Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Cliff, Professor of Occupational Health and Safety in Mining, The University of Queensland

On Sunday August 7 1994, an explosion at the Moura No 2 underground coal mine in Queensland led to the deaths of 11 miners. This tragedy was the catalyst for a major shakeup in the approach to safety in all kinds of mines around Australia over the late 1990s and early 2000s.

Since that time, we have seen major improvements in safety performance. In 2003, there were 12.4 fatalities per 100,000 workers; a decade later the figure was down to 3.4.

However, since then progress has slowed if not stalled. Despite the industry’s adoption of risk management systems, competency training, and a shift away from prescriptive regulation in the years following Moura, the rate of deaths and serious injuries has barely changed over the past decade.

Given the huge size and variety of Australia’s mining industry, and the inherent dangers of the work, we may never reach a time when there are no deaths. But zero fatalities must still be the goal.

A rise in ‘one-off’ incidents

In the past, most deaths were due to what are called “principal hazards”. These are major incidents such as fires, explosions and mine flooding that can kill or injure many people.

Most safety work has, for good reason, focused on these hazards, and by my count they are today involved in fewer than 20% of deaths. What this means is that today’s tragedy landscape is more diffuse, with fatalities scattered across a range of different scenarios.

Now, most deaths are the result of “one-off” events such as being struck by objects, caught in machinery, falling from heights, or vehicle collisions. Addressing all these possibilities is more complex.

Mental health, fatigue, staff turnover

Human factors also loom large. Despite a huge increase in mine automation and remote operation technologies that reduce workers’ exposure to hazards, there are indications of worsening mental health, rising fatigue and high staff turnover, which can erode corporate knowledge.

Read more:
Mine workers and their families suffer the toll of shift work

Psychological and social problems such as these affect an estimated 20% of the modern mining workforce. Although there are fewer workers on site, they are often under huge production pressures and the rosters can be very tough on family life.

Poor mental health can compromise decision-making and reduce vigilance, leading to safety problems.

Slow, steady improvement

There are some promising developments. The “critical control management” approach already adopted by Rio Tinto and Newmont, among others, has been highly effective. This is a method that identifies a relatively small number of vital controls that can prevent serious incidents, and directs resources towards rigorously designing, implementing and maintaining them.

We are also likely to see future safety gains from better equipment design, further advances in automation and remote operation, and mental health initiatives, such as Western Australia’s Mental Awareness, Respect and Safety program.

But in an industry that has still averaged eight fatalities per year over the past decade, more safety reform is overdue. While new technologies and initiatives may be helpful, none will be a “silver bullet”.

Queensland alone has staged three “safety resets” in the past five years, with little result. Real safety improvement will be slow and steady, and will come from diligently and consistently applying proven safety management techniques.

David Cliff has received funding from many different sources including various major mining companies and government regulatory agencies such as Resources Safety And Health Queensland, research funding from various independent and industry funded agencies such as the Australian Coal Association Research Program. He is a member of the Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, the Mine Managers Association of Australia and various professional bodies such as the Australian Institute of Occupational Health and Safety, and the Royal Australian Chemical Institute.

– ref. How safe are Australia’s mines? New analysis shows reform has been stalled for a decade – https://theconversation.com/how-safe-are-australias-mines-new-analysis-shows-reform-has-been-stalled-for-a-decade-225789

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Gibson, Senior Lecturer in Health Psychology, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

All levels of research are being changed by the rise of artificial intelligence (AI). Don’t have time to read that journal article? AI-powered tools such as TLDRthis will summarise it for you.

Struggling to find relevant sources for your review? Inciteful will list suitable articles with just the click of a button. Are your human research participants too expensive or complicated to manage? Not a problem – try synthetic participants instead.

Each of these tools suggests AI could be superior to humans in outlining and explaining concepts or ideas. But can humans be replaced when it comes to qualitative research?

This is something we recently had to grapple with while carrying out unrelated research into mobile dating during the COVID-19 pandemic. And what we found should temper enthusiasm for artificial responses over the words of human participants.

Encountering AI in our research

Our research is looking at how people might navigate mobile dating during the pandemic in Aotearoa New Zealand. Our aim was to explore broader social responses to mobile dating as the pandemic progressed and as public health mandates changed over time.

As part of this ongoing research, we prompt participants to develop stories in response to hypothetical scenarios.

Read more:
What happens when we outsource boring but important work to AI? Research shows we forget how to do it ourselves

In 2021 and 2022 we received a wide range of intriguing and quirky responses from 110 New Zealanders recruited through Facebook. Each participant received a gift voucher for their time.

Participants described characters navigating the challenges of “Zoom dates” and clashing over vaccination statuses or wearing masks. Others wrote passionate love stories with eyebrow-raising details. Some even broke the fourth wall and wrote directly to us, complaining about the mandatory word length of their stories or the quality of our prompts.

These responses captured the highs and lows of online dating, the boredom and loneliness of lockdown, and the thrills and despair of finding love during the time of COVID-19.

But, perhaps most of all, these responses reminded us of the idiosyncratic and irreverent aspects of human participation in research – the unexpected directions participants go in, or even the unsolicited feedback you can receive when doing research.

But in the latest round of our study in late 2023, something had clearly changed across the 60 stories we received.

This time many of the stories felt “off”. Word choices were quite stilted or overly formal. And each story was quite moralistic in terms of what one “should” do in a situation.

Using AI detection tools, such as ZeroGPT, we concluded participants – or even bots – were using AI to generate story answers for them, possibly to receive the gift voucher for minimal effort.

Contrary to claims that AI can sufficiently replicate human participants in research, we found AI-generated stories to be woeful.

We were reminded that an essential ingredient of any social research is for the data to be based on lived experience.

Is AI the problem?

Perhap the biggest threat to human research is not AI, but rather the philosophy that underscores it.

It is worth noting the majority of claims about AI’s capabilities to replace humans come from computer scientists or quantitative social scientists. In these types of studies, human reasoning or behaviour is often measured through scorecards or yes/no statements.

This approach necessarily fits human experience into a framework that can be more easily analysed through computational or artificial interpretation.

In contrast, we are qualitative researchers who are interested in the messy, emotional, lived experience of people’s perspectives on dating. We were drawn to the thrills and disappointments participants originally pointed to with online dating, the frustrations and challenges of trying to use dating apps, as well as the opportunities they might create for intimacy during a time of lockdowns and evolving health mandates.

Read more:
AI is in danger of becoming too male – new research

In general, we found AI poorly simulated these experiences.

Some might accept generative AI is here to stay, or that AI should be viewed as offering various tools to researchers. Other researchers might retreat to forms of data collection, such as surveys, that might minimise the interference of unwanted AI participation.

But, based on our recent research experience, we believe theoretically-driven, qualitative social research is best equipped to detect and protect against AI interference.

There are additional implications for research. The threat of AI as an unwanted participant means researchers will have to work longer or harder to spot imposter participants.

Academic institutions need to start developing policies and practices to reduce the burden on individual researchers trying to carry out research in the changing AI environment.

Regardless of researchers’ theoretical orientation, how we work to limit the involvement of AI is a question for anyone interested in understanding human perspectives or experiences. If anything, the limitations of AI reemphasise the importance of being human in social research.

Alexandra Gibson receives funding from Te Apārangi – Royal Society of New Zealand.

Alex Beattie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Something felt ‘off’ – how AI messed with our human research, and what we learned – https://theconversation.com/something-felt-off-how-ai-messed-with-our-human-research-and-what-we-learned-225555

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Hall, Professor of International Relations, Griffith University

India will soon hold the biggest election ever conducted, starting on April 19 and running through early June. Almost 950 million registered voters will be able to cast ballots to elect the 543 members of the Lok Sabha, the lower house of parliament.

The result is not a foregone conclusion, but most analysts expect Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to win another five years in office. After a decade in power, the opinion polls suggest Modi is still well regarded by many Indians and the main opposition parties do not command wide support.

Slow growth, too few jobs

This situation might strike some as odd. The Modi government’s record is mixed – especially in managing the economy – and has disappointed many voters.

To be sure, as the prime minister frequently reminds voters, India has grown faster than many competitors in recent years. But the BJP came to office ten years ago promising double-digit growth rates and it has never achieved that goal.

Worse still, it has struggled to generate jobs for the millions of young people who need them.

Critics point to errors in BJP economic policy they think have stifled growth and job creation. These include:

• the shock inflicted in 2016 by the sudden withdrawal of 85% of India’s paper money, ostensibly to combat corruption

• the bungled introduction of much-needed reforms to the agricultural sector

• and the ongoing protection of India’s big industrial conglomerates from domestic and foreign competition.

Taken together, critics charge, these mistakes have left too many people in precarious work and held back investment in manufacturing, which could offer more people more jobs.

Shoring up a Hindu nationalist base

Why, then, do so many Indians still support the Modi government?

Part of the answer lies in the BJP’s ability to appeal to multiple constituencies with targeted messages.

Ruling India effectively depends on constructing and maintaining coalitions – either coalitions of parties or coalitions of voters. Modi’s BJP does both. It is supported by several smaller parties in parliament, but more important in terms of winning elections, is the patchwork quilt of different groups of voters it can marshal.

At the centre of this quilt sits a group of convinced Hindu nationalists, motivated by an ideology known as “Hindutva”. They argue that India’s society and government should reflect what they believe is the will of the Hindu majority, numbering about 80% of the population.

For decades, they have campaigned to end what they perceive as unreasonable special protections given to religious minorities, including for places of worship and faith-based divorce and child custody laws, as well as the autonomous status of the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Step by step, over the past decade, the Modi government has met many of these demands, locking in the Hindu nationalist base for the BJP.

In 2019, it revoked the constitutional amendments that limited New Delhi’s rights to determine how Kashmir is governed.

Earlier this year, the prime minister also presided over the opening ceremony of a new Hindu temple at Ayodhya, on the site of mosque demolished by Hindu nationalist activists in 1992.

Read more:
Why a controversial Hindu temple in India could prove pivotal to Narendra Modi’s party in upcoming elections

Soon after, the government announced a controversial new law will come into effect that will allow Hindus, Sikhs and others fleeing neighbouring Muslim-majority countries to gain Indian citizenship, but may permit the deportation of Muslims deemed to be illegal immigrants.

And many believe a “uniform civil code” will be next, imposing common marriage, alimony and custody arrangements on all Indian citizens, regardless of religion.

Courting women and urban, middle-class voters

The Hindu nationalist core is powerful, but it is not large enough to give the BJP all the seats it needs to govern.

For that reason, the party has also tried to win over the growing urban middle class. This group is less interested in cultural issues and more concerned with good governance, as well as India’s standing in the world.

In the last two elections, the BJP won their support by promising to crack down on corruption, improve the country’s business environment, build better infrastructure and restore national pride. It is promising to push on with this program so it can hold on to this bloc of voters, and it likely will, in the absence of convincing alternatives.

At the same time, the BJP will continue to seek the support of the rural poor and women, who might back left-wing parties or not vote at all.

To appeal to these groups in recent years, the Modi government has doubled the funding for a rural income guarantee scheme, and launched other programs, including one to provide midday meals to schoolchildren.

It has facilitated the opening of bank accounts for tens of millions, including women. This allows them – in principle, at least – to circumvent corrupt officials and feckless husbands when it comes to receiving welfare payments.

The government has also provided millions of rural homes with toilets and cooking gas bottles, arguing both make women safer.

These measures have paid off so far, with more of the rural poor and more women voting for the BJP in recent elections.

This time around, the party is looking to consolidate support among women, in particular. It has shepherded a new gender quota bill through parliament, which will require one third of Lok Sabha seats to be reserved for women from 2029, among other measures.

A divided and weak opposition

The Modi government’s success in winning over these groups is impressive, but it must be noted the BJP has never gained more than 40% of the popular vote in a national election. If it faced a united and effective opposition, it might struggle to win office.

Happily for the BJP, India’s opposition parties are divided and weak. If they could join forces and put their support behind a single, strong candidate to challenge the BJP in individual districts, they might win more seats. However, negotiations to do this have proved tortuous.

Worse still, the fragile opposition alliance has not yet named a credible alternative candidate for the prime ministership.

Congress Party leader Rahul Gandhi, the scion of the Nehru-Gandhi family that led India after independence, is an obvious choice, but is widely seen as an ineffectual dilettante. Successful regional politicians like West Bengal’s Mamata Banerjee have limited reach beyond their own states.

Meanwhile, Modi’s personal popularity is high. His modest background and personal charisma still appeal to the young and the aspirational, especially in caste groups historically excluded from power and wealth.

Defeating such a dominant figure will be hard, if not impossible.

Ian Hall is affiliated with the Australia India Institute.

– ref. Narendra Modi’s economy isn’t booming for India’s unemployed youth. So, why is his party favoured to win another election? – https://theconversation.com/narendra-modis-economy-isnt-booming-for-indias-unemployed-youth-so-why-is-his-party-favoured-to-win-another-election-224868

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer McCann, Lecturer Nutrition Sciences, Institute for Physical Activity and Nutrition, Deakin University

Toddler milk is popular and becoming more so. Just over a third of Australian toddlers drink it. Parents spend hundreds of millions of dollars on it globally. Around the world, toddler milk makes up nearly half of total formula milk sales, with a 200% growth since 2005. Growth is expected to continue.

We’re concerned about the growing popularity of toddler milk – about its nutritional content, cost, how it’s marketed, and about the impact on the health and feeding of young children. Some of us voiced our concerns on the ABC’s 7.30 program recently.

But what’s in toddler milk? How does it compare to cow’s milk? How did it become so popular?

Read more:
Misleading food labels contribute to babies and toddlers eating too much sugar. 3 things parents can do

What is toddler milk? Is it healthy?

Toddler milk is marketed as appropriate for children aged one to three years. This ultra-processed food contains:

• skim milk powder (cow, soy or goat)

• vegetable oil

• sugars (including added sugars)

• emulsifiers (to help bind the ingredients and improve the texture)

• added vitamins and minerals.

Toddler milk is usually lower in calcium and protein, and higher in sugar and calories than regular cow’s milk. Depending on the brand, a serve of toddler milk can contain as much sugar as a soft drink.

Even though toddler milks have added vitamins and minerals, these are found in and better absorbed from regular foods and breastmilk. Toddlers do not need the level of nutrients found in these products if they are eating a varied diet.

Global health authorities, including the World Health Organization (WHO), and Australia’s National Health and Medical Research Council, do not recommend toddler milk for healthy toddlers.

Some children with specific metabolic or dietary medical problems might need tailored alternatives to cow’s milk. However, these products generally are not toddler milks and would be a specific product prescribed by a health-care provider.

Toddler milk is also up to four to five times more expensive than regular cow’s milk. “Premium” toddler milk (the same product, with higher levels of vitamins and minerals) is more expensive.

With the cost-of-living crisis, this means families might choose to go without other essentials to afford toddler milk.

Read more:
8 everyday foods you might not realise are ultra processed – and how to spot them

How toddler milk was invented

Toddler milk was created so infant formula companies could get around rules preventing them from advertising their infant formula.

When manufacturers claim benefits of their toddler milk, many parents assume these claimed benefits apply to infant formula (known as cross-promotion). In other words, marketing toddler milks also boosts interest in their infant formula.

Manufacturers also create brand loyalty and recognition by making the labels of their toddler milk look similar to their infant formula. For parents who used infant formula, toddler milk is positioned as the next stage in feeding.

Read more:
If you’re feeding with formula, here’s what you can do to promote your baby’s healthy growth

How toddler milk became so popular

Toddler milk is heavily marketed. Parents are told toddler milk is healthy and provides extra nutrition. Marketing tells parents it will benefit their child’s growth and development, their brain function and their immune system.

Toddler milk is also presented as a solution to fussy eating, which is common in toddlers.

However, regularly drinking toddler milk could increase the risk of fussiness as it reduces opportunities for toddlers to try new foods. It’s also sweet, needs no chewing, and essentially displaces energy and nutrients that whole foods provide.

Read more:
How to tell if your kid’s ‘fussy eating’ phase is normal

Growing concern

The WHO, along with public health academics, has been raising concerns about the marketing of toddler milk for years.

In Australia, moves to curb how toddler milk is promoted have gone nowhere. Toddler milk is in a category of foods that are allowed to be fortified (to have vitamins and minerals added), with no marketing restrictions. The Australian Competition & Consumer Commission also has concerns about the rise of toddler milk marketing. Despite this, there is no change in how it’s regulated.

This is in contrast to voluntary marketing restrictions in Australia for infant formula.

What needs to happen?

There is enough evidence to show the marketing of commercial milk formula, including toddler milk, influences parents and undermines child health.

So governments need to act to protect parents from this marketing, and to put child health over profits.

Public health authorities and advocates, including us, are calling for the restriction of marketing (not selling) of all formula products for infants and toddlers from birth through to age three years.

Ideally, this would be mandatory, government-enforced marketing restrictions as opposed to industry self-regulation in place currently for infant formulas.

Read more:
Essays on health: how food companies can sneak bias into scientific research

We musn’t blame parents

Toddlers are eating more processed foods (including toddler milk) than ever because time-poor parents are seeking a convenient option to ensure their child is getting adequate nutrition.

Formula manufacturers have used this information, and created a demand for an unnecessary product.

Parents want to do the best for their toddlers, but they need to know the marketing behind toddler milks is misleading.

Toddler milk is an unnecessary, unhealthy, expensive product. Toddlers just need whole foods and breastmilk, and/or cow’s milk or a non-dairy, milk alternative.

If parents are worried about their child’s eating, they should see a health-care professional.

Anthea Rhodes, a paediatrician from Royal Children’s Hospital Melbourne and a lecturer at the University of Melbourne, co-authored this article.

Jennifer McCann is a researcher with the Institute for Physical Activity and Nutrition (IPAN), a co-chair of the Infant and Toddler Foods Alliance, and a member of the Public Health Association of Australia.

Karleen Gribble is a member of the Public Health Association of Australia, the World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative, the Australian Breastfeeding Association, the Infant and Toddler Food Research Alliance and the Infant and Young Child Feeding in Emergencies Core Group.

Naomi Hull is a member of, and volunteers for, the Australian Breastfeeding Association and is a member of the Public Health Association of Australia. She is also an executive on the Infant and Toddler Food Research Alliance. Naomi is the National Coordinator for the World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative Australia.

– ref. Why is toddler milk so popular? Follow the money – https://theconversation.com/why-is-toddler-milk-so-popular-follow-the-money-225668

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Pourmousavi Kani, Senior Lecturer of Electrical and Mechanical Engineering, University of Adelaide

Billions of dollars are being spent worldwide to modernise electricity grids with smart meters. These meters promise to save households money by making it easier for us to understand and manage our energy use. However, our new research suggests these promises might not be fully delivered due to a lack of access to high-resolution, real-time energy data.

Smart meters are the enabling technology of modern smart electricity grids. Smart grids can use digital technology to fine-tune the management of electricity supply and demand. This ensures the grid can deliver low-cost and reliable power.

Countries like Australia are racing to install smart meters extensively. Last year the Australian Energy Market Commission recommended a goal of 100% uptake among small customers by 2030. In response, an Australian Energy Council article suggested these meters aren’t living up to their potential.

This isn’t just an Australian problem – it’s a global challenge. Our research offers a solution to unleash the promised benefits of smart meters at least cost. From improving data transmission to protecting our privacy, there’s a lot we can do to make our energy systems smarter and fairer for everyone.

Why do we need a truly smart grid?

Our demand for electricity is set to soar as the push to electrify everything gains momentum. The Victorian government, for instance, has banned gas in new homes from 2024.

The International Energy Agency forecasts a 3.4% annual rise in electricity consumption from 2024 to 2026. As transportation electrifies, electricity’s share could increase from 1% in 2018 to 49% by 2050.

Read more:
Cooking (and heating) without gas: what are the impacts of shifting to all-electric homes?

To meet this growing demand while cutting carbon emissions, we must ramp up renewable energy production. However, the unpredictable nature of wind and solar power presents challenges for the grid.

To manage highly variable supply and demand, we need to digitise our grid. Advanced technologies such as sensors, machine-learning algorithms and cloud computing will enable us to optimise electricity generation, distribution and consumption.

Smart meters are the cornerstone of such a system. They can provide the detailed, real-time data needed for smart grid applications.

Smart meter deployment has surged globally. The smart meter market is forecast to grow from US$17.5 billion ($A26.6 billion) in 2024 to US$31.8 billion by 2028.

Our research sheds light on this global deployment and its significant challenges.

Read more:
A successful energy transition depends on managing when people use power. So how do we make demand more flexible?

What will better data allow us to do?

Grid modernisation and smart meters came with big promises of saving money for consumers. This hasn’t happened. The reason is that many direct benefits to consumers require high-resolution data – and the required level of fine detail in real time isn’t being provided.

For example, as a direct benefit to consumers, some machine-learning techniques can help households optimise their energy use by providing insights into exactly how much electricity each appliance is using and when. This information could enable them to lower their electricity bill. These tools can also detect abnormal usage patterns, allowing timely intervention and maintenance of faulty appliances.

However, these applications and other smart grid benefits for consumers all require high-resolution data.

Read more:
The National Electricity Market wasn’t made for a renewable energy future. Here’s how to fix it

What obstacles must be overcome?

We found three major reasons for the current limitations of smart-metering infrastructure.

Data transmission is the first big challenge. High-resolution and more frequent data means a higher volume of numbers, which leads to more delays or disruptions to data transmission.

The second challenge is the data warehousing needed for huge volumes of data. It’s expensive too.

Building and running a data warehouse costs US$19,000–$25,000 per terabyte each year. Upgrading from hourly data to every two seconds requires 1,800 times the storage, at an extra cost of US$36 million! And that’s not counting maintenance, backups, or sharing the data.

The third major issue is data privacy. The data can also be exploited by attackers. They could figure out what appliances you have, your home setup, or even your habits.

This can lead to criminal activities or serious invasion of privacy. For example, people could be tracked based on their vehicle-charging patterns.

Even law enforcement uses electricity data in court cases. One case involved the detection of indoor marijuana growing.

A way forward at the cheapest cost

Ideally, we need a solution that tackles all the issues using the smart meters we already have. Our solution is based on discovering repeated patterns within electricity usage data, then dividing these data into two parts.

It’s like a book divided into piles of papers and page numbers, with each then handed to different parties. Neither the page alone nor the page numbers make sense until they are combined.

Similarly, we suggest dividing detailed data into smaller patterns called codewords and their daily representations. We’d send only representations to the data centre, letting users keep their codewords to ensure their privacy.

Patterns of energy use often repeat. By using a single codeword to represent multiple days of similar consumption, we can greatly reduce the amount of data that needs to be transmitted. This would cut data communication and warehousing costs.

Continuous research on software, hardware and regulations is needed to refine the proposed framework for the stages of data collection, transmission, storage and analysis.

It’s important for modern energy consumers to be aware that as well as consuming and generating energy (from rooftop solar systems), they also generate data through their smart meters. This data asset is becoming increasingly valuable in the transition to the net-zero era.

Ali Pourmousavi Kani receives funding from Future Battery Industry Cooperative Research Centre (FBICRC) and Watts AS (from Denmark) for his research. He also has done and is currently involved with consulting jobs that are available in his resume. None are related to the topic of this article.

Rui Yuan receives funding from the Australian Government Research Training Program and Watts AS (Denmark) for his PhD research. He currently affiliates with Watts AS.

– ref. Smart meters haven’t delivered the promised benefits to electricity users. Here’s a way to fix the problems – https://theconversation.com/smart-meters-havent-delivered-the-promised-benefits-to-electricity-users-heres-a-way-to-fix-the-problems-225346

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nick Garvin, Adjunct Fellow, Department of Economics, Macquarie University

This article is part of The Conversation’s series examining the housing crisis. Read the other articles in the series here.

If just one state of Australia, New South Wales, scrapped its stamp duty on real-estate transactions, about 100,000 more Australians would move homes each year, according to our best estimates.

Stamp duty is an unquestioned part of buying a home in Australia – you put your details in an online mortgage calculator, and stamp duty is automatically deducted from the amount you have to contribute.

It’s easy to overlook how much more affordable a home would be without it.

That means it’s also easy to overlook how much more Australians would buy and move if stamp duty wasn’t there.

The 2010 Henry Tax Review found stamp duty was inequitable. It taxes most the people who most need to or want to move.

The review reported:

Ideally, there would be no role for any stamp duties, including conveyancing stamp duties, in a modern Australian tax system. Recognising the revenue needs of the States, the removal of stamp duty should be achieved through a switch to more efficient taxes, such as those levied on broad consumption or land bases.

But does stamp duty actually stop anyone moving? It’s a claim more often made than assessed, which is what our team at the e61 Institute set out to do.

We used real-estate transaction data and a natural experiment.

What happened when Queensland hiked stamp duty

In 2011, Queensland hiked stamp duty for most buyers by removing some concessions for owner-occupiers at short notice.

For owner-occupiers it increased stamp duty by about one percentage point, lifting the average rate from 1.26% of the purchase price to 2.27%.

What we found gives us the best estimate to date of what stamp duty does to home purchases.

A one percentage point increase in stamp duty causes the number of home purchases to decline by 7.2%.

The number of moves (changes of address) falls by about as much.

The effect appears to be indiscriminate. Purchases of houses fell about as much as purchases of apartments, and purchases in cities fell about as much as purchases in regions.

Moves between suburbs and moves interstate dropped by similar rates.

With NSW stamp duty currently averaging about 3.5% of the purchase price, our estimates suggest there would be about 25% more purchases and moves by home owners if it were scrapped completely. That’s 100,000 moves.

Victoria’s higher rate of stamp duty, about 4.2%, means if it was scrapped there would be about 30% more purchases. That’s another 90,000 moves.

Even low headline rates have big effects

The big effect from small-looking headline rates ought not to be surprising.

When someone buys a home, they typically front up much less cash than the purchase price. While stamp duty seems low as a percentage of the purchase price, it is high as a percentage of the cash the buyer needs to find.

Here’s an example. If stamp duty is 4% of the purchase price, and a purchaser pays $800,000 for a property with a mortgage deposit of $160,000, the $32,000 stamp duty adds 20%, not 4%, to what’s needed.

If the deposit takes five years to save, stamp duty makes it six.

A similar thing happens when an owner-occupier changes address. If the buyer sells a fully owned home for $700,000 and buys a new home for $800,000, the upgrade ought to cost them $100,000. A 4% stamp duty lifts that to $132,000.

Averaged across all Australian cities, stamp duty costs about five months of after-tax earnings. In Sydney and Melbourne, it’s six.

Read more:
Stamp duty isn’t going anywhere until we agree on what will replace it

Stamp duty has bracket creep

This cost has steadily climbed from around six weeks of total earnings in the 1990s. It has happened because home prices have climbed faster than incomes and because stamp duty has brackets, meaning more buyers have been pushed into higher ones.

Replacing the stamp duty revenue that states have come to rely on would not be easy, but a switch would almost certainly help the economy function better.

The more that people are able to move, the more they will move to jobs to which they are better suited, boosting productivity.

The more that people downsize when they want to, the more housing will be made available for others.

Our findings suggest the costs are far from trivial, making a switch away from stamp duty worthwhile, even if it is disruptive and takes time.

Nick Garvin is affiliated with e61 Institute.

– ref. Stamp duty is holding us back from moving homes – we’ve worked out how much – https://theconversation.com/stamp-duty-is-holding-us-back-from-moving-homes-weve-worked-out-how-much-225773

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Australia’s top economists are pressing Prime Minister Anthony Albanese not to ape US President Joe Biden’s “think big” approach to clean energy.

Biden’s so-called Inflation Reduction Act – dubbed the largest climate investment in US history – directs nearly US$400 billion (A$605 billion) in federal funding to support clean energy through tax breaks, grants and loan guarantees. Its goal is to halve US emissions by 2035.

Among the biggest beneficiaries will be US firms producing hydrogen, wind turbines, solar cells and batteries.

In the lead-up to this year’s May budget, Albanese said that, like in the US, he wanted Australia’s government to be a partner in the energy transformation, not just an observer.

He wanted to “think big”.

While Australia need not go “dollar-for-dollar” against the US and other nations in the scale of its spending, it could go “toe-to-toe” on the impact of its programs.

Not dollar-for-dollar, not toe-to-toe

Today, in a survey commissioned by the Economic Society of Australia and The Conversation, an overwhelming majority of Australia’s pre-eminent economists cautioned against special support for projects that will drive the energy transition. Instead, most backed grants to innovative firms across the entire economy.

The 44 leading economists who took part have been recognised by their peers as Australia’s leaders in fields including economic modelling and budget policy.

Asked whether Australia should ape the US Inflation Reduction Act by subsidising firms in the same industries, provide access to credit for firms that would supply the US, or merely provide more grants to innovative firms across the entire economy, two-thirds voted for supporting innovation across the economy.

Only four wanted Australia to copy the US.

Two of the experts surveyed declined to pick an option. Economic modeller Warwick McKibbin said labour market and tax reforms were the best ways to encourage new firms. Energy specialist Frank Jotzo said government support needed to deliver returns to the nation, not just prop up company profits.

McKibbin said any support for particular Australian businesses should be in the form of contingent loans, ensuring successful recipients with high cash flows paid back a proportion of their profits.

Mark Cully, a former chief economist with the federal Department of Industry, said there was no point in going head-to-head or toe-to-toe with the United States, the European Union or South Korea in doing things such as making batteries.

Supply the US revolution, don’t copy it

Cully said Australia was well placed to supply the resources those countries will need to develop green industries as well as to benefit from what they produce.

But Australian investment in research and development has been falling as a share of GDP for a decade, endangering productivity. The public component of this investment is now just 0.5% of GDP, the least on record.

Funding should be directed to research and development across the economy through institutions such as the CSIRO and business-university linkages, steering clear of “picking winners”.

Speaking before last week’s announcement of A$840 million in government loans to support a rare earths mine backed by Australia’s richest person, Gina Rinehart, economic modeller Janine Dixon said Australia should do all it could to ensure the benefits of public investments stayed with the public rather than private companies.

Economist Saul Eslake said corporate rent-seeking (businesses getting special favours) helped Australia slide from being one of the richest countries in the world at federation to being about 26th by the early 1990s, when governments became less supportive.

John Quiggin supported advancing loans to firms that supplied US projects. He said while it was less than optimal, the government was almost certain to support manufacturing, and this was better than building AUKUS submarines.

Consultant Rana Roy, who voted for no government support, said Australia was experiencing the biggest dive in living standards in half a century. He said the government would be

better advised to spend the remaining months until the next election concentrating for once on the modest task of preventing a further collapse in Australian living standards.

The United States would shortly elect its next president and Congress. They might be much less well disposed to the Inflation Reduction Act, leaving Australia with little to respond to.

Impose conditions

Many of those surveyed reiterated their support for a carbon tax as the best way of cutting emissions. Many more bemoaned what they said was the futility of “picking winners”. Economist Stefanie Schurer said it had never been a good policy in the past, and would not be in the future, adding:

this remains true even if other countries do it.

While eschewing picking winners, economists Adrian Blundell-Wignall, David Byrne, Nicki Hutley and Lisa Magnani said a well-designed grants scheme could encourage investment if it ensured the recipients provided value for money.

Support should be temporary and come with conditions, as in the United States.

Individual responses. Click to open:

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation and serves on the Central Council of the Economic Society of Australia.

– ref. Economists say Australia shouldn’t try to transition to net zero by aping the mammoth US Inflation Reduction Act – https://theconversation.com/economists-say-australia-shouldnt-try-to-transition-to-net-zero-by-aping-the-mammoth-us-inflation-reduction-act-225568

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Harrington, Senior Lecturer in English and Cultural Studies, University of Canterbury

In the middle of the night, during a terrible thunderstorm, a sodden stranger knocks on Patrick’s door hoping to use a phone. Insomniac Patrick (Brendan Rock) is a paranoid, bearded loner who sits alone in his dimly-lit mobile home as if he is waiting for a dawn that may never come. The nameless, barefoot visitor (Jordan Cowan), a 20-something woman with long dark hair and haunted eyes, seems unsure if she’s stumbled across a saviour, or a predator.

This unexpected encounter opens the Australian psychological horror film You’ll Never Find Me, an unsettling and economical chamber piece that makes effective use of its limited location and its dialogue-heavy script.

Shifting identities

We begin the film unsure about either character’s identity or motivations. “I’m afraid you’ve knocked on the wrong door,” drawls Patrick mournfully.

He shows the visitor initially reluctant but surprisingly tender hospitality and she is uncertain how to respond. At time drags on, Patrick demonstrates a deep willingness to wax lyrical about his take on life’s difficulties. “It’s nice to pass the time with a stranger,” he confesses.

As the storm knocks out the power, it’s unclear whether the visitor will be able to leave. It’s also obvious something more ominous and perhaps infernal is unfolding.

Directed by Josiah Allen and Indianna Bell, the film offers a gothic, moody ambience. The mobile home is isolated from others in the park. It presents a claustrophobic environment and comes to be a character in its own right: it creaks and groans like a ship riding the waves.

The shadowy space seems simultaneously too cramped and too spacious, as if everything is being slowly sucked into the strange, curtained-off section at the back of the home. Ratty 1970s décor aside, time does not seem to be passing in a legible manner, something emphasised through an unsettling string-heavy score and slow, invasive tracking shots.

Information is doled out carefully. The visitor finds odd mementos stashed around the house and is confused at her own inability to keep her story straight. Patrick picks anxiously at the edges of forgotten memories, repeatedly describing the night, and his recollections, as “strange”.

Is this all an insomniac’s drifting thoughts, or the pair’s subjective experience of mutual distrust and paranoia? Has the young woman come looking for Patrick, or has he somehow summoned her?

A careful dance

You’ll Never Find Me builds successfully on a “golden decade” of Australian horror.

This period has showcased diverse innovative and internationally-acclaimed films, ranging from maternal horrors The Babadook (2014) and Relic (2020), to found footage 70s throwback Late Night with the Devil (2023) and runaway hit supernatural horror Talk to Me (2023).

Read more:
10 years of homegrown horror hits: Talk To Me and the golden age of Aussie horror

You’ll Never Find Me also illustrates the importance of an industry pipeline. Writer/director Bell and co-director Allen, as Stakeout Films, found earlier success with shorts Safe Space (2019), Call Connect. (2019) and The Recordist (2020), some of which also featured performances from Rock and Cowan. Each short plays across genres, featuring evocative soundscapes, moody lighting, tense relationships and claustrophobic settings.

These prior relationships are evident in the film’s confident tone and performances. Cowan and Rock have a compelling chemistry. Extreme close ups on their faces and bodies chart the film’s careful, slow-burn dance between threat and disclosure, or vulnerability and dread.

The pair move through odd, circular conversations about their life philosophies and past experiences, as if we are watching a play. We’re aware we are witnessing a careful dance – but for a long time it is unclear who might be the biggest threat to whom.

“You’re the one who knocked on my door,” Patrick reminds the visitor, as she becomes increasingly insistent about wanting to leave. Throughout, he posits whether this visitation was a matter of choice or chance, even as the true and terrible nature of the pair’s encounter makes itself known.

You’ll Never Find Me will appeal to audiences who appreciate a rich atmosphere, character-led drama, and creeping yet tense pacing.

For its many strengths, though, the film may divide audiences with its chaotic, surreal final act. As the pair’s conflict comes to a head, the world of the film tilts in a lurid burst of colour, and the narrative doglegs into a conceit that is challenging to pull off.

Some may see this climax as a fitting conclusion that upends some of our assumptions about character, relationships and motivation. Some, including myself, may find this nightmarish sequence, and the film’s denouement, displaces much of the film’s fine earlier work – particularly its manipulation of space and point-of-view – in a frustrating manner.

There is no doubt, though, this film exhibits a distinct sensibility, captivating performances and an exceptionally queasy atmosphere. It is further proof low-budget Australian horror is currently a site of significant innovation, and it successfully showcases Bell and Allen’s ability to do an awful lot with limited resources.

You’ll Never Find Me is out now in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand.

Read more:
‘Analog uncanny’: how this weird and experimental side of TikTok is forging the future of horror

Erin Harrington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘An exceptionally queasy atmosphere’: the unsettling new Aussie horror You’ll Never Find Me – https://theconversation.com/an-exceptionally-queasy-atmosphere-the-unsettling-new-aussie-horror-youll-never-find-me-222606

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ruth Wallace, Director, Northern Institute, Charles Darwin University

The federal and Northern Territory governments have just made a “historic” funding announcement of about A$1 billion for schools in the territory.

This includes an extra $737.7 million from the federal government and an extra $350 million from the NT government between 2025 and 2029. This would make the NT only the third Australian jurisdiction (after the ACT and Western Australia) to have “fully funded” public schools.

This means they would get 100% of the “Schooling Resource Standard” which was set up through the so-called Gonski reforms more than a decade ago. This determines how much funding schools get based on student needs.

Federal Education Minister Jason Clare described the announcement as a “historic day for public education in the Northern Territory”.

What is the funding for? What do NT schools and students need?

Read more:
As more money is flagged for WA schools, what does ‘fully funded’ really mean?

What is the funding for?

Governments say the funding will provide more resources to improve education outcomes in the NT. Funding will go to the most disadvantaged schools first. It also comes on top of $40.4 million dedicated specifically to Central Australian schools in last year’s federal budget.

We already know NT schools need extra support.

Late last month, the NT government released a review of secondary education in the territory, produced with Deloitte Access Economics in partnership with Charles Darwin University.

It found the territory’s education system had higher needs for specialised support for students and teachers than the rest of Australia.

These include high proportions of cultural and linguistic diversity. The territory has the highest proportion of students identifying as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander in Australia (39%). There are than 100 Aboriginal and about 87 other languages spoken in the region.

The population is also extremely geographically dispersed with at least 66% in remote or very remote communities.

There are also high levels of socioeconomic and educational disadvantage. For example, a 2022 report for the territory’s education department noted average household income in very remote areas of the NT was approximately 45% lower than the rest of Australia.

On top of this, there are significant teacher shortages.

The importance of student attendance

Funding is going to need to be flexible so schools can implement programs that meet their local needs.

This includes addressing student attendance at school, which remains a significant issue in the NT. In 2022, the overall attendance rate was 73% for public schools and 48% for very remote public schools. This rate refers to the proportion of time students attend school, compared to the time they are expected to attend.

The current NT government student engagement strategy found we need to address attendance through local programs, developed at the school level with support from education department teams. Ruth was the Chair of the Expert Reference Panel for this project.

The strategy was developed through extensive consultation with Indigenous communities and recognises students’ educational outcomes depends on four key areas:

1. partnership between families and schools

2. having educators with the skills to engage students

3. meaningful learning experiences

4. supporting students’ wellbeing, inclusion and diversity.

Read more:
Universities Accord: there’s a push to increase Indigenous students and voices in higher education. But we need more detail and funding

But we need more certainty

It is important to point out governments have so far only signed a “statement of intent”. This means there is no formal commitment yet to this funding.

And we don’t have any certainty beyond 2029.

The statement of intent is part of ongoing negotiations this year for a new National School Reform Agreement. This agreement will outline new policies for education reform from 2025. As part of this, all states and territories are making bilateral arrangements with the federal government over funding for their school systems.

We also need to acknowledge decades of educational underfunding cannot be reversed in four years. The funding levels required to improve targets around key elements such as early literacy skills, school attendance, NAPLAN results and Year 12 attainment need to be assessed (and potentially changed) through to and beyond 2029.

How do we make sure funding works?

The $1 billion flagged by governments will be fundamental to improving educational outcomes in the territory. Current funding arrangements are likely to continue cycles of disadvantage.

But ultimately, investment in NT students is more than just funding. It is about recognising and catering to the complex and unique nature of the educational environment, with culturally relevant teachers and high quality resources. This also needs to include culturally relevant assessment and reporting about student progress.

This – combined with funding certainty – would signal there is a long-term and genuine commitment to future of the NT and our children.

Read more:
What is the National School Reform Agreement and what does it have to do with school funding?

Through Charles Darwin University, Ruth Wallace works with the Northern Territory government and the federal government on a project basis. Ruth was a chief investigator in the NT Secondary Review and chair of the Expert Advisory Panel of the Effective Engagement Review both of which are mentioned in this article. The work is independent of NT government influence.

Through Charles Darwin University, Tracy Woodroffe works with the Northern Territory government and the federal government on a project basis. The work is independent of government influence.

Sally Knipe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. There’s an extra $1 billion on the table for NT schools. This could change lives if spent well – https://theconversation.com/theres-an-extra-1-billion-on-the-table-for-nt-schools-this-could-change-lives-if-spent-well-225678

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Grimmer, Senior Lecturer in Retail Marketing, University of Tasmania

Think of some of the world’s biggest brands: Nike, McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Apple. With what do you associate them? Are they positive associations? Now consider, do you trust them?

Brand trust is a measure of how customers feel about a brand in terms of how well the brand delivers on its promises. Trust is an important measure for any organisation, large or small.

Whether or not customers trust a brand can be the difference between choosing that brand’s products or services over another.

In Australia, Woolworths held the title of our most trusted brand for three and a half years. But recent cost-of-living pressures have put supermarkets in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons.

Roy Morgan Research’s most recent trust rankings show Woolworths has slipped to number two, handing its crown to hardware behemoth Bunnings.

Read more:
Brad Banducci checks out from Woolworths, signalling a business out-of-touch with its customers

It’s clear that trust is fragile and can be quickly squandered when brands lose touch with those they serve.

So what makes us trust a brand in the first place? And why do we trust some more than others?

What makes us trust a brand?

According to customer experience management firm Qualtrics, brand trust is

the confidence that customers have in a brand’s ability to deliver on what it promises. As a brand consistently meets the expectations it has set in the minds of customers, trust in that brand grows.

There are many ways to go about measuring brand trust. A typical first step is to ask lots of people what they think, collating their general opinions on product quality and the brand’s customer service experience.

This can be strengthened with more quantifiable elements, including:

• online ratings and reviews
• social media “sentiment” (positive, negative or neutral)
• corporate social responsibility activities
• philanthropic efforts
• customer data security and privacy.

Some surveys go even deeper, asking respondents to consider a brand’s vision and mission, its approaches to sustainability and worker standards, and how honest its advertising appears.

Is this a real and useful metric?

The qualitative methodology used by Roy Morgan to determine what Australian consumers think about 1,000 brands has been administered over two decades, so the data can be reliably compared across time.

On measures of both trust and distrust, it asks respondents which brands they trust and why. This approach is useful because it tells us which elements factor into brand trust judgements.

Customer responses about the survey’s most recent winner, Bunnings, show that customer service, product range, value-for-money pricing and generous returns policies are the key drivers of strong trust in its brand.

Here are some examples:

Great customer service. Love their welcoming staff. Whether it’s nuts and bolts or a new toilet seat, they have it all, value for money.

Great products and price and have a no quibble refund policy.

Great stock range, help is there if you need it and it is my go-to for my gardening and tool needs. Really convenient trading hours, and their return policy is good.

In addition to trust, there are three other metrics commonly used to assess brand performance:

• brand equity – the commercial or social value of consumer perceptions of a brand

• brand loyalty – consumer willingness to consistently choose one brand over others regardless of price or competitor’s efforts

• brand affinity – the emotional connection and common values between a brand and its customers.

However, trust is becoming a disproportionately important metric as consumers demand that companies provide increased transparency and exhibit greater care for their customers, not just their shareholders.

Why do Australians trust retailers so much?

Of Australia’s top ten most trusted brands, seven are retailers – Bunnings, Woolworths, Aldi, Coles, Kmart, Myer and Big W.

This stands in contrast with the United States, where the most trusted brands are predominantly from the healthcare sector.

So why do retail brands dominate our trust rankings?

They certainly aren’t small local businesses. Our retail sector is highly concentrated, dominated by a few giant retail brands.

We have only two major department stores (David Jones and Myer), three major discount department stores (Big W, Target and Kmart) and a supermarket “duopoly” (Coles and Woolworths).

It’s most likely then that these brands have been enjoying leftover goodwill from the pandemic.

As Australia closed down to tackle COVID-19, the retail sector, and in particular the grocery sector, was credited with enabling customers to safely access food and household goods.

Compared with many other countries, we did not see a predominance of empty shelves across Australia. Retailers in this country stepped up – implementing or improving their online shopping capabilities and ensuring physical stores followed health guidelines and protocols.

Now, with the pandemic behind us and in an environment of high inflation, the big two supermarkets face growing distrust and a public inquiry.

Lessons from the losers

After two high profile disasters, Optus finds itself the most distrusted brand in Australia.

Its companions in the “most distrusted” group include social media brands Meta (Facebook), TikTok and X.

Qantas, Medibank Private, Newscorp, Nestle and Amazon also made the top 10.

The main reason consumers distrust brands is for a perceived failure to live up to their promises and responsibilities.

For example, worker conditions at multinational firm Amazon are seen by some consumers as a reflection of questionable business practices.

Other brands may have earned a reputation for failing to deliver the basics, like when chronic flight delays and cancellations plagued many Qantas customers.

Read more:
The Optus outage shows us the perils of having vital networks in private hands

Lessons from the winners

On the flip side, consumers have rewarded budget-friendly retailers with increased trust in the most recent rankings.

Aldi, Kmart and Bunnings have improved their standing as trusted brands, no doubt in part because they have helped many Australian consumers deal with tight household budgets.

As discretionary consumer spending continues to tighten, we may see a more permanent consumer shopping shift towards value for money brands and discounters.

Trust is a fragile thing to maintain once earned. As we move through 2024, Australian companies must pay close attention to their most important asset – strong relationships with those they serve.

Louise Grimmer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bunnings has toppled Woolworths as Australia’s most “trusted” brand – what makes us trust a brand in the first place? – https://theconversation.com/bunnings-has-toppled-woolworths-as-australias-most-trusted-brand-what-makes-us-trust-a-brand-in-the-first-place-225578

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The Tasmanian state election is on March 23. A uComms poll for The Australia Institute, conducted March 4–5 from a sample of 1,174, gave the Liberals 37.1% of the vote, Labor 23.0%, the Greens 13.7%, the Jacqui Lambie Network 8.5%, independents 12.8% and others 5.0%.

The Liberals have governed since winning the 2014 election. If this poll’s Labor vote of 23% is accurate, that would be a dreadful result for Labor ten years after losing power.

By 46–36, respondents thought Tasmania was headed in the wrong, rather than right, direction. A breakdown by voting intentions shows large majorities of all non-Liberal voters thought Tasmania was headed in the wrong direction.

Tasmania uses the proportional Hare Clark system, with five electorates each returning seven members for a total of 35 lower house seats, up from 25 total seats at previous elections. A quota for election is one-eighth of the vote, or 12.5%.

Analyst Kevin Bonham said the Liberals would be expected to win 14 of the 35 seats if this poll is accurate, Labor ten, the Greens four, the JLN 2–3 and independents 4–5. The Liberals would be well short of the 18 needed for a majority, but much better placed to form government than Labor.

Bonham said that during the 2021 Tasmanian election campaign, uComms released a poll that greatly understated the Liberals. They have changed their methods since to include SMS as well as voice robopolling. They were accurate at the federal Dunkley byelection. Other recent Tasmanian polls also have the Liberals best placed to form a minority government.

Queensland Newspoll: 54–46 to LNP

The Queensland state election will be held in October. A Newspoll, conducted March 7–13 from a sample of 1,037, gave the Liberal National Party a 54–46 lead over Labor, representing a seven-point swing to the LNP since the October 2020 election. Primary votes were 42% LNP, 30% Labor, 13% Greens, 8% One Nation and 7% for all Others.

Labor Premier Steven Miles had a 49% dissatisfied, 38% satisfied rating (net -11), while LNP leader David Crisafulli was at net +14. Crisafulli led Miles as better premier by 43–37. Just 26% thought Labor deserved to be re-elected, while 58% thought it was time to give someone else a go. This is the first Queensland Newspoll since before the 2020 election.

After Miles replaced Annastacia Palaszczuk as Labor leader and premier in December, there were two relatively good uComms polls for Labor, with the one in mid-February having a 50–50 tie. But this poll is a reversion to bad polling for a government headed for defeat in October.

Labor has governed in Queensland since 2015, and it was easily the worst state for Labor at the 2022 federal election, so a defeat for Labor is the expected outcome.

On Saturday, there will be Queensland state byelections in Labor-held Inala and Ipswich West, and Queensland local government elections, including for the high-profile Brisbane City Council. Labor won Inala by 78.2–21.8 and Ipswich West by 64.3–35.7 against the LNP in 2020.

The Poll Bludger reported Friday that a DemosAU poll of the Brisbane City Council, conducted March 8–14 from a sample of 1,034, had the incumbent LNP Brisbane mayor leading Labor by 58–42, and the LNP also likely to retain their majority on the council.

Federal Freshwater poll steady at 51–49 to Labor

A national Freshwater poll for The Australian Financial Review, conducted March 8–10 from a sample of 1,051, gave Labor a 51–49 lead, unchanged since the February Freshwater poll. Primary votes were 39% Coalition (up one), 31% Labor (steady), 14% Greens (steady) and 16% for all Others (down one).

Albanese’s net approval was steady at -7, with 45% unfavourable and 37% favourable. Dutton’s net approval fell four points to -13. Albanese’s lead as preferred PM increased to 47–38 from 42–38 in February.

The Coalition’s lead over Labor on best to manage cost of living dropped to three points from six points in February, but they still led Labor by ten points on managing the economy. Cost of living was rated an important issue by 72%, up three since February, with housing second on 42%.

Essential poll: Labor regains slight lead

A national Essential poll, conducted March 6–10 from a sample of 1,126, gave Labor a 48–47 lead including undecided, a reversal of a 48–47 lead for the Coalition last fortnight. Primary votes were 35% Coalition (steady), 32% Labor (up two), 11% Greens (down two), 8% One Nation (up one), 2% UAP (steady), 8% for all Others (steady) and 5% undecided (up one).

Respondents were told that Australia spends $55.6 billion on defence, making it the fourth highest expense in the budget. On this spending, 51% thought it about the right amount, 29% too much and 20% not enough.

On Israel’s military action in Gaza, 37% thought Israel should permanently withdraw from Gaza, 20% agree to a temporary ceasefire and 18% thought Israel was justified in continuing its actions.

On Australia’s relationship with China, 67% thought it a complex relationship to be managed, 20% that China is a threat to be confronted and 13% that China is a positive opportunity to be realised. There was no change in these responses since March 2023.

On Australia’s role in global affairs, 38% thought we should be an independent middle power with influence in the Asia-Pacific region, 20% primarily an ally of the United States and 25% said we should do our best not to engage in world affairs.

Morgan poll and Cook byelection

A national Morgan poll, conducted March 4–10 from a sample of 1,714, gave Labor a 51.5–48.5 lead, a two-point gain for the Coalition since the previous week. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (up 1.5), 32% Labor (down two), 13% Greens (down 0.5), 4% One Nation (up 0.5), 9% independents (up 0.5) and 4% others (steady).

The byelection in former Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison’s seat of Cook will be held on April 13. At the 2022 election, Morrison defeated Labor by a 62.4–37.6 margin. Candidate nominations close next Thursday, with Labor not expected to contest.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Dire polls for Labor in Tasmania and Queensland with elections upcoming – https://theconversation.com/dire-polls-for-labor-in-tasmania-and-queensland-with-elections-upcoming-225455

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Taylor Brydges, Research Principal, University of Technology Sydney

Since the 1990s, fast fashion has enabled everyday people to buy the latest catwalk trends. But the sheer volume of garments being whipped up, sold and soon discarded is contributing to a global sustainability crisis.

Now, just when the fashion industry should be waking up and breaking free of this vicious cycle, it’s heading in the opposite direction. We’re on a downward spiral, from fast fashion to ultra-fast fashion. The amount of natural resources consumed and waste produced is snowballing.

Ultra-fast fashion is marked by even faster production cycles, blink-and-you’ll-miss-it trends, and poor labour practices. Brands like Shein, Boohoo and Cider are liberated from the concept of seasonal collections. Instead they are producing garments at breakneck speeds and self-generating microtrends such as balletcore, Barbiecore and even mermaidcore. At the same time there is limited transparency or accountability around clothing supply chains.

The overproduction and consumption of clothing cannot be allowed to continue. Without change, the industry will account for 26% of the world’s carbon budget for limiting global warming to 2°C by 2050. The fashion industry must take responsibility for its actions. Policymakers also have an important role to play in enabling the necessary shift towards a more responsible and circular fashion economy. And let’s not forget the power of consumers.

Read more:
To make our wardrobes sustainable, we must cut how many new clothes we buy by 75%

Cheap clothing at what cost?

It was once thought the pandemic would trigger a transition to a more sustainable fashion industry. Unfortunately in reality the industry is getting worse, not better.

Most ultra-fast fashion brands emerged in the late 2010s following the most well known, Shein, founded in 2008. These online, direct-to-consumer brands exploded in popularity during lockdowns, with Shein holding the title of the world’s most popular brand in 2020.

Established brands such as Gap introduce 12,000 new items a year and H&M 25,000. But Shein leaves them in the dust, listing 1.3 million items in the same amount of time. How is this even possible?

The ultra-fast fashion model thrives on data and addictive social media marketing to create insatiable consumer demand.

But Shein’s incredibly low prices (its website has thousands of items under A$5) come at a human cost. The company’s own 2021 Sustainability and Social Impact Report (later removed from the site) found only 2% of its factories and warehouses met its own worker safety standards, with the rest requiring corrective action.

The brand has also forgone in-house designers. Instead it works with independent suppliers who can design and manufacture a garment in two weeks.

The result is an incredibly profitable business model. Shein filed for an initial public offering (IPO) last year to value the brand at US$136 billion, up from US$2.5 billion in 2018.

Shifting from fast to ultra-fast fashion has serious environmental and social consequences. This includes even more exploitative labour practices. Shein garment workers reportedly work 75-hour weeks and warehouses operate 24/7.

Ignoring this shift isn’t just a fashion faux pas. Doing so jeopardises national efforts for a more sustainable fashion industry.

Read more:
Fast Fashion: Why garment workers’ lives are still in danger 10 years after Rana Plaza — Podcast

A seamless transition to sustainability

The Australian Fashion Council is leading a national product stewardship scheme called Seamless that promises to transform the fashion industry by 2030.

The idea is to bring fashion into the circular economy. Ultimately that means zero waste, but in the meantime raw materials would be kept in the supply chain for as long as possible by designing out and minimising waste.

Members will contribute a four-cent levy for every clothing item they produce or import.

These funds go into clothing collection, research, recycling projects and education campaigns.

BIG W, David Jones, Lorna Jane, Rip Curl, R.M. Williams, THE ICONIC, Sussan Group and Cotton On are Seamless Foundation Members. Each has contributed A$100,000 to the development of the scheme.

As one of the world’s first industry-led collective product stewardship initiatives for clothing textiles, Seamless presents a unique opportunity to drive change towards a more sustainable and circular fashion industry.

But there is a risk ultra-fast fashion brands may act as freeriders in Seamless, benefiting from the investment and initiatives without making meaningful contributions. Shein and others will continue putting more and more product on the market, which will need to be dealt with at the end of its short life. But if they fail to commit to the scheme, they won’t be the ones paying for that.

The government-funded consortium must also recognise ultra-fast fashion in tackling the industry’s environmental and social sustainability challenges. At the moment they’re only talking about fast fashion and ignoring the rise of ultra-fast fashion. Their global scan, for example, includes a discussion of fast fashion and no mention of ultra-fast fashion.

This also points to a lack of data more broadly in the industry but in the case of Seamless, it could have a big impact if this growing market segment is ignored.

Shein and Temu are estimated to earn a combined $2 billion in sales in 2024, with customers from all walks of life.

Read more:
Fast fashion’s waste problem could be solved by recycled textiles but brands need to help boost production

The critical crackdown

Some brands are actively engaged and working towards a more sustainable future. But others such as Temu are learning from Shein and looking to emulate their business model.

The transition to a more sustainable and responsible fashion industry requires a greater understanding of ultra-fast fashion, urgent systemic changes and collective efforts.

The Institute for Sustainable Futures, where I work, is a founding member of an international academic research network aimed at tackling the complexities of ultra-fast fashion. That includes how ultra-fast fashion is affecting the livelihoods of garment workers, how it’s fuelling textile waste and underscoring the industry’s struggle to embrace circular economy principles. We’re also investigating how to reshape consumer behaviour, away from social media-fuelled hauls towards more sustainable consumption particularly among Gen-Z consumers.

Last month, Federal Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek announced a potential intervention, perhaps by introducing minimum environmental standards or a clothing levy by July.

The clock is ticking. It is time to lay the foundation for a more sustainable and just fashion industry. Australia has a rich fashion history and is home to many leading local brands – many of whom have gone global. These brands show us what is possible when good design, sustainability and innovation drive an industry.

Ultimately, our collective choices wield immense power. By understanding the consequences of our fashion habits and advocating for change, we can all be catalysts for a more sustainable and just fashion industry.

Taylor Brydges is an Advisor to the Product Stewardship Centre of Excellence, which has provided mentorship to Seamless.

– ref. Ultra-fast fashion is a disturbing trend undermining efforts to make the whole industry more sustainable – https://theconversation.com/ultra-fast-fashion-is-a-disturbing-trend-undermining-efforts-to-make-the-whole-industry-more-sustainable-224253

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Huw Griffiths, Associate Professor of English Literature, University of Sydney

Walking through Chippendale on my way to Sydney’s Belvoir Street Theatre, where this production of Holding the Man is playing, I pass by the York Theatre. This was the theatre where, in 1985, Timothy Conigrave, author of the original memoir upon which the play is based, was rehearsing a touring show of Neil Simon’s Brighton Beach Memoirs. He had to excuse himself from one rehearsal for an appointment where he learned his HIV-positive diagnosis.

Then, walking up the hill to Surry Hills, I get to the Belvoir Street Theatre itself. Five years after that initial diagnosis, Conigrave’s play, Thieving Boy, was getting its first rehearsed reading at the Belvoir. He wasn’t able to attend because he’d been kept in hospital with Pneumocystis pneumonia, PCP, an AIDS-defining illness.

To watch this revival of Tommy Murphy’s beautifully crafted adaptation of Conigrave’s memoir at the Belvoir is to inhabit spaces that are filled with the book’s memories.

One of the things that memoir can do is to hold a space open for memories to live on in the world, personal memories that would otherwise be lost. Conigrave’s 1995 book, Holding the Man, is a rare gift, perfectly capturing what it was like to grow up gay in the decades just before the arrival of HIV.

Read more:
Holding the Man, and bringing HIV/AIDS in Australia to a mainstream audience

Noticing the small things

At the book’s heart is a joyous love story between Tim and his high school sweetheart, John Caleo. There is, of course, the overarching trajectory of John’s death and the impact of HIV on their friends and families. But the book works its remarkable magic on a reader by disarming you with the tiny details of somebody’s life.

It is the small things that are often the most affecting in Conigrave’s writing: what people were wearing, what they were listening to, how they looked in certain turns of the light, the awkwardness and fun of sex, what made them smile or laugh.

Eamon Flack’s production captures well – and with a lovely, light touch – this sense of fleeting memories that are, nevertheless, still available to us. Tom Conroy is superb in the central role. He takes us from nine-year-old Tim to grieving lover with all of the empathy and playfulness that the part requires. Neither Conigrave’s book nor Murphy’s script shy away from Tim’s flaws; he is, at times, petulant and selfish, but always charming, recognisable and human.

Conroy is joined by a wonderful cast: Danny Ball as John, his lover, but also an ensemble of four performers (Russell Dykstra, Rebecca Massey, Guy Simon and Shannen Alyce Quan) who cycle through all the other people in Tim’s life. They are all great, but special mentions for Massey who wears more wigs than Cher and revels in every part. Guy Simon’s two appearances as a schoolfriend’s mum are also an absolute joy.

The wit, charm and love of the opening act (schoolboy crushes, dancing, music and a lot of laughter) are balanced well with the pathos of the second half (the endurance of love, loss and tears, but also more laughter). Flack’s direction knits together the constant shifts in focus – an essential part of memoir and of memory plays – with an ease that only seems effortless; this is a compelling and skilful use of stage and script.

Read more:
Class, queerness and illness in the ‘post-crisis’ era: rewriting the narrative of HIV

A timely reminder

This is also a production that knows it is addressing an audience in 2024, not in 1995, when Conigrave’s book was first published, nor in 2006 when Murphy’s adaptation was first staged. We’ve lived through a lot since, not only the bruising marriage equality vote in Australia, but also a global sense that the lives of queer people might be newly under threat.

The lives and loves of gay men, our friends and families, are unavoidably threaded through (pulled apart and drawn together) by what happened in the 1980s and 1990s. This production is an important and timely reminder of what was lost, what was gained, and of the precious memories that we need to keep alive.

On the day of the opening night, the NSW parliament was hearing the first reading of a bill that would outlaw gay conversion practices, the victims of which testify to its corrosive and violent impact on their lives.

Here’s hoping the ban on such practices is one more step in restoring joy to the lives of queer kids in our city and state.

Holding the Man is at Belvoir, Sydney, until April 14.

Read more:
‘Treatments’ as torture: gay conversion therapy’s deep roots in Australia

Huw Griffiths does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Love, loss and tears – but also laughter: Belvoir’s compelling and skilful staging of Holding the Man – https://theconversation.com/love-loss-and-tears-but-also-laughter-belvoirs-compelling-and-skilful-staging-of-holding-the-man-223005

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cherine Fahd, Associate Professor Visual Communication, University of Technology Sydney

No photos of the war. No photos of its victims. No mention of the hundreds of photographers who have died taking them. We are a group of activists and artists who believe the future will be shaped by those who can see it. We stand together against the forces that refuse to let us. The future is being shaped by art festivals that choose what we see. Hiding behind the pretty face of diversity, while refusing to see the genocide.

This arresting public statement accompanies a series of large-scale street posters called no-photo2024. The anonymous artists and activists behind no-photo2024 are highlighting the exclusion of Palestinian photographers from the PHOTO 2024 festival, now showing in Melbourne.

The no-photo2024 posters are strategically placed near PHOTO 2024 venues. Their aim is to highlight the contradiction of excluding the atrocities captured by Palestinian photographers in Gaza.

Read more:
Australian media’s Instagram posts on Gaza war have an anti-Palestine bias. That has real-world consequences

PHOTO 2024

Although the organisation behind PHOTO 2024, Photo Australia, calls itself “apolitical”, the festival has built its reputation by promoting and commissioning politically charged works by First Nations, African, Middle Eastern and LGBTQI+ photographers. Big names from previous festivals include Hoda Afshar, Christian Thompson, Paul Mpagi Sepuya, Hayley Millar Baker, Broomberg and Chanarin, Mohamed Bourouissa and Aziz Hazara.

The festival commissions new work for outdoor projects and through an open call process invites submissions from artists and photographers worldwide. Applications are assessed by an international jury of leading photography and visual art curators. The festival also stages public programs and incorporates satellite events and exhibitions in collaboration with cultural, education, industry and regional partners.

The festival is well known for setting themes that promote photography’s role in challenging power. PHOTO 2021 explored the theme of “the truth” at the height of Donald Trump’s presidency, attracting projects focused on the reliability of photography in social media, fake news and AI. The program that year boasted supporting “First Nations truth-telling” and “the experience of whistleblowers who have spoken out for those whose voices were never meant to be heard”.

This year, the festival continues to promote socio-political issues with the theme “the future is shaped by those who can see it”. Events include an ideas summit exploring photography as activism, among other timely discussions. The hero image by Morroccan-Belgian photographer Mous Lamrabat presents two African models adorned in fashionable garments which read “stop terrorising our world”.

But there are no photographs from Palestinian photographers.

The Conversation approached PHOTO 2024 for comment. They said:

Over 150 artists are exhibiting at PHOTO 2024 International Festival of Photography, selected in response to a curatorial theme set in 2022. PHOTO Australia did not exclude any artists due to race, religion, nationality, age, disability, sexual orientation, gender identity or any other personal characteristics. PHOTO Australia stands by its values to create an inclusive platform that doesn’t discriminate, censor nor diminish the plethora of expressions artists bring to the world. Artists exhibited by PHOTO Australia were invited directly, or applied to our open call in February 2023 and were selected in consultation with local and international curators.

The majority of the program is presented by 40 cultural institutions and independent galleries who curated their own exhibitions in response to the theme, and selected artists according to their own curatorial policies.

The contract of photography

The no-photo2024 posters present a black square or rectangle symbolising a redacted photograph. Adjacent descriptive text reveals the hidden narrative of the censored image. Every poster is printed with a caption attributing the text description and the redacted image to a Palestinian photographer.

The juxtaposition of the redacted image and the textual description not only commemorates the efforts of Palestinian photographers but also prompts a broader reflection on the societal and ethical implications of selectively withholding images of atrocity from the public eye.

The posters expertly draw on the influential work of Israeli writer Ariella Azoulay and the outspoken Jewish-American theorist Judith Butler.

Azoulay’s The Civil Contract of Photography (2008) explores photography’s political and ethical conditions, proposing it as a social practice linked to citizenship, human rights and sovereignty – not just an art form.

She introduces the idea of a “civil contract” where photography acts as an agreement of mutuality and responsibility between the photographer, subject and the viewer.

Azoulay suggests photography can build solidarity. She argues photographs are a form of testimony, bearing witness to injustices and human rights violations. Significantly, she uses Palestine as a critical example of how photography can document the realities of occupation, conflict and resistance.

Azoulay challenges the age-old idea that photographs are simply past moments. She instead views them as active engagements that invite ethical and political participation. In no-photo2024 we have a precise example of putting Azoulay’s theory into practice.

The posters also draw on Judith Butler’s Precarious Life (2004) and Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? (2009).

Butler asserts the media’s portrayal of individuals through photography, crafts a narrative that privileges some lives over others. They argue the media dictates who we mourn and who we overlook.

This disparity results from deliberate choices in how images are framed based on politics and race. Hence, they write, our connection (or indifference) to the suffering of others through images is often manipulated, leading to “desensitisation” to the plight of those deemed “other” or less human, an argument first formulated in Susan Sontag’s equally influential Regarding the Pain of Others (2003).

Butler dissects how the media’s selective framing of the “other” (Palestinians, in the case of no-photo2024) not only obscures the true impact of violence and war but actively shapes our perception of who deserves to be mourned. Butler views photography’s dual role in perpetuating indifference and promoting a radical shift in our ethical orientation toward action.

Our shared, precarious world

no-photo2024 is a powerful call to action. It prompts collective reflection on how images hold the potential to bear witness to atrocities, mobilise public opinion, and contribute to the struggle for human rights and social justice.

One poster reads, “Rubble. Rubble hand. Rubble sleeve. Blooded finger. A fresh tea bag crushed between the rubble. Metal. Rubble. The shadow of a body”. The Instagram post documenting the paired poster states it is “installed near a commercial art gallery that demands silence on Palestine from its artists, fearing a loss of support from their patrons.”

In this post-photographic AI-driven age, no-photo2024 promotes a much needed conversation about the ethical responsibilities of creating, curating and consuming photographs. It challenges the photographic community to move beyond aesthetic appreciation and engage with images as participants in a shared, precarious world.

Read more:
Australian writers festivals are engulfed in controversy over the war in Gaza. How can they uphold their duty to public debate?

Cherine Fahd is co-chair of Powerhouse Photography.

– ref. Guerrilla festival no-photo2024 is highlighting the unseen work of Palestinian photographers in Gaza – https://theconversation.com/guerrilla-festival-no-photo2024-is-highlighting-the-unseen-work-of-palestinian-photographers-in-gaza-225182

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jacinta L. Johnson, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, University of South Australia

Hair loss (also known as alopecia) often affects the scalp but can occur anywhere on the body. It’s very common and usually nothing to worry about; about half of Australian men show signs of visible baldness at age 50 and over a quarter of Australian women report hair thinning by the same age. It’s often genetic.

But if you’ve noticed hair loss and are worried by it, see a GP or dermatologist for a diagnosis before trying any treatments. Products claiming to reverse hair loss are everywhere, but few have been scientifically tested for how well they work.

One group of products that have actually been scientifically tested, however, are known as topical minoxidil products. These include products such as Regaine®.

So, do they work? Here’s what the research evidence says, what you can realistically expect and what you need to know if you’re considering this treatment.

Read more:
The art of balding: a brief history of hairless men

What is minoxidil – and does it work?

Topical minoxidil usually comes as a kind of foam or serum you apply to your scalp.

It’s been approved by the Therapeutic Goods Administration, Australia’s regulatory authority for therapeutic goods, for the treatment of hereditary hair loss in males and females. Minoxidil is also available in tablet form, but this isn’t currently approved for hair loss (more on that later).

So, is topical minoxidil effective? In short – yes, but the results vary widely from person to person, and it needs to be used consistently over several months to see results.

Scientists don’t know exactly how minoxidil works. It may affect the different phases of the hair life cycle, thereby encouraging growth. It also opens up blood vessels near hair follicles.

This increases blood flow, which in turn delivers more oxygen and nutrients to the hair.

While minoxidil is unlikely to restore a full head of thick, lush, hair, it can slow down hair loss and can stimulate regrowth.

It is the over-the-counter option with the most evidence. Two strengths are available: 5% and 2%.

An analysis of randomised controlled trials found minoxidil applied to the scalp twice a day increased the number of hairs per square centimetre by eight to 15 hairs, with the higher strength treatment having a slightly greater effect.

Can I use it for non-genetic balding?

There are many causes of hair loss. The main cause in both males and females is a hereditary condition called androgenic alopecia.

Although topical minoxidil is only approved for use in Australia for androgenic alopecia, there is some evidence it can also help in other conditions that cause hair loss.

For example, it may hasten hair regrowth in patients who have lost hair due to chemotherapy.

Unfortunately, minoxidil is not effective when the hair follicle is gone, like after a burn injury.

Although small studies have found promising results using minoxidil to promote hair growth on the face (for beard or eyebrow enhancement), topical minoxidil products are not currently approved for this use. More research is required.

What else do I need to know?

Minoxidil won’t work well for everyone. Early in treatment you might notice a temporary increase in hair shedding, as it alters the hair cycle to make way for new growth. Minoxidil needs to be trialled for three to six months to determine if it’s effective.

And as it doesn’t cure hair loss, you must continue to use it each day to maintain the effect. If you stop, you will start losing the new hair growth within three to four months.

Minoxidil products may not be suitable for everyone. If you have any medical conditions or take any medications, you should speak with your doctor or pharmacist before using minoxidil products.

It has not been tested for safety in people under 18, over 65, or those who are pregnant.

You can read the consumer medicines information sheet for more information about using over-the-counter minoxidil products.

Many people do not like to use minoxidil solution or foams long-term because they need to be applied everyday day, which can be inconvenient. Or they may notice side effects, such as scalp irritation and changes to hair texture.

Some people tolerate the foam products better than the solution, as the solution contains more of a compound called propylene glycol (which can irritate the skin).

What about the oral tablet form of minoxidil?

Minoxidil is also available on prescription as an oral tablet. While traditionally used for high blood pressure, it has also been used as a treatment for hair loss.

In 2020, a systematic review identified 17 studies involving 634 patients using oral minoxidil for various hair loss conditions.

The authors found oral minoxidil was effective and generally well tolerated in healthy people who were having trouble using the topical products.

The review noted oral minoxidil may increase hair growth over the whole body and may cause heart-related side effects in some patients. More research is required.

In Australia, oral minoxidil is available under the trade name Loniten®. However, it is currently only approved for use in high blood pressure.

When people seek a prescription treatment for a non-approved purpose, this is called “off-label” prescribing. Off-label prescribing of oral minoxidil, potentially for use in alopecia, may have contributed to shortages of Loniten® tablets in recent years. This can reduce availability of this medicine for people who need it for high blood pressure.

Read more:
Big hair? Bald? How much difference your hair really makes to keep you cool or warm

Jacinta Johnson is Senior Pharmacist for Research within SA Pharmacy and Board Director for the Society of Hospital Pharmacists of Australia. In the last five years, she has received research funding or consultancy funds (for development and delivery of educational materials) from SA Health, the Medical Research Future Fund, the Hospital Research Foundation – Parkinson’s, the Pharmaceutical Society of Australia, the Pharmacy Guild of Australia, the Society of Hospital Pharmacists of Australia, Mundipharma Pty Ltd, Aspen Pharmacare Australia Pty Ltd, Viatris Pty Ltd. and Reckitt Benckiser (Australia) Pty Ltd. No funding has been received relating to minoxidil.

Kirsten Staff does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What is minoxidil, the anti-balding hair growth treatment? Here’s what the science says – https://theconversation.com/what-is-minoxidil-the-anti-balding-hair-growth-treatment-heres-what-the-science-says-223736

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alessandra Sutti, Associate Professor, Institute for Frontier Materials, Deakin University

Orbiting 400 kilometres above Earth’s surface, the astronauts on the International Space Station live a pretty normal social life, if not for one thing: they happily wear their unwashed clothes for days and weeks at a time. They can’t do their laundry just yet because water is scarce up there.

But down here on Earth, washing clothes is a large part of our lives. It’s estimated that a volume of water equivalent to 21,000 Olympic swimming pools is used every day for domestic laundry worldwide.

Fibres from our clothes make their way into the environment via the air (during use or in the dryer), water (washing) and soil (lint rubbish in landfill). Most of this fibre loss is invisible – we often only notice our favourite clothing is “disappearing” when it’s too late.

How can you ensure your favourite outfit will outlast your wish to wear it? Simple question, complex answer.

Washing machines are not gentle

When you clean the filters in your washing machine and dryer, how often do you stop to think that the lint you’re holding was, in fact, your clothes?

Laundering is harsh on our clothes, and research confirms this. Several factors play a role: the type of washing machine, the washing cycle, detergents, temperature, time, and the type of fabric and yarn construction.

There are two types of domestic washing machines: top-loader and front-loader. Mechanical agitation (the way the machine moves the clothes around) is one of the things that helps ease dirt off the fabric.

Top-loaders have a vertical, bucket-like basket with a paddle, which sloshes clothes around in a large volume of water. Front-loaders have a horizontal bucket which rotates, exposing the clothes to a smaller volume of water – it takes advantage of gravity, not paddles.

Top-loading machines tend to be more aggressive towards fabrics than front-loaders due to the different mechanical action and larger volumes of water.

Washing machine panels also present many choices. Shorter, low-temperature programs are usually sufficient for everyday stains. Choose longer or high-temperature programs only for clothing you have concerns about (healthcare uniforms, washable nappies, etc.).

Generally, washing machine programs are carefully selected combinations of water volume, agitation intensity and temperature recommended by the manufacturer. They take into consideration the type of fabric and its level of cleanliness.

Select the wrong program and you can say goodbye to your favourite top. For example, high temperatures or harsh agitation may cause some fibres to weaken and break, causing holes in the garment.

Some fabrics lose fibres more easily than others

At a microscopic level, the fabric in our clothes is made of yarns – individual fibres twisted together. The nature and length of the fibres, the way they are twisted and the way the yarns form the fabric can determine how many fibres will be lost during a wash.

In general, if you want to lose fewer fibres, you should wash less frequently, but some fabrics are affected more than others.

Open fabric structures (knits) with loose yarns can lose more fibres than tighter ones. Some sports clothing, like running shirts, are made of continuous filament yarn. These fibres are less likely to come loose in the wash.

Cotton fibres are only a few centimetres long. Twisted tightly together into a yarn, they can still escape.

Wool fibres are also short, but have an additional feature: scales, which make wool clothes much more delicate. Wool fibres can come loose like cotton ones, but also tangle with each other during the wash due to their scales. This last aspect is what causes wool garments to shrink when exposed to heat and agitation.

Read more:
Laundry is a top source of microplastic pollution – here’s how to clean your clothes more sustainably

Go easy on the chemicals

The type of detergent and other products you use also makes a difference.

Detergents contain a soap component, enzymes to make stains easier to remove at low temperature, and fragrances. Some contain harsher compounds, such as bleaching or whitening agents.

Modern detergents are very effective at removing stains such as food, and you don’t need to use much.

An incorrect choice of wash cycles, laundry detergent and bleaching additives could cause disaster. Certain products, like bleach, can damage some fibres like wool and silk.

Meanwhile, research on fabric softeners and other treatments continues – there’s no one-size-fits-all answer about their potential impact on our clothes.

Just skip laundry day

So, how to ensure your clothes last longer? The main tip is to wash them less often.

When it’s time for a wash, carefully read and follow the care labels. In the future, our washing machines will recognise fabrics and select the wash cycle. For now, that’s our responsibility.

Read more:
How to make your clothes last longer – it’s good for your bank account and the environment too

And the next time you throw your shirt into the dirty laundry basket, stop. Think of the astronauts orbiting above Earth and ask yourself: if they can go without clean laundry for a few days, maybe I can too? (Although we don’t recommend just burning your dirty undies, either.)

Alessandra Sutti has received research funding from the Australian Research Council, the Marine Bioproducts Cooperative Research Centre, the Innovative Manufacturing Cooperative Research Centre and by companies participating in associated projects such as the ARC Research Hub for Functional and Sustainable Fibres and the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Green Chemistry, as well as from industry partners associated with these grants, such as HeiQ Pty Ltd, Xefco Pty Ltd, C. Sea Solutions Pty Ltd (trading as ULUU) and Simba Global Pty/Ltd. Alessandra is a paid member of the HeiQ Innovation Advisory Board, is a member of the American Chemical Society and serves as a volunteer member on Standards Australia ME-009 Committee (Microplastics). She collaborates closely with The GLOBE Program (through GLOBE Italy), The University of California Berkeley and San Francisco State University, co-developing microplastics monitoring protocols and is involved in environmental education programmes.

Amol Patil is engaged at the ARC Research Hub for Functional and Sustainable Fibres, a collaboration between Deakin University, the Australian Research Council and industry partners such as Simba Global Pty Ltd, Xefco Pty Ltd, HeiQ Pty Ltd, and Sea Solutions P/L (trading as ULUU). He is also working on a joint project sponsored by HeiQ-Marine bioproducts (MBCRC).

Maryam Naebe is the recipient of Discover Natural Fibre Initiative Innovation Award. She has received funding through competitive grants and industry projects including Australian Research Council ARC Research Hub, ARC Discovery Project, Australian Wool Innovation, Cotton Research and Development Corporation, Cotton Incorporated (USA), Ford Motor Company (USA).

– ref. What washing machine settings can I use to make my clothes last longer? – https://theconversation.com/what-washing-machine-settings-can-i-use-to-make-my-clothes-last-longer-224064

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University

Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) can have a considerable impact on the day-to-day functioning and overall wellbeing of people affected. It causes a variety of symptoms including difficulty focusing, impulsivity and hyperactivity.

For many, a diagnosis of ADHD, whether in childhood or adulthood, is life changing. It means finally having an explanation for these challenges, and opens up the opportunity for treatment, including medication.

Although ADHD medications can cause side effects, they generally improve symptoms for people with the disorder, and thereby can significantly boost quality of life.

Now a new study has found being treated for ADHD with medication reduces the risk of early death for people with the disorder. But what can we make of these findings?

A large study from Sweden

The study, published this week in JAMA (the prestigious journal of the American Medical Association), was a large cohort study of 148,578 people diagnosed with ADHD in Sweden. It included both adults and children.

In a cohort study, a group of people who share a common characteristic (in this case a diagnosis of ADHD) are followed over time to see how many develop a particular health outcome of interest (in this case the outcome was death).

For this study the researchers calculated the mortality rate over a two-year follow up period for those whose ADHD was treated with medication (a group of around 84,000 people) alongside those whose ADHD was not treated with medication (around 64,000 people). The team then determined if there were any differences between the two groups.

Read more:
ADHD medications have doubled in the last decade – but other treatments can help too

What did the results show?

The study found people who were diagnosed and treated for ADHD had a 19% reduced risk of death from any cause over the two years they were tracked, compared with those who were diagnosed but not treated.

In understanding this result, it’s important – and interesting – to look at the causes of death. The authors separately analysed deaths due to natural causes (physical medical conditions) and deaths due to unnatural causes (for example, unintentional injuries, suicide, or accidental poisonings).

The key result is that while no significant difference was seen between the two groups when examining natural causes of death, the authors found a significant difference for deaths due to unnatural causes.

So what’s going on?

Previous studies have suggested ADHD is associated with an increased risk of premature death from unnatural causes, such as injury and poisoning.

On a related note, earlier studies have also suggested taking ADHD medicines may reduce premature deaths. So while this is not the first study to suggest this association, the authors note previous studies addressing this link have generated mixed results and have had significant limitations.

Read more:
How do stimulants actually work to reduce ADHD symptoms?

In this new study, the authors suggest the reduction in deaths from unnatural causes could be because taking medication alleviates some of the ADHD symptoms responsible for poor outcomes – for example, improving impulse control and decision-making. They note this could reduce fatal accidents.

The authors cite a number of studies that support this hypothesis, including research showing ADHD medications may prevent the onset of mood, anxiety and substance use disorders, and lower the risk of accidents and criminality. All this could reasonably be expected to lower the rate of unnatural deaths.

Strengths and limitations

Scandinavian countries have well-maintained national registries that collect information on various aspects of citizens’ lives, including their health. This allows researchers to conduct excellent population-based studies.

Along with its robust study design and high-quality data, another strength of this study is its size. The large number of participants – almost 150,000 – gives us confidence the findings were not due to chance.

The fact this study examined both children and adults is another strength. Previous research relating to ADHD has often focused primarily on children.

Read more:
How hormones and the menstrual cycle can affect women with ADHD: 5 common questions

One of the important limitations of this study acknowledged by the authors is that it was observational. Observational studies are where the researchers observe and analyse naturally occurring phenomena without intervening in the lives of the study participants (unlike randomised controlled trials).

The limitation in all observational research is the issue of confounding. This means we cannot be completely sure the differences between the two groups observed were not either partially or entirely due to some other factor apart from taking medication.

Specifically, it’s possible lifestyle factors or other ADHD treatments such as psychological counselling or social support may have influenced the mortality rates in the groups studied.

Another possible limitation is the relatively short follow-up period. What the results would show if participants were followed up for longer is an interesting question, and could be addressed in future research.

What are the implications?

Despite some limitations, this study adds to the evidence that diagnosis and treatment for ADHD can make a profound difference to people’s lives. As well as alleviating symptoms of the disorder, this study supports the idea ADHD medication reduces the risk of premature death.

Ultimately, this highlights the importance of diagnosing ADHD early so the appropriate treatment can be given. It also contributes to the body of evidence indicating the need to improve access to mental health care and support more broadly.

Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Could ADHD drugs reduce the risk of early death? Unpacking the findings from a new Swedish study – https://theconversation.com/could-adhd-drugs-reduce-the-risk-of-early-death-unpacking-the-findings-from-a-new-swedish-study-225680

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Menkes, Associate Professor in Psychological Medicine, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Pharmaceutical industry payments to doctors are common, often substantial and can affect clinical decision making.

Seven years after the industry trade association Medicines New Zealand first mooted a disclosure system, pharmaceutical companies operating in New Zealand recently revealed their financial relationships with individual doctors for the first time.

This included disclosure of payments for speaking engagements, consultancies, advisory board memberships, travel costs, attendance at conferences and other sponsored events.

In the absence of relevant legislation, this is a welcome, albeit incomplete, development. It includes only members of Medicines New Zealand, representing less than half the pharmaceutical companies operating in the country. Some member companies did not participate and several payment types (hospitality, conference sponsorship and research funding) were omitted.

Our new research analyses international evidence and concludes that such payments should be subject to mandatory, comprehensive and accessible disclosure.

Why drug company payments are a problem

Accumulating evidence shows pharmaceutical company payments to doctors influence prescribing and other aspects of healthcare, including research and teaching. The deadly opioid epidemic in the US, for example, has been linked to excessive prescribing resulting from industry promotion.

It may sound like a good thing to have medical experts advising industry about the optimal use of medicines. But receiving payments for such advice has been associated with impressive increases in prescribing of the sponsor’s product(s).

Beyond stimulating the prescription of particular drugs, such payments have been associated with the distortion of clinical guidelines by influential doctors. This affects medical practice and can result in overdiagnosis, overtreatment and treatment-related harm.

Since pharmaceutical promotion typically focuses on newer, branded medications, an increase in prescriptions is also linked with rising health costs.

Read more:
Influential doctors aren’t disclosing their drug company ties

Attempts at regulation

Because of the above concerns, coupled with health professionals’ tendency to favour transparency in principle, disclosure of payments now occurs in most high-income countries.

However, reporting standards for industry payments vary widely, as we discovered when surveying the international evidence.

Court cases in the US have led to billion-dollar fines for illegal pharmaceutical marketing by various companies. The resulting US Sunshine Act 2010 is the most comprehensive legislative requirement to date for reporting payments to health professionals.

Some European countries and South Korea also legislate disclosure requirements. By contrast, other European countries as well as the UK, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Japan rely on industry to do this.

Accessibility is an important aspect of disclosure. Currently in New Zealand, a patient would need to search company reports separately to discover how much funding their doctor may have received from pharmaceutical firms marketing medicines they are prescribed.

By contrast, the database mandated by the US Sunshine Act includes all companies and details on whether payments to individual doctors are related to one or more of their products.

Apart from providing patients with easily accessible information about payments received by their doctor, this resource has enabled researchers to document the extensive connections between doctors’ payments and prescribing.

Our analysis indicates that industrial gift giving to doctors is also prominent in low and middle-income countries. Provision of drug samples and support to attend educational events are comparable to the Global North, but typically without disclosure requirements.

Studies in Global South countries suggest doctors receive a broader range of gifts not typically seen in wealthier countries. This can include cash, office supplies, cars, personal travel, domestic cattle, and sexual “favours”.

Arguments in favour of the status quo

Some pundits have vigorously defended the benefits of doctors interacting with industry. Others have highlighted the administrative burden and uncertain efficacy of enforcing disclosure requirements.

Retaining industry funding for medical education, especially in the Global South, is seen by some as a priority because of resource limitations. But this rationale needs to be balanced against the typical industry focus on a limited range of topics, the inability of many doctors to perceive bias in industry-funded education, and the potential harm from shifting scarce resources to expensive branded products.

Read more:
Canadians need to know how much money Big Pharma gives health-care providers, but this information is far too difficult to find

As with other payment reporting schemes led by industry, New Zealand’s system falls short of international best practice, both in terms of completeness and ease of access. Worse, it is less comprehensive than many other schemes, with member companies choosing whether to report and recipient doctors able to opt out of disclosure.

Given its relatively late appearance internationally, we had hoped that Medicines New Zealand would implement a disclosure regime reflecting international best practice. Instead, it has chosen a system which is both limited and cumbersome to use, from the standpoint of both patients and researchers.

Next steps

Implementing best practice is a substantial challenge, considering different political systems and anticipated pushback from industry and others who benefit from weak or absent disclosure policies. But strong evidence that industry payments play a key role in unethical pharmaceutical marketing provides additional impetus for tightening disclosure requirements.

One might expect that transparent reporting of industry payments would discourage doctors from accepting such largesse. This appears not to have happened in the US. Even with its system of mandatory and comprehensive reporting, the volume and impact of payments persist, possibly because most doctors don’t recognise they’ve been influenced.

This suggests transparency requirements may be necessary but not sufficient to address undue industry influence on medical practice.

On a positive note, restricting exposure to pharmaceutical marketing during medical training, coupled with good role modelling by senior doctors, offers a promising means to prioritise evidence-based patient care over company profits.

David Menkes is a paid member of the Mental Health Advisory Committee for PHARMAC.

– ref. NZ’s new disclosure scheme for pharma payments to doctors falls short of best practice – https://theconversation.com/nzs-new-disclosure-scheme-for-pharma-payments-to-doctors-falls-short-of-best-practice-225457

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katherine Moseby, Associate Professor, UNSW Sydney

Australia is home to more than 350 species of native mammals, 87% of which are found nowhere else on Earth. But with 39 of these species already extinct and a further 110 listed as threatened, there’s every chance many will vanish before you even knew they existed. So here’s one we think you simply must know (and save), before it’s too late.

The charismatic kowari is a small carnivorous marsupial. It was once common inland but is now found only in the remote deserts of southwest Queensland and northeastern South Australia, in less than 20% of its former range.

This pint-sized predator fits in the palm of your hand. Its bright eyes, bushy tail and big personality make it the perfect poster child for the Australian outback. But with just 1,200 kowari left in the wild, the federal government upgraded its conservation status in November from vulnerable to endangered.

Reversing the decline of the kowari is within our grasp. But we need public support and political will to achieve this. It requires limiting grazing of cattle and sheep, while keeping feral cat numbers under control.

Read more:
Threatened species recover in fenced safe havens. But their safety is only temporary

Meet the kowari

The kowari (Dasyuroides byrnei) is a skilled hunter that stalks mice, tarantulas, moths, scorpions and even birds. Alert and efficient, they attack their prey voraciously.

Formerly known as the brushy-tailed marsupial rat, or Byrne’s crest-tailed marsupial rat, the kowari is more closely related to Tasmanian Devil and quolls.

The Wangkangurru Yarluyandi People use the name kowari, while the Dieri and Ngameni peoples use the similar-sounding name kariri.

Kowaris live in stony deserts. They mainly inhabit remote treeless “gibber” plains. These areas of flat, interlocking red pebbles form vast pavements that could be mistaken for the surface of Mars.

In the outback, where temperatures can exceed 50°C, kowaris beat the heat by sheltering in burrows dug into sand mounds. At night they emerge to race across the plains, their head and distinctive brushy tail held high, pausing regularly to scan for predators and prey.

During chilly winter days, kowaris slow their metabolism to conserve energy. They go into a state of torpor, which is a daily version of hibernation.

Read more:
Torpor: a neat survival trick once thought rare in Australian animals is actually widespread

At the two main South Australian sites, the number of animals captured in trapping surveys declined by 85% between 2000 and 2015. At this rate, the species could disappear from the area within two decades.

The entire population is estimated to number as few as 1,200 individuals scattered over just 350 square kilometres. That’s a combined area of less than 20km x 20km.

Based on this evidence, the conservation status of kowaris was upgraded from vulnerable to endangered in November last year.

Shrinking populations in the stony desert

Kowaris have been declining for a while but are suddenly on the fast track to extinction. How can that be, when they live in one of the most vast and remote parts of Australia?

Threats include land degradation from pastoralism, and predation from introduced feral cats and foxes.

But it’s complicated. Threats can combine, having a synergistic effect (greater than the sum of their parts). And then there are climate influences.

Heavy rain in the desert triggers a cascade of events that culminates in an explosion of feral cat numbers.

When conditions dry out again, the cats switch to eating larger or more difficult prey such as bilbies and kowaris, often causing local extinctions. In southwest Queensland, feral cats most likely wiped out one population of kowaris and decimated another.

Huge efforts to control cat plagues have saved the kowari and bilby populations in Astrebla Downs National Park from local extinction so far, but other areas have succumbed.

In SA, all the remaining kowari populations are on pastoral stations used for grazing cattle.

Cattle can trample kowari burrows. They can also compact the sand mounds, making it difficult for kowaris to build burrows in the first place. And they eat the plants on the mounds, reducing the availability of both food and shelter. This makes kowaris easy prey.

Over the past few decades, pastoralism has intensified. Nearly half of Australia (44%) is covered in pastoral leases where many threatened species occur.

Domestic stock usually graze close to watering points such as bores and troughs. More and more watering points are being established, to make more of the pastoral lease accessible to stock. So the area protected from grazing is shrinking as cattle encroach further into kowari territory.

How can we save the kowari?

We have the knowledge and tools required to save this species from extinction. We just need decisive leadership and sufficient funding to put these plans into action.

State governments should provide more resources for desert parks so rangers can monitor feral cat numbers and respond rapidly to plagues. We can make use of new technology such as remote camera traps checked via satellite. These measures would also protect the last remaining stronghold of the bilby in Queensland, another nationally threatened mammal.

The pastoral industry and governments must work together to review watering-point placement and reduce grazing pressure in known kowari habitat.

By closing some pastoral watering points and ensuring a portion of each lease (possibly 20%) is away from waters, we can reduce the harm of stock and provide refuges for threatened species. Pastoral companies could show leadership and implement these actions themselves rather than waiting for governments to act.

In the meantime, reintroductions into safe havens is one stopgap measure helping to prevent imminent kowari extinction. In 2022, 12 kowaris were successfully reintroduced to the 123 square km fenced Arid Recovery Reserve in northern SA. The population has expanded since release. Removing cats, foxes and domestic stock from the reserve has given kowaris a chance to reclaim a small portion of their former range.

But safe havens are small and we need to act on a larger scale. If we don’t, the kowari may become yet another Australian species lost before you’ve even seen it.

Thanks to Genevieve Hayes, former ecologist at Arid Recovery, for coordinating the reintroduction of the kowari at Arid Recovery and commenting on the draft of this article.

Read more:
So you want to cat-proof a bettong: how living with predators could help native species survive

Katherine Moseby is co-founder and chief scientist at Arid Recovery. She receives contract work from Arid Recovery to assist with conservation and restoration works.

Katherine Tuft is Chief Executive at Arid Recovery which has received grant funding from the federal government and other sources to support research and conservation for the kowari.

– ref. Meet the kowari: a pint-sized predator on the fast track to extinction – https://theconversation.com/meet-the-kowari-a-pint-sized-predator-on-the-fast-track-to-extinction-219598

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giselle Natassia Woodley, Researcher and Phd Candidate, Edith Cowan University

Sexting involves taking self-made naked or partially naked sexual photos, videos or explicit texts and sending them online or via a mobile phone. They are more commonly referred to as “nudes” or “dick pics” by young people.

A 2021 survey of almost 7,000 Australian teenagers (aged 14 to 18) found sexting was “ordinary practice” for young people. Of those surveyed, 86% reported they had received sexts and 70% said they had sent them.

Our new research explores Australian teens’ experiences with sexting and sext education. We conducted 49 interviews with 30 young Australians (aged 11 to 17), with 19 repeat interviews a year later.

Our findings show how current messages to simply avoid sexting do not work for young people. While the risks should be acknowledged, education should also include how to be respectful and safe with sexting.

What are the laws around sexting?

In most states and territories in Australia, it is legal to have sex when you are 16, but you need to be 18 to sext.

This is because the creation of sexual images of people who are minors is seen as creating child sexual exploitation materials. This is illegal under Commonwealth laws.

This makes sexting between young people under 18, consenting or otherwise, both legally and ethically complex.

States have diverse practices regarding underage sexting (and police and prosecutors have some discretion). But if you are in possession of a naked image of someone under 18 or send a naked image of someone under 18, you are breaking the law. It is even illegal to own a naked photo of yourself under 18, even if that image is never sent to anyone.

Researchers have argued this legal approach to sexting can end up punishing those it is supposed to protect. It also adds to the shaming and fear around sexting for young people.

Our research

Most young people in our study had their first experience of sexting between ten and 13-years-old. In many cases, this was before their first kiss.

But young people in our study said education about sexting in school tends to be based around risks, often in response to a particular incident and is mostly ignored by students. As Max* (12), told us, “it was just basically saying […] ‘don’t send them’”. Lauren (14) said:

They more veer on the safety side of things […] why nudes are bad […].

She argued this didn’t work.

They [teens] know the warnings, but it just sort of goes in one ear and out the other. I don’t think kids listen to that.

Rightly or wrongly, teens in our study also saw relationships as a safe space for sexting. As Warren (17) noted:

If I was in a relationship, it’s a bit different ‘cause I trust them, they trust me.

This “don’t do it” messaging is akin to abstinence-only sex education, which is widely acknowledged to be ineffective and fails to protect young people from pregnancy and STIs. In contrast, comprehensive sexuality education has been proven to delay first sexual experiences and increase contraceptive use. This shows offering young people access to important sexual information can protect them.

Read more:
‘We haven’t been taught about sex’: teens talk about how to fix school sex education

Young people want to be ‘be prepared’

Teens in our study acknowledged sexting had a “dark side”.

For many, their first sext was an unsolicited image known as “cyberflashing”. Many knew of peers who had their own images leaked by other students without their consent, even though none said this had happened to them. This sharing and leaking of private images has previously been known as “revenge porn” and forms part of an array of behaviours known as Technology-Facilitated Sexual Violence, which is illegal.

Teens wished they had been taught about sexting before encountering it so they could “be prepared”. Secondary school students said sexting education should begin in upper primary school with age-appropriate discussions continuing into high school, where, as Tiffany (15) told us, sexting “happens regularly, daily”.

Lauren said education around how to be respectful and consider issues like consent in online safety was also important:

I think it would be really useful, some people just don’t know, if you send something to someone that it’s obviously ‘private’ […] you just want to share it with that one person.

The UK is changing its approach

Pretending sexting won’t or shouldn’t happen because it is illegal is like pretending no one under 16 has sex, no young teenagers drink alcohol and no one takes illicit drugs. We don’t pretend these behaviours don’t exist: we educate for harm minimisation around them.

Recent guidance to schools in the United Kingdom around sexting reduces the emphasis on legal issues, while attempting to minimise shaming of young people who sext. This approach emphasises young people’s rights and responsibilities to make informed choices over their own bodies and sexual selves.

Indeed, online sex is sex, forming part of a repertoire of sexual behaviours. Offering non-judgmental information acknowledges sexuality as a legitimate part of human development.

Read more:
20% of young people who forwarded nudes say they had permission – but only 8% gave it. Why the gap?

What can parents and teachers do?

Parents and teachers can offer balanced information that identifies potential dangers but also acknowledges the reality of young people’s behaviours.

Instead of “don’t do it”, teens may be more receptive to discussions about consent and mutual respect for one another’s bodies as they would (and should) in real life.

If things do “go wrong” there are several services available.

The eSafety Commission acknowledges it is important young people know they can always say no to a request to send nudes, and to avoid sharing intimate images and videos without consent . This is both breach of trust and against the law. It also has advice for when nudes have been shared, if someone is trying to blackmail you over a naked image (“sextortion”) and provides a way to report image-based sexual abuse.

You can also make a report to the Australian Centre to Counter Child Exploitation and US-based site Take It Down

The federal government’s parenting website, the Raising Children Network also offers balanced step-by-step guides if your child is asked to send a nude, receives one or has one shared without their consent.

Above all, maintaining an open dialogue and a shame-free stance will allow young people to feel safe to discuss anything with the adults in their lives. It also helps if teens know parents will help in a crisis, rather than punish them.

*Names have been changed.

This paper is an outcome of the Australian Research Council (ARC) Discovery Project Adolescents’ perceptions
of harm from accessing online sexual content (DP 190102435). As such, funding was received from the Australian Research Council.

Giselle is also part of a not-for-profit Relationships and Sexuality education advocacy group, Bloom-Ed, whose views are not expressed here.

Lelia Green receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC). She is a Co-Chief Investigator on the Discovery Project ‘Adolescents’ perceptions of harm from accessing online sexual content’ (DP 190102435). As such, funding was received from the Australian Research Council (2019-2023). It should be noted that teen sexting culture was not the focus of this grant, but was raised by teens when they were asked about online sexual content. Lelia also acknowledges significant in-kind support from the School of Arts and Humanities at Edith Cowan University. All views expressed are her own.

– ref. We teach school kids about safe sex. We need to teach safe sexting too – https://theconversation.com/we-teach-school-kids-about-safe-sex-we-need-to-teach-safe-sexting-too-224748

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Jeffries, Senior Lecturer in Microbiology, Western Sydney University

The mention of ancient Egypt usually conjures images of colossal pyramids and precious, golden tombs.

But as with most civilisations, the invisible world of infectious disease underpinned life and death along the Nile. In fact, fear of disease was so pervasive it influenced social and religious customs. It even featured in the statues, monuments and graves of the Kingdom of the Pharaohs.

By studying ancient specimens and artefacts, scientists are uncovering how disease rocked this ancient culture.

Tutankhamun’s malaria, and other examples

The most direct evidence of epidemics in ancient Egypt comes from skeletal and DNA evidence obtained from the mummies themselves.

For instance, DNA recovered from the mummy of the boy pharaoh Tutankhamun (1332–1323 BC) led to the discovery he suffered from malaria, along with several other New Kingdom mummies (circa 1800 BC).

In other examples:

• skeletal and DNA evidence found in the city of Abydos suggests one in four people may have had tuberculosis
• the mummy of Ramesses V (circa 1149–1145 BC) has scars indicating smallpox
• the wives of Mentuhotep II (circa 2000 BC) were buried hastily in a “mass grave”, suggesting a pandemic had occurred
• and the mummies of two pharaohs, Siptah (1197–1191 BC) and Khnum-Nekht (circa 1800 BC), were found with the deformed equinus foot which is characteristic of the viral disease polio.

Signs of a disease-ravaged people

Amenhotep III was the ninth pharaoh of the 18th dynasty, and ruled from about 1388–1351 BC.

There are several reasons experts think his reign was marked by a devastating disease outbreak. For instance, two separate carvings from this time depict a priest and a royal couple with the polio dropped-foot.

Statues of the lion-headed goddess of disease and health, Sekhmet, also increased significantly, suggesting a reliance on divine protection.

Another sign of a potential major disease outbreak comes in the form of what may be an early case of quarantine, wherein Amenhotep III moved his palace to the more isolated site of Malqata. This is further supported by the burning of a workers’ cemetery near Thebes.

Grave goods also became less extravagant and tombs less complex during this period, which suggests more burials were needed in a shorter time frame. These burials can’t be explained by war since this was an unusually peaceful period.

Did disease trigger early monotheism?

Amenohotep’s son – “the heretic King” Akhenaten (who was also Tutankhamun’s father) – abandoned the old gods of Egypt. In one of the earliest cases of monotheism, Akhenaten made worship of the Sun the official state religion.

Some researchers think Akhenaten’s dramatic loss of faith may have been due to the devastating disease he witnessed during his childhood and into his reign, with several of his children and wives having died from disease. But we’ve yet to find clear evidence for the role of disease in shaping his theology.

There’s also no direct DNA evidence of an outbreak under his father, Amenhotep III. There are only descriptions of one in letters Amenhotep III and Akhenaten exchanged with the Babylonians.

To confirm an outbreak under Amenhotep III, we’d need to first recover pathogen DNA in human remains from this time, has been found in other Egyptian burial sites and for other pandemics.

Also, while many ancient epidemics are referred to as “plagues”, we can’t confirm whether any outbreaks in ancient Egypt were indeed caused by Yersinia pestis, the bacteria responsible for bubonic plague pandemics such as the Black Death in Europe (1347-1351).

That said, researchers have confirmed the Nile rat, which was widespread during the time of the Pharaohs, would have been able to carry the Yersinia infection.

How were outbreaks managed?

Much like modern pandemics, factors such as population growth, sanitation, population density and mobilisation for war would have influenced the spread of disease in ancient Egypt.

In the case of war, it’s thought the Hittite army was weakened by disease spread when it was famously defeated by Egyptian Pharaoh Ramses the Great in the battle of Kadesh (1274 BC).

In some ways, Egyptian medicine was advanced for its time. While these outbreaks occurred long before the development of antibiotics or vaccines, there is some evidence of public health measures such as the burning of towns and quarantining people. This suggests a basic understanding of how disease spreads.

Diseases caused by microorganisms would have been viewed as supernatural, or as a corruption of the air. This is similar to other explanations held in different parts of the world, before germ theory was popularised in the 19th century.

New world, old problems

Many of the most widespread diseases that afflicted the ancient world are still with us.

Along with Tutankhamun, it’s thought up to 70% of the Egyptian population was infected with malaria caused by the Plasmodium falciparum parasite – spread by swarms of mosquitoes occupying the stagnant pools of the Nile delta.

Today, malaria affects about 250 million people, mostly in developing nations. Tuberculosis kills more than a million people each year. And smallpox and polio have only recently been eradicated or controlled through vaccination programs.

More work is yet to be done to detect individual pathogens in Egyptian mummies. This knowledge could shed light on how, throughout history, people much like us have grappled with these unseen organisms.

Read more:
Did everyone in Bridgerton have syphilis? Just how sexy would it really have been in Regency era London?

Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. From malaria, to smallpox, to polio – here’s how we know life in ancient Egypt was ravaged by disease – https://theconversation.com/from-malaria-to-smallpox-to-polio-heres-how-we-know-life-in-ancient-egypt-was-ravaged-by-disease-223970

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Crabtree-Hayes, Professorial Research Fellow, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

This article is part of The Conversation’s series examining the housing crisis. Read the other articles in the series here.

At a time when everything from abolishing negative gearing to capping rents are being suggested as ways to reduce Australia’s housing crisis, little attention has been given to housing co-operatives.

A housing co-op consists of a group of people who share in the management and running of their accommodation. Applicants are have to meet certain criteria, including means testing. Once accepted, they are expected to contribute according to their capacity and ability.

While only a small provider of accommodation in Australia (0.03% of all homes compared to Sweden’s 22%), new research reveals how developing the sector could relieve some of the pressure.

Working with community housing providers and co-operatives across four states and surveying about 300 co-op residents, our research is the first analysis of the operation and impact of Australia’s affordable rental housing co-operatives.

What we found can inform housing policy and choices.

How membership differs to renting or owning

Like all co-ops, housing co-operatives are defined by a “one member, one vote” principle. This means, as both tenants and members, residents have a say in how the organisation runs and how homes are maintained.

This is fundamentally different to renting and owning, providing residents with stability and a greater say in their housing.

Tenant-members can make improvements, decide on policy and make the sorts of connections to their home and community usually thought to only be available to homeowners. As one research participant said:

Even though we don’t own the space, there’s a real sense of belonging to the site, to the property.

In Australia, 184 co-operatives provide 3,732 homes. Another 25 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander co-operatives provide 1,287 homes as their sole purpose or within broader community service delivery.

Although only a small housing contributor in Australia, these nearly 5,000 co-operative homes are a solid base from which the sector can grow.

The cost and management of co-ops

To assess the value of housing co-operatives, we looked at sector costs, tenant-members’ inputs and outcomes.

We found the sector’s costs were similar to those of other types of community housing and that greater tenant-member involvement in managing the co-op lowers overall costs.

Read more:
Huge housing costs make us slaves to our jobs and unsustainable growth. But there’s another way

Further, tenant-members’ participation in their co-op also develops their skills, leading to other education and employment opportunities.

Tenant-members expressed high levels of satisfaction with their living arrangements, a strong sense of home, solid social bonds, and an improved sense of health and wellbeing. These positives were shared with their children.

Importantly, our study found participants had a strong sense of agency and voice, which is often missing in other housing tenures, especially renting.

We also found the more a tenant-member enjoys getting involved in anything from planning a garden to doing building maintenance, the more they will do for the co-op. This cycle is self-reinforcing.

The value of these effects can be extraordinary, with respondents referring to living and participating in their co-operative as “life-changing”.

Co-operatives clearly provide stable long-term housing, as most survey respondents have lived in their co-operative and/or the co-operative sector for over ten years (46% and 55% respectively) and most (74%) want to live in their co-operative for the rest of their lives.

What helps housing co-operatives succeed?

We found three main contributors to co-op success:

1. the more a tenant-member participates in running their co-operative, the more they benefit. However, participation needs to be equitable, allowing tenant-members’ contributions to vary throughout their lives and for different tenant-members to participate differently

2. the more tenant-members learn about their roles and responsibilities, the better the co-op functions and the greater the benefits

3. there is no one right way to be a co-operative. There is value in co-ops being diverse, reflecting diverse tenant-members, locations and incomes.

Co-operatives can help people settle down, grow as individuals, build careers, keep their kids in the same school and contribute to their neighbourhoods.

Read more:
Want to cut your new home costs by 10% or more? That’s what building groups can do

They are an example of how Australia’s housing system could provide more affordable, stable and dignified housing choices. A research participant expressed this best:

I had to move so many times as a single mother, every time knowing I’d have to urgently find new, safe, continuous housing for three people and pay for every aspect of the move, bond and rent. The pressure, the fear, was insane.

Living here my kids grew up – the neighbours are great, the public transport is there and it’s been a pretty safe and friendly community. Lifelong friendship and family bonds continue. I love gardening here and can stay active as I age […] I love my neighbours. I’m home.

Lessons for housing policy

While Australia has both ownership and rental co-operatives, most Australian co-operatives are affordable rentals, comprising very low-moderate income households as part of the community housing sector.

Our earlier report showed in other countries, housing co-operatives form a large share of mainstream housing supply. For example, in Norway housing co-operatives comprise 15% of all homes.

Our new findings suggest Australia’s housing policies can support the growth of housing co-operatives for renters and owners, so more people can enjoy the benefits of affordable, stable homes.

Read more:
The private sector housing experiment has failed: Ottawa must now step up on social housing

Louise Crabtree-Hayes receives funding from the Australian Research Council with contributions from community housing providers in the co-operative sector.

– ref. ‘I’m home’: how co-operative housing could take pressure off Australia’s housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/im-home-how-co-operative-housing-could-take-pressure-off-australias-housing-crisis-225561

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

If history had taken a different turn, Australia might now not be debating nuclear power but have had it up and running for decades.

John Gorton, who was prime minister from 1968 to 1971, was a true believer in nuclear. His biographer Ian Hancock wrote that Gorton “visualised the generation of cheap electricity, and fuel for transport of all kinds”.

Gorton declared in his policy speech for the 1969 election:

We shall, during the next parliament, take Australia into the atomic age by beginning the construction of an atomic plant at Jervis Bay [on the NSW south coast], to generate electricity. We believe that Australia will make increasing use of atomic power in the years ahead and that the time for this nation to enter the atomic age has now arrived.

Plans were well underway when in 1971 Gorton lost the prime ministership to Billy McMahon, a critic of the Jervis Bay project, which was put into limbo. Treasury did an evaluation that – you’ve guessed it – slammed the cost; a journalist at the time described it as “a most devastating critique”. The way was opened for coal, which was much more economically viable for Australia’s power generation. The Jervis Bay project was dead.

Peter Dutton is a very different brand of Liberal from the freewheeling, often undisciplined Gorton, but he has become as convinced as his predecessor about the nuclear path. And, just as in Gorton’s time, the critics cite cost. Only now the cost issue is about renewables versus nuclear.

Dutton, under pressure to release policy, says the opposition will put out its nuclear energy blueprint before the budget.

It seems an odd choice as the year’s first big policy hit – nuclear power isn’t dominating kitchen table discussions around the country. Leaving that aside, the release will be a major test for Dutton, in handling both the economics and the politics of the ensuing debate.

He starts with most energy experts ranged against him. He’s obviously not himself an expert, so being convincing when he has to get into the fine detail won’t be easy. Public attitudes towards nuclear may have softened, but if he flounders in defending the economic case, he’ll have lost the argument even before the politics kick in.

Read more:
Dutton wants a ‘mature debate’ about nuclear power. By the time we’ve had one, new plants will be too late to replace coal

One aspect of the evolution of the opposition’s nuclear policy that raises an eyebrow is how it has so quickly transitioned from concentrating on small modular reactors – which spokesman Ted O’Brien spruiked enthusiastically but most experts dismissed as impractical – to being centred on conventional reactors. It might have been a sensible move, but it makes you wonder whether the policy crafters were on top of the complexities to start with.

The political battle over nuclear will be on several fronts: the overall scare campaign, the regional reaction, and attitudes in the cities.

The opposition hopes its plan to place the reactors (about half a dozen) on or near the sites of coal-fired power stations as they phase out will limit the effectiveness of Labor’s scare assault. It will then become a matter of persuading the affected local communities, and Dutton has flagged incentives.

More generally, the opposition aims to persuade regional voters that nuclear is better than having their areas covered with power lines and wind farms that many find ugly and intrusive. This would probably resonate in many areas, provided Dutton could allay other doubts with these voters, such as about cost.

The cities will be another matter. In teal and similar seats, a strong commitment to renewables is likely to make voters unsympathetic to the nuclear case. The opposition may not have great hopes of winning back the teal electorates, but it will be aware of the risk of losing more seats to teal candidates and so it has to be careful.

In outer suburbia, Dutton’s target territory, the danger for him is that voters see nuclear power as a side issue. Yes, they will hear his claim it would mean lower power prices but, even if they buy that very contested argument, they’ll know that would be far into the future.

Hard-pressed families are interested in the here and now. And that goes to a broader problem for Dutton’s nuclear campaign. It could lead up a dry gully, a debate that consumes time and effort better spent on more central cost-of-living and other issues.

Dutton says the opposition won’t be a small target at the election. Even if that’s sound thinking, he needs to have reasonable confidence that “big target” policies will carry a more than fifty-fifty chance of paying significant dividends. He doesn’t have much political capital to spend. The likely dividend from the nuclear policy could easily be a net negative.

Dutton might be a nuclear believer but his stand also has to be understood in a Coalition context. His most important priority since the election has been keeping unity in the opposition’s ranks. He has managed this but it is always potentially precarious.

The Nationals have been bugbears for Liberal leaders on energy policy. Currently the party is divided between those who support the 2050 net zero emissions target (including leader David Littleproud) and the radical outliers who’d like to ditch the commitment to the target, which the party only signed up to under duress in the runup to the last election. The radicals would also like to ditch Littleproud if they got a chance; there are conflicting assessments about how stable his leadership is.

For multiple and obvious reasons, Dutton can’t afford to see the Nationals fragment over the 2050 target, or have his conservative Liberals arc up about it. The nuclear policy is the glue keeping various bits of the Coalition stuck to the target. Dutton argues the opposition believes in renewables but they won’t alone get Australia to the target. “Labor sees nuclear power as a competitor to renewables,” he said this week. “We see nuclear power as a companion to renewables.” It’s an energy policy that gives something to various otherwise irreconcilable groups within the Coalition.

The nuclear pitch will come under scrutiny when in May the CSIRO releases its GenCost report, titled Annual insights into the cost of future electricity generation in Australia. The result of its examination of nuclear could be a serious blow for Dutton. If so, seen in historical terms, that would be a win for McMahon economics over Gortonian aspiration.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Grattan on Friday: Like Peter Dutton, John Gorton once had a nuclear plan. It didn’t end well – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-like-peter-dutton-john-gorton-once-had-a-nuclear-plan-it-didnt-end-well-225794

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Doug Drury, Professor/Head of Aviation, CQUniversity Australia

The American aerospace giant Boeing has been synonymous with safe air travel for decades. Since the 1990s, Boeing and its European competitor Airbus have dominated the market for large passenger jets.

But this year, Boeing has been in the news for all the wrong reasons. In January, an emergency door plug blew off a Boeing 737 MAX in mid flight, triggering an investigation from United States federal regulators.

More recently, we have seen a Boeing plane lose a tyre while taking off, another flight turned back as the plane was leaking fluid, an apparent engine fire, a landing gear collapse, a stuck rudder pedal, and a plane “dropping” in flight and injuring dozens of passengers. A Boeing engineer who had raised concerns regarding quality control during the manufacturing process on the company’s 787 and 737 MAX planes also died earlier this week, apparently of a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

As members of the travelling public, should we be concerned? Well, yes and no.

Read more:
Boeing door plug blowout highlights a possible crisis of competence − an aircraft safety expert explains

Many problems, but not all can be blamed on Boeing

The recent parade of events has certainly been dramatic – but not all of them can be blamed on Boeing. Five incidents occurred on aircraft owned and operated by United Airlines and were related to factors outside the manufacturer’s control, like maintenance issues, potential foreign object debris, and possible human error.

A United Airlines 777 flying from San Francisco to Japan lost a tyre on takeoff, a maintenance issue not related to Boeing. The aircraft landed safely in Los Angeles.

A United Airlines flight from Sydney to Los Angeles had to return to Sydney due to a “maintenance issue” after a fluid was seen leaking from the aircraft on departure.

A United Airlines 737-900 flying from Texas to Florida ended up with some plastic bubble wrap in the engine, causing a suspected compressor stall. This is a disruption of air flow to an operating engine, making it “backfire” and emit flames.

A United Airlines 737 Max flying from Tennessee to Texas suffered a gear collapse after a normal landing. The pilot continued to the end of the runway before exiting onto a taxiway – possibly at too high a speed – and the aircraft ended up in the grass and the left main landing gear collapsed.

The fifth event occurred on a United Airlines 737-8 flight from the Bahamas to New Jersey. The pilots reported that the rudder pedals, which control the left and right movement of the aircraft in flight, were stuck in the neutral position during landing.

Manufacturing quality concerns

The exit door plug failure in January occurred on an Alaska Airlines flight. US regulators are currently investigating Boeing’s manufacturing quality assurance as a result.

The door plug was installed by a Boeing subcontractor called Spirit AeroSystem. The door plug bolts were not properly secured and the plug door fell off in flight. The same aircraft had a series of pressurisation alarms on two previous flights, and was scheduled for a maintenance inspection at the completion of the flight.

Spirit got its start after Boeing shut down its own manufacturing operations in Kansas and Oklahoma, and Boeing is now in the process of buying the company to improve quality oversight. Spirit currently works with Airbus, as well, though that may change.

Read more:
Why did Alaska Airlines Flight 1282 have a sealed-off emergency exit in the first place? The answer comes down to money

What changed at Boeing

Critics say the culture at Boeing has changed since Airbus became a major competitor in the early 2000s. The company has been accused of shifting its focus to profit at the expense of quality engineering.

Former staff have raised concerns over tight production schedules, which increased the pressure on employees to finish the aircraft. This caused many engineers to question the process, and the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) to fine Boeing for lapses in quality oversight after tools and debris were found on aircraft being inspected.

Several employees have testified before US Congress on the production issues regarding quality control. Based on the congressional findings, the FAA began to inspect Boeing’s processes more closely.

Several Boeing employees noted there was a high staff turnover rate during the COVID pandemic. This is not unique to Boeing, as all manufacturing processes and airline maintenance facilities around the globe were also hit with high turnover.

As a result, there is an acute shortage of qualified maintenance engineers, as well as pilots. These shortages have created several issues with the airline industry successfully returning to the pre-pandemic levels of 2019. Airlines and maintenance training centres around the globe are working hard to train replacements, but this takes time as one cannot become a qualified engineer or airline pilot overnight.

So, is it still safe to fly on Boeing planes? Yes it is. Despite dramatic incidents in the news and social media posts poking fun at the company, air travel is still extremely safe, and that includes Boeing.

We can expect these issues with Boeing planes now will be corrected. The financial impact has been significant – so even a profit-driven company will demand change.

Doug Drury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Should you be concerned about flying on Boeing planes? – https://theconversation.com/should-you-be-concerned-about-flying-on-boeing-planes-225675

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Hughes, Lecturer, Research School of Management, Australian National University

Firebrand senator Jacqui Lambie is furious. Amid the Tasmanian election campaign (in which she’s running candidates), her party, the Jacqui Lambie Network, has fallen victim to one of the many pitfalls in the world of online political advertising.

Her party’s website is lambienetwork.com.au. You might understand her anger, then, after finding out the Tasmanian Liberal party created a website to campaign against her, called lambienetwork.com. It’s a blink-and-you’ll-miss-it difference.

This is a textbook example of what’s known as cybersquatting. It’s when internet domain names that are similar to existing trademarked material or the names of people or organisations are bought up by competitors to use against the original. In fact, the major parties have purchased a heap of domain names.

As political parties desperately battle for voters’ attention in a world full of distractions and dwindling trust in government, cybersquatting is one of many online tools in the toolkit. But the toolkit is full of blunt instruments that may only be effective on a minority of people. The true damage is being done to the majority, who have less and less faith in politics and its institutions.

Read more:
All governments are guilty of running political ads on the public purse. Here’s how to stop it

A crowded, manufactured landscape

In commercial marketing, there’s a focus on long-term brand building. In political marketing, there’s just one goal: winning.

With such high pressure, and little time to hit objectives, parties and candidates use highly emotive messaging and narratives to drive rapid attention and engagement, and hopefully convince people to vote for them.

With markets splintered into ever-smaller segments, based at times on very specific needs, social media has helped move voters quickly and developed narratives around leaders’ personal brands.

Instagram was used successfully by former prime minister Scott Morrison with his Scomosas and attempt at Bunnings DIY.

His successor, Anthony Albanese, has replicated that strategy, letting us get a glimpse of who he really is, even having a Twitter/X account for his dog Toto. This is aimed at developing resonance and building up likeability for his brand.

Of course, as any royal watcher or user of social media can tell you, curated images are exactly that: manufactured, for us. So we are trusting this method less and less. This will only get worse the longer voters are exposed to it.

Stories such as that in the 2022 federal election of Labor-aligned groups considering paying influencers to post friendly content, doesn’t help either.

As a result, when we see content posted by an influencer, we’re now more likely to be sceptical. Do they really like this product, or are they just being paid to say they do?

‘Angertainment’ is highly effective

So it’s back to square one. Enter negativity, or “angertainment”.

Reality shows are full of it. One example is the villain edit, where certain contestants are framed to be the antagonist for the sake of drama. There’s also the cued music to make us feel this is the “season-defining moment”.

They do this for the same reasons politicians have done it for decades. It works. It gets our attention. We get engaged. We change our vote. Ratings of these shows don’t lie.

In the past, this was called “wedge politics”, as it wedged one group of voters against others. A party or candidate could then become that group’s champion, and hello election victory. Simple narrative construction.

Read more:
We tracked election ad spending for 4,000 Facebook pages. Here’s what they’re posting about – and why cybersecurity is the bigger concern

This was easy when competition for our attention was less fierce. John Howard’s 2001 election-opening “we decide” statement about immigration was pure wedge politics.

The aim is still the same now, but in a competitive environment for our attention and retention, modern methods have allowed for new ways to reach the average voter. Having not seen them before, people are more susceptible to believing them.

Clive Palmer has used spam text messages over the years to grab some attention, although it hasn’t necessarily translated into electoral success.

A more inventive use of the internet to campaign was Pauline Hanson’s cartoon series. The first three episodes racked up 750,000 views in two weeks on YouTube.

Both Labor and Liberal have had a strong presence on Snapchat. In 2016, the Liberals were among the first to make a filter on the app. Labor was the only major party to use it during the 2022 federal election campaign.

These are all new ways of communicating a party’s key messages, including scare or smear campaigns.

Think “Mediscare”, so well done by Labor in 2016 via SMS, and then the revenge sequel of death taxes in 2019 by the Coalition. They used Facebook groups very well.

Angertainment is now seen as being more likely to get the message across, and thereby victory, than anything else.

A significant aspect of these campaigns was disinformation, including the misrepresentation or impersonation of candidates. Senator David Pocock was a key target in the ACT in 2022, but successfully ran a challenge through the Australian Electoral Commission.

But this is 2024, and two years is an aeon in social media. The Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN) website trick we saw this week is an old-school one. Unlike some of the other strategies, it’s not effective. It is, however, childish.

So why bother? The attacking party would be obvious to most, if not by the authorised name as required by electoral laws. This dilutes the effect and it likely reinforces the reasons to vote for the JLN.

But political parties do it to capitalise on those who don’t realise they’re receiving a message in bad faith. Even if it’s a minority, it’s someone. In a tight political climate, it might be enough to tip the scales in their favour.

The collateral damage, of course, is the spread of misinformation and public disillusionment with politics and elections.

Read more:
Few restrictions, no spending limit, and almost no oversight: welcome to political advertising in Australia

Can we stop this?

We can, easily.

Cybersquatting is in a grey area legally. There are gaps in the relevant legislation that make it very difficult for those affected to get websites taken down. They’re often managed by international organisations with laborious processes.

But the government can ban cyber hijacking or squatting of politicians or parties’ web addresses or social channels. It can restrict negative advertising, and bring in green ticks to verify truthful advertising.

Government can also ensure social media companies take more responsibility for content, and tolerate fewer excuses for poor behaviour. This isn’t restricting freedom of speech, only restricting disinformation. Some independents have already introduced bills in parliament on this issue.

If it’s so easy, why hasn’t it been done? Because that requires political support. Considering politicians are the ones who benefit most from the existing framework, we don’t need a negative ad to tell us how unlikely they are to do anything about it anytime soon.

Andrew Hughes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Jacqui Lambie Network is the latest victim of ‘cybersquatting’. It’s the tip of the iceberg of negative political ads online – https://theconversation.com/the-jacqui-lambie-network-is-the-latest-victim-of-cybersquatting-its-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-of-negative-political-ads-online-225774