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Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University

New Africa/Shutterstock

In Europe, double-glazed windows are standard. But in Australia, these energy-saving windows are remarkably uncommon.

Correctly installed, the effect of double-glazing is remarkable. Instead of a house losing or gaining huge amounts of heat through its windows, double-glazed windows help keep the indoor temperature at a consistent temperature – reducing the need to crank up the air-con or heater.

In hot parts of Australia, these windows would keep out heat. In cold, they would keep heat in. They also slash outside noise. Houses with double-glazing can add resale value and even improve occupant health.

Why are they not standard? There are several reasons. But our research in Victoria found the main one is cost – double-glazing costs much more than a standard single-glazed window.

Heat loss and gain through windows is responsible for about 1.5% of Australia’s total energy use. As climate change intensifies, making double-glazing standard in Australia would cut household energy bills and make life indoors more pleasant. Other countries are moving to even higher performance triple-glazed windows. But Australia is stuck.

Why does double glazing work so well?

Windows let light and often air into a home. But they can also be the main way heat enters or leaves. Double-glazing works by adding a gap between two panes, often filled with dense argon gas, which doesn’t transfer heat well. The window frame material is important, too, to reduce heat transfer.

We measure the insulating quality of a window with a U-value – essentially, how much heat can be transferred through the glass. The lower this value, the more insulating the window.

A basic single-glazed window has a U-value of about 6. On a typical Australian home, these windows mean significant air conditioning is often required to maintain a comfortable temperature indoors during summer and winter.

Double-glazed windows with advanced design features common in North America and Europe typically have a U-value of 2.4 or less. When combined with wall and roof insulation, they can significantly reduce the need for heating or cooling. Triple-glazed are better still, with a U-value of 0.8 or less.

Many countries with snowy winters have taken to double-glazed windows as a way to reduce heating costs.
brizmaker/Shutterstock

Standard overseas, rare in Australia

In the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and much of Europe, double-glazed windows have been the norm for several decades. Commonly, these windows use argon gas between the two sheets and improve insulation further with low emittance coatings, thin transparent layers of metal which block solar rays.

In many of these countries, single-glazed windows have largely disappeared and retrofitting older houses with double-glazing is routine.

Anyone embarking on a renovation in Australia will soon discover double-glazing tends to be seen as a specialist eco-retrofit measure rather than something done as standard.

In 2016, only 6% of windows installed in new houses in Australia had U-values below 4. In 2024, that figure was 19%, indicating high performance windows are slowly becoming more common. But there’s still much to do to make them the norm.

Why is progress slow? We spoke to stakeholders in window manufacturing and building in Australia.

These industry experts explained why Australia is lagging:

  • historically low-cost energy means the typical response to heat or cold is to install air conditioning

  • single-glazed windows have long been the norm

  • Australians often haven’t heard of high-performance windows or understand why they matter

  • only a few companies make these windows in Australia, meaning competition is limited and costs remain high

  • at present, there’s no requirement to include double-glazed windows in new builds or renovations

  • housing affordability issues mean owners want to keep upfront construction costs as low as possible.

Window manufacturers in Australia are interested in moving into double-glazing, but the demand isn’t there yet.
Anatoliy Cherkas/Shutterstock

What should be done?

In our research, many windows industry insiders told us they were ready to scale up production of higher performance windows. The skills and technologies needed are here. What’s missing was the demand.

When we interviewed builders, they told us the choice of windows wasn’t simple. They had to weigh up material costs, existing supplier relationships and industry practices. Some told us it was cheaper at times to import from Europe or Asia than to buy Australian-made.

In part, this is a chicken and egg problem. Prices are high because there’s little demand and demand is limited because prices are high.

So what should be done?

Overseas experience has shown boosting demand is the key. If double-glazed windows become more common, more manufacturers will enter the Australian market and prices will drop.

The quickest way to do this would be to require their use in new construction and renovation.

At first, the industry might struggle to meet this demand. But that would create clear incentives for new players here or overseas to meet the demand.

Government support could help window manufacturers upgrade machinery and processes to be able to meet new demand.

Subsidies could help offset the costs to households, if designed to sunset after a set period. Any subsidies should target groups such as vulnerable older Australians affected by energy poverty as well as renters on low incomes.

Making this a reality is doable. After all, New Zealand did exactly this. In 2007, policymakers introduced new minimum performance requirements for windows. It took about four years to shift the market from single-glazed to predominantly double-glazed. Australia could do the same.

Trivess Moore has received funding from various organisations including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian government and various industry partners. He is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network.

Lisa de Kleyn received funding from Sustainability Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia, 3000, for a short-term research project on the high performance window industry in 2023.

Ralph Horne has received funding from various sources including the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Victorian government to support research related to this topic.

Tom Simko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm – https://theconversation.com/cheap-overseas-ruinous-in-australia-heres-how-to-make-double-glazed-windows-the-norm-250280

More Australians are overdosing on GHB. But there are ways to reduce your risk

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Freestone, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, National Centre for Clinical Research on Emerging Drugs, UNSW Sydney

Hendo Wang/Unsplash

Gamma hydroxybutyrate – better known as GHB – is an increasingly popular illegal drug being used recreationally in Australia.

While it can create feelings of euphoria, disinhibition and increased libido, GHB carries serious risks. The difference between a recreational dose and an overdose of GHB – usually taken as a liquid – can be less than 0.5ml.

What is GHB?

GHB (also sometimes called “G”, “juice”, “Gina” or “fantasy”) has gained attention globally due to associated harms. It is generally a colourless and odourless liquid which may taste bitter or salty.

When taken at higher doses, GHB acts as a depressant, slowing down breathing and heart rate.

At low doses (about 1ml), it can cause effects such as euphoria, increased libido and lowered inhibitions. For this reason, GHB is often used as a party drug (for example, in night clubs) and to facilitate sex.

Other chemicals called gamma butyrolactone (GBL) and 1,4-butanediol (1,4-BD) are often sold or used as substitutes to GHB, producing broadly similar effects.

How widely is it used?

Only 0.2% of Australian residents report having used GHB in the past year. This is low compared to other drugs such as cannabis (11.5%) or cocaine (4.5%).

However, among certain groups GHB use is much higher.

In 2024, 12% of people who regularly take ecstasy and other illicit stimulants (such as methamphetamine) said they’d also used GHB in the previous six months. Among those who regularly inject drugs, it was 15%. This data is collected annually and shows GHB use has increased among these groups over the past five years.

Surveys of gay and bisexual men also indicate higher use: nearly 20% say they have taken GHB at least once in their life.

Risks of a ‘G-drop’ or ‘blow-out’

GHB carries a high risk for overdose. This is because there is a very small difference in a dose that produces euphoric or relaxing effects and one that causes a loss of consciousness.

A GHB overdose is often called a “G-drop” or “blow-out”. People who overdose may experience unconsciousness and muscle twitching, seizures and respiratory depression – when a person stops breathing.

Unfortunately, unlike overdoses caused by opioids – which may be reversed by administering naloxone – there is no drug that can reverse the effects of GHB.

Witnessing a GHB overdose can be very distressing. You should call emergency services on 000 and meanwhile keep the person’s airways clear and monitor their breathing.

Dependence and other harms

Harms related to GHB have been escalating over the past ten years. Notably, GHB-related ambulance attendances, emergency presentations and hospitalisations have increased. For example, in Victoria, ambulance attendances related to GHB increased 147% between 2012 and 2019.

People who use GHB at least once a day can become dependent. If someone is using GHB daily, it is always recommended they consult a medical provider before stopping. Suddenly stopping can cause severe and even life-threatening withdrawal symptoms.

Sex and consent

Because GHB decreases inhibitions and enhances libido, some people also choose to combine it with sex.

In our research, we’ve found those who do this often use a range of strategies to care for themselves and their partners. For example, they may communicate about their sexual interests, boundaries and limits beforehand, and communicate consent both verbally and non-verbally.

Several high-profile cases overseas and in Australia have also drawn attention to the use of GHB in drink spiking and drug-facilitated sexual assault.

These instances are deeply concerning. However, many studies show other drugs – such as cannabis and even alcohol – are more commonly used in drug-facilitated sexual assault.

Detecting GHB in cases of sexual assault can be difficult and the true prevalence of drug-facilitated sexual assault in Australia is unknown, meaning we don’t have consistent data on how often GHB is used in sexual assault.

If people who voluntarily use GHB for sex experience distressing sexual situations, research shows they may resist labelling these as sexual violence. This can mean, despite their anguish, they may not seek support from sexual assault services.

Our research suggests people who use GHB may be more willing to seek help when services use different language to offer support – focusing on “confusion” or “concern” about sexual encounters, rather than sexual violence.

Silhoutte of man hunched in bedroom on bed.
Not everyone who has distressing experiences combining GHB and sex will want to use the term sexual violence.
Pixel-Shot/Shutterstock

Strategies to reduce harm

Our research also shows knowledge about GHB and harm reduction can make a difference. We interviewed 31 people who’d used GHB three or more times in the previous year.

They reported a range of strategies to keep themselves, their friends and sexual partners safe when using GHB. These include:

  • measuring every dose carefully

  • always starting with a low dose

  • spacing out doses over time

  • avoiding mixing GHB with other central nervous system depressants, such as alcohol

  • communicating openly about consent, sexual interests and boundaries when combining GHB with sex.

Shifting patterns

We still don’t know exactly why there is an increase in GHB use in Australia.

Possible factors include its low price and increased availability.

New groups using GHB, including people who inject drugs and women, may also contribute to the increase in harms such as hospitalisations. They may be less familiar with safer ways to use the drug. We need more research to understand why and how these new groups are using it.

There is also a lot we still need to learn about GHB’s long-term impacts on health and wellbeing.

Australian guidelines have been published on the management of GHB withdrawal.

However, there are few guidelines for clinicians and service providers about how best to work alongside people seeking to reduce their GHB use. We need more research to understand the experiences of people who use services aiming to reduce their use of GHB or withdraw.

Advice about drug use and treatment is available for free at the National Alcohol and Other Drug Hotline.

You can report unexpected overdoses to the Poisons Information Centre from anywhere in Australia on 131 126. In an emergency, call 000.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

The Conversation

Jack Freestone provides occasional consultancy services for ACON, a community health organisation for sexuality and gender diverse communities in NSW.

Krista Siefried receives funding from the Department of Health and Aged Care Australia, and the National Health and Medical Research Council.

ref. More Australians are overdosing on GHB. But there are ways to reduce your risk – https://theconversation.com/more-australians-are-overdosing-on-ghb-but-there-are-ways-to-reduce-your-risk-253128

The election of a new pope is announced with smoke: what do the colours mean, and how are they made?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Johnson, Professor of Liturgical Studies and Sacramental Theology and Director of the ACU Centre for Liturgy, Australian Catholic University

For nearly 800 years the Catholic Church has utilised the process of the conclave to elect a new pope. “Conclave” means “with a key”, indicating the cardinal-electors are locked up with a key to conduct their deliberations.

With no direct communication to the outside world, a key feature of the papal election process is the use of smoke to signal the result of ballots and to announce the election of a new pope.

Black smoke means a new pope has not been elected. White smoke means there is a new pope.

So where does this tradition come from – and how do they achieve the different coloured smoke?

Sending messages with smoke

Smoke signals are one of the oldest forms of long-distance communication between humans. For millennia, smoke signals have been used to indicate danger, to call for a gathering of tribes/nations, to transmit news and to warn of enemy invasions

Many indigenous peoples (such as those of North America, South America, China and Australia) are known for their sophisticated use of smoke signalling techniques to indicate specific messages to those at a distance.

These techniques can include changing the location of the fire (such as halfway up or at the top of a hill), adjusting the colour of smoke (using different types of foliage or damp/dry foliage) and the interruption or diversion of the smoke column at different intervals to produce particular patterns of smoke.

Catholic incense

Catholics utilise smoke in many rituals in the form of incense.

Incense (from the Latin incendere, meaning “to burn”) signifies prayer, sacrifice and reverence for people and objects. This fragrant smoke symbolises the prayer of the assembly rising up to God. Psalm 141:2 asks “may prayer be set before you like incense”. In Revelations 8:3–5, an angel is “given much incense to offer, with the prayers of all God’s people”.

Boys in red and white robes, swinging metal incense burners.
Catholics use incense during entrance processions, as with these altar boys swinging the thurible.
Bilderstoeckchen/Shutterstock

Catholics inherited their use of incense from its use in Jewish temple rituals and Greek imperial court rituals.

The smoke from the incense is used to show reverence toward the Gospel book, the presiding celebrant, the gifts of bread and wine offered at Mass, the altar, cross, the Easter Candle and the body of the deceased at a funeral.

This holy smoke is a visual and olfactory signal of the congregation’s offerings of supplication and praise rising up to God.

Crafting the smoke

Once the conclave begins, the only form of communication between the cardinal-electors and the outside world will be smoke signals sent through the chimney of a stove specially installed in the Sistine Chapel for the duration of the conclave.

Etching: a crowd gathers in a plaza to watch the smoke.
The 1878 conclave was held at the Sistine Chapel. Smoke, depicted here, indicated there was no new pope.
Wikimedia Commons

The tradition of burning the ballots goes back to at least 1417, though it wasn’t until the 18th century that the first chimney was installed in the Sistine Chapel. At this time, the appearance of smoke at set times indicated no new pope had been elected; while the absence of smoke indicated there was a new pope.

Prior to this it is likely that a new pope was simply announced from the loggia (central balcony) of St Peter’s Basilica and a written announcement was posted outside for people to read.

Since 1914, white smoke has indicated the election of a new pope. A stereotypical association of the colour of the smoke – white (positive) and black (negative) – lies behind the use of the two contrasting smoke colours.

In 1904, Pius X (who was pope from 1903–14) mandated that all notes taken by cardinals during the election were to be burned along with the ballots themselves. This burning of notes also increased the volume of smoke, making it clearly visible to the public outside when his successor Pope Benedict XV was elected in 1914.

The use of chemicals to ensure either black or white smoke was introduced after the 1958 conclave when damp straw added to papers from an unsuccessful ballot did not ignite at first. White smoke appeared before eventually turning black, causing confusion among the crowd gathered outside.

Black and white photograph: a crowd in a square.
A crowd watches as black smoke rises from the Sistine Chapel at the 1922 conclave.
Wikimedia Commons/Bibliothèque nationale de France

In 2013, the Vatican Press Office released the chemical formulae used to create black and white smoke.

To generate black smoke, potassium perchlorate and anthracene (a component of coal tar) fuelled with sulfur are electrically ignited. To generate white smoke, potassium chlorate, milk sugar and pine rosin are ignited.

Using these smoke signals, the cardinals can communicate from within the conclave immediately and directly to the faithful awaiting the announcement of the Church’s 267th Pope.

The Conversation

Clare Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The election of a new pope is announced with smoke: what do the colours mean, and how are they made? – https://theconversation.com/the-election-of-a-new-pope-is-announced-with-smoke-what-do-the-colours-mean-and-how-are-they-made-255595

Avoiding AI is hard – but our freedom to opt out must be protected

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Jin Kang, Senior Lecturer in Computer Science, RMIT University Vietnam

Wachiwit

Imagine applying for a job, only to find out that an algorithm powered by artificial intelligence (AI) rejected your resume before a human even saw it. Or imagine visiting a doctor where treatment options are chosen by a machine you can’t question.

This isn’t science fiction. It’s becoming a reality for many people today. AI quietly shapes almost every part of our lives – from the news we read chosen by AI to how our cities manage traffic. AI promises convenience, productivity, innovation and efficiency.

But as it grows more powerful, one urgent question is being overlooked: do people have the right to live free from AI’s influence?

Excluded from modern life

Opting out of AI is no simple matter.

AI powers essential systems such as healthcare, transport and finance.

It also influences hiring decisions, rental applications, loans, credit scoring, social media feeds, government services and even what news or information we see when we search online.

Challenging decisions made by AI in your life can be enormously difficult – and may only be able to be done in court. It’s even harder to choose to live without AI entirely, as this requires stepping away from much of modern life. For example, Australian users of Meta’s social media platforms cannot opt out of having their data used to train the company’s AI models.

A growing divide

AI-driven systems are biased. Automated hiring tools favour certain demographics, and AI-powered credit scoring can unfairly deny loans.

These biases are not just theoretical but they are real and present in our daily interactions. If AI becomes the gatekeeper for essential services, those who choose to avoid it could face significant disadvantages.

In many countries where digital systems are expanding rapidly, a large portion of the population struggles to adapt to these technologies. For example in India, only 12% of people over the age of 15 are considered digitally literate highlighting the challenges of technological changes.

Many face exclusion simply because they don’t fit into the AI-defined model. In these cases, opting out of AI isn’t a personal choice anymore, but it’s a matter of survival in a rapidly changing world. The divide between those who embrace AI and those who are left behind is widening and becoming a social barrier.

This isn’t just about bias or inefficiency. It’s about the fundamental transformation of our society, where the connected, the optimised, and the machine-readable dominate – and the rest of us are left in the shadows.

A lesson in control

The story of The Sorcerer’s Apprentice, a poem by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe written in 1797, is a powerful reminder of the dangers of unleashing forces we cannot control.

In the tale, an apprentice uses magic to perform tasks but loses control of the enchanted broomstick, leading to chaos and disaster. Today, AI is that uncontrollable force. It has the potential to make life easier but also poses serious risks when it gets out of hand.

The problem isn’t just about safety but about freedom. The Sorcerer’s Apprentice teaches us, as historian Yuval Noah Harari has written, to “never summon a power you cannot control” – a reminder that even well-meaning advancements can spiral out of control if we fail to manage them properly.

As AI becomes more embedded in our lives, the issue isn’t just about whether it works. It’s about whether we have the right to decide how much of it we want in our lives. The freedom to choose, to opt out, is essential to preserving our autonomy in the digital age.

Australian users of Meta’s social media platforms cannot opt out of having their data used to train the company’s AI models.
Tada Images/Shutterstock

What needs to change?

To protect the right to live a life free from the constant influence of AI, we must act now.

While most AI governance frameworks emphasise responsible use focusing on fairness, transparency and accountability, they often overlook a vital principle: the right to disengage from AI systems entirely without facing exclusion or disadvantage.

Governments, businesses and communities need to create policies that not only regulate AI but also respect individual freedoms. People should have the option to live without AI, without facing discrimination or exclusion from essential services.

AI decision making also needs to be more transparent. Whether it’s automated hiring, healthcare or financial services, AI should be understandable, accountable and open to scrutiny. No longer can we allow these systems to operate behind closed doors, making decisions that affect people’s lives with no recourse for the individuals involved.

Finally, society must invest in digital literacy. Everyone should understand the systems that impact their lives and have the tools to challenge them when necessary. Ensuring people know how to navigate and control the technologies that shape their world is essential in maintaining freedom in the digital age.

An urgent question

Some may ask, why not just add a kill switch to AI and shut it down if needed? But once AI is woven into crucial systems such as healthcare, transport or communication, it’s no longer something we can simply turn off.

Like electricity or the internet, it becomes a core part of modern life, not easily reversible without major disruption.

So as AI spreads further into every corner of our lives, we must urgently ask: will we still have the freedom to say no?

If we don’t act now to protect the right to choose, we risk a future where personal autonomy is compromised, and the influence of AI goes unchecked. The question isn’t whether we can live with AI but whether we will still have the right to live without it before it’s too late to break the spell.

James Jin Kang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Avoiding AI is hard – but our freedom to opt out must be protected – https://theconversation.com/avoiding-ai-is-hard-but-our-freedom-to-opt-out-must-be-protected-255873

Popes have been European for hundreds of years. Is it time for one from Africa or Asia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

Catholicism did not begin as a “white” faith. Born on the eastern rim of the Mediterranean, it spread through the trading routes and legions of the Roman Empire into Africa, Asia and, only later, what we now call Europe.

Three early bishops of Rome: Victor I (c. 189–199), Miltiades (311–314) and Gelasius I (492–496), were Africans whose teaching shaped the church’s developing doctrine.

They are venerated as saints, a reminder the papal office has never been racially defined.

However, that history sits uneasily with the unbroken run of European popes that stretches from the early Middle Ages to the death of Francis last month. Francis, an Argentine, was the first pope from Latin America, but he was the son of an Italian immigrant family.

Why, in a global communion of 1.4 billion faithful, has the modern conclave not looked beyond Europeans for a new pope? And what would need to change for it to do so?

Change has been gradual

The explanation lies less in colour than in logistics and culture.

Europe was the political and demographic centre of Catholicism for centuries. Until the 19th century, travel to Rome from beyond Europe was protracted, dangerous and expensive. An elector who missed the start of a conclave was simply excluded.

Papal politics, therefore, became tightly entwined with Italian city factions and, after 1870, the diplomatic rivalries of European powers.

Even after steamships and railways made travel easier, longstanding practice and patronage ensured most future cardinals were trained at Roman universities, served in the Curia (the bureaucracy of the Vatican), and moved within a Euro-centric network of friendships. The College of Cardinals became overwhelmingly European in composition and culture.

The 20th-century popes began to chip away at this European dominance in internal church governance:

  • Pius X abolished the secular veto in 1903 (used by Catholic monarchs to veto papal candidates)
  • Pius XI named the first modern Chinese cardinal in 1946
  • Paul VI limited papal electors to those under the age of 80 and started appointing non-European bishops in greater numbers.

John Paul II and Benedict XVI continued this trend, while Francis made a point of elevating pastors from places as varied as Tonga, Lesotho and Myanmar.

While Europe still claims the single largest bloc of votes in the conclave, there has been a decline in its cardinal representation from almost 70% in 1963 to 39% in 2025. The representatives from Africa and Asia have steadily increased.

Of the 135 electors who are eligible to enter the Sistine Chapel to cast ballots for the new pope on May 7, 53 are European. Africa has 18 electors, Asia 23, Latin America 21, North America 16, and Oceania four. (Two, however, are sick and will not attend – one from Europe and one from Africa).

This representation is disproportionately European, reflecting the gradual nature of shifts in the church’s structures.

Shifting demographics

The demographics of the Catholic church, meanwhile, are changing rapidly.

Between 1980 and 2023, the Catholic population of Europe fell from 286 million to just under 250 million. Weekly mass attendance declined even more steeply.

Over the same period, the number of Catholics in Africa almost tripled to 255 million. Asia climbed to about 160 million. And Latin America, though no longer expanding, remains home to roughly 40% of all Catholics, at 425 million.

Vocations follow the same curve: seminaries in France and Germany are closing for lack of students, while Nigeria, India and the Philippines are sending their priests abroad to ease shortages in Europe.

Africa and Asia have also significantly increased their representation among Cardinals at the highest level of the Church, from less than 10% in 1963 to more than 30% in 2025.

Ultimately, these numbers will expand even further, catching up with baptismal registers in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

What matters most during the conclave

Observers often describe papal candidates as “progressive” or “conservative”, or speculate about a “Global South bloc” ready to storm the papal throne. Such language obscures what the electors actually consider when casting a ballot.

Five practical questions tend to be important:

1. Is the candidate known and trusted, and a man of faith and wisdom?

Personal acquaintance still matters. Cardinals who have worked in Rome are well-placed because most electors have met them repeatedly.

2. Can he govern the Curia?

Leading the world’s oldest bureaucracy demands stamina, political tact, leadership acumen, relational skills and fluency in Italian, the everyday language of Vatican administration.

There is also the ongoing issue of reform, particularly around the church’s sexual abuse crisis and financial matters.

3. Will he be heard beyond Rome?

A pope must travel, address parliaments and give press conferences. Because communication and symbolism are important, a command of English and comfort in front of the global media matter greatly.

4. Is he a pastor?

The ability to preach the Gospel compellingly, comfort the afflicted and speak credibly about the poor has been vital since John Paul II.

5. Does he know and inhabit the tradition of the church?

As part of this, a pope should also be able to represent and deepen the church’s teachings.

Non-European papal candidates

These criteria help explain why previous non-European hopefuls have fallen short.

In 1978, for instance, Cardinal Aloísio Lorscheider of Brazil was judged too youthful and untested.

In 2005, Cardinal Francis Arinze of Nigeria, though admired, was seen as a transition figure at the age of 72. He also lacked experience in the Curia.

In 2013, Cardinal Odilo Scherer of Brazil was persuasive on pastoral questions but hampered by his limited English and Italian, and by concerns the Vatican Bank needed a strong financial reformer.

Could it change this year? There are several non-European candidates in the current conclave:

  • Luis Antonio Tagle (Philippines): the former archbishop of Manila, he is a gifted communicator in Italian and English. Some voters may fear he is not administratively capable and too closely identified with Francis, yet others see that continuity as an advantage.

  • Fridolin Ambongo Besungu (Democratic Republic of the Congo): a leading African voice on ecology and conflict mediation, he is admired for his courage and leadership in strife-torn Congo. Sceptics point to his limited network outside Africa and France. He may also be too conservative for some cardinals.

  • Peter Turkson (Ghana): a long-time curial prefect and articulate champion of economic justice. Age counts against him (he is 76), yet he could emerge as a compromise if the conclave stalls, as he seen to be doctrinally solid, open and charismatic.

Any one of them would break the post-medieval pattern. None, however, would (or should) campaign as a flag-bearer for his continent.

The church neither keeps a scorecard by hemisphere nor anoints popes to gratify civil notions of representation.

The most important thing is whether a candidate can carry forward the mission of the church and speak in an effective way in an era marked by war, the climate crisis and rapid secularisation.

Would a non-European pope be seismic?

Symbolically, yes.

A Filipino or Congolese pope would signal that Catholicism’s demographic heart now beats in Manila and Kinshasa, rather than Milan and Cologne.

Practically, though, the change might be less dramatic.

Whoever is elected inherits the same threefold task:

  • to guard church unity while being a place for all nations and peoples
  • to preach convincingly in a sceptical age and serve the poor and marginalised
  • to lead the a very diverse institution and reform the Curia so it serves rather than stifles evangelisation.

Those challenges transcend region and skin tone.

If the next pope happens to be African, Asian or Latin American, history will have turned a page. The universal body will have recognised, in the face of its evolving demographics, the gifts of a shepherd able to speak to followers in Kinshasa, Manila, Sao Paulo and Munich with equal conviction.

The mystery of the conclave is that when the doors close, regional and political calculations fade. What remains is prayerful discernment about who can carry Saint Peter’s keys into an uncertain future.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Popes have been European for hundreds of years. Is it time for one from Africa or Asia? – https://theconversation.com/popes-have-been-european-for-hundreds-of-years-is-it-time-for-one-from-africa-or-asia-255506

Moving towns: 4 stories of communities facing relocation show the complex realities of managed retreat

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stacy Vallis, Lecturer in Architecture and Emerging Technologies, Auckland University of Technology

Shutterstock/Emagnetic

With large parts of New Zealand having recently been pummelled by ex-tropical Cyclone Tam and ongoing bouts of heavy rain, it is important to remember that natural hazards have long shaped our cities.

Two townships in particular – Westport and Kumeū – have featured in national stories about floods since the 19th century.

They are now among a growing number of places where flooding infrastructure is losing effectiveness and drastic actions have to be considered, including managed retreat.

This raises understandable concerns about anticipated drops in land value and loss of social connection to a place. But managed or planned retreat is not a new concept nationally or globally. International examples can serve as useful references.

These stories from four communities in three countries show how connection to culture and place can be either challenged or sustained when relocation becomes necessary.

Tallangatta, Australia: six decades later

Back in 1956, the Australian township of Tallangatta in north-eastern Victoria was forced to move eight kilometres west because of the expansion of the Hume Weir.

Originally, “old” Tallangatta was located at the meeting point of the Mitta Mitta River and the Tallangatta Creek. But this was subsumed by a significant water-storage facility, the Hume Dam (Lake Hume).

During periods of low water levels, it is still possible to view the remains of the old town from a lookout.

About a hundred houses and a few shops were relocated, including some Victorian buildings. Residents said there was no cost to the relocation, with relocated houses repainted and given modern plumbing facilities that did not previously exist.

New public and commercial buildings were designed in the modernist architectural style of the era, and in 2016 Tallangatta was acknowledged as a “notable town” by the National Trust of Victoria.

The blend of Victorian and mid-century modernist buildings characterises the new township and represents different eras in its history, including the physical and social upheaval of relocation.

But while it can be possible to physically move timber buildings to a new site, characteristics such as original township layout and social connection to the surrounding landscape can be lost.

An aerial view of the Swedish town Kiruna, with an iron ore mine towering over it in the background.
Mining for iron ore has led to land subsidence, forcing the relocation of the Swedish town of Kiruna.
Imgur, CC BY-SA

Kiruna, Sweden: cultural history, industrial growth

Sweden’s northernmost town of Kiruna faces a similar situation due to land subsidence caused by a huge iron ore mine. Its 18,000 inhabitants now have to move about three kilometres east.

The town’s rich cultural heritage includes a long Indigenous Sami history and a long period of industrial growth driven by the mine which saw it given national heritage recognition in the 1980s.

The relocation process has not been without its challenges. One big question was how many historic buildings to move to help retain authentic connections to place.

It was proposed that new building design would use the aesthetic qualities of the historic buildings. And there was discussion about either creating an “old town” within the site, or dispersing relocated buildings around the town.

Eventually, local representatives and the mining company (which funded the relocation) decided about 50 of the oldest buildings would be relocated while the remainder would be demolished.

Demolition has now taken place, along with construction of a new town hall to replace its predecessor, a heritage-listed building dating to 1964.

Such decisions call for careful balancing of the impacts on local Indigenous cultural heritage, the economic role the mine has played in the town’s expansion, and its contribution to iron production in Europe in general.

Westport's clock tower and council chambers
Westport council chambers: floods in July 2021 damaged more than 500 houses.
Shutterstock/Lakeview Images

Parallel narratives: Westport and Kumeū

Climate change is making floods more intense and frequent. New Zealand’s South Island town of Westport is a 19th-century coal mining and trading settlement that experienced severe flooding in July 2021 and again in February 2022.

Although these floods were no larger than ones recorded in the past, their impact on homes and infrastructure was significantly greater due to Westport’s expansion over the years. The July 2021 flood damaged more than 500 houses, resulting in a NZ$54 million flood protection plan.

In 2023, the Buller District Council initiated a master plan to guide Westport’s future growth and development. It focuses on the controlled expansion of the township to higher ground on government-owned Pāmu farmland one kilometre southwest of Westport.

The council endorsed Westport’s master plan in March this year, but some residents are still apprehensive about the changes.

In the North Island, the township of Kumeū is close to Auckland, the country’s biggest city, but still reflects its farming history. Following recent floods, as well as several major floods since 1926, Auckland Council and local leaders joined forces to devise a plan to improve the town’s resilience.

While the prospect of managed retreat has been raised, proactive river maintenance seems the preferred option, including regular debris clearance by local contractors to optimise storm water drainage.

Managed retreat presents opportunities for improvement to Kumeū’s infrastructure. But the long-established cultural relationships between people and landscapes in Aotearoa New Zealand also need to inform inclusive decisions about major relocations.

Connection to heritage rests on relationships with place and setting. These can include buildings, landscapes and views, as well as the historical and cultural values associated with a given site.

The Conversation

Stacy Vallis is affiliated with ICOMOS Aotearoa New Zealand, but this article does not represent the views of ICOMOS Aotearoa New Zealand.

Andrew Burgess, Ann Morrison, Imelda Piri, and Priscila Besen do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Moving towns: 4 stories of communities facing relocation show the complex realities of managed retreat – https://theconversation.com/moving-towns-4-stories-of-communities-facing-relocation-show-the-complex-realities-of-managed-retreat-254693

Indonesian postcard image ‘dangerous’ but Fiji a rising star in RSF press freedom index

Pacific Media Watch

To mark the release of the 2025 World Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) partnered with the agency The Good Company to launch a new awareness campaign that puts an ironic twist on the glossy advertising of the tourism industry.

Three out of six countries featured in the exposé are from the Asia Pacific region — but none from the Pacific Islands.

The campaign shines a stark light on the press freedom violations in countries that seem perfect on postcards but are highly dangerous for journalists, says RSF.

It is a striking campaign raising awareness about repression.

Fiji (44th out of 180 ranked nations) is lucky perhaps as three years ago when its draconian media law was still in place, it might have bracketed up there with the featured “chilling” tourism countries such as Indonesia (127) — which is rapped over its treatment of West Papua resistance and journalists.

Disguised as attractive travel guides, the campaign’s visuals use a cynical, impactful rhetoric to highlight the harsh realities journalists face in destinations renowned for their tourist appeal.

Along with Indonesia, Greece (89th), Cambodia (115), Egypt (170), Mexico (124) and the Philippines (116) are all visited by millions of tourists, yet they rank poorly in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index, reports RSF.

‘Chilling narrative’
“The attention-grabbing visuals juxtapose polished, enticing aesthetics with a chilling narrative of intimidation, censorship, violence, and even death.

“This deliberately unsettling approach by RSF aims to shift the viewer’s perspective, showing what the dreamlike imagery conceals: journalists imprisoned, attacked, or murdered behind idyllic landscapes.”


The RSF Index 2025 teaser.     Video: RSF

Indonesia is in the Pacific spotlight because of its Melanesian Papuan provinces bordering Pacific Islands Forum member country Papua New Guinea.

Despite outgoing President Joko Widodo’s 10 years in office and a reformist programme, his era has been marked by a series of broken promises, reports RSF.

“The media oligarchy linked to political interests has grown stronger, leading to increased control over critical media and manipulation of information through online trolls, paid influencers, and partisan outlets,” says the Index report.

“This climate has intensified self-censorship within media organisations and among journalists.

“Since October 2024, Indonesia has been led by a new president, former general Prabowo Subianto — implicated in several human rights violation allegations — and by Joko Widodo’s eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as vice-president.

“Under this new administration, whose track record on press freedom offers little reassurance, concerns are mounting over the future of independent journalism.”

Fiji leads in Pacific
In the Pacific, Fiji has led the pack among island states by rising four places to 40th overall, making it the leading country in Oceania in 2025 in terms of press freedom.

A quick summary of Oceania rankings in the 2025 RSF World Press Freedom Index. Image: RSF/PMW

Both Timor-Leste, which dropped 19 places to 39th after heading the region last year, and Samoa, which plunged 22 places to 44th, lost their impressive track record.

Of the only other two countries in Oceania surveyed by RSF, Tonga rose one place to 46th and Papua New Guinea jumped 13 places to 78th, a surprising result given the controversy over its plans to regulate the media.

RSF reports that the Fiji Media Association (FMA), which was often critical of the harassment of the media by the previous FijiFirst government, has since the repeal of the Media Act in 2023 “worked hard to restore independent journalism and public trust in the media”.

In March 2024, research published in Journalism Practice journal found that sexual harassment of women journalists was widespread and needed to be addressed to protect media freedom and quality journalism.

In Timor-Leste, “politicians regard the media with some mistrust, which has been evidenced in several proposed laws hostile to press freedom, including one in 2020 under which defaming representatives of the state or Catholic Church would have been punishable by up to three years in prison.

“Journalists’ associations and the Press Council often criticise politicisation of the public broadcaster and news agency.”

On the night of September 4, 2024, Timorese police arrested Antonieta Kartono Martins, a reporter for the news site Diligente Online, while covering a police operation to remove street vendors from a market in Dili, the capital. She was detained for several hours before being released.

Samoan harassment
Previously enjoying a good media freedom reputation, journalists and their families in Samoa were the target of online death threats, prompting the Samoan Alliance of Media Professionals for Development (SAMPOD) to condemn the harassment as “attacks on the fourth estate and democracy”.

In Tonga, RSF reports that journalists are not worried about being in any physical danger when on the job, and they are relatively unaffected by the possibility of prosecution.

“Nevertheless, self-censorship continues beneath the surface in a tight national community.”

In Papua New Guinea, RSF reports journalists are faced with intimidation, direct threats, censorship, lawsuits and bribery attempts, “making it a dangerous profession”.

“And direct interference often threatens the editorial freedom at leading media outlets. This was seen yet again at EMTV in February 2022, when the entire newsroom was fired after walking out” in protest over a management staffing decison.

“There has been ongoing controversy since February 2023 concerning a draft law on media development backed by Communications Minister Timothy Masiu. In January 2024, a 14-day state of emergency was declared in the capital, Port Moresby, following unprecedented protests by police forces and prison wardens.”

This impacted on government and media relations.

Australia and New Zealand
In Australia (29), the media market’s heavy concentration limits the diversity of voices represented in the news, while independent outlets struggle to find a sustainable economic model.

While New Zealand (16) leads in the Asia Pacific region, it is also facing a similar situation to Australia with a narrowing of media plurality, closure or merging of many newspaper titles, and a major retrenchment of journalists in the country raising concerns about democracy.

Pacific Media Watch collaborates with Reporters Without Borders.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Gender quotas are the only way for the Liberals to go: Simon Birmingham

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The Liberals’ former Senate Leader Simon Birmingham has urged the party to adopt quotas for its women in parliament, in an excoriating post-election critique.

Birmingham, a leading moderate who retired from parliament in January, says given the Liberals’ parliamentary representation will be at an all-time low, “such quotas could and should be hard, fast and ambitious”.

“There must be a reshaping of the party to connect it with the modern Australian community. Based on who’s not voting Liberal, it must start with women. Based on where they’re not voting, it must focus on metropolitan Australia.”

In a LinkedIn post, Birmingham admits the concept of quotas might be “somewhat illiberal”.

“But I struggle to think of any alternatives if there is to be a new direction that truly demonstrates change and truly guarantees that the party will better reflect the composition of modern society.”

“Standing in the way of such changes are an increasingly narrow membership base, both in numbers and outlook,” he says

The Liberals have committed to targets for women but without success in reaching them. There has been strong opposition within the party to quotas.

Former Liberal speaker Andrew Wallace told Sky on Tuesday, “I am uncomfortable with quotas because fundamentally I believe that the best person for the job should get the job”.

Birmingham suggests the next Liberal leader should consider the use of citizen assemblies “to re-engage back into candidate selection and policy formulation the very forgotten people who Menzies spoke of. Small business owners. Leaders of sporting, multicultural, service and other community organisations. Skilled professionals, especially professional women.

“The party can no longer expect such people to come to it as members but must find new ways to go to them.”

Birmingham says lessons from previous failures haven’t been learned.

He writes that “nothing can be sacrosanct if the party is to find a pathway to relevance with new generations of voters”.

“The broad church model of a party that successfully melds liberal and conservative thinking is clearly broken. The Liberal party is not seen as remotely liberal and the brand of conservatism projected is clearly perceived as too harsh and  out of touch.

“A Liberal Party fit for the future will need to reconnect with and represent liberal ideology, belief and thinking in a new and modern context.”

Birmingham says Australians still  seek the freedoms liberalism stands for. “Yet in 2025 the Liberal Party is seen as grudging if not intolerant of the way some exercise those freedoms. It must be a party that respects all individual choices, actions and opinions, in the way John Stuart Mill articulated 200 years ago, limited only when they would cause harm to others.

“Respect, inclusion and freedom can stand together, with support for all families, and enterprises. But not alongside judgemental attitudes that exclude or isolate some.”

Birmingham says the party has to reconcile itself on policy questions “from the size and role of government, through challenges of our time like budget sustainability, climate change and national security”.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Gender quotas are the only way for the Liberals to go: Simon Birmingham – https://theconversation.com/gender-quotas-are-the-only-way-for-the-liberals-to-go-simon-birmingham-255958

Why do some people get a curved back as they age and what can I do to avoid it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jakub Mesinovic, Research Fellow at the Institute for Physical Activity and Nutrition, Deakin University

fran_kie/Shutterstock

As we age, it’s common to notice posture changes: shoulders rounding, head leaning forward, back starting to curve. You might associate this with older adults and wonder: will this happen to me? Can I prevent it?

It’s sometimes called “hunchback” or “roundback”, but the medical term for a curved back is kyphosis.

When the curve is beyond what’s considered normal (greater than 40 degrees), we refer to this as hyperkyphosis. In more severe cases, it may lead to pain, reduced mobility and physical function, or lower quality of life.

Here’s how it happens, and how to reduce your risk.

What causes a curved back?

A healthy spine has an elongated s-shape, so a curve in the upper spine is completely normal.

But when that curve becomes exaggerated and fixed (meaning you can’t stand up straight even if you try), it can signal a problem.

One common cause of a curved back is poor posture. This type, called postural kyphosis, usually develops over time due to muscle imbalances, particularly in younger people who spend hours:

  • hunched over a desk
  • slouched in a chair, or
  • looking down at a phone.

Fortunately, this kind of curved back is often reversible with the right exercises, stretches and posture awareness.

Man with impaired posture position
When the curve in your back becomes exaggerated and fixed, it can signal a problem.
Undrey/Shutterstock

Older adults often develop a curved back, known as age-related kyphosis or hyperkyphosis.

This is usually due to wear and tear in the spine, including vertebral compression fractures, which are tiny cracks in the bones of the spine (vertebrae).

These cracks are most often caused by osteoporosis, a condition that makes bones more fragile with age.

In these cases, it’s not just bad posture – it’s a structural change in the spine.

An older man with a curved back walks on a path.
Older adults often develop a curved back, known as age-related kyphosis or hyperkyphosis.
nhk_nhk/Shutterstock

How can you tell the difference?

Signs of age-related hyperkyphosis include:

  • your back curves even when you try to stand up straight
  • back pain or stiffness
  • a loss of height (anything greater than 3-4 centimetres compared to your peak adult height may be considered outside of “normal” ageing).

Other causes of a curved back include:

  • Scheuermann’s kyphosis (which often develops during adolescence when the bones in the spine grow unevenly, leading to a forward curve in the upper back)
  • congenital kyphosis (a rare condition present from birth, caused by improper formation of the spinal bones. It can result in a more severe, fixed curve that worsens as a child grows)
  • scoliosis (where the spine curves sideways into a c- or s-shape when viewed from behind), and
  • lordosis (an excessive inward curve in the lower back, when viewed from the side).

In addition to these structural conditions, arthritis, and in rare cases, spinal injuries or infections, can also play a role.

Should I see a doctor about my curved back?

Yes, especially if you’ve noticed a curve developing, have ongoing back pain, or have lost height over time.

These can be signs of vertebral fractures, which can occur in the absence of an obvious injury, and are often painless.

While one in five older adults have a vertebral fracture, as many as two-thirds of these fractures are not diagnosed and treated.

In Australia, the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and Healthy Bones Australia recommend a spine x-ray for:

  • people with kyphosis
  • height loss equal to or more than 3 centimetres, or
  • unexplained back pain.

What can I do to reduce my risk?

If you’re young or middle-aged, the habits you build today matter.

The best way to prevent a curved back is to keep your bones strong, muscles active, and posture in check. That means:

  • doing regular resistance training, especially targeting upper back muscles
  • staying physically active, aiming for at least 150 minutes per week
  • getting enough protein, calcium, and vitamin D to support bone and muscle health
  • avoiding smoking and limiting alcohol to reduce risk factors that worsen bone density and overall wellbeing

Pay attention to your posture while sitting and standing. Position your head over your shoulders and shoulders over your hips. This reduces strain on your spine.

A woman sits hunched over her laptop
If you’re young or middle-aged, the habits you build today matter.
Doucefleur/Shutterstock

What exercises help prevent and manage a curved back?

Focus on exercises that strengthen the muscles that support an upright posture, particularly the upper back and core, while improving mobility in the chest and shoulders.

In general, you want to prioritise extension-based movements. These involve straightening or lifting the spine and pulling the shoulders back.

Repeated forward-bending (or flexion) movements may make things worse, especially in people with osteoporosis or spinal fractures.

Good exercises include:

  • back extensions (gently lift your chest off the floor while lying face down)
  • resistance exercises targeting the muscles between your shoulder blades
  • weight-bearing activities (such as brisk walking, jogging, stair climbing, or dancing) to keep bones strong and support overall fitness
  • stretching your chest and hip flexors to open your posture and relieve tightness.

Flexibility and balance training (such as yoga and pilates) can be beneficial, particularly for posture awareness, balance, and mobility. But research increasingly supports muscle strengthening as the cornerstone of prevention and management.

Muscle strengthening exercises, such as weight lifting or resistance training, reduces spinal curvature while enhancing muscle and bone mass.

If you suspect you have kyphosis or already have osteoporosis or a vertebral fracture, consult a health professional before starting an exercise program. There may be some activities to avoid.

Woman using lat pulldown machine in gym
Resistance training is crucial.
Yakobchuk Yiacheslav/Shutterstock

Can a curved back be reversed?

If it’s caused by poor posture and muscle weakness, then yes, it’s possible.

But if it’s caused by bone changes, especially vertebral fractures, then full reversal is unlikely. However, treatment can reduce pain, improve function, and slow further progression.

Protecting your posture isn’t just about appearance. It’s about staying strong, mobile and independent as you age.

The Conversation

Jakub Mesinovic has received competitive research funding from the Medical Research Future Fund (MRFF).

David Scott has received consulting fees from Pfizer Consumer Healthcare, Abbott Nutrition and Alexion AstraZenica. He has received research funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), Australian Research Council (ARC), Medical Research Future Fund (MRFF), American Society for Bone and Mineral Research (ASBMR), Alexion AstraZenica, Healthy Bones Australia and Amgen Australia. He is a member of the International Osteoporosis Foundation’s Committee of Scientific Advisors.

ref. Why do some people get a curved back as they age and what can I do to avoid it? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-some-people-get-a-curved-back-as-they-age-and-what-can-i-do-to-avoid-it-252811

As Warren Buffett prepares to retire, does his investing philosophy have a future?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Angel Zhong, Professor of Finance, RMIT University

Warren Buffett, the 94-year-old investing legend and chief executive of Berkshire Hathaway, has announced plans to step down at the end of this year.

His departure will mark the end of an era for value investing, an investment approach built on buying quality companies at reasonable prices and holding them for the long term.

Buffett’s approach transformed Berkshire Hathaway from a small textile business in the 1960s into a giant conglomerate now worth more than US$1.1 trillion (A$1.7 trillion).

He built his fortune backing US industry in energy and insurance and American brands, including big stakes in household names such as Coca-Cola, American Express and Apple.

At Berkshire’s annual meeting at the weekend, held in an arena with thousands of devoted investors, Buffett named Greg Abel as his successor.

Abel, 62, is currently chairman and chief executive of Berkshire Hathaway Energy, as well as vice chairman of Berkshire Hathaway’s vast non-insurance operations.

He’s known for his disciplined, no-nonsense management style. The company’s board has now voted unanimously to approve the move.

This changing of the guard comes at a pivotal moment. Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency has already delivered significant economic policy shifts.

Meanwhile, questions about US economic dominance grow louder against China’s continued rise.

The ‘Oracle of Omaha’

Few names command as much respect in the world of finance as Warren Buffett. Born in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1930, Buffett displayed an early genius for numbers and investing. He bought his first stock at age 11.

His investment philosophy – buying undervalued companies with strong fundamentals – would later earn him the nickname the “Oracle of Omaha” for his uncanny ability to predict market trends and identify winning investments years before others did.

Value investing

Buffett drew his investment approach from the value investment principles of British-born US economist Benjamin Graham.

He preferred businesses with lasting advantages and a clear value proposition. Some of his key investments included insurance company GEICO, railroad company BNSF, and more recently Chinese electric vehicle maker BYD.

He avoided speculative bubbles (such as the dotcom bubble of the late 1990s and, more recently, cryptocurrencies) and preached long-term patience to investors. As he famously wrote in a 1988 letter to shareholders:

In fact, when we own portions of outstanding businesses with outstanding managements, our favorite holding period is forever.

Buffett’s guidance helped Berkshire navigate many economic booms and recessions. Over his six decades at the helm, the company delivered impressive compounded annual returns of almost 20% – virtually double those of the S&P 500 index.

Beyond financial success, Buffett championed ethical business practices and pledged to donate more than 99% of his wealth through the Giving Pledge, which he cofounded with Bill Gates and Melinda French Gates.




Read more:
How Warren Buffett’s enormous charitable gifts reflect the ‘inner scorecard’ that has guided him up to the billionaire’s planned retirement


Challenges to Buffett’s strategy in today’s world

In an op-ed for the New York Times in 2008, Buffett famously shared the maxim that guides his investment decisions:

Be fearful when others are greedy, and be greedy when others are fearful.

But his strategy thrived in an era of increasing globalisation, free trade, and US economic supremacy. The world has shifted since Buffett’s heyday.

There are concerns about the recent underperformance of value investing. Technology companies now dominate older industries.

This raises questions about whether those who succeed Buffett can spot the next major industry disruptors.

America first?

Trump’s return as US president heralds major changes in economic policy. Trade restrictions might hurt some of Berkshire’s international investments. However, these same policies might benefit Buffett’s US-focused investments.

The idea of US economic superiority also faces new questions. China may overtake the US economy in the 2030s. The US share of global economic output has fallen from about 22% in 1980 to about 15% today.

Buffett’s “never bet against America” mantra faces new scrutiny.

Warren Buffett discusses trade deficits and protectionism on May 3.

The challenges for Buffett’s successor

Abel inherits a company with about US$348 billion (A$539 billion) in cash. That’s a serious amount of capital to deploy wisely amid global economic uncertainty and Trump’s trade war.

Abel will likely maintain Berkshire’s core values while updating its approach. His challenges include:

  1. Maintaining the “Buffett premium”: Abel lacks Buffett’s cult-like following among investors, which may gradually erode the additional value the market assigns to Berkshire due to Buffett’s leadership.

    Without Buffett’s reputation, Abel may face increased pressure to effectively deploy Berkshire’s massive cash pile in a still-expensive stock market, where valuations are high and finding bargains is harder than ever.

  2. Technological adaptation: while Berkshire has increased its technology investments over the years (including positions in Apple and Amazon), balancing its legacy holdings (such as Coca-Cola and railroads) with growth sectors (AI, renewables) remains challenging.

  3. Environmental concerns: Berkshire Hathaway’s heavy reliance on coal and gas-fired utilities has drawn growing criticism as investors and regulators demand cleaner energy solutions.

  4. Replicating the “golden touch”: Buffett’s genius wasn’t just in picking stocks. It was also in capital allocation, deal-making, and crisis management (for example, buying into Goldman Sachs during the global financial crisis). Can Abel replicate that?

After Buffett

Buffett’s principles – patience, intrinsic value and betting on America – are timeless. But the world has moved on. His successor must navigate geopolitical risks, technological disruption, and the rise of passive investing while preserving Berkshire’s unique culture.

The post-Buffett era represents more than just a leadership change. It’s a test of whether Buffett’s principles can survive in an increasingly short-term, technology-dominated, and geopolitically complex world.

Abel’s leadership will reveal the enduring power – or limitations – of Buffett’s philosophy.

The Conversation

Angel Zhong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As Warren Buffett prepares to retire, does his investing philosophy have a future? – https://theconversation.com/as-warren-buffett-prepares-to-retire-does-his-investing-philosophy-have-a-future-255867

Labor settled the ‘funding wars’ just before the election. Here are 4 big issues schools still face

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stewart Riddle, Professor, School of Education, University of Southern Queensland

Days before Prime Minister Anthony Albanese called the federal election, the Labor government settled a long-running argument with the states over school funding.

This locked in a new 25%–75% split on federal and state funding for schools. It also committed to “fully funding” public schools by 2034, according to the requirements recommended by the Gonski report in 2011.

But apart from Peter Dutton’s criticism of the curriculum – suggesting students were being “indocrinated” – schools barely figured in the campaign.

In his victory speech, Albanese declared his new government would deliver on the values of “fairness, aspiration and opportunity for all”.

Education is the engine room for all three of these. Now Labor has been returned for a second term, what should the priorities be for schooling?

1. The teacher shortage

Teachers are burning out and leaving the profession at an alarming rate. We are due to have a shortage of 4,100 high school teachers in 2025.

There is a large body of research showing unsustainable workload is a key issue. Teachers have also lost professional autonomy and status, while facing increased scrutiny based on standardised test results and accountability metrics.

A study of 65,000 Australian media articles from 1996 to 2020 found overwhelmingly negative portrayals of teachers, who have been blamed for education failures.

There needs to be a national response to the teaching workforce crisis that goes beyond the piecemeal approach of previous plans, such as 2022’s National Teacher Workforce Action Plan.

We need a more coordinated and extensive campaign to attract and retain teachers. This will take substantial time and financial investment.

2. Student disengagement

Likewise, we need strategies to support and enable students to participate fully in schooling. Issues around school refusal and attendance are increasing across Australia. A comprehensive response is needed, which addresses the broad range of social, economic, health and wellbeing factors at play.

Simple policy “fixes” such as prepackaged lessons, mandated explicit teaching practices, or phonics screening will do little to re-engage marginalised young people.

Schools need to be able to provide inclusive and supportive learning environments, which cater to the diverse needs and interests of their students and communities.

This requires school-specific approaches to the curriculum, teaching methods and school climate (or the quality of school life), rather than further standardisation.

3. Educational inequality

Australia has one of the most unequal schooling systems in the OECD.
As the MySchool website notes, “there is a substantial body of research evidence that shows the educational performance of students […] is related to certain characteristics of their family […] and school”.

Put another way, there is a persistent link between postcodes and educational access and outcomes for Australian students.

Fully funding public schools in communities facing complex disadvantage is a start, but much more is needed to reverse the policy settings that have entrenched inequality in Australian schooling.

The combined effects of more than two decades of standardisation (including a focus on high-stakes tests) and marketisation (where schools compete for students) have hollowed out public education in Australia.

There needs to be a bold plan to reshape Australian schools as engines of equality.

4. Global uncertainty

Schools need to be places where young people can not only learn about the world, but also how to get along in the world. This need has arguably become even more pressing.

With the re-election of US President Donald Trump, the world has become more uncertain and more complex. We also know Australian students’ civics knowledge is at its lowest since testing began.

Making schools more welcoming and inclusive for students from diverse backgrounds is one way to help build a more democratic future in which difference is celebrated and lasting social bonds are formed.

Giving young people the opportunity to collaborate on problems that matter to their communities (for example, climate change) can also help make them more engaged and critical thinkers.

In collaborating on problems, schools use traditional curriculum resources as well as local knowledge and cultural wisdom, which helps to connect young people to their schools and communities.

The Australian Curriculum already provides the opportunity for schools to do this work, but is often pushed aside in the drive for increased literacy and numeracy test results.

Time for a bold vision

To deliver on Albanese’s promise of “fairness, aspiration and opportunity for all”, the Australian government must do much more than provide extra funding for schools.

Now is the time for a big, bold vision of education for all young Australians. This needs to involve the teaching workforce, students from all backgrounds, and a consideration of the skills and knowledge needed to meet the challenges of a complex and volatile world.

Stewart Riddle receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Labor settled the ‘funding wars’ just before the election. Here are 4 big issues schools still face – https://theconversation.com/labor-settled-the-funding-wars-just-before-the-election-here-are-4-big-issues-schools-still-face-255870

What’s the difference between osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Giovanni E. Ferreira, NHMRC Emerging Leader Research Fellow, Institute of Musculoskeletal Health, University of Sydney

Douglas Olivares/Shutterstock.

Arthritis – an umbrella term for around 100 conditions that damage the joints – affects 4.1 million Australians. This is expected to rise by 31% to 5.4 million by 2040 and cost the Australian health-care system an estimated $12 billion each year.

The two most common types, osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis, can both cause joint pain, swelling and stiffness. Both are more common in women. Neither can be cured.

But their causes, risk factors and treatments are different – here’s what you need to know.

What is osteoarthritis?

Osteoarthritis is the most common form of arthritis. It affects 2.1 million Australians, mostly older people. About a third of Australians aged 75 and older have the condition.

It can affect any joint but is most common in the knees, hips, fingers, thumbs and big toes.

The main symptom is pain, especially during movement. Other symptoms may include swelling, stiffness and changes to the shape of joints.

The main risk factors are ageing and obesity, as well as previous injuries or surgery. For osteoarthritis in the hands, genetics also play a big role.

Signs of osteoarthritis can appear on knee scans from around age 45 and become more common with age.

However, this type of arthritis not simply the “wear and tear” of ageing. Osteoarthritis is a complex disease that affects the whole joint. This includes the cartilage (“shock-absorbing” connective tissue protecting your bones), bones, ligaments (connective tissue holding bones and body parts in place) and joint lining.

Pair of hands laying flat with bent joints in the fingers.
Osteoarthritis can change the shape of joints such as knuckles.
joel bubble ben/Shutterstock

How is it diagnosed?

Diagnosis is based on symptoms (such as pain and restricted movement) and a physical exam.

The disease generally worsens over time and cannot be reversed. But the severity of damage does not always correlate with pain levels.

For this reason, x-rays and MRI scans are usually unhelpful. Some people with early osteoarthritis experience severe pain, but the damage won’t show up on a scan. Others with advanced and visible osteoarthritis may have few symptoms or none at all.

What about rheumatoid arthritis?

Unlike osteoarthritis, rheumatoid arthritis is an autoimmune disease. This means the immune system attacks the joint lining, causing inflammation and damage.

Common symptoms include pain, joint swelling and stiffness, especially in the morning.

Rheumatoid arthritis is less common than osteoarthritis, affecting around 514,000 Australians. It mostly impacts the wrists and small joints in the hands and feet, though larger joints such as the elbows, shoulders, knees and ankles can also be involved.

It can also affect other organs, including the skin, lungs, eyes, heart and blood vessels. Fortunately, disease outside the joint has become less common in recent years, likely due to better and earlier treatment.

Rheumatoid arthritis often develops earlier than osteoarthritis but can occur at any age. Onset is most frequent in those aged 35–64. Smoking increases your risk.

How is it diagnosed?

As with osteoarthritis, your doctor will diagnose rheumatoid arthritis based on your symptoms and a physical exam.

Some other tests can be useful. Blood tests may pick up specific antibodies that indicate rheumatoid arthritis, although you can still have the condition with negative results.

X-rays may also reveal joint damage if the disease is advanced. If there is uncertainty, an ultrasound or MRI can help detect inflammation.


The Conversation, CC BY-SA

How is osteoarthritis treated?

No treatment can stop osteoarthritis progressing. However many people manage their symptoms well with advice from their doctor and self-care. Exercise, weight management and pain medicines can help.

Exercise has been shown to be safe for osteoarthritis of the knee, hip and hand. Many types of exercise are effective at reducing pain, so you can choose what suits you best.

For knee osteoarthritis, managing weight through diet and/or exercise is strongly recommended. This may be because it reduces pressure on the joint or because losing weight can reduce inflammation. Anti-obesity medicines may also reduce pain.

A woman in exercise gear does squats outside.
Exercise can help manage weight and is safe and effective at managing joint pain.
gelog67/Shutterstock

Topical and oral anti-inflammatories are usually recommended to manage pain. However, opioids (such as tramadol or oxycodone) are not, due to their risks and limited evidence they help.

In some cases antidepressants such as duloxetine may also be considered as a treatment for pain though, again, evidence they help is limited.

What about rheumatoid arthritis?

Treatments for rheumatoid arthritis focus on preventing joint damage and reducing inflammation.

It’s essential to get an early referral to a rheumatologist, so that treatment with medication – called “disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs” – can begin quickly.

These medicines suppress the immune system to stop inflammation and prevent damage to the joint.

With no cure, the overall goal is to achieve remission (where the disease is inactive) or get symptoms under control.

Advances in treatment

There is an increasing interest in prevention for both types of arthritis.

A large international clinical trial is currently investigating whether a diet and exercise program can prevent knee osteoarthritis in those with higher risk – in this case, women who are overweight and obese.

For those already affected, new medicines in early-stage clinical trials show promise in reducing pain and improving function.

There is also hope for rheumatoid arthritis with Australian researchers developing a new immunotherapy. This treatment aims to reprogram the immune system, similar to a vaccine, to help people achieve long-term remission without lifelong treatment.

The Conversation

Giovanni E. Ferreira receives funding from The National Health and Medical Research Council, HCF Research Foundation, and Ramsay Hospital Research Foundation.

Rachelle Buchbinder receives research funding from The National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund, the Australian government, HCF Foundation and Arthritis Australia.

ref. What’s the difference between osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-osteoarthritis-and-rheumatoid-arthritis-249154

Office design isn’t keeping up with post-COVID work styles – here’s what workers really want

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ozgur Gocer, Senior Lecturer, University of Sydney

Flexible work has become the new norm, despite the best efforts of companies calling workers back to the office.

Some employers assume that a return to the old ways of working is both possible and desirable. But for many workers, their perception of the office environment has changed.

According to our new study, only 27% of surveyed office workers now spend more than 30 hours a week at their workplace — down from 69% before the pandemic. That was typical of a predominantly full-time office-based culture.

And one in four office workers spends fewer than ten hours a week at the office.

The study draws on the Building Occupants Survey System Australia (BOSSA), a large database that assesses worker satisfaction with the indoor environmental quality of their office building. It also considers the role of demographic and personal factors in shaping workplace experiences.

To understand changes in work patterns before and after COVID, we analysed 5,644 surveys pre- and post-COVID. They covered 157 Australian office buildings, mostly in Sydney (81), Melbourne (39) and Brisbane(21).

Who has cut their office hours the most?

The trend towards more flexible work reflects broader cultural changes in how Australians work. Flexibility has become essential – not just a pandemic-era necessity.

In our study, women and employees aged 30–50 reported the most substantial drop in weekly office hours, especially among those who had been working more than 30 hours a week in the office pre-COVID. This reduction likely reflects increased family responsibilities for those respondents – such as school drop-offs or being available during school holidays – alongside a broader pursuit of work-life balance.

Serious mature older adult woman watching zoom meeting
Managers and women are among those most likely to work flexibly.
Ground Picture/Shutterstock

Many in this age group hold mid-career or leadership roles, where autonomy and adaptability in work schedules become crucial. The hybrid work model offers this flexibility. It enables employees to better navigate professional demands and care-giving duties.

This is especially important for women, who continue to do the majority of housework and caring responsibilities. Employees over 50 may return to the office due to lower technological confidence or a preference for face-to-face interaction.

Office design isn’t keeping up

Yet the return to the office hasn’t meant a return to the old ways of working. This research shows significant declines in satisfaction with key office factors, including:

  • space functionality and aesthetic experience
  • daylight and external view access
  • personal control over office environment.

Privacy and disruption – relating to noise, interruptions and lack of visual privacy – emerged as the strongest predictor of productivity and workplace health. Employees said quiet, private spaces were vital for focused work and mental well-being.

Despite its challenges, working from home is often perceived as more conducive to work-life balance and more cost-effective for both workers and companies.

What needs to change in office design?

The contrast between the autonomy and comfort of home offices and the constraints of traditional office spaces may partially explain the decline in workplace satisfaction.

Overhead shot of a contemporary office setting
Better design: Office workers are asking for quiet areas and home-like comforts in the office.
Shutterstock

Notably, the shift towards working from home has reshaped employees’ expectations. This has led to a decline in satisfaction with traditional office environments.

Despite the prevalence of remote work, a substantial portion of employees still operate from the same pre-pandemic workplaces.

As flexible work schedules become the norm, a shift in the notion of the workplace is underway. Spaces need to be designed not just for individual tasks, but to foster collaboration, innovation and social connections.

Job flexibility has become an essential feature that drives employee satisfaction and engagement. Employees surveyed say they want updated spaces that support both privacy and social interactions:

I do my best thinking in inspiring spaces. Natural light, spacious meeting rooms, modern furniture, quiet areas, sit/stand desks.

Another survey respondent explained:

It would be good to have more private spaces for online meetings, and also to escape from noise.

This change in employee expectations calls for new office builds with environments that enhance employees’ wellbeing. Workers are asking for features such as comfortable home-like spaces and health-conscious amenities.

The survey results show workers’ key post-pandemic design priorities include reduced density, physical distancing, reconfigured layouts and better ventilation.

To improve indoor environmental quality, facilities teams should adopt a holistic approach that combines improved air movement with advanced filtration systems for better air quality, workplace acoustics and greater employee control over environmental settings.

The workplace is under pressure to evolve into a dynamic, human-centered environment that supports both productivity and personal fulfilment. Many workers surveyed said they would be willing to move to a new office for a better office environment.

The Conversation

Richard de Dear receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Ozgur Gocer and Thomas Parkinson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Office design isn’t keeping up with post-COVID work styles – here’s what workers really want – https://theconversation.com/office-design-isnt-keeping-up-with-post-covid-work-styles-heres-what-workers-really-want-254997

The ‘feminisation’ of Labor is a key reason Australians embraced it – and Anthony Albanese

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Strangio, Emeritus Professor of Politics, Monash University

Watching elections over the decades, one thing that has struck me is that results are invariably hyperbolised in the first blush of the people’s verdict. The achievement of the winners is over-egged in the commentary, as is the scale of the calamity suffered by the losers.

That caveat notwithstanding, I think we can credibly say that Saturday’s election result was the most momentous since John Howard’s totemic victory of 2001 — a win that set in train much of what has happened in Australian politics over the course of this century.

As I suggested in my pre-election essay on Anthony Albanese’s prime ministership, the impending victory for Labor would in part be an endorsement, even if grudging, of his leadership of the nation. It would be a reward for the fact that, despite limitations, he had run an industrious, orderly, united and scandal-free government. His was a mature administration that the country had been bereft of for nearly two decades.

But the magnitude of Labor’s triumph on Saturday was undoubtedly most of all a repudiation of Duttonism. It was an emphatic assertion of what Australia is not. Why that makes this election the most significant since 2001 is that Dutton was an ideological heir to Howard — as before him was Tony Abbott, notwithstanding the latter’s idiosyncratic influence by the philosophy of the post-war right-wing Catholic crusader, B.A. Santamaria.

Dutton entered the House of Representatives at the 2001 election, and the early advance of his parliamentary career was nurtured by Howard. As he articulated during this campaign, Dutton regarded Howard as his political touchstone.

Like Abbott’s, Dutton’s leadership of the Liberal Party represented a doubled down version of the conservative populism that Howard so effectively unleashed at the 2001 election.

This was a point that Lech Blaine perceptively recognised in his chilling 2024 Quarterly Essay portrait of Dutton. In common with Abbott, Dutton’s rendition of Howardism was an aggressively crude variant. Moreover, both of these unequal proteges were wanting in their mentor’s masterful political dexterity. Antithetical to the heritage of the Liberal Party, they were also short of interest in, let alone aptitude for, economic policy.

Howard’s conservative populism was directed at cleaving working-class voters off Labor, especially in outer suburban electorates of Australia. For some time, there has been an emerging expectation that Dutton was poised to fruitfully capitalise on an incipient revolt against the Albanese government in outer suburbia. That is, a belief that these seats were susceptible to swallowing whole Dutton’s Frankenstein version of Howardism.

Dutton’s strategy for hunting after votes in the outer suburbs and the commentary that has attended to it did a disservice to those communities. Undoubtedly, their populations, fast growing and undergoing a tsunami of demographic change, are enduring severe economic duress and struggling with over-stretched infrastructure and services.

But there has been too much of a readiness to extrapolate from this that they were ripe for embracing an angry, grievance-fuelled politics, that they were vulnerable to xenophobic dog whistling, that they were, in short, home to an uglier Australia.

The rejection of Duttonism in outer suburbia Australia suggests that, to the contrary, because of their kaleidoscopic diversity of ethnicities and cultures, these communities shrink from a politics of divisiveness and nativism.

In other words, the routing of the Liberals on Saturday ought to be the moment that finally closes the door on the direction that Howard orientated the party at the beginning of this century. It should be his last hurrah.

The dilemma, of course, is that stripped of moderates (the idea of the vaunted “broad church” thriving under Howard was itself greatly exaggerated), there is a serious question of whether the Liberals can reverse their 25-year rightwards pivot.

The new leader could begin the journey back towards the centre by never darkening the doors of Sky News after Dark. A folly of Abbott and Dutton was their tribal attitude to the media. They skewed their communications to reactionary sympathisers who, rather than providing a reality check, encouraged ideological amplification.




Read more:
In its soul-searching, the Coalition should examine its relationship with the media


What of Albanese and his leadership? In my pre-election essay on him, I flagged a concern that victory would feed his self-narrative of always being under-estimated. That it would encourage him to stick fast to his first term modus operandi of cautious, dogged incrementalism at a point when the nation is overdue for a burst of expansive reformism. The scale of Saturday’s win arguably heightens that risk.

Yet we do have to acknowledge that Albanese, fortunate though he has been with the incurably inauthentic Scott Morrison and then Dutton as opponents, has been under-estimated. He has insisted since 2022 that his was a two-term strategy in which the first would be about measured consolidation that would, in turn, open the path to a long-term Labor government whose legacy would be durable change. This result means the prime minister and his team now have the opportunity to achieve that.

Watching the ABC’s election night broadcast, a chief takeaway was the conspicuous camaraderie among senior members of Albanese’s Labor cabinet. Treasurer Jim Chalmer’s sincerely generous words about the prime minister’s leadership exemplified that.

During Labor’s first term, I wondered whether Chalmers, for all his virtues, was actually too much a patient team player and not enough of an agitator within the government. In other words, that he did not sufficiently ginger up Albanese for greater policy adventurism, as Paul Keating did Bob Hawke during the last great era of Labor reformism.

But Saturday night spotlighted a different, but perhaps at least as equally valuable, dynamic at the top of the government. That is genuine respect, even affection, between its key personnel. Keating could never have been as laudable of Hawke as Chalmers was of Albanese as the votes were tallied.

This says much about the character of Chalmers, as it does about other leading cabinet members who have exuded that spirit of camaraderie throughout the life of the government. Most notably, the prime minister’s brains trust: Richard Marles, Penny Wong, Tony Burke, Mark Butler and Katy Gallagher.

But it must also reflect Albanese’s respect for his colleagues. It speaks to his ability to harmoniously manage a team, his gift for generating unity of purpose, and his willingness to afford ministers a self-empowering autonomy in contributing to Labor’s collective enterprise. These are no small things. Respect and decency in a government begins with the prime minister and filters down.

Let us not get misty-eyed. Albanese is vulcanised by a lifetime in politics. He is tough and a ruthless foe. His political blooding was as a left faction functionary in the right-controlled New South Wales Labor Party. Intra-party knife fighting was an essential part of the skill set he developed.

But, consistent with all prime ministers, to understand Albanese’s approach to leadership we need to return to his formative roots. He was fatherless, defined by being the only child of a single mum, disability pensioner. These circumstances, as former journalist Katharine Murphy identified, imbued him with a pronounced streak of self-sufficiency, a “lone wolf” aspect. Yet also discernible is a resulting “feminine” side to his character and his prime-ministerial style.

Albanese readily exhibits empathy and emotion. A familiar sight of him is lips quivering as he struggles to suppress tears. He dares speak of kindness and compassion as positive leadership attributes — in this he evokes former New Zealand prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. And he practices a collaborative, cooperative minded governing operating mode, which are behaviours conventionally associated with women leaders.

Not coincidentally, a striking feature of Albanese’s prime ministership is that the “feminisation” of Labor has proceeded apace. For instance, policies such as the movement towards universal childcare support and government-backed wage increases in the care industries whose workforce is dominated by women employees. The record proportion of women appointed to cabinet. The continuing storming of the ramparts of caucus by women — they now comprise a majority of the party room — reinforced at the federal election most spectacularly in Brisbane, where six additional female Labor candidates prevailed, including Ali France, slayer of Dutton. And the consolidation of the pattern of women voters favouring Labor.

It’s unfashionable these days to quote the post-war lion of the Labor left, Jim Cairns. However, when he retired in 1977, Cairns was asked who he would like to inherit his seat. He replied, “a woman, they feel the value of life”. Perhaps a sentiment by which Albanese abides.

The Conversation

In the past, Paul Strangio received funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. The ‘feminisation’ of Labor is a key reason Australians embraced it – and Anthony Albanese – https://theconversation.com/the-feminisation-of-labor-is-a-key-reason-australians-embraced-it-and-anthony-albanese-255883

Australia and North America have long fought fires together – but new research reveals that has to change

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Doug Richardson, Research Associate in Climate Science, UNSW Sydney

Climate change is lengthening fire seasons across much of the world. This means the potential for wildfires at any time of the year, in both hemispheres, is increasing.

That poses a problem. Australia regularly shares firefighting resources with the United States and Canada. But these agreements rest on the principle that when North America needs these personnel and aircraft, Australia doesn’t, and vice versa. Climate change means this assumption no longer holds.

The devastating Los Angeles wildfires in January, the United States winter, show how this principle is being tested. The US reportedly declined Australia’s public offer of assistance because Australia was in the midst of its traditional summer fire season. Instead, the US sought help from Canada and Mexico.

But to what extent do fire seasons in Australia and North America actually overlap? Our new research examined this question.
We found an alarming increase in the overlap of the fire seasons, suggesting both regions must invest far more in their own permanent firefighting capacity.

What we did

We investigated fire weather seasons – that is, the times of the year when atmospheric conditions such as temperature, humidity, rainfall and wind speed are conducive to fire.

The central question we asked was: how many days each year do fire weather seasons in Australia and North America overlap?

To determine this, we calculated the length of the fire weather seasons in the two regions in each year, and the number of days when the seasons occur at the same time. We then analysed reconstructed historical weather data to assess fire-season overlap for the past 45 years. We also analysed climate model data to assess changes out to the end of this century.

And the result? On average, fire weather occurs in both regions simultaneously for about seven weeks each year. The greatest risk of overlap occurs in the Australian spring – when Australia’s season is beginning and North America’s is ending.

The overlap has increased by an average of about one day per year since 1979. This might not sound like much. But it translates to nearly a month of extra overlap compared to the 1980s and 1990s.

The increase is driven by eastern Australia, where the fire weather season has lengthened at nearly twice the rate of western North America. More research is needed to determine why this is happening.

Longer, hotter, drier

Alarmingly, as climate change worsens and the atmosphere dries and heats, the overlap is projected to increase.

The extent of the overlap varied depending on which of the four climate models we used. Assuming an emissions scenario where global greenhouse gas emissions begin to stabilise, the models projected an increase in the overlap of between four and 29 days a year.

What’s behind these differences? We think it’s rainfall. The models project quite different rainfall trends over Australia. Those projecting a dry future also project large increases in overlapping fire weather. What happens to ours and North America’s rainfall in the future will have a large bearing on how fire seasons might change.

While climate change will dominate the trend towards longer overlapping fire seasons, El Niño and La Niña may also play a role.

These climate drivers involve fluctuations every few years in sea surface temperature and air pressure in part of the Pacific Ocean. An El Niño event is associated with a higher risk of fire in Australia. A La Niña makes longer fire weather seasons more likely in North America.

There’s another complication. When an El Niño occurs in the Central Pacific region, this increases the chance of overlap in fire seasons of North America and Australia. We think that’s because this type of El Niño is especially associated with dry conditions in Australia’s southeast, which can fuel fires.

But how El Niño and La Niña will affect fire weather in future is unclear. What’s abundantly clear is that global warming will lead to more overlap in fire seasons between Australia and North America – and changes in Australia’s climate are largely driving this trend.

Looking ahead

Firefighters and their aircraft are likely to keep crossing the Pacific during fire emergencies.

But it’s not difficult to imagine, for example, simultaneous fires occurring in multiple Australian states during spring, before any scheduled arrival of aircraft from the US or Canada. If North America is experiencing late fires that year and cannot spare resources, Australia’s capabilities may be exceeded.

Likewise, even though California has the largest civil aerial firefighting fleet in the world, the recent Los Angeles fires highlighted its reliance on leased equipment.

Fire agencies are becoming increasingly aware of this clash. And a royal commission after the 2019–20 Black Summer fires recommended Australia develop its own fleet of firefighting aircraft.

Long, severe fire seasons such as Black Summer prompted an expansion of Australia’s permanent aerial firefighting fleet, but more is needed.

As climate change accelerates, proactive fire management, such as prescribed burning, is also important to reduce the risk of uncontrolled fire outbreaks.

Doug Richardson receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes (CE170100023) and the Germany-Australia Joint Research Cooperation Scheme, funded by the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) and Universities Australia (RG230014)

Andreia Filipa Silva Ribeiro receives funding from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) – Project number 530175554, the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (AvH) and the Germany-Australia Joint Research Cooperation Scheme, funded by the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) and Universities Australia (RG230014).

ref. Australia and North America have long fought fires together – but new research reveals that has to change – https://theconversation.com/australia-and-north-america-have-long-fought-fires-together-but-new-research-reveals-that-has-to-change-254790

Cook Islands environment group calls on govt to condemn Trump’s seabed mining order

By Losirene Lacanivalu, of the Cook Islands News

A leading Cook Islands environmental lobby group is hoping that the Cook Islands government will speak out against the recent executive order from US President Donald Trump aimed at fast-tracking seabed mining.

Te Ipukarea Society (TIS) says the arrogance of US president Trump to think that he could break international law by authorising deep seabed mining in international waters was “astounding”, and an action of a “bully”.

Trump signed the America’s Offshore Critical Minerals and Resources order late last month, directing the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to allow deep sea mining permits.

The order states: “It is the policy of the US to advance United States leadership in seabed mineral development.”

NOAA has been directed to, within 60 days, “expedite the process for reviewing and issuing seabed mineral exploration licenses and commercial recovery permits in areas beyond national jurisdiction under the Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act.”

It directs the US science and environmental agency to expedite permits for companies to mine the ocean floor in the US and international waters.

In addition, a Canadian mining company — The Metals Company — has indicated that they have applied for a permit from Trump’s administration to start commercially mining in international waters.

The mining company had been unsuccessful in gaining a commercial mining licence through the International Seabed Authority (ISA).

‘Arrogance of Trump’
Te Ipukarea Society’s technical director Kelvin Passfield told Cook Islands News: “The arrogance of Donald Trump to think that he can break international law by authorising deep seabed mining in international waters is astounding.

“The United States cannot pick and choose which aspects of the United Nations Law of the Sea it will follow, and which ones it will ignore. This is the action of a bully,” he said.

“It is reckless and completely dismissive of the international rule of law. At the moment we have 169 countries, plus the European Union, all recognising international law under the International Seabed Authority.

“For one country to start making new international rules for themselves is a dangerous notion, especially if it leads to other States thinking they too can also breach international law with no consequences,” he said.

TIS president June Hosking said the fact that a part of the Pacific (CCZ) was carved up and shared between nations all over the world was yet another example of “blatantly disregarding or overriding indigenous rights”.

“I can understand why something had to be done to protect the high seas from rogues having a ‘free for all’, but it should have been Pacific indigenous and first nations groups, within and bordering the Pacific, who decided what happened to the high seas.

“That’s the first nations groups, not for example, the USA as it is today.”

South American countries worried
Hosking highlighted that at the March International Seabed Authority (ISA) assembly she attended it was obvious that South American countries were worried.

“Many have called for a moratorium. Portugal rightly pointed out that we were all there, at great cost, just for a commercial activity. The delegate said, ‘We must ask ourselves how does this really benefit all of humankind?’

Looking at The Metals Company’s interests to commercially mine in international waters, Hosking said, “I couldn’t help being annoyed that all this talk assumes mining will happen.

“ISA was formed at a time when things were assumed about the deep sea e.g. it’s just a desert down there, nothing was known for sure, we didn’t speak of climate crisis, waste crisis and other crises now evident.

“The ISA mandate is ‘to ensure the effective protection of the marine environment from the harmful effects that may arise from deep seabed related activities.

“We know much more (but still not enough) to consider that effective protection of the marine environment may require it to be declared a ‘no go zone’, to be left untouched for the good of humankind,” she added.

Meanwhile, technical director Passfield also added, “The audacity of The Metals Company (TMC) to think they can flaunt international law in order to get an illegal mining licence from the United States to start seabed mining in international waters is a sad reflection of the morality of Gerard Barron and others in charge of TMC.

‘What stops other countries?’
“If the USA is allowed to authorise mining in international waters under a domestic US law, what is stopping any other country in the world from enacting legislation and doing the same?”

He said that while the Metals Company may be frustrated at the amount of time that the International Seabed Authority is taking to finalise mining rules for deep seabed mining, “we are sure they fully understand that this is for good reason. The potentially disastrous impacts of mining our deep ocean seabed need to be better understood, and this takes time.”

He said that technology and infrastructure to mine is not in place yet.

“We need to take as much time as we need to ensure that if mining proceeds, it does not cause serious damage to our ocean. Their attempts to rush the process are selfish, greedy, and driven purely by a desire to profit at any cost to the environment.

“We hope that the Cook Islands Government speaks out against this abuse of international law by the United States.” Cook Islands News has reached out to the Office of the Prime Minister and Seabed Minerals Authority (SBMA) for comment.

Republished from the Cook Islands News with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Why Zelensky – not Trump – may have ‘won’ the US-Ukraine minerals deal

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eve Warburton, Research Fellow, Department of Political and Social Change, and Director, Indonesia Institute, Australian National University

Last week, the Trump administration signed a deal with Ukraine that gives it privileged access to Ukraine’s natural resources.

Some news outlets described the deal as Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky “caving” to US President Donald Trump’s demands.

But we see the agreement as the result of clever bargaining on the part of Ukraine’s war-time president.

So, what does the deal mean for Ukraine? And will this be help strengthen America’s mineral supply chains?

Ukraine’s natural resource wealth

Ukraine is home to 5% of the world’s critical mineral wealth, including 22 of the 34 minerals identified by the European Union as vital for defence, construction and high-tech manufacturing.

However, there’s a big difference between resources (what’s in the ground) and reserves (what can be commercially exploited). Ukraine’s proven mineral reserves are limited.

Further, Ukraine has an estimated mineral wealth of around US$14.8 trillion (A$23 trillion), but more than half of this is in territories currently occupied by Russia.

What does the new deal mean for Ukraine?

American support for overseas conflict is usually about securing US economic interests — often in the form of resource exploitation. From the Middle East to Asia, US interventions abroad have enabled access for American firms to other countries’ oil, gas and minerals.

But the first iteration of the Ukraine mineral deal, which Zelensky rejected in February, had been an especially brazen resource grab by Trump’s government. It required Ukraine to cede sovereignty over its land and resources to one country (the US), in order to defend itself from attacks by another (Russia).

These terms were highly exploitative of a country fighting against a years-long military occupation. In addition, they violated Ukraine’s constitution, which puts the ownership of Ukraine’s natural resources in the hands of the Ukrainian people. Were Zelensky to accept this, he would have faced a tremendous backlash from the public.

In comparison, the new deal sounds like a strategic and (potentially) commercial win for Ukraine.

First, this agreement is more just, and it’s aligned with Ukraine’s short- and medium-term interests. Zelenksy describes it as an “equal partnership” that will modernise Ukraine.

Under the terms, Ukraine will set up a United States–Ukraine Reconstruction Investment Fund for foreign investments into the country’s economy, which will be jointly governed by both countries.

Ukraine will contribute 50% of the income from royalties and licenses to develop critical minerals, oil and gas reserves, while the US can make its contributions in-kind, such as through military assistance or technology transfers.

Ukraine maintains ownership over its natural resources and state enterprises. And the licensing agreements will not require substantial changes to the country’s laws, or disrupt its future integration with Europe.

Importantly, there is no mention of retroactive debts for the US military assistance already received by Ukraine. This would have created a dangerous precedent, allowing other nations to seek to claim similar debts from Ukraine.

Finally, the deal also signals the Trump administration’s commitment to “a free, sovereign and prosperous Ukraine” – albeit, still without any security guarantees.

Profits may be a long time coming

Unsurprisingly, the Trump administration and conservative media in the US are framing the deal as a win.

For too long, Trump argues, Ukraine has enjoyed US taxpayer-funded military assistance, and such assistance now has a price tag. The administration has described the deal to Americans as a profit-making endeavour that can recoup monies spent defending Ukrainian interests.

But in reality, profits are a long way off.

The terms of the agreement clearly state the fund’s investment will be directed at new resource projects. Existing operations and state-owned projects will fall outside the terms of the agreement.

Mining projects typically work within long time frames. The move from exploration to production is a slow, high-risk and enormously expensive process. It can often take over a decade.

Add to this complexity the fact that some experts are sceptical Ukraine even has enormously valuable reserves. And to bring any promising deposits to market will require major investments.

What’s perhaps more important

It’s possible, however, that profits are a secondary calculation for the US. Boxing out China is likely to be as – if not more – important.

Like other Western nations, the US is desperate to diversify its critical mineral supply chains.

China controls not just a large proportion of the world’s known rare earths deposits, it also has a monopoly on the processing of most critical minerals used in green energy and defence technologies.

The US fears China will weaponise its market dominance against strategic rivals. This is why Western governments increasingly make mineral supply chain resilience central to their foreign policy and defence strategies.

Given Beijing’s closeness to Moscow and their deepening cooperation on natural resources, the US-Ukraine deal may prevent Russia — and, by extension, China — from accessing Ukrainian minerals. The terms of the agreement are explicit: “states and persons who have acted adversely towards Ukraine must not benefit from its reconstruction”.

Finally, the performance of “the deal” matters just as much to Trump. Getting Zelensky to sign on the dotted line is progress in itself, plays well to Trump’s base at home, and puts pressure on Russian President Vladimir Putin to come to the table.

So, the deal is a win for Zelensky because it gives the US a stake in an independent Ukraine. But even if Ukraine’s critical mineral reserves turn out to be less valuable than expected, it may not matter to Trump.

The Conversation

Eve Warburton receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Westpac Scholars Trust.

Olga Boichak is a director of the Foundation of Ukrainian Studies in Australia. She receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Westpac Scholars Trust.

ref. Why Zelensky – not Trump – may have ‘won’ the US-Ukraine minerals deal – https://theconversation.com/why-zelensky-not-trump-may-have-won-the-us-ukraine-minerals-deal-255875

ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 6, 2025

ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 6, 2025.

Fiji media welcomes credible news services, but not ‘pop-up propagandists’, says Simpson
By Anish Chand Entities and individuals that thrived under the previous government with public relations contracts now want to be part of the media or run media organisations, says Fiji Media Association (FMA) secretary Stanley Simpson. He made the comments yesterday while speaking at a World Press Freedom Day event hosted by the journalism programme

Locked up then locked out: how NZ’s bank rules make life for ex-prisoners even harder
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Stace, Senior Lecturer, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington FotoDax/Shutterstock People coming out of prison in New Zealand face multiple hurdles reintegrating into society – starting with one of the most fundamental elements of modern life: getting a bank account. Not having a bank

Can a wooden spoon really stop a pot from boiling over? Here’s the science
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jay Deagon, Senior Lecturer of Home Economics, CQUniversity Australia Alexanderstock23/Shutterstock One moment, your spaghetti is happily bubbling away in the pot. A minute later, after busying yourself with something else, you turn around to find a hot mess all over your stove. Boiling liquid can rocket up

How did sport become so popular? The ancient history of a modern obsession
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia Roman mosaics discovered in Sicily show women playing different sports. David Pineda Svenske/Shutterstock It’s almost impossible to go a day without seeing or hearing about sport. Walk around any city or town and you

AI systems are built on English – but not the kind most of the world speaks
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Celeste Rodriguez Louro, Associate professor, Chair of Linguistics and Director of Language Lab, The University of Western Australia Reihaneh Golpayegani / Better Images of AI, CC BY An estimated 90% of the training data for current generative AI systems stems from English. However, English is an international

Crikey, ChatGPT’s gone bush! How AI is learning the art of Aussie slang
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ross Yates, Lecturer, Project Management, Edith Cowan University Shutterstock Ever tried to explain why a sausage would be referred to as a “snag” while overseas, or why the toilet is the “dunny”? If you found this challenging, spare a thought for large language models (LLMs) such as

What are the key risk factors for developing knee osteoarthritis? We reviewed the evidence
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christina Abdel Shaheed, Associate Professor, School of Public Health, University of Sydney Osteoarthritis is the most common joint disease, affecting more than 3 million Australians and over 500 million people worldwide. The knee is the most commonly affected joint, but osteoarthritis can also affect other joints including

We’ve heard the promises. Now it’s up to Labor to deliver its housing, wages and other economic policies
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Cull, Associate Professor of Accounting and Financial Planning, Western Sydney University With a convincing win for a second term of government, the pressure is now on the new Labor government to deliver the economic policies central to its win. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is wary of

Labor has the chance to do something big in its second term. What policy reforms should it take on?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yee-Fui Ng, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Monash University Dan Breckwoldt/Shutterstock Labor’s historic election victory means the Albanese government has a rare opportunity to pursue a big, bold reform agenda. The scale of the victory all but guarantees a third term in office after the next election

‘I got sent something of people shooting themselves’ – research shows young people can’t avoid harmful content online
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dougal Sutherland, Clinical Psychologist, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington Leon Neal/Getty Images A new report from New Zealand’s Classification Office has revealed how young people are being exposed to harmful content online and what it is doing to their mental health. The Classification Office

Caitlin Johnstone: It was never about hostages. It was never about Hamas
Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific. – COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone Benjamin Netanyahu said last Thursday that freeing the Israeli hostages in Gaza was not his top priority, suggesting instead that defeating Hamas should take precedence over a hostage deal. “We have many objectives, many goals in this war,” Netanyahu said. “We want

Viral video shows Fiji prison chief throwing punches at Suva bar
RNZ Pacific The head of Fiji’s prison service has been caught on camera involved in a fist fight that appears to have taken place at the popular O’Reilley’s Bar in the capital of Suva. Sevuloni Naucukidi, the acting Commissioner of the Fiji Corrections Service (FCS), can be seen in the viral video throwing punches at

PINA on World Press Freedom Day – facing new and complex AI challenges
By Kalafi Moala in Nuku’alofa On this World Press Freedom Day, we in the Pacific stand together to defend and promote the right to freedom of expression — now facing new and complex challenges in the age of Artificial Intelligence (AI). This year’s global theme is “Reporting a Brave New World: The impact of Artificial

Late counting continues in several seats, with Goldstein and Melbourne among those too close to call
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne With 78% of enrolled voters counted, the ABC is calling 85 of the 150 House of Representatives seats for Labor, 39 for the Coalition, zero for the

Pacific ‘story sovereignty’ top of mind on World Press Freedom Day
By Michelle Curran of Pasifika TV World Press Freedom Day is a poignant reminder that journalists and media workers are essential for a healthy, functioning society — including the Pacific. Held annually on May 3, World Press Freedom Day prompts governments about the need to respect press freedom, while serving as a day of reflection

View from The Hill: a budding Trump-Albanese bromance?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra It took an election win, but Anthony Albanese on Monday finally received that much-awaited phone call from US President Donald Trump. The conversation was “warm and positive,” the prime minister told a news conference, thanking the president for “reaching out”.

In its soul-searching, Australia’s rightist coalition should examine its relationship with the media
ANALYSIS: By Matthew Ricketson, Deakin University and Andrew Dodd, The University of Melbourne Among the many lessons to be learnt by Australia’s defeated Liberal-National coalition parties from the election is that they should stop getting into bed with News Corporation. Why would a political party outsource its policy platform and strategy to people with plenty

Is it dangerous to kiss someone who’s eaten gluten if you have coeliac disease?
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vincent Ho, Associate Professor and Clinical Academic Gastroenterologist, Western Sydney University Lordn/Shutterstock Coeliac disease is not a food allergy or intolerance. It’s an autoimmune disease that makes the body attack the small intestine if gluten (a protein found in wheat, rye and barley) reaches the gut. Even

After its landslide win, Labor should have courage and confidence on security – and our alliance with the US
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanne Wallis, Professor of International Security, University of Adelaide The re-election of the Albanese Labor government by such a wide margin should not mean “business as usual” for Australia’s security policy. The global uncertainty instigated by US President Donald Trump means Australia’s security landscape is very different

5 huge climate opportunities await the next parliament – and it has the numbers to deliver
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Skarbek, Climateworks CEO, Monash University Australians have returned an expanded Labor Party to government alongside a suite of climate-progressive independents. Meanwhile, the Coalition – which promoted nuclear energy and a slower renewables transition – suffered a historic defeat. Labor also looks set to have increased numbers

Fiji media welcomes credible news services, but not ‘pop-up propagandists’, says Simpson

By Anish Chand

Entities and individuals that thrived under the previous government with public relations contracts now want to be part of the media or run media organisations, says Fiji Media Association (FMA) secretary Stanley Simpson.

He made the comments yesterday while speaking at a World Press Freedom Day event hosted by the journalism programme at the University of the South Pacific.

“We were attacked by fake accounts and a government-funded propaganda machine,” he said.

“It is ironic that those who once spinned and attacked the media as irrelevant  — because they said no one reads or watches them anymore — now want to be part of the media or run media organisations.”

“There are entities and individuals that thrived under the previous government with PR contracts while the media struggled and now want to come and join the hard-fought new media landscape.”

Simpson said the Fijian media fraternity would welcome credible news services.

“We have to be wary and careful of entities that pop up overnight and their real agendas.”

“Particularly those previously involved with political propaganda.

“And we are noticing a number of these sites seemingly working with political parties and players in pushing agendas and attacking the media and political opponents.”

Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Locked up then locked out: how NZ’s bank rules make life for ex-prisoners even harder

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Stace, Senior Lecturer, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

FotoDax/Shutterstock

People coming out of prison in New Zealand face multiple hurdles reintegrating into society – starting with one of the most fundamental elements of modern life: getting a bank account.

Not having a bank account can make it difficult to receive wages or a benefit, and to get a job or rent accommodation.

In our new research we spoke with financial mentors and others working with prisoners on release, along with the Department of Corrections and banks, to better understand the hurdles for ex-prisoners.

We found not having a bank account on release was common and that it hindered reintegration efforts. It also appears to directly increase the chance of an ex-prisoner returning to crime. As a representative from Māori social services organisation Te Pā explained,

It is really important to get them a bank account if we want them to stay on the right side of the law. It is a key part of being part of society. [They] need to be part of mainstream financial services. If not, then [they are] much more likely to go back into crime.

The relationship between not having access to banking and getting back into crime was also noted in a 2016 report from the Salvation Army. And a financial mentor told us the current situation was “making it hard for people to not re-offend”.

A fundamental need

Our research is spread over two reports commissioned by financial services organisation FinCap and includes 40 interviews with people in the banking industry, financial mentoring organisations, community groups and the Department of Corrections.

The first report outlining our data was released in 2023, and the second in April 2025. The latter outlined the steps Corrections and the banking sector need to take to remove the hurdles faced by ex-prisoners trying to access a bank account.

Approximately 10,000 individuals were held in a New Zealand prison in 2024 at any one time, and around half of these were sentenced prisoners with the rest on remand. New Zealand’s reimprisonment rate is high, with about 30% of first-time prisoners likely to return to prison.

The Reserve Bank has argued that broad financial inclusion is important for society as it helps promote prosperity and contributes to a productive economy. Part of this involves ensuring everyone has access to a bank account.

Blurred image of people line up to use an ATM.
Without access to a bank account, ex-prisoners struggle to get a job, secure housing or receive a benefit.
Siriporn Pimpo/Shutterstock

Hurdles to access

There seem to be several things hindering ex-prisoners’ access to banking, with New Zealand’s anti-money laundering rules a major problem.

The law requires banks to complete certain checks before a person is allowed to open an account. Currently, banks require two forms of ID and a verifiable address.

People just out of prison often don’t have these. We found other hurdles include limited access to the internet, banks being unwilling to take on this group of customers, and ex-prisoners’ lack of confidence to engage with banks.

But there are ways we can make access to bank accounts easier for ex-prisoners.

Putting the onus on Corrections to proactively assist people due for release to get whatever documents the banks require, and to apply for the account to be set up before release, would be a good start. But it will likely require additional resourcing for the department.

A recent discussion paper from the Council of Financial Regulators has suggested the introduction of transactional accounts – a new type of bank account requiring less in the way of formal ID.

Basic transactional accounts could help ex-prisoners by making it easier to meet bank requirements. These would be a basic account that could receive wages and benefits and enable payments, but not provide credit.

It could also have limits on the amounts held in the account, which would minimise money laundering risks.

The major banks also have a key role to play in making change happen. Only one major bank – Westpac – has been willing to offer bank accounts to ex-prisoners so far, with a special programme that allows people in prison (both those still not due for release and those on their way out) to open an account. This has been very helpful for those who have had access to it.

During our research, Corrections emphasised the importance of major banks acting as default providers of banking services to prisoners and ex-prisoners (similar to default providers of KiwiSaver).

This approach would aim to ensure prisoners had the freedom to choose their banking provider. Encouraging participation in such a programme was seen as an opportunity for banks to demonstrate corporate social responsibility.

The Conversation

Victoria Stace does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Locked up then locked out: how NZ’s bank rules make life for ex-prisoners even harder – https://theconversation.com/locked-up-then-locked-out-how-nzs-bank-rules-make-life-for-ex-prisoners-even-harder-255110

Can a wooden spoon really stop a pot from boiling over? Here’s the science

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jay Deagon, Senior Lecturer of Home Economics, CQUniversity Australia

Alexanderstock23/Shutterstock

One moment, your spaghetti is happily bubbling away in the pot. A minute later, after busying yourself with something else, you turn around to find a hot mess all over your stove.

Boiling liquid can rocket up very quickly, and we often only have a split second to act. But are there ways to prevent the pot boiling over in the first place? One kitchen hack you may have seen on social media is to place a wooden spoon across the top of the pot.

Does it work? As with many kitchen science questions, there is an answer – and there’s lots of nuance, too.

In short, it will work, but not for long periods of time. Let’s dig into the why.

What causes the bubbles?

Interestingly, a pot of rapidly boiling pure water will not rise up the sides of the pot.

Ingredients added to the water are the culprits for overflow and spillage. Pots of pasta, rice, porridge or milk are the most prone to boiling over and making a mess. A heavy stew is less likely to bubble over – unless you overfill the pot.

In cookery, the key food molecules are water, carbohydrates, proteins, lipids (the collective term for fats and oils) and, to a lesser extent, vitamins and minerals.

The main culprits for rapid boiling and overflow are carbohydrates and proteins. When carbohydrates or proteins (or a combination of both) come into contact with heated water molecules, their properties change and structures rearrange.

Changes can happen quickly if the heat is high. Excited by lots of heat, the water molecules begin to boil rapidly. As this occurs, bubbles form.

Why do the bubbles rise so quickly?

The carbohydrates involved in bubbling up and messing up your kitchen are primarily plant starches. Pasta or porridge products are derived from plant starches such as wheat, rice, potato or corn. If you’re boiling anything with milk, a protein called casein can contribute to the bubbles, too.

Casein and starches are known as colloids. “Colloidal dispersion” means that not all such particles will dissolve into a water solution, because some of these particles are too large. As bubbles form, the larger starch and/or protein particles start to coat the bubbles.

For pasta water or porridge, the heat and starch solution starts to form a gel. This gel becomes sticky and, depending on the type of starch and other additives, the temperature of the boiling solution can rise above 100°C.

So, they’re not just bubbles – they’re hot, sticky bubbles. Filled with air and coated with a sticky starch gel, as the solution continues to boil, the bubbles build on top of each other and rise up the sides of the pot.

It’s a little different with milk. Have you ever noticed a film across the top of boiled milk? Milk skin is formed by heated casein. When heated, the casein can become quite strong – like plastic – and coat each bubble. Milk bubbles are smaller and become more of a foam, but they can still rise quickly.

A pot of foamy milk on a stovetop with a wooden spoon placed across it.
Boiling milk forms smaller bubbles – more like a foam – because of the cassein in the milk.
Ahanov Michael/Shutterstock

So, how does a wooden spoon stop the bubbles?

Placing a wooden spoon over a boiling pot acts as an interruption to the bubbles – it lowers the surface temperature and provides a porous surface to burst the bubbles. This stops them from climbing over the edge of the pot.

To understand why, picture another porous surface: the structure of a sponge. Because the sponge has a lot of holes in it, you can blow air through a dry sponge. However, air does not pass through a wet sponge because the holes are filled with water.

Wood is a porous material, and a dry wooden spoon is more porous than when it’s wet. On contact with the wood, the air in the bubbles is released.

But you can’t just leave a wooden spoon over the pot indefinitely and expect it to not boil over. As the spoon is exposed to heat, moisture, sticky starch or casein bubbles, it will soon become the same temperature as the liquid. That means it won’t reduce the surface temperature any more, nor be porous enough to burst bubbles.

This is why some people claim the spoon hack doesn’t work – because it has a limited window of effectiveness.

What should I do instead?

Stirring the pot or using the wooden spoon as a fan would work equally as well.

Better yet, try not to get distracted in the kitchen and select the correct kitchen tools for the job: use a bigger pot, and turn down the heat so it’s not just going full blast.

We like to treat working in the kitchen like a meditation. Remain present and in the moment. If you do get distracted, turn the stove to its lowest setting, switch it off or remove the pot from the heat. The phrase “a watched pot never boils” doesn’t count in this situation. Indeed, a watchful eye on the pot is essential.

The Conversation

Jay Deagon is affiliated with the International Federation for Home Economics and the Home Economics Institute of Australia.

Gemma Mann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can a wooden spoon really stop a pot from boiling over? Here’s the science – https://theconversation.com/can-a-wooden-spoon-really-stop-a-pot-from-boiling-over-heres-the-science-252519

How did sport become so popular? The ancient history of a modern obsession

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Konstantine Panegyres, Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History, The University of Western Australia

Roman mosaics discovered in Sicily show women playing different sports. David Pineda Svenske/Shutterstock

It’s almost impossible to go a day without seeing or hearing about sport.

Walk around any city or town and you will almost always catch a glimpse of people playing sports in teams or participating solo.

Turn on the TV or radio and you’ll be able to find some kind of sport being played at international or national level.

Why do people love sport so much?

To answer this question, it’s worth a dive back into ancient history.

An ancient person’s perspective

One of the most famous figures from the ancient world, Saint Augustine of Hippo (354-430 AD), once wrote that when he was a boy he was obsessed with playing sports:

I liked to play ball as a boy and my playing slowed my progress in learning to read and write.

The earliest portrait of Saint Augustine in a 6th century fresco, Lateran, Rome.
The earliest portrait of Saint Augustine in a 6th century fresco, Lateran, Rome.
Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

In fact, Saint Augustine was so preoccupied with playing ball that his teacher was said to sometimes beat him for it. His teacher said it was bad to waste one’s youth on such things – it’s better to study hard.

Why was Saint Augustine obsessed with ball games? He loved to win:

I loved to play games […] in these games I was overmastered by my vain desire to excel, so I used to strive to win, even by cheating.

Plenty of people today probably share Saint Augustine’s view that winning is one of the things that make sport enjoyable.

Of course, there are many other reasons why people might like to play sport.

What sports did they play?

If you walked down a city street in ancient Greek and Roman times, it’s likely you’d come across children or even adults playing a ball game.

Handball games played in ancient Greece.
Handball games played in ancient Greece.
Gardiner, E. Norman/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

The Roman playwright Plautus (3rd/2nd century BC) even has one of his characters complain about people “who play ball in the street”.

Ball games were probably the most popular sporting activity in the ancient world and could be played in many different ways.

In one ball game, called episkyros, two teams competed against each other. If one team got the ball over the line behind the other team, they scored. Feet and hands could be used and tackles were permitted.

Sounds familiar, doesn’t it?

Of course, many other sports were also popular: athletics, swimming, wrestling, lifting weights and boxing were all favourites.

Ancient ideas about the origins of sports

For the ancient Greeks, the earliest mention of a ball game appears in the Odyssey, an epic poem composed by the poet Homer in probably the eighth or seventh century BC.

In the Odyssey, Nausicaa, daughter of the King of the Phaeacians, plays a ball game with some other girls on the beach. While they throw the ball, they sing songs:

Then when they had had their joy of food, she and her handmaids, they threw off their headgear and fell to playing at ball, and white-armed Nausicaa was leader in the song.

During the game, Nausicaa throws the ball too far. Her maid can’t catch it and the ball flies into the sea. All the girls shout out when it goes flying.

Already in the 3rd century BC, Nausicaa was sometimes regarded as the inventor of ball games. However, other people attributed the invention of ball games to different regions of Greece, saying the games were invented by the Sicyonians or Spartans.

But it is unlikely any Greeks were the original inventors of ball games.

In Egypt, thousands of years before Homer’s epics, there are already artistic depictions of ball games.

For example, in the tomb of the Nomarch of the 11th Dynasty (c. 2150-2000 BC), Baqet III, there is artwork showing women playing ball games and men wrestling each other.

Ancient ball games
Ancient ball games.
J. Murray/Picryl, CC BY

Baqet III, whose tomb contained these artistic depictions of various sports, was likely a true sports lover.

Why did people like sports?

People liked ball games for many different reasons.

One was for the sheer fun and excitement. Another was because they were considered a healthy type of exercise.

Ancient Greek and Roman doctors even told their patients to play ball games to become healthier.

For example, the famous ancient Greek physician Galen (129-216 AD) wrote an essay titled On Exercise with a Small Ball.

He argued “exercises with a small ball are superior to other kinds of exercises”.

He claimed ball games were especially healthy because they moved all of the muscles and because teamwork was good for the soul.

People in the ancient world also thought just watching sport could be something worth doing.

The writer Lucian of Samosata (born 120 AD), for instance, said watching athletes competing for glory could help to encourage men to achieve similar feats: “many of the spectators go away in love with manfulness and hard work”, wrote Lucian.

So it seems there’s nothing new about our modern love of playing and watching sports, and this obsession will probably continue for thousands of years into the future.

The Conversation

Konstantine Panegyres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How did sport become so popular? The ancient history of a modern obsession – https://theconversation.com/how-did-sport-become-so-popular-the-ancient-history-of-a-modern-obsession-254057

AI systems are built on English – but not the kind most of the world speaks

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Celeste Rodriguez Louro, Associate professor, Chair of Linguistics and Director of Language Lab, The University of Western Australia

Reihaneh Golpayegani / Better Images of AI, CC BY

An estimated 90% of the training data for current generative AI systems stems from English. However, English is an international lingua franca with about 1.5 billion speakers worldwide, and countless varieties.

So whose English is today’s technology based on? The answer is primarily the English of mainstream America.

This is no accident. Mainstream American English is entrenched in the digital infrastructure of the internet, in Silicon Valley’s corporate priorities, and in the data sets that fuel everything from autocorrect to AI-generated synthetic text.

The consequence? AI models produce a monolithic version of English that erases variation, excludes minoritised and regional voices, and reinforces unequal power dynamics.

The hegemony of mainstream American English

The proliferation of American English online is a result of historical, economic and technological factors. The United States has been a dominant force in the development of the internet, content creation, and the rise of tech giants such as Google, Meta, Microsoft and OpenAI.

Unsurprisingly, the linguistic norms embedded in products by these companies are overwhelmingly mainstream American.

A recent study found that speakers of non-mainstream English were frustrated with the “homogeneity of AI accents” in voice-cloning and speech-generation technologies. One participant noted the predominant mainstream American accents in the voices available, stating the technologies had been built “with some other people in mind”.

Mainstream varieties of English have long reigned as the “standard” against which other varieties are weighed.

To take a single example from the US, linguistics research by John Baugh found that using different accents can determine people’s access to goods and services. When Baugh called different landlords about housing advertised in the local newspaper, using a mainstream accent procured him several housing inspections while using African-American and Latino accents did not.

The prestige of mainstream English also underpins algorithmic decisions. The models behind tools such as autocorrect, voice-to-text, or even AI writing assistants are most often trained on mainstream American-centric data. This is often scraped from the web, where US-based media, forums and platforms dominate.

This means variations in grammar, syntax and vocabulary from other varieties of English are systematically ignored, misinterpreted or outright “corrected”.

Whose English is perceived as adding value?

The stakes of this linguistic bias in favour of mainstream English become even higher when AI systems are deployed around the world.

If an AI tutor fails to understand a Nigerian English construction, who bears the cost? If a job application written in Indian English is marked down by an AI-powered resume scanner, what are the consequences? If an Australian First Nations elder’s oral history is transcribed by voice recognition software and the system fails to capture culturally significant terms, what knowledge is lost or misrepresented?

These questions are unfolding in real time as governments, educational institutions and corporations adopt AI technologies at scale.

Englishes, not English

The idea that there is one “good” or “correct” English is a myth. English is spoken in diverse forms across regions, shaped by local societies, cultures, histories and identities.

As Noongar writer and educator Glenys Collard and I have written, Aboriginal English has “its own structure, rules and the same potential as any other linguistic variety” and the same is true of other forms of English.

Indian English, for example, has lexical innovations such as “prepone” (the opposite of postpone). Singapore English (Singlish) integrates particles and syntactic features from Malay, Hokkien and Tamil.

These are not “broken” forms of English. Each community where English was imposed has gone on to make English its own.

English, and language more generally, is never static. It adapts to meet the needs of an ever-changing society and its speakers.

Yet in AI development, this linguistic diversity is often treated as noise rather than signal. Non-standardised varieties are underrepresented in training datasets, excluded from annotation schemes, and rarely feature in evaluation benchmarks.

This results in an AI ecosystem that is multilingual in theory, but monolingual in practice.

Toward linguistic justice in AI

So, what would it look like to build AI systems that recognise and respect a range of different forms of English?

A shift in mindset is required, from prescribing “correct” language to including many varieties of language. What we need are systems that accommodate linguistic variation.

This may involve supporting community-led efforts to document and digitise linguistic varieties on their own terms, bearing in mind not all linguistic varieties should be digitised or documented.

Collaboration across disciplines is also important. It requires linguists, technologists, educators and community leaders working together to ensure AI development is grounded in principles of linguistic justice.

The goal is not to “fix” language but to create technology that produces just outcomes. The focus should be on changing the technology, not the speaker.

Embracing Englishes

English has been a powerful vehicle of empire, but it has also been a tool of resistance, creativity and solidarity. Around the world, speakers have taken the language and made it their own. AI-enabled systems should be built to be as inclusive of this variability as possible.

So next time your phone tells you to “correct” your spelling, or an AI chatbot misunderstands your phrasing, ask yourself: whose English is it trying to model? And whose English is being left out?

The Conversation

Celeste Rodriguez Louro has received funding from the Australian Research Council. She is also working with Google on a project seeking to make voice-operated technologies inclusive for First Nations people in Australia.

ref. AI systems are built on English – but not the kind most of the world speaks – https://theconversation.com/ai-systems-are-built-on-english-but-not-the-kind-most-of-the-world-speaks-249710

Crikey, ChatGPT’s gone bush! How AI is learning the art of Aussie slang

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ross Yates, Lecturer, Project Management, Edith Cowan University

Shutterstock

Ever tried to explain why a sausage would be referred to as a “snag” while overseas, or why the toilet is the “dunny”? If you found this challenging, spare a thought for large language models (LLMs) such as ChatGPT, which have to contend with slang terms from all over the world.

Is it possible for AI to decipher the strange “code” that is Australian slang, given all the nuance and cultural references loaded into it?

Cracking the code

LLMs don’t “understand” language like we do. Rather, they are trained on massive quantities of online text data (including websites, news articles and books) to learn patterns between words. They can then mimic these patterns to produce human-like responses.

So it follows that unless AI systems can mingle with people in informal real-world settings – or can access TV shows such as Kath and Kim – they’re unlikely to grasp the finer points of our real-world conversations.

Take words such as “cooked” and “random”, which can have different meanings in different contexts. Or consider the phrase “flat out like a lizard drinking”. What could it mean? Is the speaker comparing themselves to a thirsty reptile sprawled out under a dripping tap?

The phrase actually refers to being very busy, by using the visual metaphor of a lizard’s fast-moving tongue. While an AI may not make this connection, many people living in Australia will have a lifetime of experience that helps them understand the message being conveyed.

To further complicate matters, Aussie slang continues to evolve, and doesn’t always follow the rules of grammar and structure.

Slang phrases tend to follow a looser sentence structure and are often filled with idioms, metaphors, abbreviations and culturally-specific humour. Australian language expert Roland Sussex estimates we use more than 5,000 abbreviations and diminutives.

Slang also changes from one generation to the next. For instance, one 2010 study suggests older Australians are more likely to shorten words with an “ie” or “o” sound, such as “truckie” instead of “truck driver” and “ambo” instead of ambulance. Young Australians, meanwhile, are more likely to clip words or add an “s”, such as “mobes” for mobile phone.

Are we there yet?

Can AI chatbots learn Aussie slang? There is evidence many are already developing a broad understanding of the most frequently used terms and their current interpretations.

For example, “give it a crack” and “mozzie” are both understood by Amazon’s Alexa.

In 2021, Alexa partnered with local celebrity Sophie Monk and comedy duo The Inspired Unemployed to incorporate a large collection of Aussie slang into its vocabulary. The personal AI assistant even comes with an Aussie accent feature.

Keeping up-to-date with changing Aussie slang terms, interpretations and regional dialects is a resource-intensive undertaking. Nonetheless, ChatGPT and other LLMs have made progress on this front, as this example shows:


ChatGPT/screenshot

Some chatbots, such as Perplexity AI, can scour the internet in real-time to try and find the best possible response to an input.

Trying to peek inside

LLMs continue to advance in their sophistication and capabilities. The most recent models such as GPT 4o, DeepSeek and Claude 3.7 even incorporate “thinking” to tackle more complex tasks by displaying an internal “thought process” before revealing their answer.

However, research has shown many AI models, when prompted, won’t always reveal the full “chain-of-thought” they followed to arrive at a particular answer.

This makes it harder for us to understand the models’ intentions and reasoning processes. So while they may be learning to adapt and respond to our niche slang and cultural references, in many ways they remain a black box.

Beyond that, AI models can only regurgitate our own slang back to us. They can’t grasp why it is meaningful. Nor do they understand the important role slang plays in our society.

Aussie slang is born out of millions of interactions and conversations – and LLMs can only ever respond to our use of it. To create it remains an entirely human endeavour.

The Conversation

Ross Yates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Crikey, ChatGPT’s gone bush! How AI is learning the art of Aussie slang – https://theconversation.com/crikey-chatgpts-gone-bush-how-ai-is-learning-the-art-of-aussie-slang-253939

What are the key risk factors for developing knee osteoarthritis? We reviewed the evidence

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christina Abdel Shaheed, Associate Professor, School of Public Health, University of Sydney

Osteoarthritis is the most common joint disease, affecting more than 3 million Australians and over 500 million people worldwide.

The knee is the most commonly affected joint, but osteoarthritis can also affect other joints including the hips and hands. The condition causes painful and stiff joints.

For someone with knee osteoarthritis, simple activities that many people take for granted such as walking, going up and down stairs or squatting can be very challenging.

There’s currently no cure for osteoarthritis. Most available treatments, such as exercise, walking aids and medicines (including paracetamol and non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs), focus on managing symptoms. But it’s important to consider how we can prevent knee osteoarthritis in the first place.

With this in mind, we undertook a systematic review to summarise the risk factors for developing knee osteoarthritis. Our findings, published today in the journal Osteoarthritis and Cartilage, can help us better understand how to lower the risk of this condition.

What we found

We gathered data from studies which followed people over time, to see which risk factors were associated with developing knee osteoarthritis. We included a total of 131 studies, involving more than 5 million people.

We identified more than 150 factors that influenced the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis.

Some key factors which increased the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis included being overweight or obese, past knee injury and occupational physical activity such as lifting heavy objects and shift work.

We also found several other possible risk factors, including:

  • eating large amounts of ultra-processed foods (which include “junk foods”, sugary drinks and processed meats)

  • poor sleep quality (for example, sleeping less than six hours a day or having 1–2 restless nights per week)

  • feeling depressed.

Being overweight or obese and past knee injury together accounted for 14% of the overall risk of developing knee osteoarthritis.

In other words, if we were able to completely remove these two risk factors, we could potentially reduce the incidence of knee osteoarthritis in the population by 14%.

Females had almost double the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis, and older age was slightly related to developing knee osteoarthritis.

A man's hand holding his knee.
Osteoarthritis of the knee affects millions of people worldwide.
Towfiqu barbhuiya/Pexels

Protective factors

On the other hand, we found some factors may lower the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis. These included following a Mediterranean diet (which includes plenty of vegetables, olive oil, nuts, fruit and healthy fats found in fish), and following a diet higher in fibre.

Avoiding the things which increase the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis such as a diet high in ultra-processed foods, knee injury, weight gain and heavy lifting can also help a person reduce their risk of developing the condition.

Exercise is an effective treatment for knee osteoarthritis. It can reduce pain and improve function.

There was not enough information in our study to determine what types of physical activity (for example, walking, running, swimming) and how much time spent doing these activities could lower the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis, so this is an important area for future research.

How can we explain these links?

The studies we included did not generally explore the possible mechanisms linking key risk factors with the development of knee osteoarthritis.

However other research may provide some helpful insights. Knee injury can lead to instability of the knee joint and additional wear on the knee which can lead to knee osteoarthritis. Similarly, occupational physical activity such as kneeling, squatting, climbing or heavy lifting can increase the risk of wear and tear on the knee.

Poor sleep has been linked to weight gain and depression.

The duration and quality of sleep has been found to affect how much we eat and the hormones responsible for regulating metabolism. Depression has been linked to reduced physical activity which can lead to weight gain. Carrying extra weight can increase the load on the knee and contribute to knee osteoarthritis.

Shift work can lead to bad food choices and lack of sleep, which in turn can increase the risk of knee osteoarthritis.

So it seems that while the risk factors we found may be contributing individually to the development of knee osteoarthritis, they may also be interacting together to increase the risk.

It’s not clear why women are at greater risk of developing knee osteoarthritis. However this is likely to be due to a combination of factors, including lifestyle, biological and hormonal factors.

A Mediterranean diet is high in polyphenols, which can reduce inflammation in the body and destruction of cartilage. It may lower the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis in this way.

A middle-aged couple running in a park.
Lifestyle changes could reduce the risk of knee osteoarthritis.
PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

Most risk factors are modifiable

There were some limitations with the available evidence. Most studies were based on populations from the United States, or did not report on ethnicity. We know little about the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis in certain groups such as people from Hispanic, African and Southeast Asian backgrounds. We need more studies exploring risk factors in other countries and populations.

Nonetheless, a review like this allows us to better understand what can be done to lower the risk of developing knee osteoarthritis.

We found most risk factors associated with developing knee osteoarthritis are modifiable, which means they can be changed or better managed with healthy diet and lifestyle choices. Eating healthy, maintaining a healthy weight and taking proactive steps to prevent injuries in the workplace and sporting communities can potentially lower a person’s risk of developing the condition.

Public health strategies aimed at encouraging healthy eating and weight loss (for example, subsidised nutrition programs and education programs starting from a young age to promote optimal diet and physical activity) could reduce the burden of knee osteoarthritis and have broader health benefits as well.

Programs like these, as well as reducing heavy lifting in the workplace where possible, should be the focus of government strategies to address the burden of this painful condition globally.

The Conversation

Christina Abdel Shaheed holds grants from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund.

David Hunter receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund.

Lyn March is on the executive committee of the Global Alliance for Musculoskeletal Health (a pro-bono role). This alliance advocates to the World Health Organization for a global strategy for addressing musculoskeletal health that includes promoting osteoarthritis prevention.

Vicky Duong receives funding from Lenity Australia and the Medical Research Future Fund.

ref. What are the key risk factors for developing knee osteoarthritis? We reviewed the evidence – https://theconversation.com/what-are-the-key-risk-factors-for-developing-knee-osteoarthritis-we-reviewed-the-evidence-253722

We’ve heard the promises. Now it’s up to Labor to deliver its housing, wages and other economic policies

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Cull, Associate Professor of Accounting and Financial Planning, Western Sydney University

With a convincing win for a second term of government, the pressure is now on the new Labor government to deliver the economic policies central to its win.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is wary of breaking promises and now has the opportunity to back this up. So, what are the key economic policies affecting everyday Australians that Labor is now set to deliver?

In his victory speech, Albanese said Labor would govern for every Australian “who deserves the security of a roof over their head or dreams of owning their own home”.

First home buyers

Labor has budgeted A$10 billion to help more Australians buy their first home. This involves providing an extra 100,000 new homes. The government plans to work with the states from July to identify where they should be located.

Building these homes is expected to take eight years – so the scheme will not be completed during the government’s second term. It will need to work quickly to ensure many of these homes are built while Labor is still in office.

Helping this is Labor’s policy to increase subsidies to housing apprentices and free TAFE education.

Also assisting first home buyers is the expansion of the 5% deposit Home Guarantee Scheme. This will allow more first home buyers to buy a home with only a 5% deposit without paying Lenders Mortgage Insurance.

The expansion will remove income thresholds and increase eligible property price caps to better reflect the market. Further, more people will be able to apply for the scheme.

Man in suit handing keys to a woman and man
The government plans to extend existing and introduce several new policies to help more people buy a home.
Fizkes/Shutterstock

In addition, the government is expanding its Help to Buy Scheme by increasing income and property price caps. This enables those on lower incomes to buy a home with a deposit as small as 2%. The government will pay for up to 40% of the cost on their behalf which will ultimately be paid back over time or when the house is sold.

Both the Help to Buy Scheme and Home Guarantee Scheme are extensions of Labor’s existing policies, so the government should be able to deliver this relatively quickly.

Increasing supply for all

Labor’s housing policies are not limited to first home buyers. To further increase housing supply, Labor plans to invest $54 million to speed up the construction of prefabricated and modular homes covered by a new national certification system.

In addition, a $1.5 billion infrastructure program to speed up the building of roads, sewage and water connections should also help increase supply.

Labor is on track to build 55,000 social and affordable homes through the Housing Australia Future Fund and the Social Housing Accelerator. Labor is also offering Build to Rent tax incentives to increase affordable housing rental supply by up to 80,000 new rental properties.

The government has also promised to work with states and territories to strengthen renters’ rights.

Crisis housing

Labor has also made promises for those needing crisis housing.

For women and children fleeing family and domestic violence and for people experiencing homelessness, there is a $1 billion program to provide more crisis and transitional accommodation. There is also $6.2 million of grants for homelessness support.

Workers’ pay rise

Labor has advocated to the Fair Work Commission for a wage increase above inflation for workers in low-paid jobs, such as cleaners, retail workers and early childhood educators.

With inflation currently at 2.4%, we can expect the minimum wage to rise to at least $24.68 an hour. The Fair Work Commission’s next Annual Wage Review should take place before the end of the financial year, with any changes likely to be effective from July.

Two children sitting with a woman and abacus
Labor has backed an above-inflation wage increase for workers in low paid industries.
Dejan Dunjerski/Shutterstock

These wage increases are in addition to the substantial pay increase for aged care nurses as part of the Fair Work Commission’s Aged Care Work Value Case decision.

Tax cuts

The much-discussed tax cuts, costing $17 billion, will reduce the 16% tax rate to 15% (for income between $18,201 and $45,000) in the 2026–27 financial year, and to 14% in 2027–28 – just in time for the next election.

This will save taxpayers $268 and $536, respectively. These tax cuts will be welcomed by many and are likely to increase the labour participation rate. However, more tax reform may be needed to address bracket creep and improve equity in the tax system.

In addition, Labor has promised an automatic instant tax deduction for work-related expenses for labour income taxpayers.

This will take effect from the 2026–27 financial year to reduce the burden of record-keeping on taxpayers. It was also promoted as a way of “helping Australians keep more of what they earn”.

Medicare levy

While low wages are expected to increase and taxes to decrease, Labor also has plans to increase the low-income thresholds for the Medicare levy by 4.7% for singles, families, and seniors and pensioners from July 1 2024.

This should bring immediate relief to those on lower incomes who will be exempt from paying the Medicare levy or pay a reduced levy when lodging their returns for the 2024–25 financial year.

So, what’s next?

Many of these policy announcements are a step in the right direction – the question lies around their ability to be implemented.

Albanese admitted in his victory speech that he is an optimist and his aim is to ensure nobody is left behind.

Once the election hype settles, Labor will need to prove it is delivering on its promises. And, of course, these policies will ultimately have to be paid for. How Labor approaches this in the longer term will become a talking point for the next election.

The Conversation

Michelle Cull is a member of CPA Australia, the Financial Advice Association Australia and President Elect of the Academy of Financial Services in the United States. Michelle is an academic member of UniSuper’s Consultative Committee. Michelle Cull co-founded the Western Sydney University Tax Clinic which has received funding from the Australian Taxation Office as part of the National Tax Clinic Program. Michelle has previously volunteered as Chair of the Macarthur Advisory Council for the Salvation Army Australia.

ref. We’ve heard the promises. Now it’s up to Labor to deliver its housing, wages and other economic policies – https://theconversation.com/weve-heard-the-promises-now-its-up-to-labor-to-deliver-its-housing-wages-and-other-economic-policies-255865

Labor has the chance to do something big in its second term. What policy reforms should it take on?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yee-Fui Ng, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Monash University

Dan Breckwoldt/Shutterstock

Labor’s historic election victory means the Albanese government has a rare opportunity to pursue a big, bold reform agenda. The scale of the victory all but guarantees a third term in office after the next election in 2028, and entrenches Anthony Albanese’s authority as prime minister.

The government may opt to play it safe and limit its legislative agenda to the policies it took to the election. But if it was to chance its arm, which substantial changes should it pursue that could make a real difference to Australia’s long-term future?

We asked three experts to nominate the top policy priorities for a second Albanese government. Here are their responses.

Yee-Fui Ng

Associate Professor of Law, Monash University

Advancing Voice and Truth with Indigenous Australians should be a priority. This would build on the comprehensive rejection of the politics of division by the Australian people.

After the defeat of the Voice referendum on Indigenous constitutional recognition, the Coalition reignited the culture wars by criticising “woke” schools and Peter Dutton’s attack on Indigenous welcome to country at Anzac Day ceremonies.

But that negative message did not resonate with modern multicultural Australia, with its diverse population and identities. Anthony Albanese and Penny Wong’s victory speeches on Saturday night emphasised a kinder and more inclusive politics, where all Australians are recognised and no one is left behind.

The Labor government now has a strong mandate to take more significant action on Indigenous issues. Aboriginal people experience higher rates of incarceration, and significant disparities in health, education and employment compared to non-Indigenous Australians. Reform measures could be introduced through legislation, rather than by trying to change the constitution.

Closing the gap and revisiting Voice and Truth should be a priority for the second Albanese government.
ChameleonsEye/Shutterstock

Another pressing reform is bolder action on climate change. There is a growing urgency to tackle the effects of global warming, with an increase in environmental degradation and natural disasters globally.

Peter Dutton’s proposal to build seven nuclear reactors on Australian soil was comprehensively repudiated at the election.

European countries have harnessed the potential of regenerative energies, with the proliferation of wind farms and electric cars. Australia needs to lift its game and be on the same path towards a more sustainable future.

We are custodians of the Earth for future generations. It is incumbent on the Labor government to put forward a stronger agenda for a cleaner, more liveable planet.

Helen Hodgson

Professor at Curtin Law School and Curtin Business School, Curtin University

Second terms are often regarded as the best time strategically for governments to legislate difficult, but necessary reforms. It will be no different for the re-elected Albanese government, which will command a large majority in the new parliament.

Genuine tax reform should be a priority for Labor over the next three years, starting with a reduction in the 50% capital gains tax (CGT) discount and taxing superannuation withdrawals on high balance accounts.

While many people consider negative gearing to be the main concern in relation to investment in housing, reforming the CGT discount would be a more effective way to address increases in housing prices.

Negative gearing is only effective as a wealth-building strategy if there is a payoff at the end through the concessional taxation on the capital gain. Reducing the CGT discount would limit the appeal of negative gearing.

It would also flow through to other forms of investment that might not be delivering productivity gains, including some investments within family trusts.

Reforming CGT would revisit a contentious Labor policy that was roundly rejected at the 2019 election. But the housing crisis has deepened since then and many voters would now see an overhaul as necessary and timely.

The second recommendation I would make would be to address the inequalities that arise from tax exempt superannuation. Prior to 2007, withdrawals from super funds were taxed concessionally, but were not fully exempt.

In the retirement phase, members are required to withdraw a minimum amount from their superannuation accounts. But these days they do it totally tax-free.

The government should consider taxing these withdrawals, subject to a tax credit that reflects the tax paid by the fund prior to retirement phase. It would also be subject to the existing Seniors and Pensioners Tax Offset, which can reduce the amount of tax paid.

The rates of these credits could be tweaked to ensure that only those in the wealthiest 20% are affected. This would level the playing field so the tax payable by most retirees with modest superannuation balances would fall within these two concessions.

These two reforms would help reduce wealth inequality in Australia and raise funds for social spending, including increases in the JobSeeker payment.

Intifar Chowdhury

Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

Despite being one of the most pressing concerns for young Australians, mental health did not get much airtime during the election campaign.

This is striking given the evidence. According to the 2024 Australian Youth Barometer, 98% of young people aged 18–24 report feelings of anxiety or depression, and nearly 40% experience a diagnosable mental disorder in any given year. These aren’t fringe numbers, they are endemic.

Labor has pledged $1 billion to expand access to free public mental health care, with a welcome focus on young people. But funding more services is only part of the solution.

Experts argue that simply increasing the number of people given access to treatment and support won’t go far enough if those people only receive short term or fragmented care. A more meaningful step would be to double the number of free sessions available to people suffering complex mental health needs. Good care takes time, trust and continuity.

More fundamentally, the current policy focus remains too clinical. By contrast, the most effective models for youth care are more holistic. Many young people grappling with mental illness are also dealing with unstable housing, drug use, educational disruption, or loneliness.

Psychosocial supports such as social workers, peer mentors and housing liaisons, are essential to wraparound care. Yet, they remain underfunded.

The new Medicare Mental Health Centres and Youth Specialist Care Centres, which were promised by Labor during the campaign, should not just offer more of the same. Policymakers must rethink the model entirely: multidisciplinary, community-driven, culturally safe, and youth-informed.

They must also address why young men, who make up a majority of suicide deaths, are the least likely to seek help.

Mental health policy should be local, flexible, and expansive. Right now, it still feels centralised, cautious, and underdone.

Improving the mental health and wellbeing of all Australians, especially young people, would be a valuable way of ensuring the government doesn’t squander the time and space its been given by voters to do something truly valuable and reformative.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Labor has the chance to do something big in its second term. What policy reforms should it take on? – https://theconversation.com/labor-has-the-chance-to-do-something-big-in-its-second-term-what-policy-reforms-should-it-take-on-255849

‘I got sent something of people shooting themselves’ – research shows young people can’t avoid harmful content online

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dougal Sutherland, Clinical Psychologist, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Leon Neal/Getty Images

A new report from New Zealand’s Classification Office has revealed how young people are being exposed to harmful content online and what it is doing to their mental health.

The Classification Office spoke with ten different groups of young people aged between 12 and 25 from a diverse range of backgrounds.

They found that encountering extremely harmful – and sometime illegal – content is part of the online experience for young people. And they are often trying to deal with this without adequate support or guidance.

Unintentional consumption

The types of content young people talked about most involved graphic depictions of real-world violence – including executions, mass shootings, suicide and extreme cruelty towards animals.

Seeing extremely harmful content was mostly – but not always – described as unintentional or unwanted. Participants described encountering this content in much the same way they engaged with other types of content.

Participants talked about coming across this content in their social media feeds, in chat groups, or having content shared directly by others either online or in person. One male high school student said:

You can just be in like a server that’s for, like, a game that you like, or a YouTuber or something, and someone can just send something that’s crazy.

Another male high school student commented:

Yeah, I got sent something of people shooting themselves.

Even if young people did not actively look for this content, some engaged with it when it was shared or showed up unexpectedly in their social media feeds. Curiosity – or a desire to test their boundaries – lead to some young people looking at content even if they were aware this could be harmful or disturbing.

One male from a community group said:

I’ve seen gore […] Just out of curiosity, me and my friend […] well, someone actually posted it on their WhatsApp status. We asked the guy, “Where did you get this video from?” He said it was from a website, so we went there […] but there was some bad stuff. So […] we decided not to watch it again.

Content depicting real-world graphic violence, injury or death was mentioned in every group the Classifications Office spoke to. Participants also talked about young people sharing sexual images or videos of themselves or others online.

Boy in hoodie using laptop in a darkened room.
Many young people say they are coming across harmful content online unintentionally.
Motortion Films/Shutterstock

Lingering impacts

Participants described a range of impacts young people may experience when exposed to extremely harmful content, or harmful content more broadly. This includes emotional or psychological impacts, ranging from short-term shock or disgust to a longer-term impact on their mental health and wellbeing.

Young people also discussed the harmful impacts of content on individuals’ attitudes, beliefs, or behaviours. They used words such as “horrified”, “petrified” “traumatised” or “embarrassed”.

Others talked about not being able to “unsee” content.

In a written response, one high school student said:

harm can be something that gets on your mind and doesn’t leave it and keeps coming back again and again at times that you don’t want that thought to come into your head.

Seeking guidance

For many parents, the immediate reaction to finding their teen has watched harmful content might be to take away a young person’s device or attempt to ban them from access to the internet.

But young people involved in this research stressed the importance of being able to talk without fear of criticism or punishment. They felt that judgement or punitive actions – such as taking away devices – tend to hurt rather than help.

Some reported that strong emotional reactions or assumptions can complicate the situation and lead them to avoid reaching out altogether.

A former female Youth Advisory Panel member said:

it’s recognising how unhelpful it is ‘cause it’s just like, “Well, if you weren’t on that damned phone, then you wouldn’t have seen this stuff.” So I imagine if someone was to find objectional content then they wouldn’t feel like they could go to their parents, and then what do you do then? So I guess trying to build that understanding and bridge for communication.

Participants consistently emphasised the need for supportive and understanding responses when seeking help with difficult content or online experiences. They wanted adults to remain calm and allow them to fully share their experiences before reacting.

What they are seeking is practical guidance that acknowledges their efforts and agency in managing challenging situations.

One female high school student said:

[If my parents are] worried about something that’s happened, we’ll sort it out first, and then we’ll talk about their worries afterwards. And so like, if there’s something gone wrong, I will talk to them first because I know that they’ll have my back and they’ll sort it out for me. And then, if there are some worries, we’ll talk about it after things are sorted out.

There are several things parents can do to help young people cope with what they have seen online.

Reassuring young people that it’s not their fault can reduce any feelings of guilt or shame. Helping them to process what they’ve seen by acknowledging the upsetting nature of it and allowing space to discuss it can help process any intense emotions that may arise.

Finally, parents need to be encouraging young people to think critically about how viewing this material might affect them in the long term and any steps they can take to reduce their exposure to it. This will help young people build their own long-term solutions and competence in managing their online experiences.

The Conversation

Dr Dougal Sutherland is principal psychologist at Umbrella Wellbeing.

ref. ‘I got sent something of people shooting themselves’ – research shows young people can’t avoid harmful content online – https://theconversation.com/i-got-sent-something-of-people-shooting-themselves-research-shows-young-people-cant-avoid-harmful-content-online-255773

Caitlin Johnstone: It was never about hostages. It was never about Hamas

Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone

Benjamin Netanyahu said last Thursday that freeing the Israeli hostages in Gaza was not his top priority, suggesting instead that defeating Hamas should take precedence over a hostage deal.

“We have many objectives, many goals in this war,” Netanyahu said. “We want to bring back all of our hostages. That is a very important goal. In war, there is a supreme objective. And that supreme objective is victory over our enemies. And that is what we will achieve.”

Nothing the prime minister said here is true or valid  —  unless by “enemies” he means “all Palestinians in the Gaza Strip”.

Netanyahu has been fairly transparent about the fact that Israel’s ultimate goal in Gaza is neither freeing the hostages nor defeating Hamas, but seizing Palestinian territory and removing its Palestinian inhabitants.

He has openly said that Israel will occupy Gaza via military force, completely ruling out the possibility of any form of Palestinian government for the enclave. He has openly said he wants to enact President Donald Trump’s ethnic cleansing plan for Gaza, which explicitly entails removing “all” Palestinians and never allowing them to return.


It was never about hostages . . .                Video: Caitlin Johnstone

So they’ve made this perfectly clear. This isn’t about Hamas, except insofar as an armed resistance group will make it difficult to forcibly remove all Palestinians from Gaza. And it certainly isn’t about hostages.

And yet, bizarrely, this is how the Western political-media class continues to frame this onslaught. They call it Israel’s “war with Hamas”, when it’s nothing other than an undisguised ethnic cleansing operation.

They prattle on about “October 7, hostages, and terrorism”, even though it has already been made abundantly clear that this has nothing to do with any of those things. They act as though the admission was simply never made.

There is absolutely no excuse for continuing to babble about hostages and Hamas after the US and Israel said the goal is the complete ethnic cleansing of Gaza. They told you what this is really about. They said it. With their face holes. They said it right to you. End of debate.

Israel has been seeking ways to purge Gaza of Palestinians for generations. That’s all this has ever been about. Not October 7. Not hostages. Not Hamas. Not terrorism.

Everything about Israel’s operations in Gaza have indicated that their real goal is to remove Palestinians from a Palestinian territory and not to free hostages or defeat Hamas. And then when Trump took office, they started openly admitting it.

How is this not the whole entire conversation every time Gaza comes up? How is this not the beginning, middle and end of every single discussion?

This is like a cop looking right into someone’s phone camera while strangling a black man to death and saying “I am killing this man because I am racist and I want to kill black people,” and then afterward everyone’s still saying “resisting arrest” and “we don’t know what happened before the video started recording”.

He said what he was doing and what his motives were with his own mouth.

You don’t get to babble about Hamas, October 7 or hostages in defence of Israel’s actions in Gaza anymore. That is not a thing. If you want to defend Israel’s actions in Gaza, the sole topic of conversation is whether or not it’s okay to forcibly purge an entire population from their historic homeland by systematically bombing, shooting and starving them while destroying their civilian infrastructure, solely because of their ethnicity.

That is what the discussion is about. Not anything else. That and that only.

Caitlin Johnstone is an Australian independent journalist and poet. Her articles include The UN Torture Report On Assange Is An Indictment Of Our Entire Society. She publishes a website and Caitlin’s Newsletter. This article is republished with permission.

This article was first published on Café Pacific.

Viral video shows Fiji prison chief throwing punches at Suva bar

RNZ Pacific

The head of Fiji’s prison service has been caught on camera involved in a fist fight that appears to have taken place at the popular O’Reilley’s Bar in the capital of Suva.

Sevuloni Naucukidi, the acting Commissioner of the Fiji Corrections Service (FCS), can be seen in the viral video throwing punches at another man as staff at the establishment scramble to contain the situation.

The 30-second clip of the incident, shared online by The Fiji Times today, had been viewed more than half a million times, with more than 8200 reactions and almost 2000 shares by 1pm (NZT).

Naucukidi was appointed to act as the Fiji prison chief at the end of March after the FCS Commissioner Dr Jalesi Nakarawa was stood down by the Constitutional Offices Commission following allegations of misbehaviour.

Fiji’s Minister for Justice Siromi Turaga (left) and Correction Service acting Commissioner Sevuloni Naucukidi on 30 March 2025. Image: Fiji Corrections Service/RNZ Pacific

Police spokesperson Wame Boutolu told The Fiji Times that no complaint had been filed with police regarding the incident.

The newspaper reported that it was not clear whether the incident took place before or after Naucukidi’s appointment as FCS acting commissioner.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The Fiji Times reported later that Justice Minister Siromi Turaga had said that a “certain level of decorum is expected at all times — particularly when in uniform, whether that be Bula Friday wear or your official work attire”.

He made the comments in relation to the controversial video.

Turaga said preliminary investigations indicated that the footage was from an earlier date.

“We have contacted the owners of the establishment, who have confirmed that the video likely dates back to early March 2025,” he said.

The Fiji Times video clip.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

PINA on World Press Freedom Day – facing new and complex AI challenges

By Kalafi Moala in Nuku’alofa

On this World Press Freedom Day, we in the Pacific stand together to defend and promote the right to freedom of expression — now facing new and complex challenges in the age of Artificial Intelligence (AI).

This year’s global theme is “Reporting a Brave New World: The impact of Artificial Intelligence on Press Freedom.”

AI is changing the way we gather, share, and consume information. It offers exciting tools that can help journalists work faster and reach more people, even across our scattered islands.

But AI also brings serious risks. It can be used to spread misinformation, silence voices, and make powerful tech companies the gatekeepers of what people see and hear.

In the Pacific, our media are already working with limited resources. Now we face even greater pressure as AI tools are used without fair recognition or payment to those who create original content.

Our small newsrooms struggle to compete with global platforms that are reshaping the media landscape.

We must not allow AI to weaken media freedom, independence, or diversity in our region.

Respect our Pacific voices
Instead, we must ensure that new technologies serve our people, respect our voices, and support the role of journalism in democracy and development.

Today, PINA calls for stronger regional collaboration to understand and manage the impact of AI. We urge governments, tech companies, and development partners to support Pacific media in building digital skills, protecting press freedom, and ensuring fair use of our content.

Let us ensure that the future of journalism in the Pacific is guided by truth, fairness, and freedom — not by unchecked algorithms.

Happy World Press Freedom to all media workers across the Pacific!

 Kalafi Moala is president of the Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) and also editor of Talanoa ‘o Tonga. Republished from TOT with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Late counting continues in several seats, with Goldstein and Melbourne among those too close to call

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

With 78% of enrolled voters counted, the ABC is calling 85 of the 150 House of Representatives seats for Labor, 39 for the Coalition, zero for the Greens and 10 for all Others, with 16 still undecided. The Poll Bludger has Labor ahead in 94 seats, the Coalition in 41, the Greens in one and all Others in 14.

Undecided seats can be sorted into several categories. In some seats, the Australian Electoral Commission selected the incorrect final two candidates, and is slowly redoing this count with the correct two candidates. From the small number of votes that have been realigned, the ABC has estimates of what the two candidate vote will be when all current votes in that seat are realigned.

This category applies to Greens leader Adam Bandt’s Melbourne, and he’s currently estimated to be trailing Labor’s Sarah Witty by an estimated 2,896 votes. The ABC says the sample of votes counted so far may be skewed against Bandt.

Other seats in this category are Labor-held Fremantle, where a teal is estimated to be ahead by just 196 votes, Labor-held Bendigo (Nationals lead Labor by an estimated 1,285 votes) and Labor-held Bean (an independent leads Labor by an estimated 206 votes).

This election was a disaster for the Coalition, yet they are likely to gain Bendigo, which Labor won by 61.2–38.8 at the 2022 election.

Bradfield, Goldstein and Kooyong are teal independent vs Liberal contests. The Liberals have surged on postals in all three, and Liberal Tim Wilson will regain Goldstein if the remaining postals behave like current postals. The teals look better in Bradfield and Kooyong.

Bullwinkel, Menzies and Longman are standard two-party contests. Labor should win Menzies, and is more likely than not to win the other two, once left-leaning absent votes start being counted.

Calwell is currently undecided because both major parties’ primary votes slumped. It’s possible that an independent could win from third or fourth by getting ahead of the Liberals then using their preferences to beat Labor.

In Monash and Flinders, the Liberals are beating Labor, but a teal independent is close behind Labor and may move ahead of Labor after preferences from the Greens and other minor candidates. The Liberals will probably defeat the teal if these are the final two.

Ryan and Wills are Labor vs Greens contests. In Ryan, the contest is to finish second, then beat the Liberal National Party on the other left party’s preferences. The Greens are just ahead of Labor in Ryan at the moment. Wills is a standard two-candidate contest that Labor is currently winning comfortably.

We won’t have a national two-party result for some time

Current national primary votes are 34.8% Labor (up 2.2% since 2022), 32.1% Coalition (down 3.6%), 11.8% Greens (down 0.4%), 6.2% One Nation (up 1.3%), 1.9% Trumpet of Patriots (down 2.3% on United Australia Pary’s 2022 vote), 7.6% independents (up 2.3%) and 5.6% others (up 0.5%).

The Coalition does best and the Greens do worst on early postals, which have been added since election night. Absent votes need to be posted back to their home electorate before they can be counted. On these votes, the Greens do best and the Coalition does the worst.

As the major parties’ primary votes are low, there are many seats where Labor and Coalition candidates will not be the final two. There are currently 28 “non-classic” seats, where one of the major parties did not make the final two.

The electoral commission’s first priority is to determine which candidate has won every seat. Once this is finished, they will conduct a second count in all non-classic seats between the Labor and Coalition candidates. When all such counts are completed, we will have a final official two-party result, but this won’t happen for at least a few weeks.

The ABC’s current estimate for the two-party vote is a Labor win by 55.0–45.0, while The Poll Bludger estimates a Labor win by 54.1–45.9. The electoral commission’s current figure of 54.7–45.3 to Labor excludes all non-classic seats.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Late counting continues in several seats, with Goldstein and Melbourne among those too close to call – https://theconversation.com/late-counting-continues-in-several-seats-with-goldstein-and-melbourne-among-those-too-close-to-call-255868

Pacific ‘story sovereignty’ top of mind on World Press Freedom Day

By Michelle Curran of Pasifika TV

World Press Freedom Day is a poignant reminder that journalists and media workers are essential for a healthy, functioning society — including the Pacific.

Held annually on May 3, World Press Freedom Day prompts governments about the need to respect press freedom, while serving as a day of reflection among media professionals about issues of press freedom and professional ethics.

Just as importantly, World Press Freedom Day is a day of support for media which are targets for the restraint, or abolition, of press freedom.

It is also a day of remembrance for those journalists who lost their lives in the pursuit of a story.

According to Reporters Without Borders, the press freedom situation has worsened in the Asia-Pacific region, where 26 of the 32 countries and territories have seen their scores fall in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index.

The region’s dictatorial governments have been tightening their hold over news and information with increasing vigour.

No country in the Asia-Pacific region is among the Index’s top 15 this year, with Aotearoa New Zealand falling six places to 19. [Editor’s note: these figures are outdated — from last year’s 2024 Index. Go to the 2025 index here).

Although experiencing challenges to the right to information, other regional democracies such as Timor-Leste (20th), Samoa (22nd) and Taiwan (27th) have also retained their roles as press freedom models.

Storytelling a vital art
Storytelling is inherent in Pacific peoples, and it is vital this art is nurtured, and our narrative is heard loud and clear — a priority goal for Pacific Cooperation Broadcasting Limited (PCBL) and Pasifika TV.

Chief executive officer of PCBL Natasha Meleisea says Pacific-led storytelling is critical to regional identity, but like all media around the world, it faces all sorts of challenges and issues.

“Some of those current concerns include the need for journalism to remain independent, as well as the constructive use of technology, notably AI and that it supports the truth and does not undermine it,” Meleisea said.

Forums such as the Pacific Media Summit are critical to addressing, and finding a collective response to the various challenges, she added.

At the biennial Pacific Media Summit, staged last year in Niue, the theme centred around Pacific media’s navigation of press freedom, AI and geopolitical interests, and the need to pave a resilient pathway forward.

Resilient media sector
Meleisea said some solutions to these issues were being implemented, to provide a resilient and sustainable media sector in the Pacific.

“It is a matter of getting creative, and looking at alternative platforms for content, as well as seeking international funding and building an infrastructure which supports these new goals,” she says.

“There is no doubt journalists and media workers are essential for a healthy, functioning society and when done right, journalism can hold those in power to account, amplify underrepresented stories, bolster democratic ideals, and spread crucial information to the public.

“With press freedom increasingly under threat, we must protect Pacific story sovereignty, and our voice at the table.”

Republished from Pasifika TV strategic communications.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

View from The Hill: a budding Trump-Albanese bromance?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

It took an election win, but Anthony Albanese on Monday finally received that much-awaited phone call from US President Donald Trump.

The conversation was “warm and positive,” the prime minister told a news conference, thanking the president for “reaching out”.

“I won’t go into all of the personal comments that he made, but he was very generous in his personal warmth and praise towards myself. He was fully aware of the [election] outcome and he expressed the desire to continue to work with me in the future.”

While they talked about tariffs (as well as AUKUS), the detailed engagement on that sensitive matter was left for later.

Trump, as they say, loves a winner.

When asked earlier in Washington about the Australian election, Trump said he was “very friendly” with Albanese.

“I don’t know anything about the election other than the man that won, he’s very good, he’s a friend of mine,” the president said. Albanese had been “very, very nice to me, very respectful to me.

“I have no idea who the other person is that ran against him.” There’s more than a touch of irony in this, given all the effort by the government and his other opponents to paint Peter Dutton as “Trump-lite”.

The prime minister is likely to meet Trump soon, perhaps in June. Albanese has been invited to the G7 meeting in Canada. Trump may or may not be there but a meeting could be arranged around this.

On the tariff front, the government is readying to defend the local film industry, after Trump announced a 100% tariff on all movies going into the United States.

Arts Minister Tony Burke said: “Nobody should be under any doubt that we will be standing up unequivocally for the rights of the Australian screen industry.”

Indonesia to be Albanese’s first foreign visit of new term

Albanese announced his first overseas visit would be to Indonesia. This will be a particularly important visit, given the significance of the bilateral relationship and the recent Russian request (which Indonesia rejected) to base planes in Papua.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto congratulated Albanese on his win in a call on Sunday.

In the call, Albanese asked the president to host his first overseas visit, and the president said it would be “a great honour” to do so.

Meanwhile, in the next few days Labor’s factions will be jostling over the spoils of victory. The factions work out broadly the membership of the frontbench, but Albanese, given he has massive authority with the huge win, will be able to impose his will in this process where he wants to do so. The prime minister allocates the portfolios.

Although there will be changes, Labor sources are expecting substantial continuity between the old and new ministries, especially at the higher level.

Albanese has previously confirmed top cabinet members, notably Treasurer Jim Chalmers, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Defence Minister Marles, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher and Trade Minister Don Farrell, will remain in their present ministries.

Most interest is in whether Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek is moved. Albanese would not say, when asked during the campaign, whether she would remain in environment although he confirmed she would stay in cabinet. Albanese and Plibersek have had a poor relationship over decades. She had expected to become education minister after the last election and was shocked to be given the environment portfolio/

Albanese told his news conference “I want Labor to be the natural party of government”.

Knife out for Angus Taylor

What goes around comes around. Outgoing NSW Liberal senator Hollie Hughes, who blamed shadow treasurer
Angus Taylor for her loss of preselection because he endorsed the candidate who beat her, has unleashed on Taylor’s leadership aspirations.

Hughes told the ABC on Monday she would not support Taylor to be the next leader.

She said the opposition’s economic narrative “was just completely non-existent. I’m not quite sure what [Taylor has] been doing for three years.

“There was no tax plan, I think the economic team has significantly let down the parliamentary team, it’s let down our membership, it’s let down our supporters and it’s let down people in Australia broadly – the fact they had nothing to sell, nothing to say, and clearly had not done the work that was required.”

She said deputy leader Sussan Ley had done “a fantastic job over the past three years and I’m hopeful that she will definitely still be part of our leadership.”

Four names are in the mix for the successor to Peter Dutton, who lost his seat of Dickson in Saturday’s rout. They are Taylor, Ley, immigration spokesman Dan Tehan and defence spokesman Andrew Hastie. None has yet declared their candidature.

Hastie told The West Australian at the weekend, “I certainly want to be able to drive change within the party itself and what that looks like will be up to my colleagues to determine”.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. View from The Hill: a budding Trump-Albanese bromance? – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-a-budding-trump-albanese-bromance-255619

In its soul-searching, Australia’s rightist coalition should examine its relationship with the media

ANALYSIS: By Matthew Ricketson, Deakin University and Andrew Dodd, The University of Melbourne

Among the many lessons to be learnt by Australia’s defeated Liberal-National coalition parties from the election is that they should stop getting into bed with News Corporation.

Why would a political party outsource its policy platform and strategy to people with plenty of opinions, but no experience in actually running a government?

The result of the federal election suggests that unlike the coalition, many Australians are ignoring the opinions of News Corp Australia’s leading journalists such as Andrew Bolt and Sharri Markson.

Last Thursday, in her eponymous programme on Sky News Australia, Markson said:

For the first time in my journalistic career I’m going to also offer a pre-election editorial, endorsing one side of politics […] A Dutton prime ministership would give our great nation the fresh start we deserve.

After a vote count that sees the Labor government returned with an increased majority, Bolt wrote a piece for the Herald Sun admonishing voters:

No, the voters aren’t always right. This time they were wrong, and this gutless and incoherent Coalition should be ashamed. Australians just voted for three more years of a Labor government that’s left this country poorer, weaker, more divided and deeper in debt, and which won only by telling astonishing lies.

That’s staggering. If that’s what voters really like, then this country is going to get more of it, good and hard.

The Australian and most of News’ tabloid newspapers endorsed the coalition in their election eve editorials.

Repudiation of minor culture war
The election result was a repudiation of the minor culture war Peter Dutton reprised during the campaign when he advised voters to steer clear of the ABC and “other hate media”. It may have felt good alluding to “leftie-woke” tropes about the ABC, but it was a tactical error.

The message probably resonated only with rusted-on hardline coalition voters and supporters of right-wing minor parties.

But they were either voting for the coalition, or sending them their preferences, anyway. Instead, attacking the ABC sent a signal to the people the coalition desperately needed to keep onside — the moderates who already felt disappointed by the coalition’s drift to the right and who were considering voting Teal or for another independent.

Attacking just about the most trusted media outlet in the country simply gave those voters another reason to believe the coalition no longer represented their values.

Reporting from the campaign bus is often derided as shallow form of election coverage. Reporters tend to be captive to a party’s agenda and don’t get to look much beyond a leader’s message.

But there was real value in covering Dutton’s daily stunts and doorstops, often in the outer suburbs that his electoral strategy relied on winning over.

What was revealed by having journalists on the bus was the paucity of policy substance. Details about housing affordability and petrol pricing — which voters desperately wanted to hear — were little more than sound bites.

Steered clear of nuclear sites
This was obvious by Dutton’s second visit to a petrol station, and yet there were another 15 to come. The fact that the campaign bus steered clear of the sites for proposed nuclear plants was also telling.

The grind of daily coverage helped expose the lateness of policy releases, the paucity of detail and the lack of preparation for the campaign, let alone for government.

On ABC TV’s Insiders, the Nine Newspapers’ political editor, David Crowe, wondered whether the media has been too soft on Dutton, rather than too hard as some coalition supporters might assume.

He reckoned that if the media had asked more difficult questions months ago, Dutton might have been stress-tested and better prepared before the campaign began.

Instead, the coalition went into the election believing it would be enough to attack Labor without presenting a fully considered alternative vision. Similarly, it would suffice to appear on friendly media outlets such as News Corp, and avoid more searching questions from the Canberra press gallery or on the ABC.

Reporters and commentators across the media did a reasonable job of exposing this and holding the opposition to account. The scrutiny also exposed its increasingly desperate tactics late in the campaign, such as turning on Welcome to Country ceremonies.

If many Australians appear more interested in what their prospective political leaders have to say about housing policy or climate change than the endless culture wars being waged by the coalition, that message did not appear to have been heard by Peta Credlin.

The Sky News Australia presenter and former chief-of-staff to prime minister Tony Abbott said during Saturday night’s election coverage “I’d argue we didn’t do enough of a culture war”.

Dr Matthew Ricketson is professor of communication, Deakin University and Andrew Dodd  is professor of journalism and director of the Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Is it dangerous to kiss someone who’s eaten gluten if you have coeliac disease?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vincent Ho, Associate Professor and Clinical Academic Gastroenterologist, Western Sydney University

Lordn/Shutterstock

Coeliac disease is not a food allergy or intolerance. It’s an autoimmune disease that makes the body attack the small intestine if gluten (a protein found in wheat, rye and barley) reaches the gut. Even a small amount – a tiny bread crumb – can cause damage and inflammation.

The only treatment is a gluten-free diet. This means completely eliminating foods containing the protein, such as pasta, bread, noodles and many processed products, and preparing food carefully to avoid cross-contamination.

But what about other forms of cross-contamination? One study surveyed 538 adults with coeliac disease about their dating habits and found 39% were hesitant to kiss their partners because of the disease.

But can gluten really be transferred this way, with a kiss? Research is only just beginning to look at this question – here’s what we know.

How harmful is gluten for people with coeliac disease?

Coeliac disease is common: surveys representative of the population estimate it affects one in 70 Australians. However, it tends to be under-diagnosed. Research suggests only 20% of those with coeliac disease have a medical diagnosis.

This means most sufferers are unaware they have coeliac disease, despite experiencing unpleasant symptoms.

When untreated, coeliac disease can stop the small intestine absorbing nutrients and lead to gut symptoms such as diarrhoea, abdominal pain, bloating and flatulence. It can also result in non-gut symptoms such as fatigue, skin rashes and brain fog.

However, touching gluten won’t have any effect. Gluten only causes damage to people with coeliac disease if it enters the gut. This is why it can be effectively treated with a strict gluten-free diet.

How much gluten is harmful?

Researchers have investigated how much gluten can result in harm to people with coeliac disease. One study found some people with coeliac disease experienced damage to their small intestine with as little as 10 milligrams of gluten per day.

For context, one slice of bread contains 2.5 grams of gluten. A very small amount can cause damage if eaten, such a tiny crumb accidentally transferred from a chopping board or plate.

Australian researchers have determined that a dose of gluten below 3mg does not cause an immune response on very sensitive blood tests.

Kinfe slicing through a crusty loaf of bread.
Even a bread crumb can be harmful to people with coeliac disease, if it’s eaten.
Master1305/Shutterstock

Food regulatory authorities look at how much gluten is concentrated in particular foods to decide what is “gluten free”. In most countries a diet containing gluten at less than 20 parts per million (or 20mg per kilogram) is considered to be safe for people with coeliac disease.

But Australia and New Zealand have much stricter requirements for labelling a food as “gluten free”. Testing methods in Australia allow for detection as low as three parts per million – this is known as the “limit of detection”. Foods below this limit contain no detectable gluten and can be labelled gluten free.

So, what about kissing?

What does this mean for kissing? Can enough gluten be transmitted from one person to another via saliva to cause problems? To date, there is very limited data.

New US research presented today looked at ten couples, each with one partner who had coeliac disease.

In the study, the non-coeliac partner ate ten crackers containing gluten before the couple kissed for ten seconds.

The researchers found gluten transfer was minimal in the saliva. When the non-coeliac partner had a glass of water after eating the crackers, the gluten in their saliva was less than 20 parts per million (the international limit for gluten-free products).

While this data has not yet been peer-reviewed, their preliminary finding seems to support similar research from 2022 which looked at peanut allergy and saliva to estimate gluten levels in saliva.

It estimated that saliva after eating gluten could contain around 250 micrograms of gluten – one-twelfth of the minimum amount (3mg) believed to cause an immune response.

This means, for people with coeliac disease, kissing should not be an issue to worry about.

A man, woman and child chat and laugh in a kitchen while preparing food.
Cross-contamination from foods containing gluten is the biggest risk for people with coeliac disease.
Jacob Lund/Shutterstock

Other risks

The bigger risk for people with coeliac disease continues to be exposure to gluten from food – even food labelled “gluten free”.

One study found seven out of 256 manufactured food products sold as gluten free had detectable levels of gluten, in some cases as much as 3mg in a single serving.

In 2018 another study found almost 10% of food sold as gluten free at cafes and restaurants across Melbourne actually contained gluten. One food sample contained a gluten concentration of more than 80 parts per million.

Still, given Australia has strictest regulations in the world, the risk of getting sick from eating gluten-free foods is quite low.

The risk from kissing? Even lower.

If you want to look out for your loved one with coeliac disease, how you prepare food is more important. This includes preventing cross-contamination by storing and preparing gluten-free foods well away from foods containing gluten, and thoroughly cleaning equipment and utensils after they’ve been in contact with food containing gluten.

And next time you’re on a date at your favourite eatery – whether they advertise as gluten free, or just have gluten-free items on the menu – it’s a good idea to politely ask about their food handling practices.

The Conversation

Vincent Ho does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is it dangerous to kiss someone who’s eaten gluten if you have coeliac disease? – https://theconversation.com/is-it-dangerous-to-kiss-someone-whos-eaten-gluten-if-you-have-coeliac-disease-255721

After its landslide win, Labor should have courage and confidence on security – and our alliance with the US

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanne Wallis, Professor of International Security, University of Adelaide

The re-election of the Albanese Labor government by such a wide margin should not mean “business as usual” for Australia’s security policy.

The global uncertainty instigated by US President Donald Trump means Australia’s security landscape is very different today from when Labor was first elected in 2022, or even when its Defence Strategic Review was released in 2023.

As we argue in our recent book, the Albanese government faces increasingly difficult questions.

How can we maintain our crucial security alliance with the US while deepening partnerships with other countries that have reservations about US policy?

And, given Trump’s recent actions, how much can we continue to rely on the United States and what are the potential costs of the alliance?

With a massive parliamentary majority, the new government has an opportunity for bold thinking on national security. This is not the time for Australia to keep its head down – we need to face the rapidly changing world with our heads held high.




Read more:
Blaming Donald Trump for conservative losses in both Canada and Australia is being too kind to Peter Dutton


Trump 2.0 is not the same as 1.0

We do not advocate Australia step away from the US alliance. We are also realistic that decades of defence procurement mean Australia is heavily reliant on US defence materiel (and its subsequent sustainment) for our security.

The deep interoperability between the Australian Defence Force and the US military is something alliance sceptics too readily gloss over: much Australian military capability cannot function without ongoing American support.

At the same time, many alliance advocates underestimate the impact of the new challenges we face. Some assumed a continuity between the first and second Trump administrations. However, we are not convinced the lessons learned from Trump 1.0 are still valid.

A key difference between Trump 1.0 and 2.0 is the effect of his move away from respecting international law.

For example, the US has voted with Russia against UN Security Council resolutions condemning the Ukraine war, withdrawn from the Paris Climate Agreement and World Health Organization, and damaged relations with NATO allies, among many other actions.

As a middle power, Australia has long relied on the “rules-based order” to advance its foreign and strategic policy interests.

Even if “normal transmission” resumes under a new US president in 2029, we are concerned the Trump administration’s structural changes to the international order will not easily be wound back. American soft power has been decimated by cuts to the US State Department, USAID and international broadcasting services. This will also not be rebuilt quickly.

A second difference is there are few “adults left in the room” in the Trump administration.

The advisers who kept Trump in check during his first administration have been replaced by loyalists less likely to push back against his ideas and impulses. This includes his long-held grievance that allies have been exploiting the US.

The Albanese government needs to think more deeply about how to hedge against dependence on the US. This means investing in relations with other partners, especially in Asia and the Pacific, and working with them to promote the laws, rules and norms that maintain stability and predictability in global affairs.

An idealistic vision for the future

We are also concerned that many in the national security community base their policy recommendations on the assumption that war between the US and China is inevitable, and such a conflict could draw in Australia as America’s ally.

Rather, the Trump administration’s preference for “deals” opens the possibility the US and China might come to an arrangement that will affect US presence and leadership in our region.

Australia may not be prepared for this. The new government must engage in more open discussion about how we would maintain our security if the US does pull back from the region or makes decisions Australians don’t support.

As a start, we need to consider how Australia can better pursue self-reliance within the alliance structure. We need a range of strategic options in the future that don’t rely on an outdated image of the US as a reliable partner.

This debate should be guided by what we call “pragmatic idealism”.

Rather than accepting the way things are, the government and members of the national security community need to re-imagine how things can be.

We argue the Albanese government should draw confidence from its thumping electoral win to articulate a politics of hope, opportunity and possibility for our future security. This needs to drown out the cynicism, passive acceptance and learned helplessness that often characterises Australian national security debates.

We are conscious that being “idealistic” is often dismissed as impractical, naïve “wishful thinking”. But the new government needs to demonstrate to Australians it has the courage to face the diverse, interlinked and complex security challenges we face – potentially on our own. These extend to issues such as cyber attacks, transnational crime and climate change.

Practical steps

As a first step, the Albanese government urgently needs to commission an integrated National Security Strategy that considers all the tools of statecraft Australia can use to respond to these challenges.

This means engaging more with partners in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. In particular, Australia should consider investing more heavily in information programs and public diplomacy as the US withdraws from this arena.

The government must also engage better with the public and be more transparent about its security options and decisions.

On AUKUS, for instance, the government must build its “social licence” from the public to sustain such a massive deal across generations. Australians need to be better informed about – and consulted on – the decisions they will ultimately pay for.

This also includes being upfront with Australians about the need for greater defence spending in a tumultuous world.

It is understandably tempting for the new Albanese government to continue a “small target” approach when it comes to the US. This has meant minimising domestic debate about the alliance that could undermine support for AUKUS and avoid risking the ire of a thin-skinned Trump.

But the government needs the courage to ask difficult questions and imagine different futures.

The Conversation

Joanne Wallis receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Department of Defence, and the government of South Australia. She is a Senior Nonresident Fellow of the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C.

Rebecca Strating receives funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

ref. After its landslide win, Labor should have courage and confidence on security – and our alliance with the US – https://theconversation.com/after-its-landslide-win-labor-should-have-courage-and-confidence-on-security-and-our-alliance-with-the-us-255598

5 huge climate opportunities await the next parliament – and it has the numbers to deliver

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Skarbek, Climateworks CEO, Monash University

Australians have returned an expanded Labor Party to government alongside a suite of climate-progressive independents. Meanwhile, the Coalition – which promoted nuclear energy and a slower renewables transition – suffered a historic defeat.

Labor also looks set to have increased numbers in the Senate, where the Greens are likely to hold the balance of power.

These numbers mean support for progressive climate and energy policy in Australia’s 48th parliament is shaping as stronger than the last. So what does this mean as Australia seeks to position itself as a leader in the global net zero economy?

In its first term in government, Labor laid the groundwork for stronger climate action, including legislating an emissions-reduction target and putting crucial policies and organisations in place. The next parliament will be well-placed to build on these foundations. Here, we explain where key opportunities lie.

1. National emissions target for 2035

By September this year, all signatories to the global Paris Agreement must set emissions reduction targets out to 2035.

Labor is waiting on advice from the Climate Change Authority before setting its target. The authority’s initial advice last year suggested a target between 65% and 75%, based on 2005 levels.

Some countries have already set their targets. The United Kingdom, for example, will aim for a reduction of at least 81% by 2035, based on 1990 levels.

2. A firm plan for net-zero

Australia has committed to reaching net-zero emissions by 2050. Getting there will require innovation and investment across the economy. In the last term of government, Labor began
developing net-zero plans for each economic sector. They comprise energy, transport, industry, resources, the built environment, and agriculture and land.

The plans are due to be finalised this year. They will act as a tangible map for Australia to meet both net zero and the 2035 emissions-reduction target, and are keenly awaited by state governments, industry and investors.

This policy area presents the broadest opportunity for the crossbench to exert influence for greater ambition, scale and pace. Neither the 2035 target nor the sector plans need to go through parliament – however they could feature in broader parliamentary negotiations.

Separately, the Safeguard Mechanism will be reviewed in 2027, during this parliament. The policy aims to reduce emissions reductions from Australia’s biggest greenhouse-gas polluters. It is key to reaching net zero in Australia’s industrial sector, and an important moment to ensure the policy reduces emissions at the rate needed.

3. Bidding to host COP31

Australia is bidding to host next year’s United Nations global climate talks, or COP, in partnership with Pacific Island nations. The bid was opposed by the Coalition.

A decision on the COP host is expected in June. If Australia succeeds, the federal government will seek to use the high-profile global gathering to showcase its climate credentials – and there will be high expectations from Pacific co-hosts. So all policy between now and then really matters.

4. An energy system to make Australia thrive

Energy produces about 70% of Australia’s emissions. Tackling this means reducing emissions from electricity through renewable generation. Elsewhere in the economy, it means switching from gas, petrol and diesel to clean electricity.

The government’s plan to reach 82% renewable energy by 2030 remains crucial. Australia’s electricity system is expected to reach around 50% renewable energy this year. But there is more work to do.

A review of the National Electricity Market is due this year. It is expected to recommend ways to promote greater investment in renewable generation and storage. This includes what policy might follow the Capacity Investment Scheme, a measure to boost renewables investment which will be rolled out by 2027.

Faster action on the renewable shift can also be achieved through the Australian Energy Market Operator’s next Integrated System Plan – the nation’s roadmap for guiding energy infrastructure and investment.

Labor also has scope to improve energy efficiency, and better match energy demand and supply – especially at times of peak energy use. The government’s commitments to subsidise home batteries, and expand the Clean Energy Finance Corporation, will help achieve this. The crossbench, including the Greens, is likely to seek greater investments to reduce household energy use and costs.

Beyond this, Australia’s electricity grid needs to be double the size of what’s currently planned, to power the entire economy with clean energy.

5. Leverage clean energy export advantages

Australia generates about a quarter of its GDP from exports – many of them emissions-intensive such as fossil fuels, minerals and agricultural products.

In his election victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese urged Australia to seize the moment at a time of global economic disruption. Key to this will be building on the Future Made in Australia agenda and ensuring Australia makes the most of its competitive advantages as the world transitions to net-zero.

This will include:

  • leveraging a strong reputation as a reliable trade partner
  • capitalising on our world-leading solar and wind energy resources to produce low-emissions goods for export
  • developing the industry around critical minerals and rare earths needed in low-emissions technologies
  • helping metals and minerals sectors achieve net-zero emissions pathways.

This will be central to trade negotiations in the years to come. Realising Australia’s green exports aspiration requires action abroad as well as at home.

A game-changing decade

This decade is crucial to Australia’s future economy, and to the success of Australia’s long-term transition to net zero emissions. Our work has shown Australia can slash emissions while the economy grows.

The question now is how quickly the re-elected government – indeed, the next parliament – can realise Australia’s ambition as a renewable energy superpower.

The next three years will provide vital opportunities and they must be seized – for the sake of our energy bills, our economic prosperity and Australia’s reputation on the world stage.

The Conversation

Anna Skarbek is on the board of the Net Zero Economy Authority, SEC Victoria, the Centre for New Energy Technologies, the Green Building Council of Australia, and the Asia-Pacific Advisory Board of the Glasgow Financial Alliance on Net Zero. She is CEO of Climateworks Centre which receives funding from philanthropy and project-specific financial support from a range of private and public entities including federal, state and local government and private sector organisations and international and local non-profit organisations. Climateworks Centre works within Monash University’s Sustainable Development Institute.

Climateworks Centre is a part of Monash University. It receives funding from a range of external sources including philanthropy, governments and businesses. Businesses such as mining companies and industry associations have previously co-funded Climateworks’ research on industrial decarbonisation, and may benefit from policies mentioned in this article.

ref. 5 huge climate opportunities await the next parliament – and it has the numbers to deliver – https://theconversation.com/5-huge-climate-opportunities-await-the-next-parliament-and-it-has-the-numbers-to-deliver-255772

Pie in the sky? After the Coalition’s stinging loss, nuclear should be dead. Here’s why it might live on

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer, International Studies, University of South Australia

barmalini/Shutterstock

When the Coalition launched its nuclear plan last year, Labor was on the nose and early polls showed some support for the policy. But then the wheels fell off.

Nuclear didn’t stack up on cost or timeframe. Early support fell away. By the time of the election, support for maintaining Australia’s ban on nuclear power had increased from 51% to 59%.

When Opposition leader Peter Dutton gave his budget reply speech in late March, he barely mentioned the nuclear policy – instead promoting gas and attacking renewables.

After Saturday’s Coalition rout, the prospect of nuclear power in Australia should be dead and buried. But that’s not guaranteed. The National Party strongly backs nuclear power.

With metropolitan Liberals sceptical of nuclear reduced to a rump, the Nationals and regional Liberals will gain influence within the Coalition. If conservative Nationals prevail, we may well see the nuclear policy survive the election post-mortem and be resurrected for the next election.

Why did the Coalition back nuclear?

In the 1990s, the Coalition introduced laws banning nuclear power in Australia. But interest in the technology has never gone away. Australia has abundant uranium, and nuclear power appeals to some demographics.

Politically, Dutton’s choice to back nuclear power was pragmatic. There were real tensions inside the Coalition on climate action. Nuclear power seemed to offer a way past these tensions, as a zero emissions energy source providing baseload power. It would also have meant slowing the renewable rollout and building more gas power plants to cover the gap left by retiring coal.

It appears the nuclear policy wasn’t a Dutton priority. Nationals leader David Littleproud says he and the Nationals pushed the Coalition to adopt nuclear in exchange for continued support for the 2050 net zero target. After Saturday’s wipeout in Liberal-held metropolitan seats, the Nationals will have a stronger hand.

On Sky News yesterday, Littleproud claimed nuclear was not the reason for the Coalition’s loss. National MPs are still backing nuclear.

If the Nationals stick to their guns, we may see the Coalition bring nuclear to the next election.

Three-year federal terms make it difficult for new governments to embark on long term plans. Nuclear energy would take at least 15 years to come online. The Coalition’s last realistic opportunity to go nuclear would have been back in 2007, when there was renewed interest in the technology.

At that time, renewables were quite expensive. But solar, wind and batteries now cost much less, while nuclear was already expensive and has remained so.

Government tenders for renewable and storage projects tend to be massively oversubscribed, with far more interest than opportunities. By contrast, nuclear doesn’t have business backing. The Australian Industry Group has argued the Coalition’s nuclear policy was 20 years too late. This business reticence explains the Coalition’s proposal to build the nuclear reactors with public money.

This year, clean energy levels in Australia’s main grid will reach 44–46%, according to the Clean Energy Regulator. With a strong pipeline of new projects, that could reach 60% by the next election. It’s hard to see what role nuclear could have in any future grid.

Nuclear isn’t quite dead

In contrast to intermittent renewables, nuclear offers reliable zero emissions baseload power. If you talk to nuclear backers, you’ll likely hear a variant of this sentence.

But there’s “no going back” to the old baseload model where large, inflexible coal plants churned out power, as the head of the Australian Energy Market Operator Daniel Westerman pointed out last week. That’s because renewables are the cheapest energy source. Powering Australia on 100% renewables is possible with enough battery storage or pumped hydro to compensate for the solar duck curve, in which solar power drops off in the evening.

So why does nuclear have a hold on the Coalition’s imagination, even as it faces its largest crisis since Menzies founded the Liberal Party?

One likely reason is cultural opposition to renewables. This is especially evident among prominent Nationals such as Littleproud, Matt Canavan and Barnaby Joyce. As the thinking presumably goes, if “latte-sipping greens” in inner city areas back renewables, genuine country Australians should naturally oppose them.

It is, of course, not that simple. Renewables are often just as popular in the bush as in the cities. A Lowy Institute poll found almost two-thirds of regional respondents supported the government’s 82% renewable target for 2030. Farmers hosting solar panels or wind turbines energy generation on their properties see them as guaranteed income even if livestock or grains are having a bad year.

The problem for the Nationals and for the Coalition more broadly is that nuclear just isn’t that popular. Early support for the policy was soft. It melted away as authoritative sources such as the CSIRO pointed to the exorbitant cost and long timeframe to build reactors from scratch.

Labor, with a resounding majority, is likely to accelerate the shift to clean energy. While the urban-rural political divide will still play out in Coalition opposition to clean energy, Labor’s large electoral mandate and dominance in the populous cities will encourage it to press ahead.

As the surviving members of the Coalition lick their wounds and begin to figure out how they did so badly, we can expect to see nuclear up for discussion. But given the new power of the Nationals and regional Liberals in the party room, we may not have seen the last of nuclear fantasies in Australia.

The Conversation

Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pie in the sky? After the Coalition’s stinging loss, nuclear should be dead. Here’s why it might live on – https://theconversation.com/pie-in-the-sky-after-the-coalitions-stinging-loss-nuclear-should-be-dead-heres-why-it-might-live-on-255866

A rubbish election: voting in Australia produces mountains of waste – but there’s a better way

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa M. Given, Professor of Information Sciences & Director, Social Change Enabling Impact Platform, RMIT University

More than 18 million Australians voted on Saturday, after walking past countless corflutes, reading campaign flyers and reviewing how-to-vote cards.

The 2025 federal election was Australia’s biggest yet, with 710,000 more people on the electoral roll than in 2022. The Australian Election Commission amassed 250,000 pencils, 240,000 vests, 80,000 ballot boxes and 5,000 rolls of tamper-proof tape to stock some 7,000 polling places.

So, what happens to these materials after polling day? Some are warehoused, ready for reuse next time around. Others are repurposed. But every election also generates a mountain of waste for landfill.

It doesn’t have to be this way. Australia needs to mandate a cradle-to-grave approach to creating, using, recycling and disposing of election materials. Meanwhile, electronic machines and online voting can reduce the need for paper ballots, just as social media campaigns can reduce paper mail drops.

Reams of lightweight plastic posters adorn a tennis court on the way into the polling booth at Magill School, with a person taking down posters.
Magill School in the Sturt electorate, like most polling centres, was wrapped in lightweight plastic posters.
Clare Peddie

Where do election materials go after the polls close?

In response to inquiries from The Conversation, the Australian Election Commission said most AEC materials, such as tamper-proof tape, vests and pencils, are stored between elections at counting centres. Other materials, such as cardboard voting booths, are recycled or donated to schools or charities.

Most councils require corflutes to be collected within seven days of an election. But no rules govern reuse or disposal. Corflutes are made from polypropylene, a lightweight plastic that is technically recyclable. But it’s not a straightforward process, so most recycling facilities reportedly cannot accept this waste.

Some candidates donate corflutes to schools, childcare centres and charities, because the white reverse side can be used to mount artworks.

Second-hand corflutes have also been used as shelters for homeless people, heat shields for bee hives, or to repair damaged skylights. But no doubt many end up in landfill.

Are there alternatives?

Many countries are “greening” their elections. In 2019, India’s election commission directed parties to eliminate single-use plastic including corflutes. In 2024, the United Kingdom’s Westminster Foundation for Democracy outlined strategies for reducing election “pollution”, addressing supply chains and packaging.

Australia relies heavily on disposable election materials. While many of these can be recycled, it’s better to avoid single-use materials.

Parties could also display how-to-vote instructions on posters at election sites, rather than handing out individual flyers that are recycled or thrown away.

In 2022, the AEC introduced plain brown cardboard screens and ballot boxes, saying they are easier to recycle and reuse than previous versions “wrapped” in purple-and-white branded paper. However, Australian Electoral Commissioner Tom Rogers says elections will probably always be “highly manual and resource-intensive exercises”. We disagree.

Could Australia use electronic or online voting to reduce waste?

Other countries are introducing online voting to reduce waste. One study in Estonia found the carbon footprint of paper-based voting was 180 times greater than internet-based voting. More than 50% of the population voted online in 2023.

India introduced electronic voting machines in 1982 and mandated them, nationwide, in 2004. In 1999 alone this saved 7,700 tonnes of waste.

The United States introduced mechanical voting machines in the 1890s, punch cards and scanned ballots in the 1960s, and “direct-recording” electronic voting machines in the 1970s. Today, touch screens are used in many voting booths, with paper records for auditing. Now just 7% of districts rely on paper ballots and hand-counted ballots are rarely used.

Yet electronic voting machines are not without controversy. Security concerns after the 2016 US election resulted in 94% of districts shifting to optical scanning, and use of “direct-recording” electronic voting machines almost halved.

Ireland invested €50 million (A$88 million) into electronic voting machines in 2002, but they were never used due to concerns about potential tampering.

Australia should explore secure options for electronic voting machines and online voting. In its response to The Conversation, the AEC said this would be a matter for parliament to consider, because the law currently demands that elections are in-person events.

Can social media campaigning help?

Social media enables candidates and voters to engage in new ways. For instance, Labor senators Katy Gallagher and Penny Wong took part in a Facebook “pop quiz” on April 29, which had 55,000 views. But social media can amplify misinformation, so consumers need to fact-check what they see and hear online.

Combined, the parties and affiliated groups spent more than A$39 million on advertisements on YouTube, Facebook and Google during the 2025 campaign. The AEC had to update its authorisation guidelines to cover podcasters and other content creators.

This mirrors global shifts towards social media campaigning. During Canada’s 2025 campaign, Liberal leader Mark Carney (who went on to be elected prime minister) created a video with celebrity Mike Myers, reaching 10 million views.

While such creative approaches may engage voters, they still carry a carbon footprint. Carney and Myers’ video likely produced about six tonnes of CO₂ emissions due to the energy and electricity used in production, streaming and viewing.

Mike Myers and Mark Carney used social media creatively in Canada’s 2025 election campaign.

Text messages also connect candidates with voters. Clive Palmer’s Trumpet of Patriots party sent 17 million texts the election campaign. This equates to 240kg of CO₂ emissions from energy-hungry data centres and personal devices.

This is less than the emissions the average Australian produces in a week. However, the unsolicited texts riled many voters, many concerned about privacy and who wanted to opt out.

What’s the solution?

Australia should mandate a reduction in the disposal of election materials.

Some print materials may always be needed, because not all voters can access digital content or vote online. But the current situation is unsustainable.

Global experiences show innovation is possible. Australia can reduce its reliance on new, physical materials, while maintaining public trust.

Australia’s newly elected officials have an opportunity to green future elections, adopting a more sophisticated approach to voting in a digital age. There’s no excuse for producing mountains of plastic and paper waste every three or four years. Our nation deserves better.

The Conversation

Lisa M. Given receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia and the Association for Information Science and Technology.

Gary Rosengarten receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Australian Renewable Energy Agency and the Renewable Affordable Clean Energy for 2030 CRC, and is a non-executive board member of the Australian Alliance for Energy Productivity.

Matt Duckham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A rubbish election: voting in Australia produces mountains of waste – but there’s a better way – https://theconversation.com/a-rubbish-election-voting-in-australia-produces-mountains-of-waste-but-theres-a-better-way-255780

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