided with consumer concerns about and the rapidly increasing costs of food, including eggs.

Our results suggest more research is needed into consumers’ lack of trust in food supply systems, and the diverse ways Australians navigate the issues.

Emily A. Buddle receives funding from the Department of Primary Industries and Regions South Australia, the Australian Research Council and WoolProducer Australia and Sheep Producers Australia. She is also a farmer in South Australia’s mid north region.

Rachel A. Ankeny has received funding for research from the Department of Primary Industries and Regions South Australia, the Department of Environment and Water South Australia, the Australian Research Council, Meat and Livestock Australia, the Australian & New Zealand Council for the Care of Animals in Research and Teaching, Agrifutures, Grain Producers SA, Food Standards Australia New Zealand, and Australian Eggs Limited.

ref. ‘They’re my babies’: what our attitudes to backyard chickens reveals about Australians – https://theconversation.com/theyre-my-babies-what-our-attitudes-to-backyard-chickens-reveals-about-australians-243936

It’s possible to study teaching and have no real-time connections with lecturers or peers. But it can be ‘very lonely’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Melissa Cain, Senior Lecturer in Inclusive Education and Arts Education, Australian Catholic University

Fizkes/Shutterstock

Australia is in the grip of a teacher shortage. The federal government has predicted in 2025, demand for high school teachers will outstrip graduates by about 4,100 teachers.

We also hear constant reports of teachers quitting or planning to quit. So it is more important than ever to encourage people into the teaching profession.

Universities have been making it easier for people to study to become teachers. For some, this includes “asynchronous” online learning. This means students study from different places and at different times. It also means there is no real-time connection between lecturers and students, or between students and their peers.

This kind of learning means people can study at their own pace without having to relocate or travel. This can make it more affordable and flexible for students. These types of courses are also relatively inexpensive for universities to deliver.

But our new research shows the lack of real-time connection can create challenges for students. It also raises questions about how we are preparing new teachers for the realities of the classroom.

A new style of teaching and learning

As of 2023, all Australian universities offered some form of online learning in their “initial teacher education” degrees – the degrees people need to do to qualify as teachers.

Many universities may advertise “online” courses but it is not clear what, if any, real-time connection is involved.

There is no clear data on how widespread asynchronous online learning is in Australia, but anecdotal reports suggest it is becoming more common.

In 2023 and 2024, we surveyed and interviewed more than 400 “pre-service teachers” – these are people studying primary and secondary education degrees and who have not yet qualified as a teacher.

All were studying units or whole courses which were delivered asynchronously at one Australian university. The only in-person or face-to-face components were their placement experiences in schools.

The students had access to pre-recorded lectures, readings, and a range of activities to complete. The main form of communication was via online discussion board conversations.

Students in our style had no real-time connection with teachers or other students.
Gatot Adri/ Shutterstock

Little connection with others

Some students in our study said they had a positive experience with asynchronous learning. They said some course facilitators made efforts to connect with them and demonstrate care and empathy.

However, more than 50% of our respondents said they felt only “a little” or “somewhat” connected to the university and course facilitators and “very little” connection to their peers. They described their learning as lonely. As one respondent said:

It’s a very lonely experience when you’re unable to communicate directly or see your peers. It’s very isolating.

While students might be encouraged to comment on the discussion board, this did not always help them feel connected.

Students are required to post/respond to other student’s posts in an online forum. [There is a] major disconnect between commenting on someone’s post and actual communication.

Hard to engage with study

For others, this lack of connection had an impact on their academic engagement. As one student said:

I felt disengaged the whole course. The […] nature of the delivery meant that, for me, it was pushed aside and left to last minute and only when the deadlines for assignments approached [did I engage].

Other respondents said the lack of social connection made them feel “less committed” to their studies.

Or as another student told us:

We had drop-in meetings, emails and online forums. I don’t feel these have been effective and I only contribute because I want to pass the unit.

Students also revealed they did not fully understand how little contact with others they would have when they enrolled.

Why is this a problem?

As this type of degree is very new, we don’t yet have a sense of what this disconnection has on the development of quality teachers.

But our survey does raise questions about the capacity of these courses to help students develop the key skills they will need in the classroom. These include:

  • verbal communication skills tailored to individual students, whole classrooms, colleagues, and parents

  • the capacity to build constructive in-person relationships with students, parents, and colleagues

  • the ability to work constructively and calmly in diverse and challenging environments – where “deadlines” or “tasks” are happening in real time.

When teaching students graduate they will find themselves in busy classrooms and need to communicate with students face-to-face.
LBeddoe/Shutterstock

How can this type of delivery be improved?

Our research also highlighted some ways fully asynchronous online courses can improve and promote connection between students and teachers.

Students who were more positive about their courses told us:

  • facilitators responded quickly to emails and questions and were open and friendly

  • facilitators provided videos of themselves summarising content giving a sense of human connection

  • facilitators were always active on discussion boards.

It is vitally important to get more teachers graduating and into classrooms. But we also need to make sure teacher education is adequately preparing new teachers for a demanding and crucial job that is grounded in human relationships.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. It’s possible to study teaching and have no real-time connections with lecturers or peers. But it can be ‘very lonely’ – https://theconversation.com/its-possible-to-study-teaching-and-have-no-real-time-connections-with-lecturers-or-peers-but-it-can-be-very-lonely-242195

‘Ebullient leadership’ can lift your workers out of the doldrums and increase productivity

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Saima Ahmad, Senior lecturer, Business Administration, RMIT University

adriaticfoto/Shutterstock

Social lunches, office trivia, even the odd dress-up day might sound like time-wasting at work. But our research, suggests promoting relaxed interactions in the office can make employees more committed and productive.

A major report released this year found stagnant employee engagement and declining wellbeing were crucial issues facing modern workplaces. It found dissatisfaction rose during the pandemic, resulting in lower productivity. This cost global GDP an estimated annual loss of A$13.4 trillion.

Our research reveals how “ebullient leaders” are adept at fostering curiosity and knowledge-sharing — two crucial components of innovation and engagement.

What’s an ebullient leader?

According to pioneering research led by management academic Robert C Ford an ebullient leader is someone who

through words and deeds helps create a work environment that is considered by a subordinate as a fun place to work.

Unlike other styles of leadership, ebullient leadership is not just about being authentic, transformational or charismatic. It’s about actively creating a positive work environment that is engaging, fun and playful.

Ebullient leaders create an atmosphere where employees feel excited to come to work. Their leadership style can transform a routine workday into a stimulating experience.

Our study sought to understand how curiosity and ebullient leadership influence knowledge-sharing in the workplace. To achieve this, we conducted a two-phase survey with 349 IT workers. In the first phase, we measured participants’ curiosity and perceptions of their managers’ cheerfulness and playfulness.

In the second phase, we assessed their engagement in informal learning and knowledge-sharing. We then used statistical methods to analyse how curiosity and ebullient leadership interact to foster knowledge sharing.

We found curious employees are more likely to engage in informal learning, which, in turn, drives knowledge sharing. However, this relationship was stronger when employees were guided by ebullient leaders.

Fun environments can help turn around disengaged employees and lead to improved productivity and collaboration.

So what do ebullient leaders actually do?

Ebullient leaders organise lighthearted activities, such as quick games, humorous exchanges, trivia breaks, social lunches and even dress-up days. These change-of-pace activities during work hours help rejuvenate employees.

A vast body of research on fun at work shows it improves job satisfaction and morale, and reduces absenteeism and burnout.

This is significant, given 48% of Australian employees report feeling stressed and burnt out.

It is as important as fostering humour at work, which promotes positivity and helps employees recharge and engage.

Multinational technology company Google is one of the best-known examples of a business that has cultivated a fun culture. Perks include access to nap pods, unlimited gourmet food and onsite massages. There is no dress code, and work hours are flexible.

Ebullient leadership can create a positive environment and make workers look forward to coming to work.
WBMUL/Shutterstock

Traditional leadership

Traditional leadership styles tend to prioritise achieving results and meeting deadlines, often at the expense of employee wellbeing.

Highly efficient leaders might believe more people-focused activities will slow them down and ultimately stop them being successful. However, an intense focus on efficiency makes these leaders less effective overall.

It is essential to strike a balance between achieving goals and creating an environment where employees are comfortable taking risks and sharing ideas. This allows creativity and innovation to flourish.

Adopting an ebullient leadership style

While ebullient leadership may seem like an innate talent, it can also be learned and developed. Here are some tips for adopting this style

Build enjoyable moments into the workday: be creative in organising social events, competitions or themed parties at work. Do not force fun but allow it to emerge naturally.

Demonstrate emotional intelligence: manage your own and others’ emotions, show optimism and enthusiasm, even in challenging times. Create a workplace where employees feel free to open up, show their emotions and try new things.

Balance work and play: avoid overloading employees with too many fun activities as they can disrupt goal achievement. Choose activities that help them engage and support their work goals.

Be mindful of employees’ preferences: not every employee wants their workplace to be fun. Some may prefer work to be serious. Be mindful and respectful of employees’ preferences and organise fun accordingly.

Lead by example: demonstrate and champion playfulness, curiosity and liveliness, the behaviours you expect from your employees.

Leaders can inspire positivity and embrace a balanced, human-centered approach to management by showing emotional intelligence and providing moments of joy during work hours. This can empower workers.

Ebullient leadership is more than a feel-good concept. Given the current challenges of high burnout and disengagement rates, it can help organisations lift overall performance through improved knowledge sharing.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Ebullient leadership’ can lift your workers out of the doldrums and increase productivity – https://theconversation.com/ebullient-leadership-can-lift-your-workers-out-of-the-doldrums-and-increase-productivity-239305

New research: 77% of LGBTQ young people have faced workplace sexual harassment

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kerry H. Robinson, Distinguished Professor in Sociology, School of Social Sciences, Western Sydney University

Louis Hansel/Unsplash

Unwanted sexual attention and behaviour are a persistent problem in many workplace cultures. But the workplace sexual harassment of LGBTQ employees is often overlooked.

Sexual harassment is generally understood through heterosexuality, in which male bosses target female employees with unwanted sexualised behaviours. This perspective of workplace sexual harassment has been enshrined in film, from 1980’s 9 to 5 to 2019’s Bombshell.

Broad population studies show LGBTQ people experience sexual harassment in the workplace and at education and training institutions at disproportionately higher rates than heterosexual women.

But there is limited understanding of how LGBTQ young people experience workplace sexual harassment. We conducted a landmark study funded by ANROWS of more than 1,000 LGBTQ young people aged between 14 and 30. We found more than three quarters had experienced sexual harassment at work.

Alarming statistics

Our study shows 77% of LGBTQ young people have experienced workplace sexual harassment. This sexual harassment occurred across all employment sectors.

The most common sectors were:

  • accommodation and food services

  • retail trade

  • administration and support services

  • financial and insurance services.

Sexual harassment was primarily perpetrated by men, typically older than those they harassed, and who acted alone.

Co-workers at the same employment level perpetrated 46% of this behaviour. Clients or customers of the workplace were the perpetrators in 31% of cases.

Threats to ‘fix’ through sexual violence

Many LGBTQ young people were targeted for their gender or sexual diversity.

Common forms of harassment included unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit comments, intrusive questions about identities, bodies, and sex lives, and unwelcome sexual jokes about being LGBTQ.

A close-up of a pride flag sticker on a laptop
Sexual harassment was widespread among LGBTQ survey participants.
Shutterstock

Disturbingly, threats to use sexual violence to “fix” young people’s gender and sexuality diversity were reported by 30% of those who experienced workplace sexual harassment. These threats were more common for young women and trans masculine young people. Trans masculine refers to those presumed female at birth and whose gender identity or expression is masculine.

A higher proportion of trans young people (80%) experienced workplace sexual harassment than their cisgender peers (74%).

LGBTQ young people were often uncertain if their workplace sexual harassment experiences were, in fact, sexual harassment. This was due to stereotypes of workplace sexual harassment as a heterosexual woman’s experience.

Unawareness and lack of understanding of how sexual harassment intersects with homophobia, biphobia and transphobia contributed to this uncertainty. This lack of awareness and understanding also prevailed among co-workers and workplace managers.

Harassment compounded by age and disability

The younger a person was, the more likely they were to have been sexually harassed at work. Young people have less experience in workplace relations and are often employed in casual and low-paid positions with limited job security.

They often believe they have little choice but to tolerate workplace sexual harassment. This is due to concerns about employer expectations and fears of losing their jobs and tips.

LGBTQ young people with more than one marginalised identity were more vulnerable to workplace sexual harassment.

Among LGBTQ young people with a disability, 83% reported experiencing workplace sexual harassment. This was significantly higher than those without a disability.

In our study, a 15-year-old sexuality-diverse survey participant reported:

Jokes were often made that because I had mobility issues, my old co-worker could do whatever if they took my walking stick away, and I wouldn’t be able to do anything.

Stereotypes related to LGBTQ young people’s ethnicity also contributed to the type of workplace sexual harassment they experienced. In our study, Amanda was viewed by her perpetrator as “a small Asian girl” and subjected to stereotypes that he could “be creepy towards her, and she’ll be submissive because that’s what they’re all like”.

Cultures that discourage reporting

Sexual harassment of LGBTQ young people especially occurs in workplaces in which homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are tolerated without intervention.

These workplaces generally failed to actively implement measures to address or prevent workplace sexual harassment. Environments that normalise prejudice, discrimination and harassment discourage reporting these incidents.

A group of gender-diverse people meet in the workplace.
80% of those surveyed said sexual harassment at work had negatively affected their mental health.
Shutterstock

In our study, Blair reported witnessing homophobia and experiencing biphobia in their office workplace. Lesbian coworkers were told:

Well, you just haven’t been with the right man.

And Blair, who identified as bisexual, was told:

Just choose […] you either like girls or you like guys […] you can’t have it all.

Notably, 75% of LGBTQ young people did not report the sexual harassment they experienced at work. Most LGBTQ young people who did report were dissatisfied with the process and outcomes.

Workplace sexual harassment reporting pathways were generally viewed as unsafe, unsupportive and lacking in confidentiality. They also failed to enforce consequences for perpetrators of the behaviour.

Doing serious harm

Workplace sexual harassment had serious mental health, wellbeing, career and financial impacts on LGBTQ young people.

For 80% of those surveyed, workplace sexual harassment negatively affected their mental health. As a result of this harassment, 42% experienced negative feelings about their LGBTQ identities.

More than half of young people reported that workplace sexual harassment was harmful to their careers.

22% reported financial consequences, including a cut in shifts, being fired and choosing to leave their jobs because staying was unsafe.

What can be done?

Employers must take a positive and proactive approach to workplace sexual harassment and adhere to relevant legislation.

They also need to deal more effectively with discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, race, disability and age. Workplace sexual harassment prevention policies, training and strategies for change need to include LGBTQ young people’s experiences to ensure their specific circumstances are addressed.

These policies, training and strategies need to discuss how homophobia, biphobia and transphobia influence workplace sexual harassment of LGBTQ young people.

Confidential, supportive reporting pathways sensitive to LGBTQ young people’s needs are crucial. These are all positive steps to making workplaces safer, more inclusive and supportive for LGBTQ young people. They are also positive steps for all employees.

The Conversation

Kerry H. Robinson received funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS).
Kerry H. Robinson has received funding through Australian Research Council grants.
Kerry H. Robinson is a member of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

Cristyn Davies receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS), the Australian Research Council, and the Medical Research Future Fund. Dr Davies reports voluntarily being President of the Australian Association for Adolescent Health; co-chair of the Human Rights Council of Australia; co-chair of the Child and Youth Special Interest Group for the Public Health Association of Australia; an ambassador to Twenty10 Incorporating the Gay and Lesbian Counselling Service of New South Wales; and co-chair of the research committee for the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health. Dr Davies is a member of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

Emma F Jackson and Kimberley Allison do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New research: 77% of LGBTQ young people have faced workplace sexual harassment – https://theconversation.com/new-research-77-of-lgbtq-young-people-have-faced-workplace-sexual-harassment-244735

Is ‘judicial activism’ skewing Treaty law – or are court critics the real radicals?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marcelo Rodriguez Ferrere, Associate Professor of Law, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Getty Images

Claims of “judicial activism” are nothing new. Ever since the term was coined by US historian Arthur Schlesinger in 1947, it has been regularly invoked in the United States to describe judges perceived to be going beyond their constitutional role.

In the United Kingdom, the Daily Mail took it a step further in 2018 and labelled three judges “Enemies of the People” in a headline about the legal complexities of Brexit.

In New Zealand, the term seems to have first appeared in the early 1980s and has cropped up fairly regularly ever since to describe judges who have allegedly strayed beyond their responsibilities to interpret and apply the law.

Critics argue such “activist” judges are usurping the sovereignty of parliament as the only lawmaker in our constitutional system. But more recently the rhetoric has been taken up a notch.

Claims of radicalism

This year, Minister of Regional Development Shane Jones described one judge as a “communist” (Jones said the comment was taken out of context), and said some recent judicial decisions were “beginning to show elements of totalitarianism”.

Others have argued for legislative change. Lawyer Gary Judd KC has called on parliament to “assert its constitutional sovereignty to counter a campaign of judicial activism, starting with preventing tikanga Māori from becoming a compulsory subject for law students”.

ACT Party leader David Seymour has justified the Treaty Principles Bill as necessary because “activist judges and bureaucrats” had “twisted the meaning of our founding document to give different groups of people different rights”.

But perhaps the most thorough and extensively researched claim of judicial activism comes from the New Zealand Initiative think tank. In its recently released report, Who Makes the Law? Reining in the Supreme Court, author Roger Partridge argues that:

in recent cases, the Supreme Court has been actively stepping out of its lane, blurring the traditional separation between the roles of judges and Parliament. This shift represents a significant departure from the Court’s proper constitutional function.

Specifically, the report argues, the Supreme Court has begun “stretching or even ignoring statutory language” and taking a “radical new approach” to the common law (that is, the law built over time from judicial decisions, rather than acts of parliament).

The report makes several recommendations for reform, including amending legislation to restrict the way courts can engage in their interpretative role. It also suggests reforming the judicial appointments process so that future candidates must
commit to a list of what the report deems “orthodox judicial constitutional principles”.

Without such reform, the report argues, “we will see an ongoing erosion of the foundations of our legal system”.

ACT leader David Seymour: ‘activist judges and bureaucrats’ have redefined the Treaty of Waitangi.
Getty Images

Parliament remains supreme

But not everyone agrees the Supreme Court has taken a “radical new approach”. As the legal scholar Paul McHugh argued in 2008, jurisprudence (case law) surrounding the principles of the te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi has been “cautious and conservative”.

Taking that line, then, it can be argued more recent development of jurisprudence simply builds on that conservative tradition of the common law. Chief Justice Helen Winkelmann has described this process as “picking up the threads”, which simultaneously brings

stability through the doctrine of precedent, while also allowing for the injection of new ideas and for the creation of new responses as required.

Parliament is the supreme lawmaker in our constitutional system. But, by weaving these “threads” of common law, judges also act as lawmakers alongside parliament. Unlike parliament, however, they are constrained by the need to follow precedent (only departing from it when justified).

This is why any development of the common law is necessarily cautious, slow and incremental. Given this structural conservatism, there is some irony that claims of judicial activism come largely from conservative voices.

The suggestion the courts are a hotbed of radical activism also brings to mind the observation of former US Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy:

An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don’t like.

Politicising the courts

If recent Supreme Court decisions contain new approaches and ideas, they are still part of the same common law system that allowed a former chief justice to declare in 1877 that the Treaty of Waitangi was “worthless” and a “simple nullity”.

Or, to take another example, the system that allowed a judge of the Court of Appeal to opine in 1997 that the inability of same-sex couples to marry did not amount to discrimination.

Cries of judicial activism did not follow those decisions. They were not described as political statements. Indeed, in the case of same-sex marriage, parliament eventually disagreed and changed the law in 2013.

Parliament remains supreme. It can simply amend legislation in response to Supreme Court judgements it doesn’t like. That is entirely appropriate, and an instance of what is termed “dialogue” between two branches of government.

There is nothing wrong with disagreeing with decisions of the Supreme Court (I have built a career out of it). But it’s another thing to argue the court should not have the capacity to make those decisions in the first place.

To legislate against that capacity would undermine the constitutional foundation of an independent judiciary by risking its politicisation. That would be far more radical than the Supreme Court and the inherently conservative common law.

The Conversation

Marcelo Rodriguez Ferrere does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is ‘judicial activism’ skewing Treaty law – or are court critics the real radicals? – https://theconversation.com/is-judicial-activism-skewing-treaty-law-or-are-court-critics-the-real-radicals-244926

The government’s response to the royal commission into veteran suicide gets a lot right – but makes a couple of missteps

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carolyn Heward, Lecturer, Clinical Psychology, James Cook University

An average of 78 serving or ex-serving members of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) have died by suicide every year for the past decade.

In 2021, the government announced the formal establishment of the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide to tackle this national tragedy.

Now, the Albanese government has released its response to the royal commisson’s final report.

The government has agreed or agreed in principle to 104 out of the 122 recommendations put forward in the commission’s final report, released in September.

According to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, the response presents

an historic opportunity to deliver lasting reform and support our Defence personnel, veterans and their families.

But what does the response deliver on, and where does it fall short?

Mental health and the military

More than half a million Australians have served or are currently serving in the ADF.

Of serving members, 22% report mental health disorders. This rises to 46% among members who recently transitioned out of full-time service.

Ex-serving women are more than twice as likely to die by suicide compared with civilian women. While suicide rates for ex-serving men who leave the ADF voluntarily are comparable to age-matched civilian men, the suicide rate for men who leave service for involuntary medical reasons is almost three times as high.

The number of deaths by suicide over recent decades far outweighs the number killed in active duty.

Military personnel who have recently left full-time service are at heightened risk of mental distress.
SeventyFour/Shutterstock

The reasons for the disproportionately high rates of suicide among ADF personnel are complex.

While trauma experienced during deployment is likely to play a role, many current and ex-serving members who have died by suicide were never deployed overseas. The royal commission found systemic and cultural issues in the ADF have a crucial part to play.

As an example, there are often tensions between traditional military culture and mental health needs. The report identified excessive “self-reliance” as a barrier for help-seeking. On one hand, self-reliance is often viewed as a military virtue. But when taken to extremes, it can prevent people from seeking help.

How did the government respond?

It’s very positive to see the government accept 104 of the commission’s 122 recommendations.

Throughout, the commitment to co-design, where the government will work with ex-service organisations, members, veterans and their families in the design of support programs and guidelines, shows respect for military identity and lived experience.

Professional development is also a worthy priority, with enhanced military cultural competency training for health professionals and improved trauma-informed practice. Changes like these show an understanding of the unique challenges faced by service personnel and how military culture affects help-seeking.

The government’s ongoing commitment to clear the Department of Veteran’s Affairs’ (DVA) claims backlog will remove a major source of stress for veterans seeking help.

Finally, the move to establish a new inquiry into military sexual violence represents action on a significant problem in the ADF.

What’s been left out?

Only one recommendation – to compensate veterans permanently injured in training at the same level as those injured in active service – was not supported.

The government’s decision to maintain the longstanding principle of higher compensation for active service touches on core questions about how we value different types of service.

Given many service members never deploy, it potentially devalues the service they do provide. My research has found not being deployed can have a negative effect on a defence member’s sense of identity and their perception of being a “warrior”. Rejecting this recommendation could contribute to identity disruption and poor mental health and wellbeing for those who don’t deploy.

People as the greatest asset?

In the government’s full response, it notes the establishment of a taskforce within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to consider those recommendations that have been agreed in principle and noted for consideration.

The government has noted 17 of the commission’s recommendations for further consideration.

One is a recommendation to increase the DVA’s fee schedule so it’s aligned with that of the National Disability Insurance Scheme. This essentially suggests paying more to health-care providers so they have greater incentive to provide care to military members.

The government’s response suggests a need for “military-informed” care rather than just increased fees. While veteran health needs do differ from disability support, the government’s failure to support this recommendation could be seen to send a message about the value society places on defence members.

In a press conference when the government released its response, Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles said “Defence’s greatest asset is their people”. Funding models need to align with this value.

Similarly, multiple recommendations about data and research were passed to the taskforce. The lack of immediate commitment to research funding demonstrates a gap between rhetoric about prioritising personnel and actual research investment. Without appropriate research funding, our ability to develop evidence-based solutions is impaired.

Finally, there are questions around the taskforce itself. For example, who will lead it? How will it involve people with lived experience? How will its success be measured? Being in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet suggests a high level of attention, but questions remain regarding time frames and accountability.

Where to from here?

The government’s response to the royal commission shows that, for the most part, it recognises the systemic and cultural issues the commission highlighted in its final report. But cultural change will be an enormous challenge.

Looking ahead, implementing the royal commission’s recommendations requires balancing urgent needs with implementing sustainable change, and maintaining momentum with ensuring meaningful consultation.

The success of these reforms will depend on maintaining focus and keeping defence and veteran wellbeing at the centre of all decisions.

Open Arms – 1800 011 046 – provides 24-hour free and confidential counselling and support for current and former ADF personnel and their families. The Defence all-hours Support Line – 1800 628 036 – is a confidential telephone and online service for ADF members and their families. Lifeline is available on 13 11 14.

Carolyn Heward has previously worked as a Clinical Psychologist within both the Department of Defence and as a contracted health provider to the Australian Defence Force.

ref. The government’s response to the royal commission into veteran suicide gets a lot right – but makes a couple of missteps – https://theconversation.com/the-governments-response-to-the-royal-commission-into-veteran-suicide-gets-a-lot-right-but-makes-a-couple-of-missteps-245026

Wenda calls for West Papuan unity in the face of Jakarta’s renewed ‘colonial grip’

Asia Pacific Report

An exiled West Papuan leader has called for unity among his people in the face of a renewed “colonial grip” of Indonesia’s new president.

President Prabowo Subianto, who took office last month, “is a deep concern for all West Papuans”, said Benny Wenda of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP).

Speaking at the Oxford Green Fair yesterday — Morning Star flag-raising day — ULMWP’s interim president said Prabowo had already “sent thousands of additional troops to West Papua” and restarted the illegal settlement programme that had marginalised Papuans and made them a minority in their own land.

“He is continuing to destroy our land to create the biggest deforestation project in the history of the world. This network of sugarcane and rice plantations is as big as Wales.

“But we cannot panic. The threat from [President] Prabowo shows that unity and direction is more important than ever.

Indonesia doesn’t fear a divided movement. They do fear the ULMWP, because they know we are the most serious and direct challenge to their colonial grip.”

Here is the text of the speech that Wenda gave while opening the Oxford Green Fair at Oxford Town Hall:

Wenda’s speech
December 1st is the day the West Papuan nation was born.

On this day 63 years ago, the New Guinea Council raised the Morning Star across West Papua for the first time.

We sang our national anthem and announced our Parliament, in a ceremony recognised by Australia, the UK, France, and the Netherlands, our former coloniser. But our new state was quickly stolen from us by Indonesian colonialism.

ULMWP’s Benny Wenda speaking on West Papua while opening the Oxford Green Fair on flag-raising day in the United Kingdom. Image: ULMWP

This day is important to all West Papuans. While we remember all those we have lost in the struggle, we also celebrate our continued resistance to Indonesian colonialism.

On this day in 2020, we announced the formation of the Provisional Government of West Papua. Since then, we have built up our strength on the ground. We now have a constitution, a cabinet, a Green State Vision, and seven executives representing the seven customary regions of West Papua.

Most importantly, we have a people’s mandate. The 2023 ULMWP Congress was first ever democratic election in the history. Over 5000 West Papuans gathered in Jayapura to choose their leaders and take ownership of their movement. This was a huge sacrifice for those on the ground. But it was necessary to show that we are implementing democracy before we have achieved independence.

The outcome of this historic event was the clarification and confirmation of our roadmap by the people. Our three agendas have been endorsed by Congress: full membership of the MSG [Melanesian Spearhead Group], a UN High Commissioner for Human Rights visit to West Papua, and a resolution at the UN General Assembly. Through our Congress, we place the West Papuan struggle directly in the hands of the people. Whenever our moment comes, the ULMWP will be ready to seize it.

Differing views
I want to remind the world that internal division is an inevitable part of any revolution. No national struggle has avoided it. In any democratic country or movement, there will be differing views and approaches.

But the ULMWP and our constitution is the only way to achieve our goal of liberation. We are demonstrating to Indonesia that we are not separatists, bending this way and that way: we are a government-in-waiting representing the unified will of our people. Through the provisional government we are reclaiming our sovereignty. And as a government, we are ready to engage with the world. We are ready to engage with Indonesia as full members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and we believe we will achieve this crucial goal in 2024.

The importance of unity is also reflected in the ULMWP’s approach to West Papuan history. As enshrined in our constitution, the ULMWP recognises all previous declarations as legitimate and historic moments in our struggle. This does not just include 1961, but also the OPM Independence Declaration 1971, the 14-star declaration of West Melanesia in 1988, the Papuan People’s Congress in 2000, and the Third West Papuan Congress in 2011.

All these announcements represent an absolute rejection of Indonesian colonialism. The spirit of Merdeka is in all of them.

The new Indonesian President, Prabowo Subianto, is a deep concern for all West Papuans. He has already sent thousands of additional troops to West Papua and restarted the illegal settlement programme that has marginalised us and made us a minority in our own land. He is continuing to destroy our land to create the biggest deforestation project in the history of the world. This network of sugarcane and rice plantations is as big as Wales.

But we cannot panic. The threat from Prabowo shows that unity and direction is more important than ever. Indonesia doesn’t fear a divided movement. They do fear the ULMWP, because they know we are the most serious and direct challenge to their colonial grip.

I therefore call on all West Papuans, whether in the cities, the bush, the refugee camps or in exile, to unite behind the ULMWP Provisional Government. We work towards this agenda at every opportunity. We continue to pressure on United Nations and the international community to review the fraudulent ‘Act of No Choice’, and to uphold my people’s legal and moral right to choose our own destiny.

I also call on all our solidarity groups to respect our Congress and our people’s mandate. The democratic right of the people of West Papua needs to be acknowledged.

What does amnesty mean?
Prabowo has also mentioned an amnesty for West Papuan political prisoners. What does this amnesty mean? Does amnesty mean I can return to West Papua and lead the struggle from inside? All West Papuans support independence; all West Papuans want to raise the Morning Star; all West Papuans want to be free from colonial rule.

But pro-independence actions of any kind are illegal in West Papua. If we raise our flag or talk about self-determination, we are beaten, arrested or jailed. The whole world saw what happened to Defianus Kogoya in April. He was tortured, stabbed, and kicked in a barrel full of bloody water. If the offer of amnesty is real, it must involve releasing all West Papuan political prisoners. It must involve allowing us to peacefully struggle for our freedom without the threat of imprisonment.

Despite Prabowo’s election, this has been a year of progress for our struggle. The Pacific Islands Forum reaffirmed their call for a UN Human Rights Visit to West Papua. This is not just our demand – more than 100 nations have now insisted on this important visit. We have built vital new links across the world, including through our ULMWP delegation at the UN General Assembly.

Through the creation of the West Papua People’s Liberation Front (GR-PWP), our struggle on the ground has reached new heights. Thank you and congratulations to the GR-PWP Administration for your work.

Thank you also to the KNPB and the Alliance of Papuan Students, you are vital elements in our fight for self-determination and are acknowledged in our Congress resolutions. You carry the spirit of Merdeka with you.

I invite all solidarity organisations, including Indonesian solidarity, around the world to preserve our unity by respecting our constitution and Congress. To Indonesian settlers living in our ancestral land, please respect our struggle for self-determination. I also ask that all our military wings unite under the constitution and respect the democratic Congress resolutions.

I invite all West Papuans – living in the bush, in exile, in refugee camps, in the cities or villages – to unite behind your constitution. We are stronger together.

Thank you to Vanuatu
A special thank you to Vanuatu government and people, who are our most consistent and strongest supporters. Thank you to Fiji, Kanaky, PNG, Solomon Islands, and to Pacific Islands Forum and MSG for reaffirming your support for a UN visit. Thank you to the International Lawyers for West Papua and the International Parliamentarians for West Papua.

I hope you will continue to support the West Papuan struggle for self-determination. This is a moral obligation for all Pacific people. Thank you to all religious leaders, and particularly the Pacific Council of Churches and the West Papua Council of Churches, for your consistent support and prayers.

Thank you to all the solidarity groups in the Pacific who are tirelessly supporting the campaign, and in Europe, Australia, Africa, and the Caribbean.

I also give thanks to the West Papua Legislative Council, Buchtar Tabuni and Bazoka Logo, to the Judicative Council and to Prime Minister Edison Waromi. Your work to build our capacity on the ground is incredible and essential to all our achievements. You have pushed forwards all our recent milestones, our Congress, our constitution, government, cabinet, and vision.

Together, we are proving to the world and to Indonesia that we are ready to govern our own affairs.

To the people of West Papua, stay strong and determined. Independence is coming. One day soon we will walk our mountains and rivers without fear of Indonesian soldiers. The Morning Star will fly freely alongside other independent countries of the Pacific.

Until then, stay focused and have courage. The struggle is long but we will win. Your ancestors are with you.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘Lone Soldiers’ – new Australian IDF recruits due to arrive in Israel in January

Despite it being illegal in Australia to recruit soldiers for foreign armies, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) recruiters are hard at work enticing young Australians to join Israel’s army. Michael West Media investigates.

INVESTIGATION: By Yaakov Aharon

The Israeli war machine is in hyperdrive, and it needs new bodies to throw into the fire. In July, The Department of Home Affairs stated that there were only four Australians who had booked flights to Israel and whom it suspected of intending to join the Israel Defence Forces (IDF).

The Australian Border Force intervened with three of the four but clarified that they did not “necessarily prevent them from leaving”.

MWM understands a batch of Australian recruits is due to arrive in Israel in January, and this is not the first batch of recruits to receive assistance as IDF soldiers through this Australian programme.

Many countries encourage certain categories of immigrants and discourage others. However, Israel doesn’t just want Palestinians out and Jews in — they want Jews of fighting age, who will be conscripted shortly after arrival.

The IDF’s “Lone Soldiers” are soldiers who do not have parents living in Israel. Usually, this means 18-year-old immigrants with basic Hebrew who may never have spent longer than a school camp away from home.

There are a range of Israeli government programmes, charities, and community centres that support the Lone Soldiers’ integration into society prior to basic training.

The most robust of these programs is Garin Tzabar, where there are only 90 days between hugging mum and dad goodbye at Sydney Airport and the drill sergeant belting orders in a foreign language.

The Garin Tzabar website. Image: MWM

Garin Tzabar
In 2004, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon asked Minister for Aliyah [Immigration] and Integration, Tzipi Livni, to significantly increase the number of people in the Garin Tzabar programme.

The IDF website states that Garin Tzabar “is a unique project, a collaborative venture of the Meitav Unit in the IDF, the Scout movement, the security-social wing of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Immigration and Absorption, which began in 1991”. (Translated from Hebrew via Google Translate.)

The Meitav Unit is divided into many different branches, most of which are responsible for overseeing new recruits.

However, the pride of the Meitav Unit is the branch dedicated to recruiting all the unique population groups that are not subject to the draft (eg. Ultra-Orthodox Jews). This branch is then divided into three further Departments.

In a 2020 interview, the Head of Meitav’s Tzabar Department, Lieutenant Noam Delgo, referred to herself as someone who “recruits olim chadishim (new immigrants).” She stated:

“Our main job in the army is to help Garin Tzabar members to recruit . . .  The best thing about Garin Tzabar is the mashakyot (commanders). Every time you wake up in the morning you have two amazing soldiers — really intelligent — with pretty high skills, just managing your whole life, teaching you Hebrew, helping you with all the bureaucratic systems in Israel, getting profiles, seeing doctors and getting those documents, and finishing the whole process.”

The Garin Tzabar programme specifically advertises for Australian recruits.

The contact point for Australian recruits is Shoval Magal, the executive director of Garin Tzabar Australia. The registered address is a building shared by the NSW Jewish Board of Deputies and the Zionist Council of NSW, the community’s peak bodies in the state.

A post from April 2020 on the IDF website states:

“Until three months ago, Tali [REDACTED], from Sydney, Australia, and Moises [REDACTED], from Mexico City, were ordinary teenagers. But on December 25, they arrived at their new family here in Israel — the “Garin Tzabar” family, and in a moment, they will become soldiers. In a special project, we accompanied them from the day of admission (to the program) until just before the recruitment.“ (Translated from Hebrew via Google Translate).

Michael Manhaim was the executive director of Garin Tzabar Australia from 2018 to 2023. He wrote an article, “Becoming a Lone Soldier”,’ for the 2021 annual newsletter of Betar Australia, a Zionist youth group for children. In the article, Manhaim writes:

“The programme starts with the unique preparation process in Australia.

. . . It only takes one step; you just need to choose which foot will lead the way. We will be there for the rest.”

A criminal activity
MWM is not alleging that any of the parties mentioned in this article have broken the law. It is not a crime if a person chooses to join a foreign army.

However, S119.7 of the Commonwealth Criminal Code Act 1995 states:

A person commits an offence if the person recruits, in Australia, another person to serve in any capacity in or with an armed force in a foreign country.

It is a further offence to facilitate or promote recruitment for a foreign army and to publish recruitment materials. This includes advertising information relating to how a person may serve in a foreign army.

The maximum penalty for each offence is 10 years.

Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, said:

“Unless there has been a specific declaration stating it is not an offence to recruit for the Israel Defence Force, recruitment to a foreign armed force is a criminal offence under Australian law, and the Australian Federal Police should be investigating anyone allegedly involved in recruitment for a foreign armed force.”

Army needing ‘new flesh’
If the IDF are to keep the war on Gaza going, they need to fill old suits of body armour with new grunts.

Reports indicate the death toll within IDF’s ranks is unprecedented — a suicide epidemic is claiming further lives on the home front, and reservists are refusing in droves to return to active duty.

In October, Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid accused Bibi Netanyahu of obscuring the facts of Israel’s casualty rate. Any national security story published in Israel must first be approved by the intelligence unit at the Military Censor.

“11,000 soldiers were injured and 890 others killed,” Lapid said, without warning and live on air. There are limits to how much we accept the alternative facts”.

In November 2023, Shoval Magal shared a photo in which she is posing alongside six young Australians, saying, “The participants are eager to have Aliya (immigrate) to Israel, start the programme and join the army”.

These six recruits are the attendees of just one of several seminars that Magal has organised in Melbourne for the summer 2023 cycle, having also organised separate events across cities in Australia.

Magal’s June 2024 newsletter said she was “in the advanced stages of the preparation phase in Australia for the August 2024 Garin”. Most recently, in October 2024, she was “getting ready for Garin Tzabar’s 2024 December cycle.”

Magal’s newsletter for Israeli Scouts in Australia ‘Aliyah Events – November 2024’. Image: MWM

There are five “Aliyah (Immigration) Events” in Sydney, Melbourne and Perth. The sponsoring organisations are Garin Tzabar, the Israeli Ministry for Aliyah (Immigration) and Integration, and a who’s who of the Jewish-Australian community.

The star speaker at each event is Alon Katz, an Australian who joined Garin Tzabar in 2018 and is today a reserve IDF soldier. The second speaker, Colonel Golan Vach, was the subject of two Electronic Intifada investigations alleging that he had invented the 40 burned babies lie on October 7 to create a motive for Israel’s onslaught in Gaza.

If any Australian signed the papers to become an IDF recruit at these events, is someone liable for the offence of recruiting them to a foreign army?

MWM reached out for comment to Garin Tzabar Australia and the Zionist Federation of Australia to clarify whether the IDF is recruiting in Australia but did not receive a reply.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Indigenous women are dying violent, preventable deaths. Endless inquiries won’t help unless we act

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kyllie Cripps, Director Monash Indigenous Studies Centre, CI ARC Centre of Excellence for the Elimination of Violence against Women (CEVAW), School of Philosophical, Historical & International Studies (SOPHIS), School of Social Sciences (SOSS), Faculty of Arts, Monash University

Bobbi Lockyer/Getty

Recently, a landmark coronial inquiry into the deaths of four Indigenous women from domestic and family violence in the Northern Territory released its findings after a year-long investigation.

The coroner aimed to understand the systemic responses to an “epidemic of violence that is our national shame”, to then propose improvements to prevent future deaths.

This is not the first inquiry of its kind in the NT. This raises questions of what will be different this time and what actions will be taken.

Simultaneously, the government released its response to the Senate Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous women and children. Mentioned quietly amid a flurry of end-of-year bills, it said little of substance that will help save Indigenous women’s lives.

In a year when domestic and family violence has often been at the centre of public discussion, there’s still a lack of political appetite to help Indigenous women.

Coronial constraints

Judge Elisabeth Armitage delivered 35 recommendations to guide efforts in preventing future deaths from domestic violence in the NT. These were all informed by evidence presented during the inquiry.

However, while these recommendations will be submitted to the attorney-general and relevant agencies under the Coroner’s Act, there’s nothing to guarantee they’ll be implemented.

The agencies must report back to the coroner within three months on their response to the recommendations. But as with all coronial inquests, whether or not they’re enacted is up to the government.

Understanding the limitations of the Coroner’s Act is crucial. There have been myriad previous recommendations in the NT and across the country that have seen inconsistent follow-through and a lack of accountability in tracking their effectiveness in preventing deaths over time.

Anticipating this outcome, Armitage announced she would conduct a second major inquiry into domestic, family and sexual violence in August 2025. It will investigate eight deaths, allegedly related to domestic violence, since June 2024 in the NT. It will further be an opportunity, she said, to assess progress in implementing her recommendations from this inquest.

No new action

At the same time, the federal government responded to the murdered and missing Indigenous women and children senate inquiry. It “noted” the recommendations.

It was a disappointing re-announcement of a commitment of $4.4 billion in “new” funding to gender-based violence. This was previously announced in response to a rapid review that included $3.9 billion to support frontline legal assistance services.

The latter has already been widely critiqued as not being “new” funding but anticipated expenditure to maintain existing services.

The backs of an Indigenous woman and two children in traditional dress.
There were no new announcements in the government’s response to a senate inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous women and children.
Shutterstock

They also reiterated that they released the first ever Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan to support the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children. The action plan also included a $194 million investment.

An inaugural National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Family Safety Plan also has government support. To be launched in 2025, it would be informed by the work of the Senate inquiry.

Amid all this, there is nothing mentioned about any new funding commitments for Indigenous women and children in response to the inquiry.

Indeed, Greens Senator Dorinda Cox, who helped to establish the inquiry, expressed disappointment that the government has only addressed two of the ten recommendations.

With 12 Indigenous women having lost their lives to violence nationally between June and early November 2024, the pressing question remains: where is the national outrage? Moreover, where is the action?

Sceptism instead of support

Despite there being ready engagement and attention to domestic violence deaths generally by the Australian public, the deaths of Indigenous women are rarely seen in the national headlines.

The profound impact of death on families and communities is also unseen. Some communities suffer more than others.

Although some may grow weary of this issue, we can’t look away. The statistics reveal Indigenous women are seven times more likely than non-Indigenous women to be killed by a violent partner.

The ramifications of these deaths extend beyond loss of life. They affect children, leading to further systemic failures that have historically let down Indigenous women.

As families are left to cope with their loss, they often receive minimal support for their specific needs. In their grief, they typically form support groups with others who have faced similar tragedies, while navigating police and court systems.

Often, these systems didn’t protect their loved ones.

While victim services for those who have lost a loved one to murder exist, their support is limited and they are not culturally grounded to Indigenous communities. This can force families to seek help from nonspecialist services or forgo assistance altogether.

Our research highlights that the systems designed to protect vulnerable people respond inadequately to Indigenous women. Cripps (one of the authors of this piece) reviewed the cases of 151 Indigenous women lost to intimate partner violence. Through coronial data she found, like Judge Armitage, that many of these deaths are entirely preventable.

Soon to be released research by Longbottom (also an author of this piece) identified multiple systemic failures that contribute to reduced support, which in turn puts the lives of Indigenous women at increased risk. These include lack of training, inconsistent application of domestic violence guidelines and delayed service responses.

Significant delays from emergency personnel compound the issue further. Responses to calls for help are incorrectly downgraded to welfare checks, even when an active protection order exists.

During the NT inquiry, it was revealed that police records frequently included notations suggesting a woman “may make false allegations”. Armitage highlighted that such remarks not only undermine the credibility of the victims, but also adversely affect the urgency and effectiveness of subsequent police responses.

This pattern of behaviour reflects a broader issue within the system that often prioritises scepticism over immediate support for women in risky and vulnerable situations.

Follow the evidence

Our research highlights the importance of Indigenous communities leading response development. Families’ stories enhance these responses, while Indigenous experts provide supporting evidence, and services ensure effective operational support.

Carceral measures, such as increased policing, are ineffective. This underscores the need for a place-based, culturally grounded approach that connects with Indigenous communities, not punishes them.

Aligning with the NT coroner’s findings, our research emphasises the urgent need for systemic reform.

However, we believe the coroner’s recommendations, along with those from the Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous women, do not sufficiently address the existing issues. Governments often can and do selectively choose the recommendations they are going to implement, despite evidence to do otherwise.




Read more:
Indigenous women are most affected by domestic violence but have struggled to be heard. It’s time we listened


Responding to domestic and family is complex. Preventing deaths demands sustainable, evidence-based reforms that are both accountable and adaptable to local situations.

These reforms must be shaped by the voices of those with direct experience, ensuring their insights guide policies and interventions. It’s crucial that systems are open to scrutiny and feedback, continuously evolving to meet the needs of those affected.

Everyone has a responsibility to act. Our women’s lives are at stake and we must commit to creating a society where they are protected and valued. Inaction is not an option.

The Conversation

Kyllie Cripps’ research is supported by funding from the Australian Research Council, Centre for Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW).

Marlene Longbottom is a DAATSIA Fellow funded by the Australian Research Council.

ref. Indigenous women are dying violent, preventable deaths. Endless inquiries won’t help unless we act – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-women-are-dying-violent-preventable-deaths-endless-inquiries-wont-help-unless-we-act-244815

Booking a summer holiday deal? Beware ‘drip pricing’ and other tactics to make you pay more than you planned

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeannie Marie Paterson, Professor of Law, The University of Melbourne

wichayada suwanachun/Shutterstock

Have you ever spotted what looked like a great deal on a website, added it to your “basket” and proceeded to checkout – only to find extra fees added on at the last minute?

It’s frustratingly common when making airline, hotel and many other kinds of bookings to see an advertised price get ratcheted up at checkout with additional fees – perhaps “shipping insurance”, “resort fees” or just “taxes”.

The practice is known as “drip pricing” and it can distort consumer decision-making and affect competition. Nonetheless, there is no specific ban on this conduct in Australia.

Some companies have, however, effectively been prosecuted for it under the Australian Consumer Law, which contains some strict rules about misleading consumers through advertising.

Many of us have already begun booking flights, hotels and more as we head into the summer holiday season. Here’s what the law says about companies changing prices in the lead-up to checkout, and how you can protect yourself as a consumer.




Read more:
Why prices are so high – 8 ways retail pricing algorithms gouge consumers


What’s wrong with drip pricing?

The tactic that underpins drip pricing is to draw a customer in with an attractive “headline” price but then add in other fees as the customer approaches the checkout.

It’s reasonable to ask whether there’s anything wrong with this practice: after all, the customer still sees the final price at checkout. Why might that be seen as misleading conduct under Australian Consumer Law?

Close up of a mouse on a buy button
Drip pricing aims to capture a customer’s interest with a good looking deal, then add extra fees before checkout.
Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock

The reasons lie in views about consumer buying behaviour and the nature of the statutory prohibition.

Typically, the closer a consumer gets to a sale, the less likely they are to pull out or even fully notice any additional fees.

They may then end up paying more than they intended and also have lost the opportunity to deal with other suppliers of the same product at a better price.

In the relevant section of Australian Consumer Law, there’s no requirement of an intention to mislead. It’s also not necessarily relevant that the true pricing situation is eventually revealed to the consumer or that it’s in the “fine print”.

Thus, in the eyes of the law, it can be enough that consumers were enticed by an attractive headline price.

Price surprises

This legal position is well illustrated by a case settled by the High Court in 2013, after the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) took on telecom provider TPG Internet in 2010, alleging misleading conduct.

In this case, TPG had been advertising broadband internet services for $29.99 per month.

But on reading the fine print, you’d have discovered this deal was only available with a landline service costing an additional $30 per month.

Internet router on working table with blurred man in background
One important case centred on telecom provider TPG’s advertisements for a broadband internet deal.
BritCats Studio

The case moved up through Australia’s court system, but ultimately, the High Court majority held that the telco had engaged in misleading conduct.

The High Court recognised that the very point of advertising is to draw consumers into “the marketing web”. It is therefore not enough to disclose the true (higher) price only at the point the transaction is concluded.

TPG was fined $2 million in this case. Since then, the maximum penalties have increased, now the higher of:

  • $50 million
  • three times the value obtained from the contravention, or
    (if the benefit can not be determined)
  • 30% of the business’s adjusted turnover during the breach period.

Dynamic pricing

Other pricing complaints have been in the news recently, including concerns about point-of-sale dynamic pricing.

Basically, this means using an algorithm that adjusts ticket prices in response to demand, as consumers wait in a virtual purchasing queue.

Recent media reporting has centred on concerns about the use of point-of-sale dynamic pricing in the events ticketing industry.

A form of dynamic pricing is used by hotels and airlines. They increase prices seasonally and according to demand. But these “dynamic” prices are clearly visible to consumers as they start looking for a deal. Some bodies even publish helpful tables of likely prices at different times.

Crowd of concert goers enjoying a live show with their hands up
Dynamic pricing has become a common practice for many ticket sales – such as concerts.
KRxMedia/Shutterstock

The kind of dynamic pricing that happens at the very point consumers are waiting to buy is very different and arguably creates an “unfair surprise”.

Whether these kinds of practices also fall within the category of misleading conduct remains to be seen.

But it is arguable that consumers could reasonably expect the real-time movement of prices to be disclosed upfront.

Earlier this year, the government announced plans to address both drip pricing and dynamic pricing as part of a broader ban on unfair trading practices.




Read more:
Albanese government promises to ban ‘dodgy’ trading practices


What can consumers do?

While all this law reform and litigation is playing out, here are some things you can do to avoid pricing shock.

1. Slow down. One of the strategies that online markets often rely on is “scarcity signalling” – those clocks or numbers you see counting down as you move through a website.

The very purpose of these is to make a consumer rush – which can mean failing to notice those additional fees that may make the buy not a good deal.

2. Take screen shots as you progress. Remember what it is you thought you were getting. Doing this also provides a basis for lodging a complaint if the headline and actual price don’t match up.

3. Check. Take a close look at the final bill before pressing pay.

4. Report. Tell your local Fair Trading Office or the ACCC if the advertised deal and the final price don’t meet up.

A recent action taken by the ACCC against Woolworths and Coles alleging “illusory” discounts was launched because of consumer tip-offs.

The Conversation

Jeannie Marie Paterson has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council and undertaken research for ASIC.

ref. Booking a summer holiday deal? Beware ‘drip pricing’ and other tactics to make you pay more than you planned – https://theconversation.com/booking-a-summer-holiday-deal-beware-drip-pricing-and-other-tactics-to-make-you-pay-more-than-you-planned-244825

The Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art brings us the most exciting and original art of our region

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chari Larsson, Senior Lecturer of Art History, Griffith University

Installation of Haus Yuriyal’s artwork including (front to back) Bopa, 2024, Kalabus, 2024, Kamkau Ike (Haus Toktok) 2024 with Yuriyal Bridgeman’s Yuri Alai Eagles (ceiling shield paintings) 2024 and Kuman (shield) paintings 2024. The 11th Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art, Queensland Art Gallery. Photograph: C Callistemon © QAGOMA

QAGOMA’s Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art opened over the weekend with a flurry of artist talks, panel discussions and performances.

With more than 70 artists and artistic projects from Australia, the Pacific and Asia, the triennial is a warm celebration of the diversity of the region’s artistic practices.

Unlike thematically organised exhibitions, the triennial’s curatorial focus has remained remarkably consistent since its inception in 1993. Its focus has always been surveying the most exciting and original art of our region.

One of the risks of this strategy is the challenge of remaining fresh and innovative. The solution to this is twofold.

First, the decision in the 1990s not to appoint a freelance artistic director resulted in the opportunity to develop the authority of knowledge in-house.

Now led by Tarun Nagesh, the curatorial team wields a formidable depth of expertise. This is further strengthened with curatorial partnerships in countries throughout the region. As a result, the connections with individual practitioners demonstrate an authenticity that can often go awry in large-scale exhibitions.

Someone looks at artworks.
Abdul Halik Azeez, Sri Lanka b.1985. (Top) Great World Atlas (from the ‘Desert Dreaming’ series) 2024. Photographs and digital collage. Installed dimensions variable. (Bottom) Desert Dreaming 2024. Printed publication: 165 x 25cm. Installation view in The 11th Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art.
Courtesy: The artist. Supported by the Sharjah Art Foundation Production Grant 2022. © The artist. Photograph: J Ruckli © QAGOMA

Second, the triennial has never been isolated from broader social and political conversations. As a result, this year sees key concerns emerge such as labour migration, resource extraction, and expressions of home and community.

Untold stories

Consider, for example, Sancintya Mohini Simpson’s extraordinary nine panel painting kūlī / khulā (2024).

Extending horizontally across the gallery walls, the delicate handmade wasli paper depicts miniature figures in a landscape.

Simpson is simultaneously entering into a long history of miniature painting, as well as investigating gaps in the historical archive of the practice of indentured labour and forced migration.

Painting of palm trees and a small figure.
Sancintya Mohini Simpson, Australia b.1991. kūlī / khulā, 2024. Colour on wasli paper. Nine wasli scrolls: 40 x 400cm (each); installed dimensions: 130 x 1210cm. Commissioned for APT11.
Courtesy: The artist and Milani Gallery, Meanjin/Brisbane. This project has been assisted by the Australian Government through Creative Australia, its principal arts investment and advisory body. © Sancintya Mohini Simpson

Simpson’s research is deeply personal and investigates intergenerational trauma. She is a descendant of bonded labourers sent from South India to South Africa to work on colonial sugar plantations in the late 1800s and early 1900s.

Simpson is focused on giving visibility to the women’s histories: their labour, lives and relationships.

Tully Arnot’s ceramic birds are easily overlooked. Mischievously installed in unexpected spaces, the birds are perched on sticks, twittering and contributing to the ambient soundscape.

Two ceramic birds on a wooden branch, near a window.
Tully Arnot, b.1984 Australia. Bird Song (installation view), 2024. Ceramic, plastic, wood, metal, electronic equipment and air.
Courtesy: The artist © Tully Arnott. Photograph: C Callistemon © QAGOMA

There is a darker side to Arnot’s Bird Song (2024): the tweets are drawn from data and translated into sound through electronics and pumps. The work is a mediation on mass extinction.

She asks: will the artificial be the last mode of interaction with animals?

Local communities

One highly engaging seven-channel video installation is by Mumbai-based artists’ collective CAMP.

Using a remote-controlled pan-tilt-zoom camera, the film was created entirely from a CCTV camera located on the 35th floor of a building in south Mumbai.

Multiple videos showing views of Mumbai.
CAMP, India est. 2007. Bombay Tilts Down 2022 (installation view, Sassoon Docks, Mumbai, 2024).
Courtesy: The artists. Photograph: Abner Fernandez, Experimenter Gallery © CAMP

Each screen gives a distinct view of the individual camera movements, as the camera’s mechanical gaze slowly surveys the scene.

CAMP have long been interested in the technological possibilities offered by CCTV. At one point in the video, the spectator’s assumed anonymity is disrupted by a group of people engaging directly with the camera.

The toll of resource extraction on local communities and the environment in northern Vietnam is the subject of Lê Giang’s extraordinary gem paintings.

Emerging out of the gloom in a darkened gallery space, the paintings appear like shimmering stones.

A scene along a river.
Lê Giang, Viet Nam b.1988. Sơn Thuỷ Hữu Tình (Majestic Mountains and Expansive Rivers) 14, 2021. Gemstone on acrylic sheet, 55 × 82cm.
Courtesy: The artist © Lê Giang

The popularity of precious and semi-precious stones such as ruby and sapphire has led to deforestation, the pollution of waterways and human rights abuses in northern Vietnam, where the mines are located. This in turn has led to the call for sustainable gemstone mining practices.

The artisanal practice of gem painting involves taking the impure leftovers from gem-mining, and crushing to create a fine, glittering powder. The powder is sprinkled onto Perspex, fixed with glue and transformed into sparkling paintings.

Lê Giang worked with local gem painters to create a series of landscapes that pay homage to this regional vernacular practice. They also deliver a sharp rebuke to the environmental costs borne by an insatiable appetite for luxury goods.

Now is the time for collaboration

Of particular note is the richness and depth of the film programming at GOMA’s Australian Cinémathèque.

This commenced with a film series dedicated to Malaysian-born, film director Tsai Ming-liang and will continue over the exhibition’s duration with a thematic selection of science fiction films from across Asia and the Pacific.

Crucially, with the cost of living crisis, the triennial is free, making QAGOMA an attractive destination for families and younger visitors over the upcoming summer months. This is bolstered by comprehensive children’s programming.

A wooden sculpture of figures in a boat.
(Front) Raymond (Jong) Tangiday, The Philippines b.1970. Untitled (from the ‘Once upon a pre-colonial time’ series)
2019–ongoing. Mahogany, 60 x 103 x 27cm. Purchased 2024 with funds from the Bequest of Noela Clare Deutscher, in memory of her parents, A Evans Deutscher and Clare Deutscher, through the Queensland Art Gallery | Gallery of Modern Art Foundation. Collection: Queensland Art Gallery | Gallery of Modern Art. (Back) Piguras Davao, The Philippines est. 2016. The Silent Witness 2019. Oil on canvas. Two panels: 183 x 610cm (each).

Courtesy: The artists © The artists. Photograph: C Callistemon © QAGOMA

This decades-long investment in local communities has paid off. When I quiz incoming undergraduates at the commencement of each academic teaching year, they frequently cite their formative artistic memories and art experiences being shaped by the triennial.

As the region readies itself for a Trump presidency and the distinct possibility of trade and economic instability, the triennial’s embodiment of soft regional diplomacy comes acutely into view. Now is the time for collaboration and respectful discourse.

The Conversation

Chari Larsson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Asia Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art brings us the most exciting and original art of our region – https://theconversation.com/the-asia-pacific-triennial-of-contemporary-art-brings-us-the-most-exciting-and-original-art-of-our-region-242296

Many people don’t measure their blood pressure properly at home – here’s how to get accurate readings

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niamh Chapman, Senior Research Fellow, Hypertension and Patient Engagement, University of Sydney

PhoMiljan Zivkovic/Shutterstock

Measuring your blood pressure at home means you can take readings over several days to get a better picture of your health, instead of one-off measurements at the doctor’s clinic.

It’s important you follow specific steps to get an accurate reading.

But our study found most Australians do not measure their blood pressure correctly at home and very few were told the steps to follow.

We have created resources to help people measure their blood pressure at home, understand their readings and take action with their health-care team.

High blood pressure is a big issue

High blood pressure is a major health problem in Australia and globally.

One in three Australian adults have high blood pressure, also called hypertension. This is when your blood pressure is at or above 140/90mmHg (mmHg refers to millimetres of mercury, a standard measurement of blood pressure).

High blood pressure is the leading contributor to preventable health issues and early death among Australians because it is the main risk factor for heart disease, stroke, dementia and kidney disease.

Why measuring blood pressure is important

High blood pressure often has no symptoms. So the only way to know if you have it is to measure it.

You may also need to check if your blood pressure has lowered after starting medication or if you’re making changes to your lifestyle, such as doing more exercise, giving up smoking or reducing salt intake. Low blood pressure (hypotension) can also be an issue.

But blood pressure changes based on how we are feeling, what we’ve eaten or the activities we have just been doing.

These normal responses mean our blood pressure can change from minute to minute and hour to hour. This is why there are specific, recommended steps to follow to reliably measure your blood pressure and to be able to compare readings taken days, months and years apart.



Mistakes are common

We surveyed and interviewed 350 people (who were all measuring their blood pressure at home) from around Australia to find out how Australians measure blood pressure at home and if they receive any education to help them know what to do.

Our study found no one followed all of the specific, recommended steps to measure their blood pressure. Instead they said they measured their blood pressure at different times of the day after doing different things.

We found most people measured their blood pressure while sitting down (90%) and with the cuff on their bare arm (77%), which is the right thing to do.

While 58% of people took two blood pressure measures each time, which is correct, only 40% used the average of the two blood pressure readings. Very few (15%) measured their blood pressure over several days in both the morning and evening.

Only half of the people in our study used a blood pressure device that had been clinically validated. This means the device has been tested for accuracy by the manufacturer according to international standards, not just safety.

Consultation and communication

Regardless of whether or not a doctor had recommended they measure their blood pressure at home, most people (78%) reported their blood pressure readings to their doctor.

These findings tell us doctors often use home blood pressure readings to help diagnose and manage high blood pressure. This emphasises how important it is to ensure people measure blood pressure correctly.

Many people were measuring their blood pressure a few times a week or month. But most guidelines recommend blood pressure only needs to be measured at home: every day over a week, every six months; and ideally before you see your doctor and after you start or change blood pressure medication.

Measuring blood pressure at home can bring peace of mind, which many study participants described. But measuring your blood pressure too often may create unnecessary stress, potentially leading to higher blood pressure readings.

Instead, it’s better to agree with your doctor how often you should measure your blood pressure and to follow the recommended steps each time to make sure your readings are as accurate and useful as possible.

Support for blood pressure measurement

We found few people had received any education or guidance from health-care professionals about how to measure their blood pressure at home.

Instead, many study participants looked for information online to help them know what their blood pressure numbers meant and changes they could make to lower their blood pressure. They were less interested in learning how to measure accurately.

So we have worked with people who measure and manage their blood pressure at home to create a simple guide to help you choose a blood pressure device, measure your blood pressure accurately, understand your blood pressure readings and take action to control your blood pressure.


For more information about managing your blood pressure at home, see our resources. You can also check if your blood pressure device has been tested for accuracy.

The Conversation

Niamh Chapman receives funding from the National Heart Foundation of Australia, as a Postdoctoral Research Fellowship 2023-2024. She is affiliated with the Australian Hypertension Taskforce as co-chair of the Patient Activation and Engagement working group and Hypertension Australia as member of the Advocacy and Society Liaison Committee.

Dean Picone receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, as an Emerging Leader fellow level 1, from a NSW Health Elite Postdoctoral Researcher Grant and the Royal Hobart Hospital Research Foundation. He is a member of the Hypertension Australia Clinical Council and member of the Australian Hypertension Taskforce working groups for awareness and screening of high blood pressure. He has previously acted as a consultant to the Pan American Health Organization on blood pressure measurement.

Eleanor Clapham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Many people don’t measure their blood pressure properly at home – here’s how to get accurate readings – https://theconversation.com/many-people-dont-measure-their-blood-pressure-properly-at-home-heres-how-to-get-accurate-readings-244161

ICJ to begin hearings in landmark Pacific climate change case started by students

SPECIAL REPORT: By Doug Dingwall of ABC Pacific

A landmark case that began in a Pacific classroom and could change the course of future climate talks is about to be heard in the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

The court will begin hearings involving a record number of countries in The Hague, in the Netherlands, today.

Its 15 judges have been asked, for the first time, to give an opinion about the obligations of nations to prevent climate change — and the consequences for them if they fail.

The court’s findings could bolster the cases of nations taking legal action against big polluters failing to reduce emissions, experts say.

They could also strengthen the hand of Pacific Island nations in future climate change negotiations like COP.

Vanuatu, one of the world’s most natural disaster-prone nations, is leading the charge in the international court.

The road to the ICJ — nicknamed the “World Court” — started five years ago when a group of University of the South Pacific law students studying in Vanuatu began discussing how they could help bring about climate action.

“This case is really another example of Pacific Island countries being global leaders on the climate crisis,” Dr Wesley Morgan, a research associate with UNSW’s Institute for Climate Risk and Response, said.

“It’s an amazing David and Goliath moment.”

Environmental advocates and lawyers from around the world will come to the International Court of Justice for the court case. Image: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Velvet

Meanwhile, experts say the Pacific will be watching Australia’s testimony today closely.

So what is the court case about exactly, and how did it get to this point?

From classroom to World Court
Cynthia Houniuhi, from Solomon Islands, remembers clearly the class discussion where it all began.

Students at the University of the South Pacific’s campus in Vanuatu’s capital, Port Vila, turned their minds to the biggest issue faced by their home countries.

While their communities were dealing with sea level rise and intense cyclones, there was an apparent international “deadlock” on climate change action, Houniuhi said.

And each new report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change painted a bleak picture of their futures.

“These things are real to us,” Hounhiuhi said. “And we cannot accept that . . .  fate in the IPCC report.

“[We’re] not accepting that there’s nothing we can do.”

Their lecturer tasked them with finding a legal avenue for action. He challenged them to be ambitious. And he told them to take it out of their classroom to their national leaders.

So the students settled on an idea: Ask the World Court to issue an advisory opinion on the obligations of states to protect the climate against greenhouse gas emissions.

“That’s what resonated to us,” Houniuhi, now president of Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, said.

Students were motivated to take action after seeing how sea level rise had affected communities across the Pacific. Image: Britt Basel/RNZ Pacific

They sent out letters to Pacific Island governments asking for support and Vanuatu’s then-Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu agreed to meet with the students.

Vanuatu took up the cause and built a coalition of countries pushing the UN General Assembly to send the matter to its main judicial body, the International Court of Justice, for an advisory opinion.

In March last year, they succeeded when the UN nations unanimously adopted the resolution to refer the case — a historic first for the UN General Assembly.

Speakers at the UN General Assembly hailed the decision to send the case to the International Court of Justice as a milestone in a decades-long struggle for climate justice. Image: X/@UN

It was a decision celebrated with a parade on the streets of Port Vila.

Australian National University professor in international law Dr Donald Rothwell said Pacific nations had already overcome their biggest challenge in building enough support for the case to be heard.

“From the perspective of Vanuatu and the small island and other states who brought these proceedings, this is quite a momentous occasion, if only because these states rarely have appeared before the International Court of Justice,” he said.

“This is the first occasion where they’ve really had the ability to raise these issues in the World Court, and that in itself will attract an enormous amount of global attention and raise awareness.”

Dr Sue Farran, a professor of comparative law at Newcastle University in the United Kingdom, said getting the case before the ICJ was also part of achieving climate justice.

“It’s recognition that certain peoples have suffered more than others as a result of climate change,” she said.

“And justice means addressing wrongs where people have been harmed.”

A game changer on climate?
Nearly 100 countries will speak over two weeks of hearings — an unprecedented number, Professor Rothwell said.

Each has only a short, 30-minute slot to make their argument.

The court will decide on two questions: What are the obligations of states under international law to protect the climate and environment from greenhouse gas emissions?

And, what are the legal consequences for states that have caused significant harm to the climate and environment?

Vanuatu will open the hearings with its testimony.

Regenvanu, now Vanuatu’s special envoy on climate change, said the case was timely in light of the last COP meeting, where financial commitments from rich, polluting nations fell short of the mark for Pacific Islands that needed funding to deal with climate change.

Vanuatu’s climate change envoy Ralph Regenvanu said the ICJ case was about climate justice. Image: Hilaire Bule/RNZ Pacific

For a nation hit with three cyclones last year — and where natural disaster-struck schools have spent months teaching primary students in hot UNICEF tents – the stakes are high in climate negotiations.

“We just graduated from being a least-developed country a few years ago,” Regenvanu said.

“We don’t have the financial capacity to build back better, build back quicker, respond and recover quicker.

“We need the resources that other countries were able to attain and become rich through fossil fuel development that caused this crisis we are now facing.

“That’s why we’re appearing before the ICJ. We want justice in terms of allowing us to have the same capacity to respond quickly after catastrophic events.”

He said the advisory opinion would stop unnecessary debates that bog down climate negotiations, by offering legal clarity on the obligations of states on climate change.

Three cyclones struck Vanuatu in 2023, including Tropical Cyclone Lola, which damaged buildings on Ambrym Island. Image: Sam Tasso/RNZ Pacific

It will also help define controversial terms, such as “climate finance” — which developing nations argue should not include loans.

And while the court’s advisory opinion will be non-binding, it also has the potential to influence climate change litigation around the world.

Dr Rothwell said much would depend on how the court answered the case’s second question – on the consequences for states that failed to take climate action.

He said an opinion that favoured small island nations, like in the Pacific Islands, would let them pursue legal action with more certainty.

“That could possibly open up a battleground for major international litigation into the future, subject to how the [International Court of Justice] answers that question,” he said.

Regenvanu said Vanuatu was already looking at options it could take once the court issues its advisory opinion.

“Basically all options are on the table from litigation on one extreme, to much clearer negotiation tactics, based on what the advisory opinion says, at the forthcoming couple of COPs.”

‘This is hope’
Vanuatu brought the case to the ICJ with the support of a core group of 18 countries, including New Zealand, Germany, Bangladesh and Singapore.

Australia, which co-sponsored the UN resolution sending the case to the ICJ, will also speak at today’s hearings.

“Many will be watching closely, but Vanuatu will be watching more closely than anyone, having led this process,” Dr Morgan said.

A Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade spokesperson said Australia had engaged consistently with the court proceedings, reflecting its support for the Pacific’s commitment to strengthening global climate action.

Some countries have expressed misgivings about taking the case to the ICJ.

The United States’ representative at the General Assembly last year argued diplomacy was a better way to address climate change.

And over the two weeks of court hearings this month, it’s expected nations contributing most to greenhouse gases will argue for a narrow reading of their responsibilities to address climate change under international law — one that minimises their obligations.

Other nations will argue that human rights laws and other international agreements — like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights — give these nations larger obligations to prevent climate change.

Professor Rothwell said it was hard to predict what conclusion the World Court would reach — and he expected the advisory opinion would not arrive until as late as October next year.

“When we’re looking at 15 judges, when we’re looking at a wide range of legal treaties and conventions upon which the court is being asked to address these questions, it’s really difficult to speculate at this point,” he said.

“We’ll very much just have to wait and see what the outcome is.”

There’s the chance the judges will be split, or they will not issue a strong advisory opinion.

But Regenvanu is drawing hope from a recent finding in a similar case at the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea, which found countries are obliged to protect the oceans from climate change impacts.

“It’s given us a great deal of validation that what we will get out of the ICJ will be favourable,” he said.

For Houniuhi, the long journey from the Port Vila classroom five years ago is about to lead finally to the Peace Palace in The Hague, where the ICJ will have its hearings.

Houniuhi said the case would let her and her fellow students have their experiences of climate change reflected at the highest level.

But for her, the court case has another important role.

“This is hope for our people.”

Republished from ABC Pacific with permission and RNZ Pacific under a community partnership.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

How can Australia actually keep young people off social media and porn sites? A new trial will test 3 options

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Toby Murray, Associate Professor of Cybersecurity, School of Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne

DC Studio/Shutterstock

When federal parliament passed legislation last week which will ban under 16s from social media, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese celebrated. Posting on X, he said: “We’re doing everything we can to keep our kids safe”.

Part of that commitment involves launching a trial of age assurance technologies to determine the best way of enforcing the social media ban for under 16s and preventing young people under 18 from accessing online pornography sites.

The trial will be run by a consortium led by a British company called the Age Check Certification Scheme. It has previously tested software for Australian troops in Afghanistan.

The trial, which the government says is a “key plank” of its online safety agenda, will kick off next year. According to the project plan, it will explore “how different methods perform in verifying a user’s age without compromising their
personal data”. In turn, this will help Australia “establish best practices and potential regulatory frameworks for age assurance”.

The trial will involve about 1,100 Australians of varying ages and cultural backgrounds. According to the project plan, it will test three main technology options.

So what exactly are these options – and what does the evidence say about their effectiveness?

Age assurance technologies

The trial will assess the following three technology options.

Age verification – using a person’s identity credentials, such as a digital ID or an uploaded driver’s license or passport. With this information, it is able to verify a person’s stated date of birth – and therefore, whether they are over or under an age threshold.

Age estimation – analysing a person’s biological or behavioural features known to change with age, such as examining a photo of their face or recordings of their voice. According to the project plan, these systems sometimes “employ machine learning and artificial intelligence and may be subject to configuration settings or age buffers to avoid false positives based on inherent performance errors”.

Age inference – which involves using known details of a person’s life circumstances to infer they are an adult, for example, because they are married, have a credit card or mortgage or because they have a government (.gov.au) email address.

Reliability concerns

These three technologies differ in terms of their reliability, how they can go wrong, and their potential unintended consequences when widely deployed.

Age verification based on identity credentials (whether a digital ID or an uploaded driver’s license or other physical documents) is likely to be most reliable – as long as the person supplying the credential actually owns it. What protections will prevent a 14-year-old from uploading their parent’s birth certificate remain unclear.

One option could involve requiring people to take a live photo of their face in real time and to upload that photo alongside verified photo ID. Facial recognition technology might then verify that the same person supplying the credential is pictured in it, by checking whether the face in the real-time photo matches the one in the ID.

However, as anyone who knows how easy it is to fake a live Snapchat picture will tell you, it can be difficult to prove whether a photo was taken live. Therefore, this kind of checking needs to be very carefully implemented to be effective against savvy and motivated teenagers.

Age estimation technology is also likely to include estimating somebody’s age based on (purportedly) real-time photo or video of their face. Even ignoring the difficulties of determining whether a photo or video was taken live, this kind of technology is known to be imperfect.

Previous evaluation has shown that on average it is accurate within only 3.7 years of somebody’s true age. More concerning, it performs worse on tweens and teens than it does on adults over 20. So age estimation may fail precisely when it is most needed.

We should expect similar challenges with age inference. However, it is also likely to exclude many people including young adults who still live with their parents and therefore don’t have evidence such as rental agreements or credit cards.

A group of diverse teenagers sitting in a park.
The age assurance trial will involve about 1,100 Australians of varying ages and cultural backgrounds.
Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

Privacy concerns

The age assurance trial includes evaluating the privacy implications of each technology option. However, it’s unclear how well Australians understand these risks.

This is something that will be much harder for the trial to evaluate. Polling from 2024 suggests most people are in favour of age assurance to prevent children and teens accessing social media or pornography online.

However, attitudes may shift next year when platforms deploy these technologies to enforce the impending ban.

Ultimately, no matter which technology is deployed, it remains to be seen how many Australians will be happy to identify themselves (whether with a digital or traditional ID, a photo of their face, or by their bank records) to access social media or adult content online.

The Conversation

Toby Murray has previously received research funding from Facebook and Google. He is Director of the Defence Science Institute, which receives State and Commonwealth government funding.

ref. How can Australia actually keep young people off social media and porn sites? A new trial will test 3 options – https://theconversation.com/how-can-australia-actually-keep-young-people-off-social-media-and-porn-sites-a-new-trial-will-test-3-options-245021

Astronomers have pinpointed the origin of mysterious repeating radio bursts from space

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natasha Hurley-Walker, Radio Astronomer, Curtin University

An artist’s impression of the exotic binary star system AR Scorpii. Mark Garlick/University of Warwick/ESO, CC BY

Slowly repeating bursts of intense radio waves from space have puzzled astronomers since they were discovered in 2022.

In new research, we have for the first time tracked one of these pulsating signals back to its source: a common kind of lightweight star called a red dwarf, likely in a binary orbit with a white dwarf, the core of another star that exploded long ago.

A slowly pulsing mystery

In 2022, our team made an amazing discovery: periodic radio pulsations that repeated every 18 minutes, emanating from space. The pulses outshone everything nearby, flashed brilliantly for three months, then disappeared.

We know some repeating radio signals come from a kind of neutron star called a radio pulsar, which spins rapidly (typically once a second or faster), beaming out radio waves like a lighthouse. The trouble is, our current theories say a pulsar spinning only once every 18 minutes should not produce radio waves.

So we thought our 2022 discovery could point to new and exciting physics – or help explain exactly how pulsars emit radiation, which despite 50 years of research is still not understood very well.

More slowly blinking radio sources have been discovered since then. There are now about ten known “long-period radio transients”.

However, just finding more hasn’t been enough to solve the mystery.

Searching the outskirts of the galaxy

Until now, every one of these sources has been found deep in the heart of the Milky Way.

This makes it very hard to figure out what kind of star or object produces the radio waves, because there are thousands of stars in a small area. Any one of them could be responsible for the signal, or none of them.

So, we started a campaign to scan the skies with the Murchison Widefield Array radio telescope in Western Australia, which can observe 1,000 square degrees of the sky every minute. An undergraduate student at Curtin University, Csanád Horváth, processed data covering half of the sky, looking for these elusive signals in more sparsely populated regions of the Milky Way.

A collection of 16 dipole antennas on red outback sands surrounded by shrubs
One element of the Murchison Widefield Array, a radio telescope in Western Australia that observes the sky at low radio frequencies.
ICRAR / Curtin University

And sure enough, we found a new source! Dubbed GLEAM-X J0704-37, it produces minute-long pulses of radio waves, just like other long-period radio transients. However, these pulses repeat only once every 2.9 hours, making it the slowest long-period radio transient found so far.

Where are the radio waves coming from?

We performed follow-up observations with the MeerKAT telescope in South Africa, the most sensitive radio telescope in the southern hemisphere. These pinpointed the location of the radio waves precisely: they were coming from a red dwarf star. These stars are incredibly common, making up 70% of the stars in the Milky Way, but they are so faint that not a single one is visible to the naked eye.

Greyscale image of six stars, two of which are encircled by a magenta circle, and one of which is pinpointed by a cyan circle.
The source of the radio waves, as seen by the MWA at low resolution (magenta circle) and MeerKAT at high resolution (cyan circle). The white circles are all stars in our own Galaxy.
Hurley-Walker et al. 2024 / Astrophysical Journal Letters

Combining historical observations from the Murchison Widefield Array and new MeerKAT monitoring data, we found that the pulses arrive a little earlier and a little later in a repeating pattern. This probably indicates that the radio emitter isn’t the red dwarf itself, but rather an unseen object in a binary orbit with it.

Based on previous studies of the evolution of stars, we think this invisible radio emitter is most likely to be a white dwarf, which is the final endpoint of small to medium-sized stars like our own Sun. If it were a neutron star or a black hole, the explosion that created it would have been so large it should have disrupted the orbit.

It takes two to tango

So how do a red dwarf and a white dwarf generate a radio signal?

The red dwarf probably produces a stellar wind of charged particles, just like our Sun does. When the wind hits the white dwarf’s magnetic field, it would be accelerated, producing radio waves.

This could be similar to how the Sun’s stellar wind interacts with Earth’s magnetic field to produce beautiful aurora, and also low-frequency radio waves.

An artist’s impression of the AR Sco system: a binary red dwarf and white dwarf that interact to produce radio emission.

We already know of a few systems like this, such as AR Scorpii, where variations in the brightness of the red dwarf imply that the companion white dwarf is hitting it with a powerful beam of radio waves every two minutes. None of these systems are as bright or as slow as the long-period radio transients, but maybe as we find more examples, we will work out a unifying physical model that explains all of them.

On the other hand, there may be many different kinds of system that can produce long-period radio pulsations.

Either way, we’ve learned the power of expecting the unexpected – and we’ll keep scanning the skies to solve this cosmic mystery.

The Conversation

Natasha Hurley-Walker is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project number FT190100231) funded by the Australian Government.

ref. Astronomers have pinpointed the origin of mysterious repeating radio bursts from space – https://theconversation.com/astronomers-have-pinpointed-the-origin-of-mysterious-repeating-radio-bursts-from-space-244920

Cheaper housing and better transport? What you need to know about Australia’s new National Urban Policy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University

Imagine a city where everyone can afford a safe home, reach work or school without long, stressful commutes, and enjoy green parks and clean air.

This is Anthony Albanese’s decade-long vision for Australia’s cities after last week’s release of the new National Urban Policy (NUP).

As Transport and Infrastructure Minister in 2011, he introduced Our Cities, Our Future. Then in 2021, as opposition leader, he pledged a new urban framework.

The new NUP now sets the course for transforming Australia’s cities.

However, as our cities grow, so do the complexities they face: a housing crisis, locking out households, heavier traffic, and rising temperatures caused by climate changes.

These challenges can disproportionately affect low-income and vulnerable communities, especially in our outer suburbs.

The new NUP aims to address all of that, but the big question remains: does it go far enough to build the cities we need for the future?

What is the National Urban Policy?

This policy is Australia’s road map for sustainable city development. It guides collaboration between the federal government, states, territories and local communities to shape future cities to be liveable and productive.

The policy focuses on three key pillars:

1. Liveable and equitable cities: this is to ensure the basic human rights everyone should have access to, like affordable housing, public transport, and essential services like healthcare and education.

2. Productive and innovative cities: this will support jobs, industries and infrastructure to drive economic growth.

3. Sustainable and resilient cities: this will protect the environments in Australian cities to develop urban areas for climate change impacts like floods and heatwaves.

A key element of the policy is its commitment to ensuring strong collaboration with First Nations, Aboriginal and Indigenous communities, acknowledging their connection to the land and integrating their knowledge into urban planing of the future cities.

What does this policy mean for everyday people?

If the new policy delivers on its promise, here is how daily life could be affected for Australians.

Affordable housing: With the ambitious goal of delivering 1.2 million homes by 2029, the government aims to ease the housing crunch. More social housing and making homes closer to jobs and schools are top priorities.

Improved public transport: The government is planning to support public transport upgrades for faster, more reliable and greener commute choices like bike paths.

Two cyclists ride along the Maribyrnong River in Melbourne
Two cyclists ride along the Maribyrnong River in Melbourne.
doublelee/Shutterstock

More green spaces: The government is also keen to boost Australians’ physical and mental health by providing more parks, shaded streets and green rooftops to reduce urban heat. This also aligns with broader climate, health, and wellbeing strategies, and includes heading towards net zero Australia.

Inclusive communities: Ensuring opportunities and services are available to everyone, including First Nations people, elders and those with disabilities, and providing job opportunities closer to home.

Can the policy address Australia’s critical challenges?

Our cities face enormous challenges and the new policy aims to tackle many of them (the housing crisis, climate issues and social inclusion).

But addressing them requires more than a list of goals – it demands bold actions and long-term commitments.

This is an area Western Sydney University has researched in its newly released report looking at international best practices in infrastructure funding.

It highlights how fragmented, short-term funding systems worsen these challenges.

It advocates for long-term, stable funding streams, collaboration, and community-driven approaches and principles successfully embedded in other countries.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and United Nations Habitat’s Global State of National Policy report also provides a comprehensive overview of strategies used by other countries to tackle similar issues.

Other developed countries like Singapore, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States have addressed many of the gaps we have noted through their approaches, including long-term funding models, coordination and clear sustainability goals.

Gaps in the new policy

While the new NUP sets a strong vision, it leaves several critical gaps:

Long-term funding is crucial: The policy leans heavily on short-term budgets and competitive grants, which prioritise projects based on competition, not community need. This leaves many communities and stakeholders with inadequate infrastructure.

An example of this is the short-term, limited support for modular and prefabricated systems as a solution to the housing crisis. A multi-decade funding commitment is essential to allow councils to plan effectively.

Collaboration across government levels is essential: The siloed approach between local councils and state governments impedes effective action. The Commonwealth must take a more proactive role in aligning projects and addressing fragmentation.

Clear timelines and accountability: When will these goals be achieved? The policy lacks clear deadlines and measurable targets to track progress. An ongoing evaluation framework is essential to ensure projects are executed efficiently and build trust among communities.

Embracing digital trasnformation: Many developed countries are using emerging technologies like digital twins and AI to improve their urban planning. Australia’s new policy could adopt similar approach to make smarter, data-driven decisions, though this is not clearly outlined in the current framework.

Infrastructure funding models need overhaul: Australia’s current infrastructure funding system is considered by some as fragmented, inconsistent and poorly coordinated, driven more by short-term political cycles than a by a long-term strategy. The NUP must address this critical gap.

Investment in green construction: The policy overlooks the role of financial institutions in driving sustainable urban development. Green mortgages, green bonds, and incentives for energy-efficient construction, like those in the UK and Europe, could help bridge the gap between affordability and sustainability while ensuring climate resilience in future housing strategies.

More support for vulnerable groups: While inclusivity is mentioned in the new policy, there is room for more specific strategies to support migrants, international students, refugees, single parent families and those from asylum-seeking backgrounds.

Overall, the new NUP is a positive and welcomed step forward.

For success, it must be shaped by meaningful collaboration between policymakers, planners, communities and researchers, drawing on global successes to ensure long-term impact. Only then can the government achieve its ambitious vision.

The Conversation

Dr. Ehsan Noroozinejad has received competitive funding from national and international organisations to support research addressing the housing and climate crises.

Nicky Morrison receives funding from all tiers of governments and works with the National Growth Area Alliance.

ref. Cheaper housing and better transport? What you need to know about Australia’s new National Urban Policy – https://theconversation.com/cheaper-housing-and-better-transport-what-you-need-to-know-about-australias-new-national-urban-policy-244947

Privatisation by stealth: changes to education in NZ opening the door to private interests

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Karen Nairn, Professor, College of Education, University of Otago

Since taking power last year, the New Zealand government has made rapid changes to the country’s education system including the introduction of structured approaches to literacy and maths and the promotion of charter schools.

But these sweeping moves are, essentially, opening the door to private business interests in public education.

And these changes could introduce vulnerabilities into our school system. International experiences with charter schools, for example, demonstrate how they survive or fail at the whims of private funders who can withdraw at any time.

Instead, New Zealand needs to be investing in public education for everyone, leaving private education and resources to those who want to pay for it themselves.

Private interests in public education

Charter schools are publicly funded but are operated by a private sponsor.

The ACT Party first introduced charter schools in 2014 under John Key’s National government. Labour abolished these schools in 2017. But in 2024, the government pledged NZ$153 million in new funding over four years to establish and operate up to 15 new charter schools and convert 35 state schools to charter schools.

Promoters of charter schools claim the flexibility to determine the curriculum and who to employ as teachers enables them to improve student achievement.

But Ministry of Education evaluations of the last charter school experiment found insufficient evidence of a positive impact on students’ achievement.

Charter schools are not the only way private interests are entering New Zealand’s public education system.

The most recent iteration of the New Zealand curriculum includes structured approaches to literacy and maths.

The ministry provides some resources to schools free of charge.

But the ministry has also acknowledged schools may want to purchase other programs and resources from private providers. Depending on the packages they select, many schools will be required to top-up the government’s contribution from their own budgets.

Teachers must also engage in professional development to support implementation. All of the professional development in literacy, for example, is delivered by private providers, who can promote their own programmes and resources.

A lack of accountability

Public funding of charter schools, literacy and maths packages, and private provision of teacher professional development diverts public funds to private businesses, with consequences for children’s learning.

Charter schools, for instance, do not have to follow the newly revised, mandated curriculum or cell phone ban – despite being required for all other students. Nor do charter schools have to demonstrate how they will be culturally responsive and inclusive of all New Zealand children.

The first new charter school, Mastery Schools New Zealand – Arapaki, will open in Christchurch term one next year. The school is based on an Australian model.

Charter school contracts last for ten years and can be terminated if targets are not met. If a child and their family are unhappy with their charter school, they can complain to independent reviewers arranged by the charter school – raising questions over their objectivity – or to an ombudsman.

Many of the literacy and maths packages are highly scripted and may compel teachers to rigidly adhere to the package rather than respond in the moment to each child’s needs.

Some packages have been developed for other countries without evidence of their effectiveness for New Zealand children.

Unnecessary changes

It is clear the public education system needs work to ensure equitable outcomes for all students.

Data from the Curriculum Insights and Progress study show the education outcomes of children from low-income families and communities are particularly concerning.

The money being spent on charter schools and curriculum changes could, instead, be redeployed to meet the needs of students in the public sector, such as additional funding for teacher aids.

Families already have school choice in the existing options of Kura Kaupapa Māori, special character (public schools with a particular character – such as religious philosophy – which sets it apart from ordinary state schools), state and private schools.

The New Zealand Principals Federation has advocated for slowing down and consulting with the sector.

The rapid implementation schedule means there has been no time to independently evaluate literacy and maths packages and the accompanying professional development for teachers.

Ultimately, the government is responsible for the education of all our children and should not outsource this responsibility to private business.

Karen Nairn has previously received Marsden funding.

Susan Sandretto has received funding from the Teaching and Learning Research Initiative. She was a Team Writer (2022) with the Ministry of Education for the English Learning Area as part of an earlier curriculum refresh.

ref. Privatisation by stealth: changes to education in NZ opening the door to private interests – https://theconversation.com/privatisation-by-stealth-changes-to-education-in-nz-opening-the-door-to-private-interests-244499

Kanak pro-independence leader Christian Téin to remain in mainland French jail

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

Pro-independence Kanak leader Christian Téin will remain in a mainland French jail for the time being, a Court of Appeal has ruled in Nouméa.

This followed an earlier ruling on October 22 from the Court of Cassation, which is tasked to rule on possible procedural mistakes in earlier judgments.

The Court of Cassation found some flaws in the procedure that justified the case being heard again by a Court of Appeal.

Téin’s lawyer, Pierre Ortet, confirmed his client’s detention in a mainland prison (Mulhouse jail, north-eastern France) has been maintained as a result of the latest Court of Appeal hearing behind closed doors in Nouméa on Friday.

But he also told local media he now intends to bring the case to the European Court of Human Rights, as well as United Nations’ human rights mechanisms — especially on the circumstances that surrounded Téin’s transfer to France on 23 June 2024 on board a specially-chartered plane four days after his arrest in Nouméa on June 19.

Nouméa Public Prosecutor Yves Dupas told local media in an interview on Friday that in this case the next step should happen “some time in January”, when a criminal chamber of the Court of Cassation is expected to deliver another ruling.

Reacting to recent comments made by pro-independence party Union Calédonienne, which maintains Téin is a political prisoner, Dupas said Téin and others facing similar charges “are still presumed innocent”, but “are not political prisoners, they have not been held in relation to a political motive”.

Alleged crimes
The alleged crimes, he said, were “crimes and delicts related to organised crime”.

The seven charges include complicity as part of murder attempts, theft involving the use of weapons and conspiracy in view of the preparation of acts of organised crimes.

Téin’s defence maintains it was never his client’s intention to commit such crimes.

Christian Téin is the head of a “Field Action Coordinating Cell” (CCAT), a group created late in 2023 by the largest and oldest pro-independence party Union Calédonienne.

From October 2023 onward, the CCAT organised marches and demonstrations that later degenerated — starting May 13 — into insurrectional riots, arson and looting, causing 13 deaths and an estimated 2.2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion) in material damage, mainly in the Greater Nouméa area.

“The judicial inquiry aims at establishing every responsibility, especially at the level of ‘order givers’,” Dupas told local Radio Rythme Bleu on Friday.

He confirmed six persons were still being detained in several jails of mainland France, including Téin.

3 released under ‘judicial control’
Three others have been released under judiciary control with an obligation to remain in mainland France.

“You see, the manifestation of truth requires time. Justice requires serenity, it’s very important”, he commented.

Late August, Téin was also chosen as president of the pro-independence umbrella FLNKS at its congress.

The August 2024 Congress was also marked by the non-attendance of two other main pillars of the movement, UPM and PALIKA, which have since confirmed their intention to distance themselves from FLNKS.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Under-16 social media ban supported by 77% as economic sentiment lifts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national YouGov poll, conducted November 15–21 from a sample of 1,515, had a 50–50 tie, unchanged from the previous YouGov poll in September. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down one), 30% Labor (steady), 13% Greens (down one), 9% One Nation (up two) and 10% for all Others (steady).

Albanese’s net approval was up two to -20, with 56% dissatisfied and 36% satisfied. Dutton’s net approval was up two to -8. Albanese led Dutton by an unchanged 42–39 as better PM.

By 77–23, respondents supported the proposed social media ban for children under 16, a large increase in support from 61% in August.

In a separate YouGov poll that was conducted in late October, by 59–41 voters opposed replacing King Charles with an Australian president as head of state. Now 43% (up eight since September 2023) say Australia should remain a constitutional monarchy after the king passes away.

Most royals were regarded far more positively than Australia’s politicians. Of prominent politicians, Lidia Thorpe was at -45, Adam Bandt at -14, Pauline Hanson at -13, Tanya Plibersek at -4, Penny Wong at +2 and Jacqui Lambie at +7.

This YouGov poll and other polls in this article suggest little movement in the last two weeks, and it’s still roughly tied at 50–50. However, the improvement in economic sentiment may help the government.

Essential poll: Labor regains lead

A national Essential poll, conducted November 13–17 from a sample of 1,206, gave Labor a 48–47 lead including undecided, (49–47 to the Coalition in early November). Primary votes were 35% Coalition (up one), 30% Labor (down one), 13% Greens (up one), 7% One Nation (down two), 2% UAP (steady), 8% for all Others (steady) and 5% undecided (steady).

Albanese’s net approval was down one since October to -5, with 48% disapproving and 43% approving. Dutton’s net approval fell five points to +1, indicating the October sample was pro-Dutton.

By 48–35, respondents thought Australia was on the wrong track, but this was a big drop for wrong track since October (a 52–30 lead). In Essential’s monthly tracking of this question, it’s wrong track’s worst net position since May 2023.

The Guardian reported that for the first time since October 2023, more said they were financially comfortable (51%) than said they were struggling (49%). Better perceptions of the economy should help Labor.

On addressing climate change, 37% (down one since March) thought Australia is doing enough, 33% (down two) not doing enough and 19% (up one) doing too much.

Freshwater poll: Coalition’s primary slips

A national Freshwater poll for The Financial Review, conducted November 15–17 from a sample of 1,046, gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, unchanged from October. Primary votes were 40% Coalition (down one), 30% Labor (steady), 14% Greens (up one) and 16% for all Others.

The primary vote movements suggest a one-point gain for Labor after preferences. Rounding explains why Labor didn’t gain.

Albanese’s net approval dropped three points to -17, with 50% unfavourable and 33% favourable. Dutton’s net approval dropped two points to -4. Albanese maintained a one-point lead as preferred PM by 43–42.

Cost of living was the top issue, with 77% saying it was important, up five points since October. The Coalition’s lead over Labor on this issue dropped two points to 12. The Coalition’s lead on economic management was up a point to 17.

By 47–36, respondents favoured Dutton over Albanese for being best to negotiate with Trump in Australia’s best interests.

On the effects of Trump’s election, by 55–28 voters thought the world would be less safe rather than safer. By 60–10, they thought the world would be less likely rather than more likely to achieve the net zero by 2050 emissions reduction target. By 42–27, they thought the Australian economy would be weaker rather than stronger.

Morgan, DemosAU and Redbridge polls

A national Morgan poll, conducted November 11–17 from a sample of 1,675, gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, a 0.5-point gain for the Coalition since the November 4–10 Morgan poll.

In the November 18–24 Morgan poll (1,663 sampled), Labor regained the lead by 51–49, a two-point gain for Labor since November 11–17.

Primary votes were 37% Coalition (down two), 31.5% Labor (up 2.5), 12.5% Greens (down one), 6.5% One Nation (steady), 8.5% independents (up one) and 4% others (down 0.5).

The headline figure uses respondent preferences. By 2022 election preference flows, Labor led by 51.5–48.5, a 1.5-point gain for Labor. By this measure, the November 11–17 poll was the worst Morgan poll for Labor since August.

A national poll by new pollster DemosAU, conducted November 19–21 from a sample of 1,038, had a 50–50 tie, from primary votes of 38% Coalition, 32% Labor, 12% Greens, 7% One Nation and 11% for all Others. This poll used online methods.

A national Redbridge poll
, conducted November 6–13 from a sample of 2,011, had a 50–50 tie, a 0.5-point gain for the Coalition since an August Redbridge poll. Primary votes were 39% Coalition (up one), 34% Labor (up one), 11% Greens (down one) and 16% for all Others (down one).

By 61–11, voters thought Albanese had given Qantas preferential treatment over Qatar Airways. On the Greens, 38% used one of two negative statements to describe them and 29% used one of three positive statements, with 14% opting for “the Greens are a party of protest and disruption”.

Irish election and US near-final results

I’ve been following the counting in Friday’s Irish election for The Poll Bludger. A conservative governing coalition of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and some others is the likely outcome, with support for the left-wing Sinn Féin and the Greens slumping since 2020.

In near-final results from the November 5 US election, Donald Trump won the national popular vote by 49.8–48.3 over Kamala Harris. Republicans won the House of Representatives by a narrow 220 seats to 215 for Democrats and the Senate by 53–47. Recent European elections were also covered.

Labor gains in Tasmanian EMRS poll

A Tasmanian EMRS poll, conducted November 5–14 from a sample of 1,000, gave the Liberals 35% (down one since August), Labor 31% (up four), the Greens 14% (steady), the Jacqui Lambie Network 6% (down two), independents 11% (down one) and others 3% (steady).

Tasmania uses a proportional system, so a two-party estimate isn’t applicable. Incumbent Liberal Jeremy Rockliff led Labor’s Dean Winter as preferred premier by 43–37 (45–30 in August).

In a new question on leaders’ favourability, Rockliff was at +15 (37% favourable, 22% unfavourable), while Winter was at +14 (25% favourable, 11% unfavourable).

SA Black byelection final result

Labor gained Black from the Liberals in South Australia at the November 16 byelection by a 59.9–40.1 margin, a 12.6% swing to Labor since the 2022 SA state election. Primary votes were 47.9% Labor (up 9.7%), 34.1% Liberals (down 16.0%), 13.1% Greens (up 1.3%) and 5.0% Australian Families (new).

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Under-16 social media ban supported by 77% as economic sentiment lifts – https://theconversation.com/under-16-social-media-ban-supported-by-77-as-economic-sentiment-lifts-243917

Civil society groups call on Pacific leaders to ‘take responsibility’ over Papua injustices

Asia Pacific Report

Twenty five Pacific civil society organisations and solidarity movements have called on Pacific leaders of their “longstanding responsibility” to West Papua, and to urgently address the “ongoing gross human rights abuses” by Indonesia.

The organisations — including the Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC), Fiji Council of Social Services (FCOSS). Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG), Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC) and Vanuatu Human Rights Coalition — issued a statement marking 1 December 2024.

This date commemorates 63 years since the Morning Star flag was first
raised in West Papua to signify the territory’s sovereignty.

The organisations condemned the “false narrative Indonesia has peddled of itself as a morally upright, peace-loving, and benevolent friend of the Melanesian people and of the Pacific”.

Jakarta had “infiltrated our governments and institutional perceptions”.

The statement also said:

Yet Indonesia’s annexation of the territory, military occupation, and violent oppression, gross human rights violations on West Papuans continue to be ignored internationally and unfortunately by most Pacific leaders.

The deepening relations between Pacific states and Jakarta reflect how far the false
narrative Indonesia has peddled of itself as a morally upright, peace-loving, and benevolent
friend of the Melanesian people and of the Pacific, has infiltrated our governments and
institutional perceptions.

The corresponding dilution of our leaders’ voice, individually and collectively, is indicative of political and economic complicity, staining the Pacific’s anti-colonial legacy, and is an attack
on the core values of our regional solidarity.

The Pacific has a legacy of holding colonial powers in our region to account. The Pacific
Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders communiques in 2015, 2017, and 2019 are reflective of this,
deploring the violence and human rights violations in West Papua, calling on Indonesia to
allow independent human rights assessment in the territory, and to address the root causes of conflict through peaceful means.

In 2023, PIF Leaders appointed Fiji and Papua New Guinea (PNG) Prime Ministers, [Sitiveni] Rabuka and [James] Marape respectively to facilitate such constructive engagement with Indonesia.

As PIF envoys, both Prime Ministers visited Indonesia in 2023 on separate occasions, yet
they have failed to address these concerns. Is this to be interpreted as regional political
expediency or economic self-interest?

Today, torture, discrimination, extrajudicial killings, unlawful arrests, and detention of West
Papuans continue to be rife. Approximately 70,000 Papuans remain displaced due to military operations.

Between January and September this year, human rights violations resulted in a total of over 1300 victims across various categories. The most significant violations were arbitrary detention, with 331 victims in 20 cases, and freedom of assembly, which affected at least 388 victims in 21 cases. Other violations included ill-treatment (98 victims), torture (23
victims), and killings (15 victims), along with freedom of expression violations impacting 31
victims.

Additionally, cultural rights violations affected dozens of individuals, while intimidation cases resulted in 15 victims. Disappearances accounted for 2 victims, and right
to health violations impacted dozens.

This surge in human rights abuses highlights a concerning trend, with arbitrary detention and freedom of assembly violations standing out as the most widespread and devastating.

The commemoration of the Morning Star flag-raising this 1st of December is a solemn
reminder of the region’s unfinished duty of care to the West Papuan people and their
struggle for human rights, including the right to self-determination.

Clearly, Pacific leaders, including the Special Envoys, must fulfill their responsibility to a
region of genuine peace and solidarity, and thereby rectify their unconscionable response
thus far.

They must do justice to the 63 years of resilient resistance by the West Papuan
people under violent, even deadly repression.

We call on leaders, especially the Prime Ministers of Fiji and PNG, not to succumb to Indonesia’s chequebook diplomacy and other soft-power overtures now evident in education, the arts, culture, food and agriculture, security, and even health sectors.

We remind our Pacific leaders of their responsibility to 63 years of injustice by Indonesia, and the resilience of the West Papuan people against this oppression to this day.

In solidarity with the people of West Papua, we demand that our leaders:

  1. Honour the resolutions of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) and PIF, which call
    for a peaceful resolution to the West Papua conflict and the recognition of the rights
    of West Papuans;
  2. Take immediate and concrete action to review, and if necessary, sanction Indonesia’s
    status as a dialogue partner in the PIF, associate member of the MSG, and as a party
    to other privileged bilateral and multilateral arrangements in our Pacific region on the
    basis of its human rights record in West Papua;
  3. Stand firm against Indonesia’s colonial intrusion into the Pacific through its
    cheque-book and other diplomatic overtures, ensuring that the sovereignty and rights
    of the people of West Papua are not sacrificed for political or economic gain; and
  4. PIF must take immediate action to establish a Regional Human Rights Commission
    or task force, support independent investigations into human rights violations in West
    Papua, and ensure accountability for all abuses.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

For richer, but not for poorer: how Australia’s mental health system fails those most in need

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanne Enticott, Associate Professor, Monash Centre for Health Research and Implementation, Monash University

Overearth/Shutterstock

Australian pride in our universal health system is partly derived from our belief that services should be most available to those who most need them. Logically, this should apply just as much to mental health as to other parts of the health system.

But our new research finds Australia’s mental health care system is not equitable in this way.

While Australians living in the most disadvantaged areas experience the highest levels of mental distress, they appear to have the least access to mental health services.

Mental health disparities

To understand levels of mental distress across the population, we looked at data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). The ABS has classified levels of mental distress according to the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10).

Using this information, and demographic data from the Census, we calculated 29% of working age Australian adults in the lowest income households experience elevated mental distress. This is compared to around 11% in the highest income households.

About 6% of working age adults experience “very high” mental distress, indicating serious distress and very likely a mental disorder. Our analysis showed around 14% in the lowest income households reach this threshold, compared to only 2% in the highest income households.



This clear link between mental distress and socioeconomic disadvantage exists both in Australia and globally.

Mapping inequity

We first examined federally funded Medicare mental health services, largely provided under the Better Access initiative, to establish how equitably – or not – these are distributed. These services are delivered by GPs, psychiatrists, psychologists and allied health-care professionals (social workers and occupational therapists).

Better Access showed some strong initial results in lifting overall access to mental health services in 2006–10. However, more recent data suggest this has plateaued.

We calculated the total number of Medicare-subsidised services provided in a year, and divided this by the number of people with the most need for those services. We defined this group in our study as those with “very high” mental distress according to the K10 scale. This gave us an average number of services available per person. For our calculations we assumed all services were accessed by those in most need of care.

In 2019, if all people with the most need had equal access to mental health care, on average, each person would receive 12 services. The map below highlights regions where the average is higher (darker shades) or lower (lighter shades). It shows significant inequity and service gaps.



Traditionally, comparing mental health service use between areas has been challenging due to differing levels of need for care. So as part of our research, we created something called an equity indicator.

The equity indicator allows us to compare apples with apples, focusing on a key group – those most in need of mental health services. Essentially, we can take an area with wealthy residents and another area with a poorer population and compare them to see how those most in need are accessing services.

We found the equity indicator was six for Medicare-subsidised mental health care in 2019. This means, among those in most need of care, people living in the poorest areas received six times fewer Medicare-subsidised mental health services compared with those living in the richest areas.

Looking back to 2015, the indicator was five. So inequity has increased with time.

Community mental health services

We then looked at public community mental health services. These are mostly public hospital outpatient services, and some other community services not funded by Medicare. We wanted to understand whether poorer Australians are accessing these services, evening out Medicare’s apparent inequity.

When we included these services into our calculations, the equity indicator did drop from six to three. In other words, people with the greatest need for care living in the poorest areas received three times fewer mental health services (community services and Medicare-subsidised services) compared with those in the richest areas.

In 2015, the equity indicator was 2.6, again demonstrating inequity is increasing.

How can we bridge the gap?

Rates of mental distress and demand for mental health services vary across socioeconomic areas. But our analysis paints a picture of a two-tiered mental health-care system, where the “poor” are more reliant on public community mental health services while everyone else uses Medicare.

People with the greatest need for mental health care living in the poorest areas might access fewer Medicare mental health services for a number of reasons. For example, out-of-pocket costs are increasing, which is likely to create financial barriers for many. There’s also a lack of services in a large number of rural areas, many of which are relatively disadvantaged areas.

While community mental health services appear to be partially mitigating the socioeconomic disparity in Medicare-subsidised mental health services, the two service types cannot be viewed as equal or comparable.

Medicare services are largely provided to people with less severe mental health-care needs. Conversely, public community mental health services typically treat people facing serious or complex mental illness in times of acute distress.

Community mental health services are increasingly stretched and not a replacement for Medicare-subsidised mental health care in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas.

Improving access to Medicare mental health services might even help to prevent some of these more acute episodes, potentially alleviating some of the pressure on community mental health services.

A female professional sitting on a couch talking to a man seated opposite.
Mental health services in Australia are not delivered equitably.
Ground Picture/Shutterstock

A big part of the problem is these two programs were not designed to complement each other or work together. They operate separately, mostly for different clients, rather than as part of an overall “stepped care” model.

We need to properly configure these larger elements of our mental health service jigsaw into a more contiguous design, making it less likely people will fall through dangerous cracks.

This can be achieved through better and more coordinated planning between federal and state mental health services, and funding research to better understand who actually accesses current services.

The Conversation

Joanne Enticott received funding from a grant awarded by Equity Trustees and Monash Partners.

Graham Meadows is a member of the Australian Labor Party.

Sebastian Rosenberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. For richer, but not for poorer: how Australia’s mental health system fails those most in need – https://theconversation.com/for-richer-but-not-for-poorer-how-australias-mental-health-system-fails-those-most-in-need-243370

NZ’s gas shortage was not caused by the offshore exploration ban – but it was still a flawed policy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Dempsey, Associate Professor in Natural Resources Engineering, University of Canterbury

Getty Images

Historically, gas in New Zealand traded below NZ$10 per gigajoule. When prices hit $50 per gigajoule in August this year, anyone with gas to sell could have made a lot of money.

But there clearly wasn’t much gas around. In the end, the big generators Genesis and Contact had to buy gas off Methanex to keep the lights on.

How did this happen? It’s tempting to blame the previous government’s ban on offshore oil and gas exploration. The current government has indeed listed the gas shortage as a reason for its plan to reverse the ban.

But diving into gas statistics held by the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) suggests this probably wasn’t the case.

Although the ban was introduced in 2018, companies had already halted most offshore exploration two years prior. And even if a new discovery had been made around 2018, it would probably have taken too long to develop to be ready for 2024.

Why New Zealand ran low on gas

When the 2018 ban was announced, only one offshore permit had been granted during each of the previous two years. As MBIE statistics show, this was quite a drop compared to the period between 2012 and 2016, with an average of six permits per year.

Exploration drilling was down, too. During 2013 and 2014, 40 wells were drilled, but only five between 2015 and 2018. Had any major gas fields turned up, those companies would have been entitled to develop them regardless of the ban – but that didn’t happen.

Past experience in New Zealand shows offshore developments take a long time. The fastest was Pohokura, a major field in North Taranaki, which took six years from discovery to gas flowing. If exploration permits had been obtained in 2018 and successful discoveries made during a subsequent drilling campaign, it most likely wouldn’t have translated to available gas in 2024.

Bright yellow gas pipes connecting transmission networks
Exploration and development of offshore gas fields takes a long time.
Getty Images

In January 2024, MBIE estimated New Zealand had about 8.5 years worth of gas reserves (1,300 petajoules) at 2023 rates of consumption. There’s certainly gas left, but it can’t all be accessed when needed.

Gas fields are like ATMs – you can only take out so much each day regardless of how much you have in the bank. The flow of gas has been squeezed in recent years by poor production at Pohokura and was compounded in mid-2024 by higher demand from electricity generators when hydro lakes were running low.

If New Zealand had another large offshore gas field, this arguably wouldn’t have happened. But it’s not at all obvious we would have had that capacity in 2024 even without the exploration ban.

Risky investment

Nevertheless, the ban did have some major impacts on New Zealand.

It broadcast a message of urgency and intent to tackle emissions from the fossil fuel industry. Denmark followed suit with their own ban in 2020 and Ireland in 2021. France has been more reticent, proposing a future ban from 2040 but allowing new exploration until then.

The ban also sent signals to large multinational energy companies that New Zealand is a risky place to invest. The fossil fuel industry is rightly uncertain about its future role in New Zealand. Some will see this as a good outcome in pursuit of climate goals. But how far does the uncertainty spread and what might it mean?

The spectre of political intervention creates an investment risk for companies. This is because the large capital works these companies undertake are often debt-funded over a decade or more. Hence, companies need to be confident in their future freedom to operate.

Emissions Trading Scheme distortions

In 2021, the Climate Change Commission released draft advice implying that, due to its high emissions, the Far North’s Ngāwhā geothermal power station would need to close.

The suggested closure was removed in the final advice, and Ngāwhā emissions have since been eliminated. In 2022, in the face of high carbon charges under New Zealand’s Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), engineers worked out how to capture and inject carbon dioxide back underground.

The case of Ngāwhā is an ETS success story. Economic pressure was applied to a large emitter and, faced with going out of business, it changed its practices.

A feature of the ETS is its general ambivalence about where emissions come from. One tonne of carbon dioxide produced using natural gas to generate electricity in winter is charged the same as one tonne of carbon dioxide produced when driving freight across the country.

In theory, the market decides which activities can afford to continue and which should die out. In reality, however, the ETS is distorted because it grants free allocations to high-emmiting industries which would otherwise face trade disadvantages. Last week, the government also removed agricultural emissions from the ETS.

This is not to say that other policies aren’t useful in shoring up the deficiencies of emission pricing. But the effectiveness of the exploration ban is debatable. Offshore interest seemed to have already largely subsided and its lack of cross-party support ensured it was shortlived.

On the other hand, the political message it broadcast to major energy players may ultimately ensure its enduring legacy, by dissuading future gas investment.

Structurally, the challenges of 2024 remain. Declining gas reserves must be divided between electricity generators and exporter industries, and the hydro system is vulnerable to similar climate fluctuations.

On a more positive note, utility solar and grid-scale batteries continue their relentless expansion. Of the 22 renewable projects applying for fast-track consent, ten are solar farms.

The Conversation

David Dempsey receives funding from MBIE to research underground hydrogen storage and atmospheric carbon dioxide removal.

ref. NZ’s gas shortage was not caused by the offshore exploration ban – but it was still a flawed policy – https://theconversation.com/nzs-gas-shortage-was-not-caused-by-the-offshore-exploration-ban-but-it-was-still-a-flawed-policy-242013

A $13 billion, 30-year flop: landmark study reveals stark failure to halt Murray-Darling River decline

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jamie Pittock, Professor, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University

Shutterstock

Some A$13 billion in taxpayer dollars and 30 years of policy reform have failed to arrest the devastating decline in the health of Australia’s most important river system, the Murray-Darling Basin, new research shows.

The four-year study released today involved 12 scientists from Australia’s leading universities, and draws on data from 1980 to 2023. It is the most comprehensive report card to date on government policies to protect the Murray-Darling.

We found expensive and contentious reforms, including the once-vaunted Murray-Darling Basin Plan, have mostly failed to improve outcomes for people and nature along the river system.

The result is deeply alarming for a natural asset so fundamental to Australia’s environmental, cultural and economic wellbeing. Here, we outline our findings, and present a plan to turn this situation around.

Darling River at sunset
The findings are alarming for a natural asset so fundamental to Australia.
Shutterstock

A river system in peril

The Murray-Darling river system starts in southern Queensland, winds through New South Wales and Victoria and reaches the sea near Adelaide in South Australia.

Historically, state governments have allowed too much water to be taken from the system, primarily to irrigate crops. This has caused extensive environmental damage such as toxic blue-green algae blooms, dramatic falls in bird and fish populations and undrinkable town water supplies, to name just a few.

The damage has been exacerbated by invasive species, climate change, dams that block water flows, and bush clearing which makes water running into rivers more salty.

What’s more, colonisation dispossessed the nearly 50 Indigenous nations in the basin. They now collectively have rights over less than 0.2% of surface water in the river system.

Government reform to improve the health of the basin dates back more than three decades. In 1994, Australian governments agreed to cap further licenses to extract water from the Murray-Darling. In 2008, Prime Minister John Howard’s “once and for all” reform, known as the Water Act, became law. It aimed to reallocate water from irrigation to the environment.

The reform is largely being implemented through the $13 billion Murray Darling Basin Plan enacted in 2012. The historic deal between state and federal governments was supposed to rein in the water extracted by farmers and make sure the environment got the water it needed.

Almost $8 billion was spent implementing the plan to June 2023. But has this massive taxpayer investment delivered the promised benefits for people and nature? Our new findings suggest the answer is largely no.

man overlooks river bend
Despite massive taxpayer funds, the basin reforms have not delivered.
Shutterstock

Applying expert eyes

When the basin plan was adopted, governments cut funding to the independent audit which monitored the river system’s environmental health. It was replaced with far less effective monitoring systems.

The new systems did not set clear targets to be achieved, or assess real-world outcomes for people and the environment. For example, a government might measure the timing and frequency of water flowing at specific river locations, rather than the numbers of threatened fish species across the basin.

The indicators are also complex
and monitored by government agencies and their consultants, so the results are not independent.

For this study, we developed our own monitoring system. It involved 27 indicators of success across the themes of Indigenous, environmental and social wellbeing, economic performance and compliance with water laws. We used publicly available data spanning more than 40 years.

The study released today reports our essential findings.

aerial view of river
Scientists were concerned about inadequate monitoring of the basin plan.
Shutterstock

What we found

Troublingly, we found that after more than a decade of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, 74% of success indicators were not met. This means there was either no improvement or worsening conditions.

In particular, only two of 12 environmental indicators were met.

Among our findings were:

  • flows required to achieve environmental outcomes were not met at 65% of river gauge sites assessed

  • water returned to rivers is not effectively used to restore the environment. For example, 79% of Commonwealth environmental water releases from 2014–19 stayed in river channels rather than spilling out to rejuvenate floodplain wetlands

  • the abundance of waterbirds is declining and the incidence of very large fish-kill events is increasing, as witnessed at Menindee Lakes, NSW, twice in the past decade

  • Indigenous rights over water are declining as a percentage of surface water, and water flows to Indigenous-controlled wetlands has not increased. This grossly inadequate situation prevents Indigenous Peoples from managing water on Country, harming their health and wellbeing

  • the basic human right to access adequate, safe drinking water is not being met in many towns, including predominantly Indigenous communities such as Wilcannia, NSW.

The findings are not all negative. We found irrigation communities are not necessarily suffering economically from federal government buy-backs of water entitlements. For example, the period of most water buybacks coincided with marked increases in profits for irrigated farms.

The finding is contrary to claims in several studies, including one commissioned by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority.

Two environmental indicators show an upward trend. Populations of large-bodied freshwater fish are improving, coinciding with the end of commercial fishing. Pleasingly, nitrogen and phosphorus concentrations in the Murray River have fallen.

A video outlining the importance of the Barka, or Darling River, to Indigenous people.

What does all this mean?

So what can we learn from these failures to ensure the Murray-Darling river system is brought back to health?

In 2023, the federal Labor government enacted the “Restoring Our Rivers” laws, to increase the return of water to the environment. This was a very important step, but there’s a long way to go.

The Murray-Darling Basin Plan is due for review in 2026. Clearly, monitoring to date has been inadequate. Our paper outlines ways to fix this, so real outcomes are achieved.

Among our suggestions, river ecosystems could be mapped to ensure Australia meets its international obligation this decade to restore 30% of inland water ecosystems and include 30% of these ecosystems in protected areas.

And those responsible for implementing the basin plan, primarily state and federal government agencies, should be held accountable when targets are not met.

Urgent reform is needed to ensure Australian taxpayers get a return on their investment. We must ensure the Murray-Darling basin and the communities that rely on it can prosper in the decades ahead.

The Conversation

Jamie Pittock is a member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists. He has roles on a number of government advisory committees and non-governmental environmental organisations involved in natural resources management.
This article is based on an academic paper led by Dr Matt Colloff and involving 10 other co-authors.

ref. A $13 billion, 30-year flop: landmark study reveals stark failure to halt Murray-Darling River decline – https://theconversation.com/a-13-billion-30-year-flop-landmark-study-reveals-stark-failure-to-halt-murray-darling-river-decline-244296

‘I felt lost’: immigrant parents want more support to help their children go to uni

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rayan Merkbawi, Lecturer, UTS Business School, University of Technology Sydney

One of the Albanese government’s top priorities in education is to see more Australians graduating from university.

It has set a target of 80% of the workforce having a university degree or TAFE qualification by 2050, up from 60% today.

A key part of this will be raising participation rates for people from underrepresented backgrounds. Australians from low socioeconomic backgrounds make up 25% of the population, but only represent 17% undergraduate enrolments in higher education.

Immigrant families often face socioeconomic disadvantages that can effect their children’s opportunities in education. As well as lower incomes, they can have fewer resources and supports.

In our project, we looked at Punchbowl Boys’ High School in Sydney’s western suburbs, where 98% of students come from a non-English speaking background.

We interviewed parents to better understand the challenges they face and how to help them. This is because research tells us families are an important source of motivation and support for young people making post-school plans.

Our research

We interviewed parents from 23 families with immigrant backgrounds. They all had students in years 9 to 12. Most of the parents supported the idea of their children going on to further study. As one parent told us:

I push education for my kids because I want them to get somewhere.

But they also reported many obstacles when supporting their children to go to university.

‘If they could explain’

More than 50% of Australians were either born overseas or have a parent born overseas.

This means they may not have first-hand knowledge or experience of the final years of school, or the options for study and training post-school.

Some parents in our study said they were not familiar with how the higher education system works. They were also unsure about alternative pathways to enrol in university. Many parents told us they would like more specific guidance on the application process.

If they [teachers at the school] could explain how our children are going to finish school, and when we can expect they’re going to receive these emails then they would know when to accept or decline.

Others wanted more guidance on student loans, possible challenges and the “avenues [students] can go down”.

The language barrier

Language was also a “big barrier” mentioned by parents. This made it hard for parents to engage with the school and ask for help. One told us:

when I go to schools, and I want to talk to the schools, I don’t have the strong language ability to confront the school with whatever is concerning me.

Another parent talked about the difficulty of going to parent–teacher interviews:

I went to the parents’ meeting with the teacher, each teacher, one by one, and just reading his mark, not asking or not suggesting a way to improve himself. Okay, I didn’t ask them to be honest, but I felt, like, lost. Like, what should I do?

‘Strugging a lot’

Parents talked about how they often lacked help and security in their lives as they were trying to support their children:

We’re renting, we’re moving, moving too much in one year, we lived in three houses, and that was painful.

They also talked about a lack of family support:

we don’t have a lot of family around here.

Financial challenges also meant there were limited resources to help pave the way to university. They talked about not being able to afford “more tutoring” or other families they knew having to cut back on tutoring.

Some families relied on the children working after school instead of studying, noting if they were “struggling a lot,” then they “need that child to work”.

There was also an overwhelming concern about the eventual cost of a university education. Some interviewees said their child going would depend on getting a scholarship, while others worried about the eventual HELP debt:

we see university as something like that’s going to become a debt for a child later on.

‘A cultural gap’

Parents reported on how cultural differences could make it difficult to engage with their children over education and their aspirations in life. As one parent said:

It’s bit of cultural gap, I think, because the culture of this country and concern in our country is different […] the children, they feel that they are free to do whatever they like, whatever they want, and that the parents cannot stop them.

Parents also raised generational differences – they felt young people lack aspiration and are distracted by technology. As one parent said:

they’re simply controlled by it, and they’re just consumed by it, and they lose interest in other parts of life.

What can we do differently?

Previous research suggests students from migrant families can give up on further study if they don’t have support from their families. This support relies on their families understanding the complexities of the school and university systems – and all the options available to young people.

Our study suggests schools, universities and governments can do several things differently to encourage more students from migrant backgrounds to study at university. These include:

  • education programs for parents: these could teach immigrant parents about Year 12 exams, ATARs, university pathways and the long-term benefits of higher education. This could be done through information sessions at school or online resources distributed by the school.

  • more school-university partnerships: collaborations between schools and universities can provide early exposure and support, through campus visits and mentoring programs. This can help demystify higher education for students and their families.

  • language support: enhancing language support programs already offered by education department trained staff – and making sure they start from the early years of school – is crucial to better involve parents in their children’s schooling.

  • financial support: to ease financial pressures on migrant families, universities could expand their equity scholarships to specifically target students from these communities. Financial literacy programs could help families understand and access existing supports, provide guidance on government assistance and long-term financial planning for education.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘I felt lost’: immigrant parents want more support to help their children go to uni – https://theconversation.com/i-felt-lost-immigrant-parents-want-more-support-to-help-their-children-go-to-uni-244817

Aussie drag, career vampires and a bloody game of hide and seek: what we’re watching in December

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stuart Richards, Senior Lecturer in Screen Studies, University of South Australia

The so-called silliest time of the year is here. But for many it can also be a stressful time. Whether you’re frantically planning for Christmas and/or New Year celebrations – or steeling yourself ahead of some longer-than-ideal interactions with the relatives – you’re going to want to let off some steam.

We can help on that front. This month’s pickings include an unashamedly gory horror flick, a captivating limited series starring Cate Blanchett, and a colourful new season of Drag Race exploring drag culture down under. Sit back and enjoy!

The Diplomat, season two

Netflix

The Diplomat is clearly a show for those of us who like political drama untroubled by reality. Its basic premise – that a scrappy career officer can be plucked out of the field, named US ambassador to London, and arrive there within 24 hours – sets the scene for a thriller that James Bond himself could have concocted.

Not only is Kate (Keri Russell) an odd choice as the ambassador, she comes with a husband (Rufus Sewell) who is himself a former ambassador and determined to advance them both. As Kate wants both a divorce and hot sex with her husband, this provides a subplot that wouldn’t be out of place in Bridgerton.

The story revolves around an attack on a British ship in the Persian Gulf, and over the two seasons a growing list of suspects are revealed – each one pared back to reveal yet more improbable events. But it allows the wonderful Alison Janney (from West Wing) to appear as Vice President, with apparently the sort of clout Dick Cheney exercised for George W Bush.

Even Australia gets a cameo role, with references to the submarine deal and the delight of the Anglosphere leaders in pissing off the French. And in Trump’s America, Kate is probably overqualified for her role.

– Dennis Altman

What We Do In The Shadows, season 6

Binge

Celebrated mockumentary What We Do in the Shadows has always had a degree of circularity. Across five seasons, the Staten Island vampires – Nadja, Laszlo, Nandor the Relentless and energy vampire Colin Robinson – have bounced in and out of different hobbies and odd fascinations. Meanwhile, put-upon, low-status “familiar” Guillermo unsuccessfully explored various ways to advance his life. In season five he briefly fulfils his dreams of becoming a vampire proper: a disappointing experience.

In the sixth and final season, all are looking for purpose. Guillermo has quit and is looking to break his codependent relationship with Nandor, and the vampires are reevaluating their choices after realising how little they’ve achieved, given their failure to conquer anything beyond their street and half of Ashley Street.

This dissatisfaction prompts Laszlo to revisit his ambitions as a mad scientist, while pushing the remaining characters out into the workforce. Guillermo moves up the ladder quickly at a consultancy, perhaps finding a new master–familiar relationship with his obnoxious finance bro boss, both helped and hindered by the others. It’s an inspired and funny conceit that refreshes and expands the show’s world, while challenging the characters, their relationships and their worst excesses in unexpected ways.

This season also foregrounds the absurd, disruptive presence of the mockumentary camera crew to great and hilarious effect. After a strong run, the show successfully bows out on its own terms – a rare feat.

– Erin Harrington

Disclaimer

Apple TV

Disclaimer is television at its very best. Based on Renée Knight’s 2015 novel, and directed by five-time Academy Award winning Mexican director Alfonso Cuarón, it stars Cate Blanchett, Kevin Kline, Sacha Baron Cohen and Kodi Smit-McPhee.

A famous journalist, Catherine Ravenscroft (Blanchett), discovers she is the character of a novel anonymously sent to her. It reveals her darkest secret and has devastating and life-changing consequences when it emerges.

Billed as a thriller, this seven-part limited series is structured with voiceover, adding depth, character conflict and motivation. Cuarón has used this technique distinctively and evocatively before in other productions such as his acclaimed film Y Tu Mamá También (2001).

Apple TV released episodes weekly so the show couldn’t be binged – which suits its complex production. The first episode unwinds slowly to reveal the background from different viewpoints. There is an ominous atmosphere of flashbacks – even in the highly explicit sex scenes between Jonathan (Louis Partridge) and the young Catherine (played by Leila George).

It’s a high-quality production photographed in an evocative filmic style by Cuarón’s frequent collaborator, three-time Academy Award-winning cinematographer Emmanuel Lubezki.

– Lisa French

RuPaul’s Drag Race Down Under, season four

Stan

RuPaul’s Drag Race is a global phenomenon. There have been 16 seasons of the US series, several all-star spin-offs and numerous international versions.

Now, Drag Race Down Under has returned for a fourth season and there are some refreshing changes to the format. RuPaul hasn’t returned as host, with Michelle Visage instead taking the lead. Her rapport with the queens feels genuine and her status as the primary judge is a milestone for cisgender women in drag culture.

Rhys Nicholson has returned as a judge and it’s fantastic to have an Australian comedian who captures the “down under” sense of humour. Other fantastic additions to the rotating judging panel this year are former Drag Race Down Under winners Isis Avis Loren, Spankie Jackzon and Kita Mean – which means local drag knowledge is always featured on the judging panel.

In fact, the cast of this season is perhaps the strongest Down Under has seen. Lazy Susan, Vybe, Mandy Moobs, Max Drag Queen and Brenda Bressed have all demonstrated a strong presence on the show and their performances are consistently impressive.

Lazy Susan’s runways have been particularly strong. In one runway, her use of an electric headdress that projected futurist faces saw her go viral. It’s wonderful to see Australian drag humour being celebrated by the Drag Race juggernaut.

– Stuart Richards




Read more:
Michelle Visage is now hosting Drag Race Down Under. It’s a milestone for cis women in drag


Ready or Not

Netflix

(Spoiler alert)

The 2019 American horror film Ready or Not, recently released on Netflix, is an occasionally amusing satire about the predatory super-rich, and all the metaphorical and literal backstabbing that goes on behind manor doors.

Girl-power protagonist Grace (Samara Weaving) looks and sounds like a privileged, blonde supermodel. But we’re led to believe she is a former foster child from the wrong side of the tracks, about to marry into the sinister Le Domas family dynasty and fortune.

The early scenes offer the slow-build, viewing pleasures of a lavish poolside wedding, followed by a deliciously dysfunctional family dinner with sneaky, old-money eccentrics. Finally, Grace realises it is she who is about to be served up and sacrificed for the amusement of her new family.

It’s downhill from there, however. The plot collapses into a predictable hunt-and-slash horror (think Scream with more upmarket interiors). The film tries too hard to be clever and progressive in a way that comes across as campy and derivative.

An ending in which the demonic in-laws implode as the Sun rises (expect buckets of blood) is so ridiculous it tips over into horror comedy. And the final scene of a dishevelled Grace smoking on the steps while the terrible place burns up behind her reminded me a lot of Heathers (1988) – another, better satire.

– Susan Hopkins

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Aussie drag, career vampires and a bloody game of hide and seek: what we’re watching in December – https://theconversation.com/aussie-drag-career-vampires-and-a-bloody-game-of-hide-and-seek-what-were-watching-in-december-244643

‘Everything is Country’: these 4 projects blend First Nations knowledge and science to rewrite our understanding of the past

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sally Hurst, Adjunct Fellow – Faculty of Science and Engineering, Macquarie University

Anaiwan Elder and cultural knowledge holder Uncle Les Ahoy at Bulagaranda near Armidale, NSW. From the Rola[STONE] documentary, 2022. Marissa Betts and Mike Terry

A lot of things scientists study are part of Country – the lands, waters and skies to which First Nations peoples are connected. In Australia, there has to date been little respect for the significance or value of cultural knowledge in scientific practice.

Here is how one of us (Steve Ahoy, Anaiwan Elder and cultural knowledge holder) puts his perspective:

Everything is Country. To Aboriginal people, fossils are artefacts. We don’t see or distinguish between our artefacts and a fossil. Our artefacts come from Mother Earth; a fossil comes from Mother Earth. I come from the Earth. I walk the Earth. I die, I go back to the Earth. The Earth can continue without us. We can’t continue without the Earth.

In our new research, we explored four grassroots initiatives promoting First Nations cultural knowledge alongside Western scientific knowledge. These initiatives show these two perspectives can complement one another and together create a rich tapestry of knowledge about the past.

Institutional distrust

In Australia, especially on land that does not have exclusive Native Title claim, it is not common practice for Earth scientists to consult with local First Nations communities to seek permission before extracting materials such as fossils, rocks or minerals. Archaeologists are required to consult with First Nations communities, but the developers they advise often have no obligation to change their actions in response to the consultation.

Museums have traditionally been warehouses for both natural and cultural heritage collections. However, a history of colonial collecting practices has led to deep-rooted distrust in these institutions among First Nations communities.

As Ahoy puts it:

In my experience, I have never seen a museum freely engage with our community and say ‘Hey, we’ve got your stuff, do you want it back?’ It’s always us having to go through the authorities to […] force the return of our cultural heritage.

Grassroots initiatives represent more trusted ways to protect and communicate about heritage.

1. Found a Fossil project

Fossils and First Nations artefacts are different in their formation, preservation and significance. However, both can be found across the vast Australian landscape, and members of the general public often uncover these objects.

Legislation surrounding the protection of fossils and First Nations artefacts varies across land types and differs in each state and territory in Australia. Information about these rules can be vague, confusing and difficult to find (if it exists at all).

This situation has led to many serious misunderstandings, especially propagation of myths about land reclamation – the idea that if you find Aboriginal cultural heritage on your property, your land could be taken away. (Ironically, removal from their land was exactly what many First Nations communities have historically faced.)

Screenshot of a website
The Found a Fossil website provides guidelines for heritage finds created in collaboration with First Nations community members, archaeologists, paleontologists and science communicators.
Found A Fossil

In 2021, one of us (Sally Hurst) started a project called Found a Fossil to understand what members of the Australian public might do if they discovered something, and to raise awareness of heritage protection in an accessible way.

The project surveyed members of the public about their knowledge and created a guide for what to do it if you find a fossil or artefact, in consultation with First Nations peoples, palaeontologists and archaeologists.

The project is the first of its kind in Australia. It acknowledges and promotes the deep connection between natural and cultural heritage, and the need to protect it into the future.

2. Museum of Stone Tools

The Museum of Stone Tools is a digital, open-access collection of 3D models of artefacts. As an online repository, the museum allows in-depth exploration and knowledge sharing, without issues associated with managing physical collections.

The platform has allowed universities and physical museums, students, archaeologists and First Nations groups to use these digital objects for cultural training, education and managing heritage, even when an object has been returned to Country.

Website screenshot showing a stone tool and information
The Museum of Stone Tools interface, showing a 3D model of an Aboriginal stone tool from the traditional Country of the Widi people.
Museum of Stone Tools

3. Broome dinosaur trackways

In Western Australia, on what former premier Colin Barnett once called “an unremarkable beach” near Broome in the state’s north, thousands of dinosaur footprints are preserved in rocks exposed by shifting sands.

The tracks have been a part of Dreaming stories of the peoples of the West Coast Saltwater Sun Down law and cultural group, traditionally known as Goolarabooloo, for thousands of years. Some of the tracks left by three-toed feet, for example, are associated with a creator-being known as Marala, or the “Emu-man”.

Photo of an Aboriginal man sitting on a large rock that carries the impression of a huge three-toed foot.
Goolarabooloo Maja (Law Boss) Richard Hunter alongside dinosaur tracks subsequently named Walmadanyichnus hunteri (Hunter’s mark of Walmadany).
Steven Salisbury

In 2015, after several years of collaborative research between palaeontologists from the University of Queensland and Goolarabooloo traditional custodians, the Dinosaur Coast Management Group was established. This is a not-for-profit collective comprising knowledge holders and other members of the Indigenous community along with professional, Western-trained palaeontologists and local dinosaur track enthusiasts.

The main purpose of the group is to inform the public about the significance of the coastline and its dinosaur tracks. The group also works with local interest groups to devise strategies to protect the area from impacts associated with greater numbers of visitors and coastal development. At the same time, the group works to create job opportunities for people in Broome, through educational activities and guided tours for visitors.

4. Rola[STONE] documentary

The documentary Rola[STONE] explores the connections between geology, landscape and cultural knowledge on Anaiwan Country around Armidale, New South Wales. One of us (geoscientist Marissa Betts), in collaboration with Anaiwan Elders, directed the film. It shows how the landscape can be read through a scientific lens and through the Dreaming stories of those who have deep connections to Country.

Rola[Stone] was filmed on Anaiwan Country, NSW, and won an award at the Earth Futures Film Festival in 2022.

Valuing layers of knowledge

These case studies show the potential of positive engagement with First Nations peoples, communities and knowledge. They show there are myriad ways to dovetail multiple and different perspectives to promote mutual, two-way benefits.

In Ahoy’s words:

We want people to work with us, instead of us being forced to work with them. Building transparent, educational partnerships is the only way we can guarantee the free two-way flow of information.

Scientists and others working in Western institutions have the opportunity to create meaningful collaborations with First Nations peoples to promote their voices, and share cultural knowledge for the benefit of both parties. In this way we can weave together not just a rich story of the past, but of our future.

The Conversation

Sally Hurst created and works for the Found a Fossil project.

Marissa Betts directed the documentary Rola[STONE] discussed in this article.

Steve Ahoy featured in the documentary Rola[STONE] discussed in this article.

ref. ‘Everything is Country’: these 4 projects blend First Nations knowledge and science to rewrite our understanding of the past – https://theconversation.com/everything-is-country-these-4-projects-blend-first-nations-knowledge-and-science-to-rewrite-our-understanding-of-the-past-243578

Australia has long aligned with the US on sanctions. With Trump’s return, this is an increasingly dangerous approach

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Dehm, Senior Lecturer, International Migration and Refugee Law, University of Technology Sydney

Last month, US Republican lawmakers renewed calls to sanction officials of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in retaliation for the arrest warrants it issued against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant.

In contrast, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong reiterated the need to respect the “independence of the ICC and its important role in upholding international law”.

These divergent responses highlight a core problem with Australia’s current approach to sanctions, which is the topic of an ongoing Senate inquiry.

Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Birmingham initiated the review to seek ways to better align Australia’s sanctions with those of allies like the US.

Instead, the review should be an opportunity to reset this flawed principle of alignment in favour of an approach grounded in core principles of international law.

Australia’s history of sanctions

Sanctions are official measures that prohibit trade and economic relations with particular states or individuals for a range of reasons. These can include to pressure a state to change its behaviour, enforce international norms or isolate individuals for unlawful behaviour.

Australia’s sanctions regime is made up of two categories:

  • sanctions that implement decisions of the UN Security Council

  • “autonomous” sanctions that Australia applies unilaterally.

Historically, Australian sanctions have at times preceded Security Council action. In the mid-1960s, Australia followed the United Kingdom in sanctioning the white supremacist rule in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) before the council adopted sanctions.

Australia also sanctioned apartheid-era South Africa in the mid-1980s in the absence of Security Council action – and in the face of initial opposition from the UK and US.

Since 2011, Australian legislation grants the foreign minister broad discretionary powers to impose unilateral sanctions on other countries. This system has recently been expanded to include sanctions of individuals engaged in corruption and serious abuses of human rights.

Australia now imposes a range of sanctions autonomously, including travel bans and freezing of financial assets. This includes sanctions on the political and military leaders of Myanmar, Zimbabwe and Russia.

In practice, Australia has a policy of aligning its nominally “autonomous” sanctions decision-making with its so-called like-minded partners, such as the US.

For example, Australia has so far decided not to unilaterally impose sanctions on Israel’s political and military leadership. This is despite sustained civil society pressure and a historic ruling of the International Court of Justice.

Foreign Minister Penny Wong defended the decision on the basis that “going it alone gets us nowhere”.

When Australia applies sanctions, we coordinate with partners. That’s what makes them effective.

Dangers of a ‘like-minded partners’ approach

Yet, this rhetorical appeal to alignment with “like-minded partners” fails to recognise the dangers of such an approach.

For one, it risks drawing Australia further into the geostrategic competition between the US and China, in which sanctions are fast becoming a central tool. The US is increasingly using sanctions to punish China (and other adversaries) or stymie their development, while blocking attempts to sanction its friends, notably Israel.

The US is overwhelmingly the world’s biggest user of unilateral sanctions. Between 2001-21, it increased its sanctions designations by a stunning 933%.

The proliferation of US sanctions has only intensified since then. In 2023, the US added a total of 2,500 entities and individuals to its “Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons” list. This is a significant increase from its annual average of 815 people in previous years.

Australia lacks the resources to adequately investigate this volume of sanctions designations. In practice, alignment often amounts to simply copying sanctions from the US, UK or European Union.

The commitment to aligning sanctions with those of allies also puts Australia at odds with some of our neighbours. Many Asian countries view US unilateral sanctions as unlawful coercion that infringes on their sovereign rights.

In April, diplomats from 32 states, including China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Vietnam, supported a motion in the UN Human Rights Council that urged states to refrain from imposing unilateral sanctions in ways that are not consistent with international law. It said:

they are contrary to the [UN] Charter and norms and principles governing peaceful relations among states.

The UN General Assembly has also passed numerous resolutions criticising the imposition of certain unilateral sanctions. This shows the US reliance on sanctions is the global outlier.

This is perhaps clearest regarding the US embargo of Cuba, in place since 1960. Last month, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution renewing its long-standing call for the US to lift the embargo. It got near-unanimous support, with 187 states, including Australia, voting in favour. Only two states, the US and Israel, voted against. One abstained (Moldova).

What Trump is likely to do

While Trump has recently claimed he would like to use sanctions “as little as possible”, this is doubtful given his previous record.

The first Trump administration made economic sanctions its “foreign-policy weapon of choice”.

In addition to imposing sanctions against China, Iran and Venezuela (among others), the administration also sanctioned ICC officials for investigating US military personnel for alleged war crimes in Afghanistan.

Trump’s pick to be his new secretary of state, Marco Rubio, is a sanctions hawk. Following the Biden administration’s ending of ICC sanctions, he co-sponsored a bill in Congress to impose new sanctions on ICC employees and their families if they investigated the US or Israel.

Rubio has also made clear his opposition to sanctioning Israeli nationals. When the Biden administration sanctioned an Israeli entity and individual for “extremist settler violence” in the occupied West Bank, Rubio accused Secretary of State Antony Blinken of acting “to undercut our ally, Israel”.

Given this, we can assume the new Trump administration will revoke these sanctions against Israelis. We can also anticipate there will be pressure on Australia to remove the already limited sanctions it has imposed on a handful of Israeli settlers, to realign Australia’s approach with that of the new US administration.

A new approach

We recently co-authored a submission to the Senate inquiry that recalled Australia’s history of supporting anti-apartheid sanctions.

And we recommended that Australian sanctions law and decision-making be reoriented towards recognising core principles of international law, including the right of all people to self-determination.

This could be done through “a trigger mechanism” that automatically implements sanctions in accordance with decisions of the International Court of Justice concerning serious violations and abuses of human rights.

As the Trump administration potentially gears up to strengthen sanctions against perceived enemies while exempting friends, Australia should consider a different path.

Sara Dehm receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Jessica Whyte receives funding from the Australian Research Council

ref. Australia has long aligned with the US on sanctions. With Trump’s return, this is an increasingly dangerous approach – https://theconversation.com/australia-has-long-aligned-with-the-us-on-sanctions-with-trumps-return-this-is-an-increasingly-dangerous-approach-244632

Moana 2: The magic is missing in this half-baked Pacific sequel

REVIEW: By Sam Rillstone, RNZ News

Disney has returned to Motunui with Moana 2, a sequel to the 2016 hit Moana. But have they been able to recapture the magic?

This time, the story sees Moana (voiced by Auli’i Cravalho) setting out from her home island once again to try reconnect with the lost people of the ocean.

With the help of an unlikely crew and demigod Maui (Dwayne Johnson), she must reckon with an angry god and find a way to free a cursed island.

The first film was co-directed by John Musker and Ron Clements, two legendary writer directors from such fame as The Little Mermaid, Aladdin, Hercules, Treasure Planet and The Princess and the Frog.

They haven’t returned for the sequel, which is co-directed by David Derrick Jr, Jason Hand and Dana Ledoux Miller.

Moana 2 actually began as a Disney+ series before being retooled into a film earlier this year. While it moves the story of the world and the characters forward, the film feels like a slapstick and half-baked reworked TV show.

Moana 2.     RNZ Reviews

Thankfully, Auli’i Cravalho is still great as Moana; the vibrance and expression of her voice is wonderful. And it really is a movie centred mostly around her, which is a strength.

Two-dimensional crew
However, that also means that Moana’s little crew of friends are two-dimensional and not needed other than for a little inspiration here and there. Even Dwayne Johnson’s Maui feels a little less colourful this time around and a bit more of a plot device than actual character.

There is also a half-baked villain plot, with the character not really present and another who feels undercooked. It’s not until a small mid-credits scene where we get something of a hint, as well as what’s to come in a potential sequel film or series.

While Cravalho’s singing is lovely, unfortunately the songs of Moana 2 are not as memorable or catchy. And it certainly doesn’t help that Dwayne Johnson cannot sing or rap to save himself.

It’s wonderful to have a Pacific Island-centric story, and it’s got some great cultural representation, but Moana 2 could have been so much better.

While I’m obviously not the target audience, I really enjoyed the first one and I believe kids deserve good, smart movies. If there’s going to be another one, I hope they make it worth it.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

West Papua: Once was Papuan Independence Day, now facing ‘ecocide’, transmigration

On Papuan Independence Day, the focus is on discussing protests against Indonesia’s transmigration programme, environmental destruction, militarisation, and the struggle for self-determination. Te Aniwaniwa Paterson reports.

By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson of Te Ao Māori News

On 1 December 1961, West Papua’s national flag, known as the Morning Star, was raised for the first time as a declaration of West Papua’s independence from the Netherlands.

Sixty-three years later, West Papua is claimed by and occupied by Indonesia, which has banned the flag, which still carries aspirations for self-determination and liberation.

The flag continues to be raised globally on December 1 each year on what is still called “Papuan Independence Day”.

Region-wide protests
Protests have been building in West Papua since the new Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto announced the revival of the Transmigration Programme to West Papua.

This was declared a day after he came to power on October 21 and confirmed fears from West Papuans about Prabowo’s rise to power.

This is because Prabowo is a former general known for a trail of allegations of war crimes and human rights abuses in West Papua and East Timor to his name.

Transmigration’s role
The transmigration programme began before Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch colonial government, intended to reduce “overcrowding” in Java and to provide a workforce for plantations in Sumatra.

After independence ended and under Indonesian rule, the programme expanded and in 1969 transmigration to West Papua was started.

This was also the year of the controversial “Act of Free Choice” where a small group of Papuans were coerced by Indonesia into a unanimous vote against their independence.

In 2001 the state-backed transmigration programme ended but, by then, over three-quarters of a million Indonesians had been relocated to West Papua. Although the official transmigration stopped, migration of Indonesians continued via agriculture and development projects.

Indonesia has also said transmigration helps with cultural exchange to unite the West Papuans so they are one nation — “Indonesian”.

West Papuan human rights activist Rosa Moiwend said in the 1980s that Indonesians used the language of “humanising West Papuans” through erasing their indigenous identity.

“It’s a racist kind of thing because they think West Papuans were not fully human,” Moiwend said.

Pathway to environmental destruction
Papuans believe this was to dilute the Indigenous Melanesian population, and to secure the control of their natural resources, to conduct mining, oil and gas extraction and deforestation.

This is because in the past the transmigration programme was tied to agricultural settlements where, following the deforestation of conservation forests, Indonesian migrants worked on agricultural projects such as rice fields and palm oil plantations.

Octo Mote is the vice-president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). Earlier this year Te Ao Māori News interviewed Mote on the “ecocide and genocide” and the history of how Indonesia gained power over West Papua.

The ecology in West Papua was being damaged by mining, deforestation, and oil and gas extraction, he said. Mote said Indonesia wanted to “wipe them from the land and control their natural resources”.

He emphasised that defending West Papua meant defending the world, because New Guinea had the third-largest rainforest after the Amazon and Congo and was crucial for climate change mitigation as they sequester and store carbon.

Concerns grow over militarisation
Moiwend said the other concern right now was the National Strategic Project which developed projects to focus on Indonesian self-sufficiency in food and energy.

Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) started in 2011, so isn’t a new project, but it has failed to deliver many times and was described by Global Atlas of Environmental Justice as a “textbook land grab”.

The mega-project includes the deforestation of a million hectares for rice fields and an additional 600,000 hectares for sugar cane plantations that will be used to make bioethanol.

The project is managed by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture, and the private company, Jhonlin Group, owned by Haji Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad. Ironically, given the project has been promoted to address climate issues, Arsyad is a coal magnate, a primary industry responsible for man-made climate change.

Recently, the Indonesian government announced the deployment of five military battalions to the project site.

Conservation news website Mongabay reported that the villages in the project site had a population of 3000 people whereas a battalion consisted of usually 1000 soldiers, which meant there would be more soldiers than locals and the villagers said it felt as if their home would be turned into a “war zone”.

Merauke is where Moiwend’s village is and many of her cousins and family are protesting and, although there haven’t been any incidents yet, with increased militarisation she feared for the lives of her family as the Indonesian military had killed civilians in the past.

Destruction of spiritual ancestors
The destruction of the environment was also the killing of their dema (spiritual ancestors), she said.

The dema represented and protected different components of nature, with a dema for fish, the sago palm, and the coconut tree.

Traditionally when planting taro, kumara or yam, they chanted and sang for the dema of those plants to ensure an abundant harvest.

Moiwend said they connected to their identity through calling on the name of the dema that was their totem.

She said her totem was the coconut and when she needed healing she would find a coconut tree, drink coconut water, and call to the dema for help.

There were places where the dema lived that humans were not meant to enter but many sacred forests had been deforested.

She said the Indonesians had destroyed their food sources, their connection to their spirituality as well destroying their humanity.

“Anim Ha means the great human being,” she said, “to become a great human being you have to have a certain quality of life, and one quality of life is the connection to your dema, your spiritual realm.”

Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. Republished with permission.

Raising the West Papuan Morning Star flag in Tāmaki Makaurau in 2023. Image: Te Ao Māori News

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Tjibaou’s party unveils plan for New Caledonia’s future ‘independence’

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

New Caledonia’s largest pro-independence party, the Union Calédonienne (UC), has unveiled the main outcome of its congress last weekend, including its plans for the French Pacific territory’s political future.

Speaking at a news conference on Thursday in Nouméa, the party’s newly-elected executive bureau, now headed by Emmanuel Tjibaou, debriefed the media about the main resolutions made during its congress.

One of the motions was specifically concerning a timeframe for New Caledonia’s road to independence.

Tjibaou said UC now envisaged that one of the milestones on this road to sovereignty would be the signing of a “Kanaky Agreement”, at the latest on 24 September 2025 — a highly symbolic date as this was the day of France’s annexation of New Caledonia in 1853.

‘Kanaky Agreement’ by 24 September 2025?
This, he said, would mark the beginning of a five-year “transition period” from “2025 to 2030” that would be concluded by New Caledonia becoming fully sovereign under a status yet to be defined.

Several wordings have recently been advanced by stakeholders from around the political spectrum.

Depending on the pro-independence and pro-France sympathies, these have varied from “shared sovereignty”, “independence in partnership”, “independence-association” and, more recently, from the also divided pro-France loyalists camp, an “internal federalism” (Le Rassemblement-LR party) or a “territorial federation” (Les Loyalistes).

Charismatic pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou, Emmanuel’s father who was assassinated in 1989, was known for being an advocate of a relativist approach to the term “independence”, to which he usually preferred to adjunct the pragmatic term “inter-dependence”.

Founding FLNKS leader Jean Marie Tjibaou in Kanaky New Caledonia in 1985 . . . assassinated four years later. Image: David Robie/Café Pacific

Negotiations between all political parties and the French State are expected to begin in the next few weeks.

The talks (between pro-independence, anti-independence parties and the French State) are scheduled in such a way that all parties manage to reach a comprehensive and inclusive political agreement no later than March 2025.

The talks had completely stalled after the pro-indeoendence riots broke out on 13 May 2024.

Over the past three years, following three referendums (2018, 2020, 2021, the latter being strongly challenged by the pro-independence side) on the question of independence (all yielding a majority in favour of New Caledonia remaining part of France), there had been several attempts to hold inclusive talks in order to discuss New Caledonia’s political future.

But UC and other parties (including pro-France and pro-independence) did not manage to sit at the same table.

Speaking to journalists, Emmanuel Tjibaou confirmed that under its new leadership, UC was now willing to return to the negotiating table.

He said “May 13 has stopped our advances in those exchanges” but “now is the time to build the road to full sovereignty”.

Back to the negotiating table
In the footsteps of those expected negotiations, heavy campaigning will follow to prepare for crucial provincial elections to be held no later than November 2025.

The five years of “transition” (2025-2030), would be used to transfer the remaining “regal” powers from France as well as putting in place “a political, financial and international” framework, accompanied by the French State, Tjibaou elaborated.

And after the transitional period, UC’s president said a new phase of talks could start to put in place what he terms “interdependence conventions on some of the ‘regal’ — main — powers” (defence, law and order, foreign affairs, currency).

Tjibaou said this project could resemble a sort of independence in partnership, a “shared sovereignty”, a concept that was strongly suggested early November 2024 by visiting French Senate President Gérard Larcher.

But Tjibaou said there was a difference in the sense that those discussions on sharing would only take place once all the powers have been transferred from France.

“You can only share sovereignty if you have obtained it first”, he told local media.

One of the other resolutions from its congress held last weekend in the small village of Mia (Canala) was to reiterate its call to liberate Christian Téin, appointed president of the FLNKS (Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front) in absentia late August, even though he is currently imprisoned in Mulhouse (north-east of France) pending his trial.

Allegations over May riots
He is alleged to have been involved in the organisation of the demonstrations that degenerated into the May 13 riots, arson, looting and a deadly toll of 13 people, several hundred injured and material damage estimated at some 2.2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion).

Tjibaou also said that within a currently divided pro-independence movement, he hoped that a reunification process and “clarification” would be possible with other components of FLNKS, namely the Progressist Union in Melanesia (UPM) and the Kanak Liberation Party (PALIKA).

Since August 2024, both UPM and PALIKA have de facto withdrawn with FLNKS’s political bureau, saying they no longer recognised themselves in the way the movement had radicalised.

In 1988, after half a decade of a quasi civil war, Jean-Marie Tjibaou signed the Matignon-Oudinot agreements with New Caledonia’s pro-France and anti-independence leader Jacques Lafleur.

The third signatory was the French State.

One year later, in 1989, Tjibaou was shot dead by a hard-line pro-independence militant.

His son Emmanuel was aged 13 at the time.

‘Common destiny’
In 1998, a new agreement, the Nouméa Accord, was signed, with a focus on increased autonomy, the notions of “common destiny” and a local “citizenship” and a gradual transfer of powers from France.

After the three referendums held between 2018 and 2021, the Nouméa Accord prescribed that if there had been three referendums rejecting independence, then political stakeholders should “meet to examine the situation thus generated”.

On Thursday, Union Calédonienne also stressed that the Nouméa Accord remained the founding document of all future political discussions.

“We are sticking to the Nouméa Accord because it is this document that brings us to the elements of accession to sovereignty”.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Protesters condemn Fiji ‘complicity, silence’ over Israel’s Gaza genocide

Asia Pacific Report

A Fiji solidarity group for the Palestinians has accused the Rabuka-led coalition government of “complicity” in Israel’s genocide and relentless war in Gaza that has killed more than 44,000 people — mostly women and children — over the past year.

The Fijians4Palestine have called on the Fiji government to “uphold the principles of peace, justice, and human rights that our nation cherishes”.

“We urge our leaders to use their diplomatic channels to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the conflict, to support international efforts in providing humanitarian aid to the affected regions, and to publicly express solidarity with the Palestinian people, reflecting the sentiments of many Fijians,” the movement said in a statement  marking the UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.

The group said it was “ashamed that the Fiji government continues to vote for the genocide and occupation of Palestinians”.

It said that it expected the Fiji government to enforce arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel’s former defence minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.

The Fijians4Palestine group’s statement said:

It has been over one year since Israel began its genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.

Over the past year, Israeli attacks have killed more than 44,000 Palestinians living in Gaza, equal to 1 out of every 55 people living there.

At least 16,756 children have been killed, the highest number of children recorded in a single year of conflict over the past two decades. More than 17,000 children have lost one or both parents.

At least 97,303 people are injured in Gaza — equal to one in 23 people.

According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, every day 10 children lose one or both legs, with operations and amputations conducted with little or no anaesthesia due to Israel’s ongoing siege.

In addition to the killed and injured, more than 10,000 people are feared buried under the rubble.

A Fiji protester with a “Your silence kills” placard rebuking the Fiji government for its stance on Israeli’s war on Gaza. Image: FWCC

With few tools to remove rubble and rescue those trapped beneath concrete, volunteers and civil defence workers rely on their bare hands.

We, the #Fijians4Palestine Solidarity Network join the global voices demanding a permanent ceasefire and an end to the violence. We express our unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people.

The Palestinian struggle is not just a regional issue; it is a testament to the resilience of a people who, despite facing impossible odds, continue to fight for their right to exist, freedom, and dignity. Their struggle resonates with all who believe in justice, equality, and the fundamental rights of every human being.

Families torn apart
The images of destruction, the stories of families torn apart, and the cries of children caught in the crossfire are heart-wrenching. These are not mere statistics or distant news stories; these are real people with hopes, dreams, and aspirations, much like us.

As Fijians, we have always prided ourselves on our commitment to peace, unity, and humanity. Our rich cultural heritage and shared values teach us the importance of standing up for what is right, even when it is not popular or convenient.

Today, we stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people, not out of political allegiance but out of a shared belief in humanity, justice, and the inalienable human rights of every individual.

We unequivocally condemn the State of Israel for its actions that amount to war crimes, genocide, and apartheid against the Palestinian people. The deliberate targeting of civilians, the disproportionate use of force, and the destruction of essential infrastructure, including hospitals and schools, are in clear violation of international humanitarian law.

The intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group is evident. The continuous displacement of Palestinians, the destruction of their homes, and the systematic erasure of their history and culture are indicative of genocidal intent.

The State of Israel’s policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, characterised by racial segregation, discrimination, and domination, amount to apartheid as defined under international law.

Oppressive regime
The construction of settlements, the separation wall, and the system of checkpoints are manifestations of this oppressive regime. Palestinians are subjected to different laws, regulations, and treatments based on their ethnicity, clearly violating the principle of equality.

We call upon the Fiji government to uphold the principles of peace, justice, and human rights that our nation cherishes. We urge our leaders to use their diplomatic channels to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the conflict, to support international efforts in providing humanitarian aid to the affected regions, and to publicly express solidarity with the Palestinian people, reflecting the sentiments of many Fijians.

We are ashamed that the Fiji government continues to vote for the genocide and occupation of Palestinians. We expect our government to enforce arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel’s former defence minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.

The silence of the Fiji government is complicity, and history will not forgive their inaction.

Our solidarity with the Palestinian people is a testament to our shared humanity. We believe in a world where diversity, is treated with dignity and respect. We dream of a future where children in Gaza can play without fear, where families can live without the shadow of war, and where the Palestinian people can finally enjoy the peace and freedom they so rightly deserve.

There can be no peace without justice, and we stand in unity with all people and territories struggling for self-determination and freedom from occupation.

The Pacific cannot be an Ocean of Peace without freedom and self determination in Palestine, West Papua, Kanaky and all oppressed territories.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Australian printmaker Ruth Faerber has died aged 102. She never stopped making art

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Mendelssohn, Honorary Senior Fellow, School of Culture and Communication. Editor in chief, Design and Art of Australia Online, The University of Melbourne

In 1974, when a local Sydney newspaper wrote on the success of two local artists, they were introduced using their husband’s names. Ruth Faerber, who has died aged 102, was named as “Mrs Hans (Ruth) Faerber of Castle Cove”.

This was later expanded to indicate the “housewife, mother of two is the wife of Hans Faerber, a design engineer”, before describing her prizewinning work and noting she was also the art critic of the Jewish Times.

Ever polite, always elegant, Faerber never vocally contested such categorisations. However, from girlhood until her extreme old age, she was first and foremost an artist.

A young interest in art

Ruth Levy was born in the Sydney suburb of Woollahra, on October 9 1922. After a less than pleasant experience at Sydney Girls High with an art teacher she later described as an “absolute whacko”, she became a boarding student at Ravenswood.

Here, she was inspired by her teacher Gladys Gibbons and introduced to printmaking as an art. When Ruth told her father she wanted to leave school and be an artist, he agreed on the condition that “you’ve got to be able earn your own living”.

She enrolled at Peter Dodd’s Commercial Art School. Dodd’s friends included the radical modernists Frank and Margel Hinder, recently arrived from the United States, giving the students a surprisingly radical art education.

Two years later, as the impact of World War II led to young women being encouraged to take the jobs of departed men, the 17-year-old worked as a junior commercial artist.

At the Market Printery she was introduced to photogravure printing and made her first experimental etching.

Ruth continued her studies at East Sydney Technical College. In 1944 she enrolled in Desiderius Orban’s Rowe Street Studio. The refugee Hungarian artist taught that rules were to be broken, that artists must experiment, and to have faith in her creativity.

These were lessons she never forgot.

Making a life as an artist

In 1946, Ruth married Hans Faerber, a young design engineer who had escaped from Germany in 1938.

Despite postwar cultural pressures prescribing that women should solely devote themselves to their families, Ruth continued to paint, turning the garage into her studio and running children’s art classes from home. She wanted to learn printmaking but in Sydney this was not possible: the only lithography course was limited to printing apprentices, and only men were eligible to apply.

In 1961 Joy Ewart donated her lithography press to create Sydney’s first public access print workshop at the Willoughby Arts Centre. Faerber became one of its most active participants.

In 1963, the year of her first solo exhibition, the family moved to a house on Sydney’s north shore. Her new studio was built into the base of the cliff. To provide safe access without the bother of planning permission, Hans removed the floor of the broom cupboard and placed a ladder down to the studio.

Faerber’s ability to disappear into a cupboard straight after dinner did sometimes disconcert her children and visitors, but it gave her time to make art as she worked through the night.

Continual experiments

By 1968 her prints had been acquired by the National Gallery of Victoria and the Art Gallery of NSW, but she knew she needed to learn more.

She received a scholarship for New York City’s Pratt Center. In New York, she saw Rauschenberg’s Experiments in Art & Technology and remembered Orban’s dictum to constantly experiment. She started to use spray paint as a medium and to incorporate photographic images in her work. One print includes a newspaper photograph of Leonard Cohen, made after she saw him perform.

Her return to Australia saw continual experiments. She also began to write, becoming the art critic for the Australian Jewish News. Her reviews were characterised by a generosity of spirit, especially noticing artists at the beginning of their careers. Women and printmakers were favoured subjects.

One of the most significant costs for printmakers is the cost of imported handmade paper. In 1980, Faerber was invited to attend the first hand paper-making workshop at the Tasmanian School of Art’s Jabberwock Mill.

There she realised the possibilities of paper as a medium rather than as a surface.

She abandoned standard shapes. Her experiments with paper became irregular, then sculptural. Paper began to be made with different materials, including tapioca flour and cold tea. She found if she sprayed a paper sculpture with the kind of aerosol paint designed for cars, she could simulate an impression of aged stone.

While she kept a close eye on the latest technical developments, her best tools of trade were sometimes found in the home. Electric frying pans, food processors and a microwave oven were repurposed to make art. An ironing board with a mesh base was used as a press for making paper. She had a long fascination with archaeological sites, realising how fragile civilisations and human life may be.

As she became physically frail, Faerber changed her practice towards making digital prints, seeing how far she could stretch the new media to her ends.

The Conversation

Joanna Mendelssohn has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council

ref. Australian printmaker Ruth Faerber has died aged 102. She never stopped making art – https://theconversation.com/australian-printmaker-ruth-faerber-has-died-aged-102-she-never-stopped-making-art-230119

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