As someone who has spent most of his professional life studying how children develop, I’m often asked by parents (especially mums) why children (especially boys) are prone to pick up the nearest stick, pencil, soft toy or even banana and turn them into weapons?
Girls certainly do this too. But research – and parents’ experience – shows you’re more likely to find boys using various objects as swords, guns or grenades to attack one another.
While some parents worry this is too violent, these actions do not mean you are raising a burgeoning psychopath. Rather, they are significant components of healthy development.
Playful aggression
Role playing is a key part of children’s play, when they pretend to be someone or something else. They can do this on their own or with others.
When they do it with others it is called “sociodramatic play”. This type of play teaches children both verbal and social skills while they interact with others.
Play fighting is one form of sociodramatic play. It can include rough and tumble play, chasing one another around, superhero play, wrestling and mock fighting. Psychologists call this “playful aggression”.
This kind of play is not about hurting anybody. Rather, it provides opportunities for children to explore their world with a sense of empowerment and control (because they set the rules) and to build relationships as they negotiate the play.
How does it work?
Imagine children are playing a battle with pillow forts and cardboard swords. This is not just a question of whose fort topples first. The game will require them to read facial expressions, express themselves and develop an awareness of power dynamics (or what researchers call “relationships hierarchies”).
Relationship hierarchies are complex, but focus on power and who is in charge. During episodes of playful aggression, this might mean taking control, giving in to someone else’s idea, or sharing power. These hierarchies allow children to make decisions about who they want to play with, who to avoid, or how to adapt their behaviour to create friendships.
So relationship hierarchies play an important role in emotional and social development. They teach children how to get along with one another, how to make and play within a rule structure and how to recognise the difference between playful and harmful behaviour.
For example, other children’s reactions during the game will teach them that yelling and jumping may be considered fun. But rough pushing or deliberately breaking rules – such as turning into a killer dragon when everyone else has agreed to be tigers – is not OK and will make your friends unhappy.
Why do we see this more in boys?
You might be wondering why such behaviours seem to be more evident in boys than girls. Research shows boys (on the whole) tend to be more physical in how they play.
Theories about sex differences in social play extend across many research areas including psychology, neurobiology, evolutionary psychology and anthropology. Current theories link these differences to testosterone and differences in neurochemistry.
There is some evidence to suggest boys and girls are socialised differently in relation to being physical.
However, the degree of influence is contestable given sex differences in behaviour appear very early in life and in other mammals. Perhaps the socialisation process exacerbates nature – and as such, nature and nurture may be working in tandem.
The end result is still the same, with more boys than girls engaging in playful aggression.
When girls role play, it tends to focus on what researchers call “tend and befriend” or on people and nurturing. For example, games built around families or looking after pets.
But this is not to say girls can’t be aggressive. However, research suggests if girls fight it is usually done with words to hurt someone’s feelings and children are upset with each other. It is not done for fun.
Perhaps this is why playful aggression can be difficult for some mothers to understand and appreciate.
But there is no link between playful aggression in children and being aggressive as an adult.
Are you guys having fun?
For many parents, watching a group of boys mimic battles with sticks as guns or swords spells trouble. Odds are that they will tell the children to “stop before somebody gets hurt!” or “play something more gentle!”.
However, stopping this playful endeavour robs kids from engaging in perfectly natural, and developmentally desirable, behaviour.
Playful aggression is not serious aggression. If unsure, all parents and carers need do is ask whether everyone is having fun or not.
Michael Nagel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Urban green spaces are disappearing from New Zealand cities, at a time when denser housing is being planned in many areas.
Overall, the total area of green space is reasonable in New Zealand cities because they are relatively small by world standards. But our new research shows complex links between urban intensification and the availability of green spaces.
It highlights that Aotearoa’s cities have experienced significant loss of green space over recent decades, often concentrated on private land as a consequence of subdivisions and paving within residential lots.
We also show uneven distribution of green spaces between and within cities.
Cyclone Gabrielle and the devastating floods of 2023 underlined the benefits of green spaces for urban resilience. About 13% of New Zealand’s population live in flood-prone areas and this proportion will grow as flooding becomes more frequent due to climate change.
This has focused attention on the idea of “sponge cities”, an urban design concept that emphasises the use of parks, gardens and other “green infrastructure” for stormwater and flood management, rather than relying purely on hard infrastructure such as drainage systems.
For green spaces to benefit urban resilience, they must be accessible and well-placed within cityscapes and communities. Flooding-related resilience increases when they are situated appropriately – for example in valleys or hollows where flood waters can safely accumulate. It’s not enough to have ample green space on the outskirts of cities or in steep town green belts.
However, the push for higher density in response to the housing crisis puts pressure on maintaining green spaces, let alone creating new ones, especially where land is scarce or expensive. This all adds to the pressure on council budgets, competing with other priorities for infrastructure provision in cities.
Our research shows both a loss and uneven distribution of urban green spaces.
For example, Wellington’s urban areas have twice as much land with tree cover than in Auckland and Hamilton. The variation between different parts of the same city is even more striking. Some Hamilton suburbs have up to eight times more green space than others. In Wellington, nearby parts of the city centre also differ dramatically.
In Auckland, private green space per person decreased by approximately 20% between 1980 and 2016. Given the forecast population growth over the coming decades in parts of most cities, these losses will become even more acute.
Inequities in access
This trend is compounding already significant inequities in access to urban green spaces and its benefits. This is important given 87% of us live in cities.
In line with international literature, more affluent suburbs typically enjoy more green space per person, closer to where people live. In some of the studies we reviewed, inequities in access reflect inequities in health and wellbeing.
Research in Christchurch shows residents of more economically and socially vulnerable neighbourhoods have access to fewer ecosystem services (the benefits people get from nature). This includes flooding mitigation, improved air quality, shade, and public and private green spaces. The researchers conclude the distribution of urban ecosystem services disadvantages more vulnerable residents.
There are also important design and quality issues for green spaces. Many parks and other public green spaces suffer from deferred maintenance due to stretched council budgets. This can make physical access (steps, paths) more difficult, particularly for people with impaired mobility.
A further issue is the increasing prevalence of hard surfaces, impervious to water. Central Wellington has one of the highest rates of paved surfaces in public spaces. This trend is also seen on private residential lots where former garden or lawn areas have been paved over for driveways or hard courtyards.
This is more than an aesthetic issue, given the critical importance of permeable surfaces for draining heavy rain and floodwaters.
How to do better
All these considerations should be taken into account if we want to improve the effectiveness of urban green spaces. Based on our research, we recommend the following.
Urban green spaces must be considered essential assets for the wellbeing of all residents and as a climate adaptation strategy. Their provision and quality should be protected and strengthened through council policy. Many useful policy initiatives exist and could be strengthened, but current policy is highly variable between councils.
Over-stretched councils can’t be expected to make up for the loss of private green spaces through subdivisions and urban intensification, as encouraged at all levels of government. Policies must require adequate provision of green infrastructure.
Strategic creative design can incorporate green space within medium and high-density development cost effectively, if supported by the right policies. This may include green roofs and walls integrated in buildings.
Continued investment in the provision and maintenance of green spaces is crucial even while cities build more homes and make infrastructure more secure.
Paul Blaschke is associated with the NZ Centre for Sustainable Cities and has received funding from Wellington City Council.
Edward Randal is associated with the NZ Centre for Sustainable Cities and has received funding from Wellington City Council.
Meredith Amy Claire Perry received funding from Porirua City Council.
Ralph Brougham Chapman is a co-director of the New Zealand Centre for Sustainable Cities.
Maibritt Pedersen Zari and Philippa Howden-Chapman do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Apparently, the world is about to get its first trillionaire.
A report from the business intelligence agency Informa Connect says, at his present rate of wealth accumulation, tech billionaire Elon Musk is on track to be the world’s first trillionaire, three years from now.
At the moment Musk is said to be worth US$195 billion (A$293 billion), but if his wealth continues growing at the recent rate of 110% per year, he will hit US$1.195 trillion in 2027.
The next trillionaire after Musk should be Indian mining magnate Gautam Adani, followed by Nvidia chief Jensen Huang and Indonesian mining mogul Prajogo Pangestu, all of whom are on track to hit the milestone in 2028.
The nearly 1 billion human beings who don’t yet have electricity connected to their homes will doubtless be looking on with interest as the tech bros and mining bosses vie to crack 13 digits.
Before examining how it is that someone could ever make a trillion-dollar fortune, and what it might mean for the world for so much of the world’s wealth to be held in the hands of one person, it is important to first try to comprehend how big a trillion actually is.
One trillion seconds last 31,000 years
A million is a big number: it is 1,000 thousands. If you managed to retire with that many dollars in superannuation, you would have saved up more than 90% of your fellow retirees.
One billion is 1,000 millions. It takes 12 days for a million seconds to pass, but 31 years for a billion seconds to tick over.
That means a trillion seconds would equal 31,000 years.
If you had $1 trillion and did no more than stick it in the bank where it earned 4% interest per year you would get $40 billion per year in interest.
No one needs $1 trillion, and it is hard to see how anyone could spend it as fast as it grew, which raises important questions about how societies, economies and democracies will be able to function if and when governments allow trillionaires to emerge.
For mortals, a trillion is hard to justify
France’s King Louis XIV spent today’s equivalent of US$200 billion-300 billion building his palace at Versailles, and it was by no means his only palace.
Pyramids and sphinxes didn’t come cheap either, but these sorts of expenditures were seen as needed for beings selected by gods and not entirely mortal.
For mortals, some believe that the entire population benefits when a small minority controls most of the resources on the basis that it builds incentives.
Just as peasants spent millennia awaiting their reward in the afterlife while their rulers enjoyed heaven on earth, in modern economies we are told wealth and prosperity will trickle down to us eventually if we keep working hard.
Unfortunately for most of us, despite the wealth of the richest 200 Australians growing from A$40.6 billion to $625 billion over the past 20 years, neither the Australian economy nor the wages of ordinary Australians are soaring.
High profits are meant to be temporary
Incentives can and do play an important role in our economy.
In the so-called “free market” envisaged by 18th-century economist Adam Smith, if my new farming technique or silicon chip is so good that everyone wants one, it is
considered only fair that I get an initial reward.
But after a while, everyone else will be free to compete with me by selling similar goods and in turn stopping me from getting an extraordinary ongoing reward.
The problem is that some markets aren’t free and don’t work properly. It is no accident that the world’s biggest fortunes are held by those who have monopoly rights to sell natural resources or technologies that are protected by patents or systems that lock in users.
That’s bad news for those still waiting patiently for wealth to trickle down or to be spread more evenly.
Technofeudalism keeps profits growing
In his latest book former Greek finance minister Yannis Varoufakis describes the world we now live in as one of technofeudalism in which online platforms have the ongoing opportunity to exploit workers, consumers and producers in ways Smith could not have imagined.
Having created digital platforms where the price of entry is handing over your personal details and preferences, modern tech titans use a new form of alchemy to convert data into knowledge that allows them to keep you on their platform and exploit you or advertisers or suppliers in the belief that you won’t leave.
And while there are physical limits to how big a car factory or fast-food chain can grow, there are almost no physical limits on how much money tech platforms can make by selling ads they didn’t make for products they didn’t make to consumers they know nearly everything about.
Restraining profits is pro-market
It isn’t anti-capitalist to want those profits competed away, it’s pro-market.
When the United States broke up J.D. Rockerfeller’s oil monopoly in the early 20th century, the oil industry prospered rather than vanished. consumers and the businesses that had dealt with Rockerfeller were better off, and so was the economy as a whole.
Democracies have, for now, the power to use taxes and regulations to redistribute the enormous benefits flowing to the new class of billionaires (and soon trillionaires) from the sale of scarce resources and the creation of platforms that keep us trapped.
Whether and how we use that power is up to us, but we mightn’t have it for long. The more the new class of billionaires and trillionaires becomes entrenched, the more it will be able to use the political system to protect their interests rather than those of mere mortals.
Richard Denniss does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Beckett, Adjunct Senior Lecturer, Nutrition, Dietetics & Food Innovation – School of Health Sciences, UNSW Sydney
Perry had been posting mukbang content, which involves eating large amounts of food on camera while addressing the audience. Over some eight years, his viewers saw him gain weight, share details of numerous alleged health complications, and clash with commenters and other YouTubers.
The twist? He had apparently been posting only prerecorded content for two years while losing weight in secret – a feat he declared to be “the greatest social experiment” of his life. What can we learn from examining this moment in the content-creation zeitgeist?
Anyone can create content, for any reason
The internet and social media in particular have made it simple and affordable for anyone to create content of any kind for platforms such as YouTube, TikTok and Instagram.
Motivations to produce said content vary. While many do so for enjoyment and connection, others are motivated by money and fame. With more than four million subscribers on his (main) YouTube channel, Perry is certainly making money.
However, monetisation schemes for content creation platforms reward popular content – not good-quality content, or even necessarily true content.
YouTube’s recommendation algorithm also favours likes and comments. So content designed to elicit strong emotions performs well. Regardless of whether viewers are friends, fans or haters, the advertising returns are the same.
They (viewers) like when I’m upset, they like when I’m crying, they like when I’m hyper.
The moral psychology of misinformation
With his Two Steps Ahead video, Perry reveals he was actively deceiving his followers in a supposed social experiment in which he monitored his viewers like “ants on an ant farm”:
Today I woke up from a very long dream […] having lost 250 pounds off my body, yet just yesterday people were calling me fat and sick and boring and irrelevant. People are the most messed up creatures on the entire planet and yet I’ve still managed to stay two steps ahead of everyone. The joke’s on you.
Despite his deception, the comments and resulting media coverage are largely lauding him for his weight loss and clever trickery.
In the “post-truth” era, most people expect some dishonesty on the internet. But what’s particularly interesting is how people also excuse – and therefore condone – misinformation, despite recognising it as false.
According to researchers, misinformation seems less unethical to us when it aligns with our own politics – and our willingness to give certain falsehoods a “moral pass” is why politicians can blatantly lie without damaging their image.
The fact Perry’s deception was rooted in his drastic weight loss – something viewers had urged him to do for years – might help explain why it hasn’t backfired for him and his image.
The ordeal is a timely reminder that seeing no longer means believing when it comes to the online world. Perry told NBC News:
While everybody pointed and laughed at me for overconsuming food, I was in total control the entire time. In reality, people are completely absorbed with internet personalities and obsessively watch their content. That is where a deeper level of overconsumption lies — and it’s the parallel I wanted to make.
Hoaxes and speculation
Perry’s big reveal isn’t the first example of hoax content designed to make a point. In 2015 a journalist created elaborate, but clearly faked, evidence for a “chocolate diet” for weight loss that fooled news outlets and millions of people.
But such hoaxes often cause collateral damage while trying to make a point. There is now speculation about how Perry lost the weight. Viewers are asking whether he used weight-loss drugs, with some calling this method “cheating”.
While the thousands of comments on Perry’s videos make him good money, they’re far from harmless.
Choose any of his mukbang videos and you will find plenty of disgust and “concern” in the comments section. Much of this is “concern trolling”, where commenters claim to be concerned supporters when they’re actually opponents.
Concern trolls aim to disrupt dialogue and undermine morale. Comments like “I’m just worried about your health” may sound supportive but can be far from it.
Importantly, concerned and hateful comments are not just seen by content creators. They form part of a larger discourse and also impact the way others interact with the content.
Weight stigma and aggressive comments against overweight individuals remain common online, exacerbating the harms of fatphobia.
Commodifying fatness and weight loss
Perry’s content is centred around eating large quantities of food. Such food performances can be part of fat activism and a rejection of shame, but they can also be part of the fetishisation and commodification of fatness and overeating.
While this content can have benefits in reducing loneliness and preventing binge-eating for some, for others it can motivate restrictive or uncontrolled eating.
Weight gain and loss have been turned into entertainment, with programs such as The Biggest Loser amplifying weight stigma and fatphobia while making huge profits.
In the modern era of user-generated content, Perry and other creators no longer need a production company to exploit public interest in body-size politics for money and fame.
This story isn’t just about haters and internet fame. It reflects our collective social behaviours, and changing norms around consumption, criticisms and authenticity.
When the line between performance and reality is blurred to make a point, there can be benefits, but we mustn’t forget the harms.
Emma Beckett has received funding for research or consulting from Mars Foods, Nutrition Research Australia, NHMRC, ARC, AMP Foundation, Kellogg and the University of Newcastle. She works for FOODiQ Global and is the author of ‘You Are More Than What You Eat’. She is a member of committees/working groups related to nutrition and food, including the Australian Academy of Science, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Nutrition Society of Australia and the Australian Institute of Food Science and Technology.
Have you ever found yourself negotiating with a pint-sized dictator about eating a single pea? You’re not alone. Almost half of kids go through a stage of picky eating, and this typically peaks around the age of three.
But the food we eat from an early age shapes our lifelong food preferences and diet. So what can you do if your child is unwilling to eat familiar or new foods, or wants to restrict their diet?
Here are the five most common types of picky eating – and how to overcome them.
1. Only eating beige or white foods
When it comes to fussy eating, beige and white foods typically reign supreme. This is because these foods are:
familiar – they’re the colour of breastmilk and the foods typically used when we introduce solids, such as infant cereal
easy – they’re often soft and easy to chew, making them appealing to toddlers developing chewing skills
non-threatening – they’re the opposite of what our hunter-gatherer ancestors have programmed us to avoid: brightly coloured – and toxic – foods found in the wild.
While it can be tempting to give in and serve chicken nuggets at every meal, a diet consisting of only beige and white foods is likely to be highly processed and low in dietary fibre. This can result in constipation and the depletion of healthy gut bacteria.
To add healthier food options, and more colour, to your toddler’s diet:
mix things up. Combine less healthy beige and white foods with healthier ones, like blending cannellini beans and cauliflower into mashed potatoes
make healthy swaps. Gradually replace the favoured white bread, pasta and rice with wholegrain versions; for example, mix brown rice into a serving of white
use familiarity to your advantage. Introduce colourful food options alongside the familiar beige and white ones, such as offering fruit to dip in yoghurt, or a healthy red or green sauce with pasta.
2. Refusing anything but milk
It’s no surprise toddlers love milk. It has been the constant in their life since birth. And it’s associated with more than just satisfying hunger – it’s there when they’re tired and going to sleep, when they’re upset and need comfort, and when they’re enjoying closeness with mum or dad.
It also contains lactose, a sugar found naturally in milk, so it tastes sweet and appeals to our hunter-gatherer instinct to seek foods high in natural sugar to avoid starvation.
While dairy provides essential calcium for toddlers, it needs to be part of a balanced diet. The Australian Dietary Guidelines suggest toddlers have 1–1½ servings of milk (1 cup = 1 serve), yoghurt (200g = 1 serve) and cheese (2 slices = 1 serve) (or alternatives) daily.
If your toddler is consuming too much milk, they’re at risk of iron deficiency, as milk is a poor source of iron and interferes with our body’s ability to absorb it.
To move your toddler away from milk, try:
fact-finding. When your toddler asks for milk, ask questions to understand what they really want. Are they hungry, thirsty or wanting comfort? Offer that instead
filling up on solids first. Tempt your toddler with healthy and interesting-looking foods, and only offer milk after they’ve eaten something solid
smaller serves. Switch to serving milk in a smaller-sized cup.
3. Avoiding textured foods
Refusing to eat lumpy, chewy or strangely textured foods is common as toddlers’ sensory and oral motor skills develop.
It’s also common for parents to continue pureeing these foods as a result of the upsetting gagging that often accompanies trying different textured food.
To support your toddler’s transition to textured foods and ensure they’re developing the muscles needed to eat safely:
turn the texture up slowly. Start with food your toddler enjoys, such as pureed carrot, and gradually blend it for less time to retain some lumps
stay calm if your toddler gags. Let them know it’s OK, and give them time to work it through on their own. After they have coughed it out, encourage them to try another spoonful, or try again next time.
4. Refusing vegetables
The texture, brightness and bitter taste of some veggies can be off-putting for some children.
But vegetables are a good source of the vitamins, minerals and fibre toddlers need.
To overcome your toddler’s aversion to veggies, get creative. The appearance of food affects our perception of its taste, so boost veggies’ appeal by arranging them into fun plate art.
Extend this creativity to introduce vegetables in new ways, for example, grating carrots or kale into muffins and using a spiraliser to make zucchini noodles.
Focus on offering sweeter tasting vegetables, such as peas, carrot and sweet potato, and roasting them to bring out their natural sweetness. Children are more likely to go for sweeter-tasting veggies than bitter ones like broccoli.
5. Refusing to eat meat
Meat contains protein and iron, but many toddlers refuse to eat it because of its tough, chewy texture and strong taste.
If you want your toddler to get their daily serving of protein (for example, 80g cooked chicken or 65g cooked beef from lean meat) but you’re finding it challenging:
start small. Offer leaner, lighter-tasting meats in small portions that are easy to chew, such as minced chicken or slow-cooked meat
involve your toddler in meal preparation. Ask them to choose the meat for dinner and get their help to prepare it.
There are also alternatives you can offer as you work on overcoming their meat aversion. Eggs, tofu, beans, lentils and fish are also high in protein.
Issues with chewing and swallowing and food aversion can be symptoms of underlying medical conditions, so consult your GP or child and family health nurse if your child’s fussy eating behaviour persists beyond the toddler and pre-school years.
Dr Nick Fuller works for the University of Sydney and RPA Hospital and has received external funding for projects relating to the treatment of overweight and obesity. He is the author and founder of the Interval Weight Loss program, and the author of Healthy Parents, Healthy Kids.
The Victorian Greens have demanded an independent inquiry into Australian police tactics and alleged excessive use of force today against antiwar protesters at the Land Forces expo in Melbourne.
State Greens leader Ellen Sandell said her party had lodged a formal protest to the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC).
“We have seen police throw flash grenades into crowds of protesters, use pepper spray indiscriminately, and whip people with horse whip,” she also said in a X post.
“These are military-style tactics used by police against protesters who are trying to have their say, as is their democratic right.”
Police used stun grenades and pepper spray and arrested 39 people as officers were pelted with rocks, manure and tomatoes in what has been described as Melbourne’s biggest police operation in two decades, reports Al Jazeera.
The Victorian Greens and I have demanded an independent inquiry into Victoria Police tactics and excessive use of force at the Land Forces protests in Melbourne today. pic.twitter.com/p8iLU073S0
The pro-Palestine protesters, also demanding a change in Canberra’s stance on Israel’s war in Gaza, clashed with the police outside the arms fair.
Thousands picketed the Land Forces 2024 military weapons exposition. Australia has seen numerous protests against the country’s arms industry’s involvement in the war over the past 11 months.
Protesting for ‘those killed’ in Gaza “We’re protesting to stand up for all those who have been killed by the type of weapons [in Gaza] on display at the convention,” said Jasmine Duff from organiser Students for Palestine in a statement.
About 1800 police officers have been deployed at the Melbourne Convention Centre hosting the three-day weapons exhibition. Up to 25,000 people had previously been expected to turn up at the protest.
Two dozen people were reported as requiring medical treatment, said a Victoria state police spokesperson in a statement.
Demonstrators also lit fires in the street and disrupted traffic and public transport, while missiles were thrown at police horses.
However, no serious injuries were reported, according to police.
Deputy Greens leader backs protesters In a speech to the Senate, the deputy federal leader of the Greens, Senator Mehreen Faruqi, offered her solidarity to “the thousands protesting in Melbourne today to say no to the business of war”.
“[The governing] Labor tries to distract and deflect, but there is no deflection. So long as we have defence contracts with Israeli weapons companies, the Labor government is complicit in genocide, so long as you refuse to impose sanctions on Israel, this Labor government is complicit in genocide, and there are no excuses for inaction,” she said.
“The UK has suspended some arms sales to Israel. Canada today is halting more arms sales to Israel.
“What will it take for [Australia’s] Labor government to take action against the apartheid state of Israel?”
Six of the National Anti-Corruption Commission’s current investigations involve the conduct of current or former parliamentarians, according to statistics about its work released on Wednesday.
While the NACC refers to six corruption investigations, it does not specify how many current or former politicians are involved.
The NACC said 26 of its 29 current corruption investigations had begun in the 2023-24 reporting period and are still ongoing.
Three concern the conduct of current or former parliamentary staff.
Seven relate to the conduct of current or former senior executive officials, and eight to law enforcement officials. Four concern the behaviour of consultants or contractors.
Eight relate to procurement, one to recruitment, four to corrupt conduct at the border, three to grants and four to misconduct in law enforcement.
The NACC says these categories do not capture all the corruption investigations, and some investigations fall into multiple categories.
It says it is “important to remember that most corruption investigations do not ultimately result in a finding of corrupt conduct”.
As of Wednesday, the NACC is undertaking 32 preliminary investigations. In the last week, one preliminary investigation was closed, with no issue of corruption.
Its present 29 corruption investigations include eight joint investigations.
It is overseeing or monitoring 17 investigations by other agencies. In the last week, one additional matter was referred to an agency for investigation with oversight.
It has six matters before the court. In the last week, one matter was concluded with a conviction.
The NACC has 494 referrals awaiting assessment.
In a speech last month, the NACC’s head, Paul Brereton, defended it against criticism that it was too secretive.
“Sometimes we hear complaints that people do not know what we are doing, and more especially who and what we are investigating. Such disclosure would not be expected of an intelligence agency and should not be expected of us. Doing so has the potential to compromise the efficacy and fairness of investigations,” Brereton said.
“To provide as much transparency as we can, each week we publish statistics about the number of referrals, assessments and investigations. But we will generally not disclose their subject matter or status, unless they otherwise enter the public domain.”
Recently it was reported that police raided Bruce Lehrmann’s property as part of a NACC investigation. The raid was reportedly over the alleged retention of documents linked to the former government’s French submarine deal (the deal was later scrapped).
Lehrmann was accused by Brittany Higgins of raping her in 2019, which he denied. It was found in a civil defamation case that he did rape her, on the balance of probabilities.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Time off work to deal with IVF, menopause, gender transition treatments, vasectomies and other reproductive health issues would be enshrined in all workplace awards if a national union campaign succeeds.
Using the line, “It’s for every body”, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) is in Canberra this week lobbying federal politicians to agree to ten days paid leave so workers can have time to deal with reproductive health.
The call for recognised leave coincides with our research which found symptoms of menstruation, menstrual disorders, menopause and chronic conditions such as endometriosis significantly affect women’s engagement in paid work.
Our review examined 66 articles globally on workplace policies and practices relating to supporting workers with reproductive health needs.
We found employers should foster a workplace culture encouraging communication and understanding around menstruation, menstrual disorders, and menopause.
Seeking national change
This week’s national push, led by the ACTU, has been buoyed by not-for-profit disability service provider Scope agreeing to provide 12 days reproductive leave to its 7,000 workers. They were the first employer in the country to do so.
Earlier this year, the Queensland government also introduced reproductive health leave, giving public sector workers access to ten days a year.
While unions representing health care, banking, community and education sectors have had similar success for many of their members, the ACTU now wants the National Employment Standards expanded to include the leave for all workers.
Unions representing health care, banking, community and education sectors have had similar success for many of their members.
Now the ACTU wants the National Employment Standards – the minimum employment entitlements for all employees covered by the Fair Work Act – expanded to include the leave for all workers.
What is reproductive health leave?
Reproductive health leave is a workplace entitlement acknowledging the need
for paid time and work flexibility to treat or manage reproductive health conditions.
These conditions could include menstruation, perimenopause, menopause, polycystic ovarian syndrome, endometriosis, IVF treatments, vasectomy, hysterectomy and terminations.
Figures included in the Australian Benefits Review 2023 of consultancy firm Mercer suggested businesses and governments have been slow to adopt this type of leave.
They reported only 11% of employers offered paid leave for fertility treatments, while a further 4% gave workers unpaid leave.
Fertility rates
The number of Australians needing fertility help to become pregnant is increasing. Current statistics show fertility issues affect about one in nine couples.
The impact of menstruation, menstrual disorders, menopause and chronic conditions, such as endometriosis have received much needed attention.
A National Action Plan for Endometriosis has set out a productive blueprint focused on improved awareness, education, diagnosis, treatment and research to address the condition’s insidious effects.
The current federal parliamentary inquiry into menopause and perimenopause further recognises the significance of reproductive health.
Why reproductive health is a work issue
As our research showed, the effects of reproductive health issues ripple through workplaces and extend to the Australian economy.
Workplace rights in Australia are typically grounded in men’s experience of life and work. The “ideal” worker is an individual, typically a male, who has no external obligations or bodily demands outside their work.
Women’s bodies in the workplace are often seen as problematic, unreliable and weaker because they can menstruate, be affected by disorders of the menstrual cycle, and can experience menopause.
Due to their health needs, many women report experiencing harassment, career derailment, lack of career progression and underemployment. Some retire prematurely due to health problems.
Different views
Some women experiencing endometriosis and chronic pelvic pain reported extra leave, while important, was not necessarily their top priority. Instead, they preferred a focus on improving workplace culture, awareness and support.
Education and training of senior leaders was highly valued. Allowing workers to take bathroom breaks when needed together with quiet/rest areas were identified as ways to manage symptoms and remain engaged and productive in the workplace.
The inclusion of male specific issues, such as vasectomy and prostate screening, highlights the importance of inclusively of gender and sex in policy, however extra leave was unlikely to reduce barriers for these procedures.
Very few men report taking time off work was a barrier to getting a prostate screening, or for having a vasectomy.
Instead, barriers were mostly related to other factors. In the case of vasectomy this was often related to perceptions about lowered libido or the pain of the procedure itself.
Hiding the problem
Many employees go to significant lengths to conceal their reproductive health issues.
They remain at work “pushing through the pain”, choosing not to disclose their conditions, given the stigma and taboo associated with reproductive health issues.
A recent study found young people aged 13 to 25, in particular, are significantly affected by reproductive health issues.
While they report missing more days of work due to menstrual symptoms than their older counterparts, younger workers are less likely to be entitled to reproductive health leave because they are often employed in casual roles.
Is extra leave the answer?
The most important consideration when assessing the value of a national plan for reproductive health leave, is there has been little research on its impact.
Our research showed there was a growing body of evidence aimed at understanding women’s experiences managing their menstrual and reproductive health in the workplace and how this affected their work/career trajectories.
However, we found a dearth of research centred on understanding interventions, and most research simply reported on menopause guidelines and focused on the United Kingdom and European Union member countries.
We currently don’t know how beneficial these entitlements may be, if they have unintended negative consequences or if people will feel like they can access them.
Before we enshrine reproductive health leave in the national employment standards, we must assess the impact this and similar leave has had in workplaces where it’s already available.
Danielle Howe receives funding from Western Sydney University to complete her PhD in developing workplace guidelines and supports for people with endometriosis.
Mike Armour has previously received funding from Endometriosis Australia and Western Sydney University for the development of workplace support for people with endometriosis.
Amelia Mardon and Michelle O’Shea do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Judging debates usually comes down to picking a winner or loser.
Seeking a more nuanced approach to the first presidential debate between Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Kamala Harris, we asked our experts in US politics, history and the media to weigh in on four points: overall performance, policy strength, truthfulness and omissions, and the most memorable moments. Here’s how they saw Tuesday’s performances.
You can also watch the whole debate below.
Emma Shortis is senior researcher in international and security affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.
Jared Mondschein and Matthew Ricketson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Born in East Ayrshire in 1909, the Scottish educator and governess Marion Crawford, who trained as a child psychologist, is best remembered – if she is remembered at all – as an employee of the British royal family.
Melanie Tait’s entertaining, timely (just weeks ahead of the first visit by a reigning British royal to Australian shores since 2011) and historically informative play, The Queen’s Nanny, brings her story to the stage with a blend of wit and pathos.
A royal nanny
During a break in her psychology studies, Crawford accepted a temporary summer job working as the governess for Lord Elgin’s children.
This role opened doors for Crawford, leading to her introduction to the Duke and Duchess of York (later King George VI and Queen Elizabeth). Suitably impressed, the Duke and Duchess hired her to serve as the governess for their two daughters, Princess Elizabeth (later Queen Elizabeth II) and Princess Margaret.
This position placed Crawford at the heart of the royal household for over 16 years, during which time she became a trusted figure in the lives of the future Queen (referred to in the play by her family nickname, Lilibet) and her sister. She was also close to the Queen Mother and affectionately referred to as “Crawfie” by the royal household.
Crawford remained in service and did not retire until Princess Elizabeth’s wedding in November 1947, two months after Crawford’s marriage to the Scottish bank manager, George Buthlay.
Not long after Elizabeth’s marriage, Bruce and Beatrice Gould, editors of the major American magazine Ladies’ Home Journal, approached Buckingham Palace and the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office with a proposal to publish stories about royal life.
While the government was eager to cooperate, the royal family was decidedly less enthusiastic, and ultimately rejected the offer.
Undeterred, the government suggested the Goulds inquire whether the recently retired Crawford might be interested in contributing. Crawford agreed, although her motives for doing so remain somewhat unclear. Her account of life as a royal governess, which initially appeared in serialised form, generated substantial public interest.
This, in turn, led to a lucrative book contract worth US$85,000 (the equivalent of around A$3 million today).
Published in 1950, The Little Princesses, was the first of a kind, groundbreaking in its candid – albeit extremely flattering – portrayal of the private lives of the young royals and their parents. Its unprecedented nature ignited a firestorm of controversy, and irrevocably damaged Crawford’s standing with her former employers.
The Queen Mother was, by all accounts, totally horrified by the book’s disclosures. She immediately severed all ties and forms communication with Crawford, who never again spoke to the royal family.
Crawford died, bereft and depressed, in Aberdeen in 1988.
Just ‘harmless stories’?
In her foreword to the 2012 reprint of The Little Princesses, former BBC royal correspondent Jennie Bond underscores the fact that Crawford’s recollections, which seem impossibly tame and unremarkable when viewed from our historical vantage point, are
harmless in the extreme: among the most ‘explosive’ revelations is the fact that in the schoolroom the two Princesses behaved like entirely normal and healthy little girls.
Needless to say, this is a far cry from the sensational content of contemporary royal exposes like Prince Harry’s self-sabotaging and divisive Spare. So why all the fuss?
Tait offers a possible explanation in the latter stages of The Queen’s Nanny.
In a pivotal scene set in 1987 on the royal estate of Balmoral, Lilibet (Matthew Backer, who plays the Queen among other characters) receives distressing news about Crawford (Elizabeth Blackmore), who, we learn, has attempted to take her own life.
Visibly upset, Lilibet shares this with her mother (Emma Palmer), whose cold, enduring anger toward over Crawford’s perceived betrayal shows no sign of softening.
Confused by her mother’s reaction, Lilibet says the memoir, full of “harmless stories about children”, was “hardly going to dismantle an entire monarchical system”. The Queen Mother’s response is telling:
I didn’t know that!
You haven’t seen what I’ve seen!
You don’t know how quickly things can change for people like us, and you don’t know what it is that will tip it all over.
Delivered with palpable intensity, this response exposes the Queen Mother’s deep-seated fear of change, instability and the fragility of the monarchy in an era of increased public and media scrutiny.
It also hints at the unspoken anxieties that, as Tait’s play suggests, may have shaped the Queen Mother’s actions, revealing how even seemingly trivial breaches of privacy are perceived as existential threats to the royal institution.
In her writer’s note, Tait says she “started working on this play around the time the Albanese Labor Government was voted in”.
She describes feeling hopeful, and confident
when the play got to the stage, we’d have lived through a successful Australian Indigenous Voice Referendum and, in an election year, movement would be ramping up about a new Republic Referendum. I wanted this play to be part of that conversation.
Sadly, neither of these things have happened. Nonetheless, Tait’s play succeeds in contributing to ongoing conversations about national identity and modes of governance, and inviting us to reflect on the interplay between personal narratives and larger historical and political tides.
Alexander Howard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Emma Shortis is senior researcher in international and security affairs at The Australia Institute, an independent think tank.
Matthew Ricketson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Robert Knowles, Associate Professor and Clinical Psychologist, Swinburne University of Technology
For most people, the daily or near-daily ritual of having a bowel motion is not something we give a great deal of thought to. But for some people, the need to do a “number two” in a public toilet or at work can be beset with significant stress and anxiety.
In recognition of the discomfort people may feel around passing a bowel motion at work, the Queensland Department of Health recently launched a social media campaign with the message “It’s okay to poo at work”.
The campaign has gained significant traction on Instagram and Facebook. It has been praised by health and marketing experts for its humorous handling of a taboo topic.
A colourful Instagram post is accompanied by a caption warning of the health risks of “holding it in”, including haemorrhoids and other gastrointestinal problems. The caption also notes:
If you find it extremely difficult to poo around other people, you might have parcopresis.
What is parcopresis?
Parcopresis, sometimes called “shy bowel”, occurs when people experience a difficulty or inability to poo in public toilets due to fear of perceived scrutiny by others.
People with parcopresis may find it difficult to go to the toilet in public places such as shopping centres, restaurants, at work or at school, or even at home when friends or family are around.
They may fear being judged by others about unpleasant smells or sounds when they have a bowel motion, or how long they take to go, for example.
Living with a gastrointestinal condition (at least four in ten Australians do) may contribute to parcopresis due to anxiety about the need to use a toilet frequently, and perceived judgment from others when doing so. Other factors, such as past negative experiences or accessibility challenges, may also play a role.
For sufferers, anxiety can present in the form of a faster heart rate, rapid breathing, sweating, muscle tension, blushing, nausea, trembling, or a combination of these symptoms. They may experience ongoing worry about situations where they may need to use a public toilet.
Living with parcopresis can affect multiple domains of life and quality of life overall. For example, sufferers may have difficulties relating to employment, relationships and social life. They might avoid travelling or attending certain events because of their symptoms.
How common is parcopresis?
We don’t really know how common parcopresis is, partly due to the difficulty of evaluating this behaviour. It’s not necessarily easy or appropriate to follow people around to track whether they use or avoid public toilets (and their reasons if they do). Also, observing individual bathroom activities may alter the person’s behaviour.
I conducted a study to try to better understand how common parcopresis is. The study involved 714 university students. I asked participants to respond to a series of vignettes, or scenarios.
In each vignette participants were advised they were at a local shopping centre and they needed to have a bowel motion. In the vignettes, the bathrooms (which had been recently cleaned) had configurations of either two or three toilet stalls. Each vignette differed by the configuration of stalls available.
The rate of avoidance was just over 14% overall. But participants were more likely to avoid using the toilet when the other stalls were occupied.
Around 10% avoided going when all toilets were available. This rose to around 25% when only the middle of three toilets was available. Men were significantly less likely to avoid going than women across all vignettes.
For those who avoided the toilet, many either said they would go home to poo, use an available disabled toilet, or come back when the bathroom was empty.
Parcopresis at work
In occupational settings, the rates of anxiety about using shared bathrooms may well be higher for a few reasons.
For example, people may feel more self-conscious about their bodily functions being heard or noticed by colleagues, compared to strangers in a public toilet.
People may also experience guilt, shame and fear about being judged by colleagues or supervisors if they need to make extended or frequent visits to the bathroom. This may particularly apply to people with a gastrointestinal condition.
Reducing restroom anxiety
Using a public toilet can understandably cause some anxiety or be unpleasant. But for a small minority of people it can be a real problem, causing severe distress and affecting their ability to engage in activities of daily living.
If doing a poo in a toilet at work or another public setting causes you anxiety, be kind to yourself. A number of strategies might help:
identify and challenge negative thoughts about using public toilets and remind yourself that using the bathroom is normal, and that most people are not paying attention to others in the toilets
try to manage stress through relaxation techniques such as deep breathing and progressive muscle relaxation, which involves tensing and relaxing different muscles around the body
engaging in gradual exposure can be helpful, which means visiting public toilets at different times and locations, so you can develop greater confidence in using them
use grounding or distraction techniques while going to the toilet. These might include listening to music, watching something on your phone, or focusing on your breathing.
If you feel parcopresis is having a significant impact on your life, talk to your GP or a psychologist who can help identify appropriate approaches to treatment. This might include cognitive behavioural therapy.
Simon Robert Knowles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amali Cooray, PhD Candidate in Genetic Engineering and Cancer, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research)
Catherine, Princess of Wales, has announced she has now completed a course of preventive chemotherapy.
The news comes nine months after the princess first revealed she was being treated for an unspecified form of cancer.
In the new video message released by Kensington Palace, Princess Catherine says she’s focused on doing what she can to stay “cancer-free”. She acknowledges her cancer journey is not over and the “path to recovery and healing is long”.
While we don’t know the details of the princess’s cancer or treatment, it raises some questions about how we declare someone fully clear of the disease. So what does being – and staying – “cancer-free” mean?
What’s the difference between being cancer-free and in remission?
Medically, “cancer-free” means two things. First, it means no cancer cells are able to be detected in a patient’s body using the available testing methods. Second, there is no cancer left in the patient.
These might sound basically the same. But this second aspect of “cancer-free” can be complicated, as it’s essentially impossible to be sure no cancer cells have survived a treatment.
It only takes a few surviving cells for the cancer to grow back. But these cells may not be detectable via testing, and can lie dormant for some time. The possibility of some cells still surviving means it is more accurate to say a patient is “in remission”, rather than “cancer-free”.
Remission means there is no detectable cancer left. Once a patient has been in remission for a certain period of time, they are often considered to be fully “cancer-free”.
Princess Catherine was not necessarily speaking in the strict medical sense. Nonetheless, she is clearly signalling a promising step in her recovery.
What happens during remission?
During remission, patients will usually undergo surveillance testing to make sure their cancer hasn’t returned. Detection tests can vary greatly depending on both the patient and their cancer type.
Many tests involve simply looking at different organs to see if there are cancer cells present, but at varying levels of complexity.
Some cancers can be detected with the naked eye, such as skin cancers. In other cases, technology is needed: colonoscopies for colorectal cancers, X-ray mammograms for breast cancers, or CT scans for lung cancers. There are also molecular tests, which test for the presence of cancer cells using protein or DNA from blood or tissue samples.
For most patients, testing will continue for years at regular intervals. Surveillance testing ensures any returning cancer is caught early, giving patients the best chance of successful treatment.
Remaining in remission for five years can be a huge milestone in a patient’s cancer journey. For most types of cancer, the chances of cancer returning drop significantly after five years of remission. After this point, surveillance testing may be performed less frequently, as the patients might be deemed to be at a lower risk of their cancer returning.
Measuring survival rates
Because it is very difficult to tell when a cancer is “cured”, clinicians may instead refer to a “five-year survival rate”. This measures how likely a cancer patient is to be alive five years after their diagnosis.
For example, data shows the five-year survival rate for bowel cancer among Australian women (of all ages) is around 70%. That means if you had 100 patients with bowel cancer, after five years you would expect 70 to still be alive and 30 to have succumbed to the disease.
These statistics can’t tell us much about individual cases. But comparing five-year survival rates between large groups of patients after different cancer treatments can help clinicians make the often complex decisions about how best to treat their patients.
The likelihood of cancer coming back, or recurring, is influenced by many factors which can vary over time. For instance, approximately 30% of people with lung cancer develop a recurrent disease, even after treatment. On the other hand, breast cancer recurrence within two years of the initial diagnosis is approximately 15%. Within five years it drops to 10%. After ten, it falls below 2%.
These are generalisations though – recurrence rates can vary greatly depending on things such as what kind of cancer the patient has, how advanced it is, and whether it has spread.
Staying cancer-free
Princess Catherine says her focus now is to “stay cancer-free”. What might this involve?
How a cancer develops and whether it recurs can be influenced by things we can’t control, such as age, ethnicity, gender, genetics and hormones.
However, there are sometimes environmental factors we can control. That includes things like exposure to UV radiation from the sun, or inhaling carcinogens like tobacco.
Lifestyle factors also play a role. Poor diet and nutrition, a lack of exercise and excessive alcohol consumption can all contribute to cancer development.
Research estimates more than half of all cancers could potentially be prevented through regular screening and maintaining a healthy lifestyle (not to mention preventing other chronic conditions such as heart disease and diabetes).
Recommendations to reduce cancer risk are the same for everyone, not just those who’ve had treatment like Princess Catherine. They include not smoking, eating a nutritious and balanced diet, exercising regularly, cutting down on alcohol and staying sun smart.
Amali Cooray is also affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute.
John (Eddie) La Marca is also affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute. He has previously received funding from the CASS Foundation.
Sarah Diepstraten receives funding from the Victorian Cancer Agency.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scott Hamilton, Adjunct associate professor, Department of Chemical and Biological Engineering, Monash University
It’s no secret Australia has abundant and cheap renewable energy, especially wind and solar power. But yes, there are times when the sun doesn’t shine and the wind doesn’t blow. We need energy storage to get us through those still nights and dreary days.
The Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO) reports investment in storage capacity continues to increase, filling gaps left by retiring coal-fired power stations. But it warns sufficient storage is needed to ensure electricity supply is reliable throughout the transition.
Energy storage is the special sauce that makes renewables work anytime, anywhere and everywhere. Being able to send this stored renewable energy back to the grid on demand makes the most of the existing electricity network, including transmission lines.
We need both short- and long-duration storage to maintain energy security. This will enable renewable energy to be collected, stored and dispatched when needed. AEMO forecasts reliability levels can be maintained over most of the next ten years if programs and initiatives already established are delivered on time and in full. But we can’t afford any delays.
Storage on the grid
Old-fashioned power stations burning coal tend to run continuously, which helps make the electricity grid stable and reliable. In contrast, renewables need to be backed with storage such as batteries to provide a continuous supply of electricity.
The modern electricity network is being designed to handle the power produced when the sun is shining brightly and the wind is blowing hard, at the same time. But this only happens about 25% of the time.
Similarly, transmission lines are being built to a maximum capacity. But we could get by with fewer transmission lines if we store more solar and wind power for later. That’s why many renewable generation projects include storage on site or nearby, and why it also makes sense to have batteries in our homes or communities.
Australia has some of the world’s biggest batteries
The 300 megawatt Victorian Big Battery, near Geelong, is the biggest in Australia and one of the biggest in the world. It can store enough energy to power more than a million homes for 30 minutes.
The federal government is also funding six large-scale batteries through the Capacity Investment Scheme. This includes a 350MW energy storage system on the site of the Jeeralang Power Station, near Morwell in the LaTrobe Valley. But the title of the nation’s biggest battery will soon be handed to the 850MW Waratah Super Battery in New South Wales.
What’s next?
Other emerging battery systems could power the future. For example, new lithium-sulphur batteries deliver more energy per gram and last longer than existing lithium-ion batteries. This has been achieved simply by adding sugar.
Australia has all the critical minerals needed to make batteries (lithium, nickel, copper, cobalt). But about 90% of the batteries we currently use come from China.
Australia has the policy settings and incentives about right for building grid-scale storage systems. But almost half the effort in getting to 82% renewables by 2030 will come from consumers – mainly rooftop solar systems, backed by home and business battery storage.
We have just passed the point at which the payback period for small-scale batteries falls within the product’s lifetime, making the upfront cost worthwhile.
But government incentives are still needed to make it more affordable to install small-scale solar batteries. This would help families and businesses reduce their power bills, gain better control of when and how they produce energy, and build a more resilient energy system.
More than 300,000 solar power systems are installed on Australian homes and businesses each year. The total reached more than 3.7 million systems at the start of this year. With the right ambition and policy settings, we could have similar rates of uptake in home batteries – going from about 250,000 at the moment to more than one million by 2030.
What’s more, electric vehicles are essentially large “batteries on wheels”. They can be plugged in at home to provide backup power in blackouts, or at times of peak demand.
Government incentives are also needed here to drive the further uptake of electric vehicles in the domestic, commercial and industry sector. The upfront price of an EV is too high for many Australians. Perverse incentives such as the diesel rebate are also slowing the switch in some sectors such as mining.
Australia is already a world leader in rooftop solar. With the right policy levers, we can also lead the world in home energy storage.
The energy storage toolkit
Batteries alone aren’t enough. As the penetration of renewables increases, the importance of long duration energy storage technologies will increase. In general, these technologies provide more than eight hours of energy storage using various electrochemical, mechanical, thermal and mechanical means.
Beyond batteries, other energy storage solutions include pumped hydro such as Snowy 2.0, “green gravity” using mine shafts, green hydrogen and concentrated solar thermal power plants.
Get smart about storage
Many energy storage options are readily available now and could be manufactured in Australia. We have the technology to empower communities, create thousands of new jobs and help save the planet.
If we’re smart about it, we can even get by with fewer transmission lines and less bulky electricity infrastructure.
Scott Hamilton is an adjunct associate professor with the Department of Chemical & Biological Engineering at Monash University. He is a senior advisor to the not-for-profit organisation Smart Energy Council, he is a non-executive Director for the not-for-profit organisation Hi Neighbour Ltd, and is an ALP member.
The government has not yet nominated a minimum age but is trialling age-assurance mechanisms for those aged 13–16. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says the legislation will be introduced this year.
This follows criticism from a range of experts, who argue it will be difficult to enforce and does not take into account the positive impacts of social media for young people.
Parents are worried sick about this. We know they’re working without a map – no generation has faced this challenge before.
Which is why my message to Australian parents is we’ve got your back. We’re listening and determined to act to get this right.
So, should parents be worried about social media? We asked five experts.
Three out of five said no.
Here are their detailed responses.
Disclosure statements
Catherine Page Jeffery has received funding from the federal government through the Online Safety Grants Program, as well as from the Australian Research Council. She is a board member of Children and Media Australia.
Daniel Angus receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an Associate Investigator with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.
Jo Robinson sits on an advisory board for Meta. Orygen has received funding from Meta for the translation of #chatsafe guidelines and resources, which aim to help young people communicate safely online about suicide and self-harm. She has received funding from the Commonwealth Department of Health, the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Research Council. She sits on the board of the International Association for Suicide Prevention.
Nandi Vijayakumar receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and the Australian Research Council.
Stephanie Wescott receives funding from Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS).
Fire is a natural part of Australian ecosystems. Many plants have developed ways to adapt and even thrive after fire. They may store their seeds in the soil, ready to sprout after fire. Or they may flower after fire, which helps them to produce the next generation of seeds.
Most of what scientists know about plants and fire comes from studying what happens above ground. In my new research, my colleagues and I examined what happens below ground.
I studied plants in the eucalypt woodlands of Gariwerd, including the species-rich Grampians National Park of Victoria. I wanted to find out which seeds were waiting in the soil, and whether their presence or absence had anything to do with past fires. But first I had to grow them.
Through a series of glasshouse experiments, I discovered the seedbank in each soil sample reflected its past experience of fire. More frequent fire depleted stores of annual plants, such as purple-leaved groundsel (Senecio picridioides) and pimpernel sundew (Drosera glanduligera). But perennial plants that live for many years were more resilient.
It was also clear that landscapes benefit from a patchwork or a “mosaic” pattern of fire, where some areas have burnt more recently than others. Managing landscapes to create a mosaic pattern of fire history will ensure that landscapes can support the requirements of a diverse range of species.
Studying soil transplants
I sampled soil from 57 sites in Gariwerd/Grampians that had experienced different patterns of fire over the past 80 years. Some had burned just once, and others up to nine times.
I then exposed the soil samples to various heat and smoke treatments, to mimic the variety of environmental cues different seeds need to germinate and grow into plants. For example, smooth parrot pea, a yellow-flowered shrub from the study area, is known to prefer hot heat to germinate. This species has a hard seed coat which cracks open under high heat, allowing them to grow. In contrast, some herbs and grasses prefer no heat at all.
Once treated, I took each soil sample to a greenhouse where I watered them and waited for the seeds to grow into plants.
Over 15 months, I watched an incredible 39,701 plants grow from 245 different plant species. Some of the amazing species that came up included twisted beard heath, which has pretty tufted white flowers and twisted leaves, and the endangered Grampians trigger plant, found only in Gariwerd, which uses a trigger system to spurt pollen at insects when they visit its flower.
What I found by looking underground
The species growing in the greenhouses told a story of the fires that occurred where they were collected.
The frequency of fire was important. But how fire frequency influenced species presence in the soil depended on whether a species lived for one year (annuals) or many years (perennials). Or how long a species was able to store seeds.
Frequent fire (at least once every 15 years) reduced the occurrence of seeds of annual species which can store their seeds in the soil for many years. This is probably because every fire stimulated the sprouting of seeds, depleting the seed store.
Yet the seeds of other species, including perennials who store their seed in the soil for a short time only, appeared to be able to withstand the frequency of fires experienced to date. This is probably because these kinds of species rely less on storing their seeds in the soil to persist after fire than other measures, such as the resprouting of mature individuals from their trunk or base.
Interestingly, more than half (53%) of the species found in the soil seedbank were not growing as plants above ground. And for species with both seeds in the soil and plants above the ground, their response to fire above and below ground was not always the same. This highlights that the complex relationship between fire and plant life cycles is more than that meets the eye (above ground)!
Our findings point to the importance of researching plants at all stages of their life cycles, including their largely invisible time as seeds below ground.
Healthy mosaic patchwork of fire
When it comes to fire in the landscape, my research suggests Victorian eucalypt woodlands benefit from variety. This means ensuring some areas remain unburnt for many years, while others are burnt more recently. Such a mosaic of fire patterns would enable a diverse range of plants to survive and thrive.
This new knowledge helps us act to protect plants, both locally and globally.
At the local scale, I was pleased to donate several thousand germinating plants to the Nature Glenelg Trust. They used them to help restore a native wetland, bringing the seeds back to Gariwerd.
On a national and global scale, this research can help us make sense of changing fire patterns to help protect biodiversity. This year, California experienced the fourth largest fire in the state’s history, burning an area bigger than Los Angeles in under a week. And during the 2019-20 Australian Black Summer bushfires, more than 100 plant species had their entire above ground populations burnt.
Studies of seeds in the soil can help us find out how plant populations can recover after fire. Finding out which plants are affected by fire, in what ways, and why, will help us protect them into the future.
I would like to acknowledge my colleagues listed as coauthors on the research paper that formed the basis of this article: forest ecologist Sabine Kasel, fire scientist Trent Penman, fire ecologist Matthew Swan, and Luke Kelly, researcher in biodiversity dynamics.
Ella Plumanns Pouton receives funding from the Australian Research Training Program, the Victorian Department of Energy, Environment and Climate Action, and Natural Hazards Research Australia.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia
Even the most casual sports fan would have seen athletes gulping down sports drinks after a contest or even snacking on something like a protein ball or energy gel during a break.
There is a reason why they do this.
Athletes have special nutritional requirements to maximise their performance.
They need carbohydrates, protein, fluids and other nutrients such as electrolytes in the right amounts and at the right time to achieve their training, performance and recovery goals.
Sports dietitians promote a food-first approach, which focuses on using everyday foods to meet athletes’ energy and nutrient needs before considering sports foods.
Sports foods are specially manufactured for athletes to provide the nutrients they may need during training or performance.
They include products like sports drinks, protein supplements, energy gels and protein bars. They are intended for sport-specific use – not to replace an everyday diet.
Why do athletes consume them?
Sports foods can be more convenient for athletes compared to everyday foods – they are easier to carry or take less time to prepare.
They can also provide safe alternatives where there are food intolerances or allergies.
Sports foods can be safe and hygienic alternatives where there’s limited availability or few storage options for food.
Pros and cons
There is strong scientific evidence that sports foods can improve performance by providing a readily available source of energy and nutrients. There is no evidence of a detrimental impact on performance.
However, there may be a detrimental impact on health due to the nature of their production and formulation. Sports foods are considered as ultra-processed foods (UPF) according to the NOVA system.
The NOVA system classifies foods into four groups based on the extent of their processing: unprocessed or minimally processed foods; processed culinary ingredients; processed foods or ultra-processed foods.
What are ultra-processed foods?
Ultra-processed foods are foods that cannot be made in a typical home kitchen because of the ingredients needed and processing techniques used. They include foods like mass-produced bread, ice-cream, lollies and ham.
Emerging evidence has associated ultra-processed food intake with poor mental and physical health and higher rates of death.
Ultra-processed foods also have a greater impact on the environment than everyday foods, particularly through processing and packaging.
Given this, we studied how athletes felt about these products despite the recent evidence on their potential impact on health and the environment.
Our research with Australian athletes
We asked adult Australian athletes how often they trained and how often they consumed ultra-processed sports foods during the past year through an anonymous online survey.
We also asked the athletes why they chose to use sports foods (or not), what alternatives they consumed and whether they were concerned about ultra-processed foods.
One hundred and forty Australian adult athletes participating in recreational (55 athletes), local/regional (52 athletes), state (11 athletes), national (14 athletes) or international (nine athletes) sports completed the survey.
The majority identified as females (64%), who were training for individual events (64%) and trained between five and nine hours per week (49%).
What did we find?
Most of the athletes (95%) had consumed sports foods within the past year. Sports drinks were the most popular (73%), while protein supplements were used most frequently, with 40% of athletes consuming them at least once per week.
Athletes in individual sports who trained for longer periods were more likely to use sports foods.
Athletes told us everyday foods were more affordable, tasted better and there was less risk of them containing banned substances but many found them less convenient to prepare and carry while training, and with greater risk of spoilage than sports foods.
We then asked the athletes what everyday foods they use instead of ultra-processed foods. More than half of the options they listed (54%) as everyday foods were still classified as ultra-processed foods, such as lollies and muesli bars.
Half (51%) of the athletes told us they were worried about the health effects of ultra-processed foods. The half who were unconcerned said it was because they either only occasionally used sports foods, only ate them in small amounts, or used them only for training and competition.
Do we know if this impacts health or performance?
Unfortunately, there are few published studies in this space.
One small study showed high intake of ultra-processed foods compared to low intakes in athletes led to no difference in performance. However a high intake of ultra-processed foods affected their microbiome negatively.
Apart from this study, there have been no others that specifically looked at ultra-processed foods in athletes.
But what if I’m otherwise ‘healthy’?
Unfortunately, there are still possible downsides.
An umbrella review of all studies looking at eating ultra-processed foods has shown increased risk of death, heart disease, diabetes and poorer mental health with greater intakes of these foods.
And some studies have shown there are health risks from eating ultra-processed foods regardless of whether a person has an otherwise healthy diet. That means that eating ultra-processed foods may be risky even if you also eat lots of whole, fresh foods.
Although we are uncertain if all processed foods should be considered as ultra-processed, or if all of them are linked to poorer health, the consensus is generally, we should be eating less of them as part of an overall healthy dietary pattern.
Also, scientists believe the health risks of eating ultra-processed foods seem to remain regardless of how much exercise someone does. However, no one has specifically researched the role of exercise in lessening the impact of ultra-processed foods on health.
Some tips for athletes
Do your own meal preparation – start looking at recipes that are easy to make ahead of time, store well and can be taken with you as you train. Energy balls, muesli bars or sandwiches with jam or peanut butter are good options. The Sports Dietitians Australia website has some great suggestions.
Check in with your training buddies. Ask them what they eat for training and competition, and look to see what is available in your local food stores.
You can also let your local food outlets know you are interested in purchasing minimally processed alternatives.
If you need to have them for training, limit the amount of ultra-processed foods you eat for the rest of your day. Every little bit may make a difference.
Adhering to the recommendations of the Australian Dietary Guidelines is still important. These have been designed to reduce the risk of chronic diseases for healthy Australians, including athletes. This means eating a variety of vegetables, fruit, whole grains, lean meat and alternatives, and milk products and alternatives each day.
A visit with an accredited sports dietitian can help you develop a individualised food plan that includes minimally processed options to meet your personal needs and performance goals.
Evangeline Mantzioris is affiliated with Alliance for Research in Nutrition, Exercise and Activity (ARENA) at the University of South Australia. Evangeline Mantzioris has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has been appointed to the National Health and Medical Research Council Dietary Guideline Expert Committee.
Adrienne Forsyth receives funding from Research Australia, CSIRO, Rugby Australia, and Inspiro Community Health. She is a member of Dietitians Australia, Sports Dietitians Australia, and Exercise and Sport Science Australia.
Recent decisions by the Melbourne City and Sunshine Coast councils to end contracts with operators of shared e-scooters have reignited debate around this form of transport. It ticks many sustainability boxes, yet continues to make headlines for the wrong reasons.
In addition to “reckless” rider behaviour, a more recent concern has involved allegations of e‑scooter schemes exceeding contracted caps on numbers and misreporting data. This has prompted Brisbane, Canberra and Townsville in Australia and Auckland and Wellington in New Zealand to cancel the operator Beam’s licence in their cities. Beam Mobility has said it is unable to comment until a legal firm it appointed has completed an investigation.
Embroiled within the e‑scooter debate is a more fundamental issue: are we talking about shared e‑scooters for hire, or personal e‑scooters, which people can buy online for as little as a few hundred dollars? The report to the Sunshine Coast Council noted:
Community sentiment does not appear to differentiate between personally owned and hired e‑scooters.
In the case of the Sunshine Coast, and elsewhere globally, hospital emergency departments, regulators, councillors and council staff demonstrated a high level of uncertainty about e‑scooters. This likely reflects a lack of data and informed understanding of the challenges and benefits of personal e‑scooters.
The Melbourne and Sunshine Coast councils have purportedly dealt with publicconcerns about shared e-scooters. But don’t personal e-scooters also shoulder some blame?
Why bans are not the answer
At present, New South Wales and South Australia prohibit the riding of private e‑scooters in public places (though this is set to change in SA). But bans are ultimately not the answer: e‑scooters are here whether we like it or not.
Despite ongoing questions around their legality, sales of personal/private e‑scooters have grown by around 20% a year since 2018. An estimated 250,000 e-scooters and personal mobility devices were in use in 2022. Assuming a similar rate of growth, we estimate Australians own 350,000 to 400,000 personal e-scooters and personal mobility devices. This means around 2% of adults own one.
Banning shared types, while allowing unregulated personal e‑scooters, sends mixed signals. It overlooks the potentially greater burdens from personal e‑scooters, which are capable of higher speeds than shared e‑scooters, which are speed-limited.
There is also no enforcement to date of quality control standards for personal e‑scooters and their chargers. These have been linked to e-battery fires in Australia and overseas.
Lessons from New Zealand
In New Zealand, our team’s research, which we’ll present at a conference in November 2024, suggests 5-7% of people own e‑scooters. Around 400,000 e‑scooters were imported from 2018 to 2023, according to New Zealand Statistics. That’s vastly more than the 6,439 shared e‑scooters operating in the country.
Yet most academic research globally has focused on shared e‑scooters. The neglect of personal ones is likely due to the lack of concrete data on the users, their behaviours and vehicle types and specifications.
These data are difficult to collect because personal e‑scooters are unregistered and unconnected to any GPS-based technology. Shared e‑scooters are tracked, which potentially provides valuable data, despite recent concerns about its reliability.
The 252 respondents to our NZ study provide insights into personal e‑scooter owners and behaviours. Some of the handful of prior studies had already identified significant potential issues. For instance, a majority (58.4%) of these scooters would be able to exceed 25km/h speed limits.
These studies also found using shared e‑scooters often leads to personal ownership. Our study suggests shared modes may complement personal e‑scooter use.
New Zealand has comparatively standardised laws on how personal e‑scooters are classified and used. An e‑scooter with an engine capacity exceeding 300 Watts (W) is classed as a motor vehicle and must be registered, though our research suggests there is a lack of enforcement. Council licensing limits shared e‑scooter engines to 300W.
Australian rules vary wildly
In Australia, state regulations do not explicitly limit engine size. We have seen “catch-up” policies and rules that vary greatly across the country.
These range from outright bans on using personal e‑escooters in public spaces to a myriad of different rules around the country. In some states, people can ride e‑scooters on footpaths, shared paths, bike lanes and certain roads. In others, footpaths and shared paths are off-limits. Depending on the location, speed limits may be 10km/h, 12km/h, 15km/h, 20km/h or 25km/h.
Enforcement in New Zealand, and likely in Australia, is not very effective. for personal e‑scooters with an engine capacity over 300W. One enforcement action in New Zealand was reported in 2018 and one in 2023.
In Australia, e‑scooters are regulated based on speed limits, among other things. But the speed of shared e‑scooters is easier to determine than for unregistered and unmonitored personal e‑scooters. In New Zealand, there are no speed limits on e‑scooters apart from those set by the licensing conditions for shared e‑scooters.
In this context, New Zealand personal e‑scooters occupy a legal blind spot. They get a free pass, as their speed is not a violation of existing rules, whereas their engine capacity is. But it can be hard for an observer to detect an e‑scooter that’s over the engine limit, unless it’s being ridden at extreme speeds.
We can’t afford to keep ignoring personal e-scooters
As long as personal e‑scooters remain unregistered and enforcement action is limited, their high numbers in Australia and New Zealand, compared to shared e‑scooters, are likely to have an oversized impact in terms of engine capacity, speed and the potential for accidents.
It is high time for researchers and regulators to recognise the significant potential impacts of personal e‑scooters – both benefits and burdens.
Council decisions to end the operation of shared e‑scooters may be addressing only part of the problem based on incomplete data and reporting.
Ferdinand Balfoort receives full PhD funding from Charles Darwin University, Australia.
He is a Senior Researcher at the Mobility Research Partnership Pty Ltd
Ferdinand previously advised Beam Mobility Pte Ltd on Sustainability modelling and carbon certification of emission reductions.
Stephen Greaves does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jonathan Barrett, Associate Professor in Commercial Law and Taxation, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington
Labour Party leader Chris Hipkins recently revealed the party is looking once again at it’s tax policy, including a possible wealth tax or a “capital income tax” (CIT).
This comes barely a year after the party ruled out a wealth tax or capital gains tax if they won the 2023 election.
So what changed? Former Revenue Minister David Parker’s idea is to use the CIT to target big earners whose incomes are not effectively captured by the current tax system.
But how is this different from the other tax options on wealth and capital gains? And what are the options if some kind of wealth tax is introduced?
The basic wealth tax
You can think of wealth as assets – items of value. This could include land, shares, art works or other valuable collectables. A wealth tax typically has a low tax rate. Norway’s wealth tax, for example, has a rate of 1%.
Only four OECD countries currently have national wealth taxes.
But prominent economists, notably Thomas Piketty, argue wealth taxes are necessary and practicable. Piketty also promotes progressive inheritance taxes – these can also be seen as taxes on wealth. Even one of New Zealand’s wealthiest men, Bruce Plested, billionaire co-founder of Mainfreight, has supported the idea of a wealth tax.
Often a wealth tax has some exclusions, such as the family home. Or it might be a value exclusion, say an allowance of NZ$2 million in assets before you have to pay the tax. Usually any debt against the asset reduces the asset value.
To illustrate, let’s take the Green Party policy from the last election. This was a 2.5% wealth tax on assets. An individual could have $2 million in assets before the wealth tax would need to be paid.
So if you had an asset portfolio of investment property and shares valued at $3 million you would pay 2.5% tax on $1 million (i.e. the $3 million portfolio less the exempt value of $2 million). This comes to $25,000. Note that this is paid every year – not just once.
Some compliance costs are obvious here – valuing assets for a start, particularly those that may not be actively traded (some art works or unlisted shares, for example).
Cash flow is also an issue. People may be asset-rich but cash-poor. A tax policy that forces people to sell their assets to pay tax is likely to be politically unpalatable.
Taxing capital and land
A capital gains tax (CGT) also taxes wealth. However, a CGT is a tax on the gain in value of an asset – usually when it is sold. Therefore, a CGT is usually paid once (when the asset is sold), unlike an annual wealth tax.
We don’t have a comprehensive CGT in Aotearoa, but income tax legislation can result in some capital gains being taxed.
And what about a land tax? A land tax is a tax only on land. Land taxes have some advantages – they are hard to avoid or evade as you can’t move or hide land, for example. And land usually has an existing valuation, which makes compliance and administration more straightforward.
These types of taxes (wealth, CGT or land) are flexible – items can be included or excluded as required. For example, productive land, Māori land or the family home can be excluded.
Importantly, they have the potential to make a meaningful contribution to tax revenue. The amount collected will depend on the tax settings (e.g. what is included or excluded – and what the rate is).
These taxes aren’t perfect. They create distortions in behaviour, such as people over-investing in their family home if that is excluded from the tax.
Income tax, CGT and inheritance taxes usually only apply when money or property changes hands. Wealth and land taxes do not rely on a transaction but relate to property that exists and can be valued.
Where capital income tax is different
Labour’s CIT aims to calculate income (and tax) based on a person’s capital holdings.
While the details are not yet clear, it’s about taxing what people “ought” to receive as income, based on the assets they and their families beneficially own. We see something similar in the foreign investment fund rules which presumes a 5% return.
A CIT may make sense to economists but most people are likely to expect to be taxed on something they receive or own, rather than on something they are expected to receive.
Fair taxation
It’s basically about the fairness principle of ability to pay. A “buck is a buck” whether that dollar comes from wages, bank account interest, or is held in wealth.
The principle also underpins Labour’s CIT. Support for wealth taxes comes from the wealthy, the public and experts. The 2010 Tax Working Group recommended a low-rate land tax. The majority of the 2019 Tax Working Group recommended a CGT on a broad range of assets.
New Zealand has yet to adopt any such measures. Even the United Kingdom, where Conservative governments have held power for 32 years since 1979, has a more progressive income tax system than New Zealand, including a comprehensive CGT and an inheritance tax with a standard rate of 40%.
If taxes on wealth are an obvious policy choice for other OECD counties, why we don’t have them? And why has there been so little serious debate about moving away from our reliance on personal income tax and GST?
New Zealand is not exceptional and should learn from the best of OECD tax arrangements. Progressive policy makers need to focus on the basics of ability to pay – “a buck is a buck”. Well-meaning as it may be, a CIT is unlikely to communicate the fundamentals of tax fairness to the voting public.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
It’s now very likely Australia will be announced as the host of the COP31 global climate talks in 2026 alongside Pacific nations. This would be a very big deal. The talks run for a fortnight and draw tens of thousands of delegates. It would be the largest diplomatic summit Australia has ever held, with satellite events in Pacific nations.
A decision – made by other countries in our United Nations regional grouping – is expected in November. Sydney, Adelaide and Brisbane have already signalled interest in hosting.
Hosting these talks can boost national fortunes. When the United Kingdom hosted the talks in 2021, it was their biggest international success after the pain of Brexit, winning friends and influence.
The talks would bring global attention – and heighten expectations. Playing host would cement Australia’s place in the emerging net-zero economy, galvanise the federal government’s green industry plans and rapidly build the trade and diplomatic ties needed to develop new markets for clean energy goods.
In a Climate Council and Smart Energy Council report released today, we lay out how important these talks would be to shift Australia away from fossil-fuel exports, switch from mining dirty to mining clean, rebuild our position in the acutely climate-aware Pacific and secure new economic opportunities in Asia.
But consider the problem. Almost 200 countries with very different interests send representatives. Island nations in the Pacific don’t profit from fossil fuel sales, but face the loss of their land to the sea and their reefs to the heat. Major fossil fuel exporters, however, have an incentive to go slow.
As extreme weather and marine heating intensify, the climate crisis is becoming more visible everywhere. People are being forced from their homes in Tuvalu and Lismore alike. A third of Australians worry extreme weather may force them to permanently relocate. We all have a shared interest in going fast.
But they are more than this. They are also a de facto global trade fair, bringing together major players in clean energy industries and providing a platform to attract global investment in local projects. As host, Australia could shape the agenda for important informal discussions alongside the formal meetings.
Major sporting events such as the Commonwealth Games often require custom-built facilities. But the COP talks just need good conference centres, hotels and transport. Hosting the UN talks could deliver the chosen city a windfall of between A$100-210 million, equivalent to about four AFL grand finals. Hosting the 2021 talks added an estimated A$1 billion to the overall UK economy.
All signs suggest the Australia/Pacific bid is likely to be chosen. The 2026 COP host will be decided by countries in the ‘Western Europe and Other’ regional grouping at the UN (COP hosting is rotated among regions). There’s already public support from the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, New Zealand, Switzerland and Canada. The other bidder, Türkiye, does not currently have public backing.
Australia’s bid has widespread domestic support. A recent Lowy poll found 70% of Australians are supportive. Business groups are also supportive, while major banks are already working to unlock private sector investment in anticipation.
What would it mean for Australia-Pacific relationships?
Pacific island countries see climate change as their “single greatest” threat. Leaders see climate change impacts — stronger cyclones, devastating floods, rising seas, dying reefs and ocean acidification — as more tangible and immediate threats than geopolitical manoeuvring.
Pacific nations have long worked together at COP talks to drive global climate action. They have earned a reputation for sticking to the science, and were instrumental in securing landmark climate deals like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement.
A key tension remains, however. Pacific island nations have urged major powers to phase out fossil fuel production, while Australia has recently emerged as one of the world’s largest fossil fuel exporters.
Co-hosting COP31 could help this tension by signalling Australia’s shift from fossil fuel heavyweight to clean energy powerhouse.
New economic opportunities in Asia (and beyond)
Global demand and investment is shifting from fossil fuels to clean energy commodities.
To reach net zero, the International Energy Agency suggests fossil fuels will drop from 80% of total energy supply in 2022 to 20% by 2050. Demand for coal, oil and gas is now expected to decline this decade.
Japan, China and South Korea buy over two-thirds of Australia’s coal and gas exports. But Japan and Korea now plan to double clean energy generation by 2030, while China commissioned as much solar in 2023 as the whole world did in 2022.
These shifts have huge implications. Last week, the Climate Change Authority released modelling showing Australia’s fossil fuel exports would fall 60% by 2050 if we and our trading partners take strong climate action – while our other mineral and metal exports would surge by 65%.
If the Australia/Pacific COP bid gets up as expected, the federal government must begin shaping the agenda now.
Wesley Morgan is a fellow at the Climate Council and research fellow at the Griffith Asia Institute
With similar Israel divestment motions having been passed at City of Sydney and Canterbury/Bankstown Councils, many had expected the motion to pass in what is supposed to be one of the most progressive areas of Sydney. Wendy Bacon reports on what went wrong.
INVESTIGATION:By Wendy Bacon
Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza and the West Bank is tearing apart local councils in Australia, on top of the angst reverberating around state and federal politics.
Inner West Labor Mayor Darcy Byrne has doubled down on his attack on pro-Palestinian activists at the council’s last election meeting before Australia’s local government elections on September 14.
‘Byrne’s attack echoes an astro-turfing campaign supported by rightwing and pro-Israel groups targeting the Greens in inner city electorates.’
READ MORE: Other articles by Wendy Bacon
With Labor narrowly controlling the council by one vote, the election loomed large over the meeting. It also coincided with a campaign backed by rightwing pro-Israeli groups to eliminate Greens from several inner Sydney councils.
In August, Labor councillors voted down a motion for an audit of whether any Inner West Council (IWC) investments or contracts benefit companies involved in the weapons industry or profit from human rights violations in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
The motion that was defeated had also called for an insertion of a general “human rights” provision in council’s investment policy.
With similar motions having been passed at City of Sydney and Canterbury/Bankstown councils, many had expected the motion to pass in what is supposed to be one of the most progressive areas of Sydney.
It could have been a first step towards the Inner West Council joining the worldwide BDS (boycotts, disinvestments and economic sanctions) campaign to pressure Israel to meet its obligations under international law.
MWM sources attest that the ructions at Inner West Council are mirrored elsewhere in local government. This from Randwick in Sydney’s East:
Global to grassroots Last week, Portland Council in Maine became the fifth United States city to join the campaign this year, while the City of Ixelles in Belgium announced that it had suspended its twinning agreement with the Regional Council of Megiddo in Israel.
When the Inner West motion failed, some Palestinian rights campaigners booed and shouted “shame” at Labor councillors as they sat silently in the chamber. The meeting, which had nearly reached its time limit of five hours, was then adjourned.
Byrne’s alternative motion was debated at last week’s meeting. It restates council’s existing policy and Federal Labor’s current stance that calls for a ceasefire and a two-state solution.
This alternative motion was passed by Labor councillors, with the Greens and two Independents voting against it. Both Independent Councillor Pauline Lockie and Greens Councillor Liz Atkins argued that they were opposing the motion because it did not do or change anything.
The Mayor spent most of his speaking time attacking those involved with protesting at the August meeting. He described their behaviour as “unacceptable, undemocratic and disrespectful”. There is no doubt that the behaviour at the meeting breached the rules of meeting behaviour at some times.
But then Byrne made a much more shocking and unexpected allegation. He said that the “worst element” of the behaviour was that “local Inner West citizens who happened to have a Jewish sounding name, when their names were read out by me because they’d registered . . . to speak, I think all of them were booed and hissed just because their names happened to sound Jewish.”
News Corp propaganda This claim is deeply disturbing. If true, such behaviour would definitely be anti-semitic and racist. But the question is: did such behaviour actually happen? Or does this allegation feed into Byrne’s misleading narrative that had fuelled false News Corporation reports that protesters stormed the meeting?
In fact, the protesters had been invited to the meeting by the Mayor.
This reporter was present throughout the meeting and did not observe anything similar to what the Mayor alleged had happened.
Later in the meeting, the Mayor repeated the allegation that the “booing and hissing of people” based “on the fact that they had a Jewish sounding name constituted anti-semitism”.
Retiring Independent Councillor Pauline Locker intervened: “Sorry, point of order, That isn’t actually what happened. . . . It wasn’t based on their Jewish name.”
But Bryne insisted, “That’s not a point of order — that is what happened. It is what the record shows occurred as does the media reportage.”
Other councillors also distanced themselves from Byrne’s allegation. Independent Councillor John Stamolis also said that although he could not judge how the Mayor or other Labor councillors felt on the evening, he could not agree with Byrne’s description or that it described what other councillors or members of the public experienced on the evening.
Greens Councillor Liz Atkins said that there were different perceptions of what happened on the night. Her perception was that the “booing and hissing” was in relation to support for the substance of the Greens motion for an audit of investments rather than an attack on people who spoke against it.
She also said that credit should be given to pro- Palestinian activists who themselves encouraged people to listen quietly.
Fake antisemitism claims Your reporter asked Rosanna Barbero, who also was present throughout the meeting, what she observed. Barbero was the recipient of this year’s Multicultural NSW Human Rights Medal, recognising her lasting and meaningful contribution to human rights in NSW.
She is also a member of the Inner West Multicultural Network that has helped council develop an anti-racism strategy.
“I did not witness any racist comments,” said Barbero.
Barbero confirmed that she was present throughout the meeting and said: “I did not witness any racist comments. The meeting was recorded so the evidence of that is easy to verify.”
So this reporter, in a story for City Hub, took her advice and went to the evidence in the webcast, which provides a public record of what occurred. The soundtrack is clear. A listener can pick up when comments are made by audience members but not necessarily the content of them.
Bryne has alleged speakers against the motion were booed when their “Jewish sounding’ names were announced. Our analysis shows none of the five were booed or abused in any way when their names were announced.
There was, in fact, silence.
Five speakers identified themselves as Jewish. Four spoke against the motion, and one in favour.
Two of the five were heard in complete silence, one with some small applause at the end.
One woman who spoke in favour of the motion and whose grandparents were in the Holocaust was applauded and cheered at the end of her speech.
One man was interrupted by several comments from the gallery when he said the motion was based on “propaganda and disinformation” and would lead to a lack of social cohesion. He related experiences of anti-semitism when he was at school in the Inner West 14 years ago.
At the conclusion of his speech, there were some boos.
One man who had not successfully registered was added to the speakers list by the Mayor. Some people in the public gallery objected to this decision. The Mayor adjourned the meeting for three minutes and the speaker was then heard in silence.
The speakers in favour of the motion, most of whom had Palestinian backgrounds and relatives who had suffered expulsion from their homelands, concentrated on the war crimes against Palestinians and the importance of BDS motions. There were no personal attacks on speakers against the motion.
In response to a Jewish speaker who had argued that the solution was peace initiatives, one Palestinian speaker said that he wanted “liberation”, not “peace”.
Weaponising accusations of anti-semitism to shut down debate Independent Inner West Councillor Pauline Lockie warned other councillors this week about the need to be careful about weaponising accusations of race and anti-semitism to shut down debates. Like Barbero, Lockie has played a leadership role in developing anti-racism strategies for the Inner West.
There are three serious concerns about Byrne’s allegations. The first concern is that they are not verified by the public record. This raises questions about the Mayor’s judgement and credibility.
The second is that making unsubstantiated allegations of antisemitism for the tactical purposes of winning a political argument demeans the seriousness and tragedy of anti-semitism.
Thirdly, there is a concern that spreading unsubstantiated allegations of anti-semitism could cause harm by spreading fear and anxiety in the Jewish community.
Controversial Christian minister The most provocative speaker on the evening was not one of those who identified themselves as Jewish. It was Reverend Mark Leach, who introduced himself as an Anglican minister from Balmain. When he said that no one could reasonably apply the word “genocide” to what was occurring in Gaza, several people called out his comments.
Given the ICJ finding that a plausible genocide is occurring in Gaza, this was not surprising.
Darcy Byrne then stopped the meeting and gave Reverend Leach a small amount of further time to speak. Later in his speech, Reverend Leach described the motion itself as “deeply racist” because it held Israel accountable above all other states.
Boos for Leach In fact, the motion would have added a general human rights provision to the investment policy which would have applied to any country. Reverend Leach was booed at the conclusion of his speech.
One speaker later said that she could not understand how this Christian minister would not accept that the word “genocide” could be used. This was not an anti-semitic or racist comment.
Throughout the debate, Byrne avoided the issue that the motion only called for an audit.
He also used his position of chair to directly question councillors. The following exchange occurred with Councillor Liz Atkins:
Mayor: Councilor Atkins, can I put to you a question? I have received advice that councillor officers are unaware of any investment from council that is complicit in the Israeli military operations in Gaza and the Palestinian territories. Are you aware of any?
Atkins: No. That’s why the motion asked for an audit of our investments and procurements.
Mayor: I’ll put one further question to you. The organisers of the protest outside the chamber and the subsequent overrunning of the council chamber asserted in their promotion of the event that the council was complicit in genocide. Is that your view?
Atkins: I don’t know. Until we do an audit, Mayor . . . Can I just take exception with the point of view that they “overran” the meeting? You invited them all in, and not one of them tried to get past a simple rope barrier.
Byrne says it’s immoral to support a one-party state During the debate, Byrne surprisingly described support for a one-state solution for Israel and Palestinians as “immoral”. He described support for “one state” as meaning you either supported the wiping out of the Palestinians or the Israelis.
In fact, there is a long history of citizens, scholars and other commentators who have argued that one secular state of equal citizens is the only viable solution.
Many, including the Australian government, do not agree. Nevertheless, the award-winning journalist and expert on the Middle East, Antony Loewenstein, argued that position in The Sydney Morning Herald in November 2023.
Mayor in tune with Better Council Inc campaign All of this debate is happening in the context of the hotly contested election campaign. The Mayor is understandably preoccupied with the impending poll. Rather than debating the issues, he finished the debate by launching an attack on the Greens, which sounded more like an election speech than a speech in reply in support of his motion.
Byrne said: “Some councillors are unwilling to condemn what was overt anti-Semitism”.
This is a heavy accusation. All councillors are strongly opposed to anti-semitism. The record does not show any overt anti-semitism.
Byrne went on: “But the more troubling thing is that there’s a large number of candidates running at this election who, if elected, will be making foreign affairs and this particular issue one of the central concerns of this council.
“This will result in a distraction with services going backwards and rates going up.”
In fact, the record shows that the Greens are just as focused on local issues as any other councillors. Even at last week’s meeting, Councillor Liz Atkins brought forward a motion about controversial moves to install a temporary cafe at Camperdown Park that would privatise public space and for which there had been no consultation.
Labor v Greens Byrne’s message pitting concern about broader issues against local concerns is in tune with the messaging of a recently formed group called Better Council Inc. that is targeting the Greens throughout the Inner West and in Randwick and Waverley.
Placards saying “Put the Greens last”, “Keep the Greens Garbage out of Council” featuring a number of Greens candidates have gone up across Sydney. Some claim that the Greens are fixated on Gaza and ignore local issues.
Better Inc.’s material is authorised by Sophie Calland. She is a recently graduated computer engineer who told the Daily Telegraph that “she was a Labor member and that Better Council involves people from across the political aisle — even some former Greens.”
She described the group as a “grassroots group of young professionals” who wanted local government officials to focus on local issues.
“We believe local councils should concentrate on essential community services like waste management, local infrastructure, and the environment. That’s what councils are there for — looking after the needs of their immediate communities.”
On Saturday, Randwick Greens Councillor Kym Chapple was at a pre-poll booth at which a Better Council Inc. campaigner was handing out material specifically recommending that voters put her last.
Chapple tweeted that the Better councilwoman didn’t actually know that she was a councillor or any of the local issues in which she had been involved.
“That does not look like a local grassroots campaign. It’s an attempt to intimidate people who support a free Palestine. Anyway, it feels gross to have someone say to put you last because they care about the environment and local issues when that’s literally what you have done for three years.”
She then tweeted a long list of her local campaign successes.
Never Again is Now astroturf campaign In fact, the actual work of distributing the leaflets is being done by a group spearheaded by none other than Reverend Mark Leach, who spoke at the Inner West Council meeting. Leach is one of the coordinators of the pro-Israel right-wing Christian group Never Again is Now.
The group is organising rallies around Australia to campaign against anti-semitism.
Reverend Mark Leach works closely with his daughter Freya Leach, who stood for the Liberal Party for the seat of Balmain in the 2023 state election and is associated with the rightwing Menzies Institute. Mark Leach describes himself as “working to renew the mind and heart of our culture against the backdrop of the radical left, Jihadist Islam and rising authoritarianism.
Leach’s own Twitter account shows that he embraces a range of rightwing causes. He is anti-trans, supports anti-immigration campaigners in the UK and has posted a jolly video of himself with Warren Mundine at a pro-Israeli rally in Melbourne.
Mundine was a No campaign spokesperson for the rightwing group Advance Australia during the Voice referendum.
Leach supports the Christian Lobby and is very critical of Christians who are campaigning for peace.
Anti-semitism exists. The problem is that Reverend Leach’s version of anti-semitism is what international law and human rights bodies regard as protesting against genocidal war crimes.
For #NeverAgainisNow, these atrocities are excusable for a state that is pursuing its right of “self-defence”. And if you don’t agree with that, don’t be surprised if you find yourself branded as not just “anti-semitic” but also a bullying extremist.
As of one week before the local government election, the Never Again is Now was holding a Zoom meeting to organise 400 volunteers to get 50,000 leaflets into the hands of voters at next Saturday’s local election.
This may well be just a dress rehearsal for a much bigger effort at the Federal election, where Advance Australia has announced it is planning to target the Greens.
Wendy Baconis an investigative journalist who was professor of journalism at UTS. She has worked for Fairfax, Channel Nine and SBS and has published in The Guardian, New Matilda, City Hub and Overland. She has a long history in promoting independent and alternative journalism. She is not a member of any political party but is a Greens supporter and long-term supporter of peaceful BDS strategies. Republished from Michael West Media with the author’s permission.
New Caledonia’s domestic carrier Air Calédonie is set to launch a biweekly international connection to neighbouring Vanuatu.
The new link is set to start operating from October 3 with two return flights, one on Mondays and the other on Thursdays.
The company said this followed a recent code-share agreement with New Caledonia’s international carrier Air Calédonie international (Air Calin).
The domestic company’s ATR 72-600 planes will be used to link Nouméa’s international La Tontouta airport to Port Vila, the company said.
Air Calédonie said the new agreement to fly to Vanuatu comes at a “difficult time”, almost four months after riots broke out in the French Pacific archipelago.
Seeking new markets The ongoing unrest has made a huge negative impact on the economy and — because of long periods of curfew and state of emergency — has also heavily impacted domestic and international flights, causing in turn huge losses in business for the airlines.
“This new connection therefore is a vital opportunity to maintain employment and a sufficient level of business that are necessary to the company’s survival”, said Air Calédonie CEO Daniel Houmbouy, who also mentioned a “necessary capacity to adapt and evolve”.
New link to Paris As part of a stringent cost-cutting exercise, Air Calin has had to cut staff numbers as well as reduce its regional connections.
It is also currently considering putting one of its aircraft on lease.
However, Air Calin is also preparing to launch a new direct Paris-Nouméa connection, via Bangkok, sometime in 2025, using a 291-seater Airbus A330-900neo on Wednesdays and Saturdays.
The company is currently recruiting 12 pilots and 20 navigating flight assistants who would be based mainly in Paris-Charles de Gaulle airport.
Here again, the plan is directly connected to New Caledonia’s unrest and its impact on the economy.
“It’s all about continuing to generate an acceptable level of revenue to be able to bear fixed costs, in response to the consequences of the local economic context’s recent upsets”.
On a similar destination, Air Calin has also recently opened another connection via Singapore.
But regional routes have also been affected, sometimes suspended (Melbourne), sometimes significantly contracted (Sydney, Brisbane, Auckland, Papeete).
As part of the restructuration, the new long-haul route via Bangkok would effectively replace the older connection to Paris via Tokyo-Narita.
Collateral damage for fishing industry This has already caused major concerns from local fishing industry stakeholders, especially those exporting extra fresh tuna directly to Japan by plane.
“This will directly threaten the future of our industry. The repercussions will be catastrophic both in terms of employment in our industry and for [New Caledonia’s] economy,” commented Mario Lopez, who heads local tuna fishing company Armement du Nord, writing on social networks.
He said what was at stake was “300 to 400 tonnes of yellowfin sashimi-grade tuna which until now were sent each year for auction on Japanese markets”.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By William A. Stoltz, Lecturer and expert Associate, National Security College, Australian National University
The intensifying great power competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States has meant the possibility of future war in the Indo-Pacific region has become a regular feature of Australia’s national discourse.
It is surprising, then, how little attention has been given to what day-to-day life could look like if a war actually did break out.
While such a war is not inevitable, scrutinising what it might look like should be an urgent priority so we can take the necessary steps to improve Australia’s preparedness and ultimately our deterrence.
I previously worked in the Department of Defence analysing what would be required to mobilise Australia’s privately held industrial base and civil society to support various wartime scenarios. From this experience, I believe the government has a detailed understanding of how war could impact domestic supplies of critical goods and international freight transporting supplies to Australia.
What is missing, however, is a frank engagement with industry and the public about the hardships that may arise during a crisis and how our industrial base needs to be recalibrated to address these vulnerabilities.
Shortage of critical goods
There are three categories of goods that would be most impacted by war:
energy and fuel
pharmaceuticals and raw materials
smart devices and their components.
These are utterly indispensable to the our daily lives and the continuity of our society. Yet, Australia currently lacks the ability to produce enough of these goods domestically to endure the supply disruptions that a conflict would bring.
For example, as a member of the International Energy Agency, Australia has an obligation to maintain sufficient reserves of refined fuel to meet its needs for 90 days. In practice, however, Australia has arguably never met this requirement.
Indeed, our domestic capacity for refining fuel has gone backwards and sufficient storage facilities have yet to be established. Recent unpublished estimates from the energy sector I’ve seen suggest if supply lines were cut today, Australia would only have enough fuel to meet just days or weeks of demand.
Once road freight is impacted by a lack of fuel, supermarkets would start experiencing shortages of basic goods. Air travel would collapse. Non-essential retail businesses and most personal vehicle travel would likely cease, as fuel would be need to be rationed for freight, emergency services and the military.
It’s important to emphasise that Australia’s low onshore capacity to refine and store fuel would mean these dire impacts could be expected from even a relatively short-lived crisis disrupting our maritime supply lines.
When it comes to pharmaceutical products, the vast majority (90%) are also imported. China is an essential source of many of Australia’s medicines, which means they’d be inaccessible if a war erupted between Beijing and Washington.
Australia has the facilities and expertise to produce a wide range of pharmaceuticals, but scaling up capacity would take time. Disruption to the availability of medicines could therefore have catastrophic impacts on the welfare of Australians and potentially spark a panic.
Australia’s access to digital devices and components is also highly reliant on foreign imports, especially from China. While shortages of this kind would not be as immediately life threatening, there would still be a significant change to how Australians live.
More worryingly, smart devices have been embedded in the operational technology of most Australian industrial systems, such as food processing, waste management, water treatment, freight management, transport or pharmaceutical manufacturing.
A prolonged disruption to our technology supply chain could have devastating effects on our economy and essential services, as we would be unable to replace or upgrade key components. This problem would be exacerbated by our nascent capacity to disassemble and recycle the salvageable components of electronics, such as semi-conductors. Currently, we largely ship discarded devices overseas.
A ‘first 90-day’ crisis plan
While these scenarios are indeed alarming, we can take heart from the fact that Australia’s maritime supply lines are highly adaptable.
A war over Taiwan or in the South China Sea would have a far greater impact to global shipping than the COVID pandemic. However, the pandemic demonstrated the capacity of international shipping and air freight to recalibrate and adjust as key markets were disrupted by lockdowns and other response measures.
The result was that after a period of shortages, the arteries of international trade to Australia were restored.
Given these complexities, Australia needs to focus its national preparedness and mobilisation planning around the uncertain period between a crisis occurring and international shipping being re-established.
From my examination, such planning is not taking place to a sufficient degree.
The former secretary of Home Affairs, Michael Pezzullo, has similarly suggested such planning is overdue.
I believe the government should adopt a “first 90 days” national mobilisation plan designed with industry partners. The aim: to ensure Australia’s survival during the first 90 days of a war or similar catastrophe in our region.
Such a plan should be centred on increasing the domestic stockpiles and manufacturing capacity of the three most essential categories of goods mentioned earlier – fuel, pharmaceuticals and smart devices (and components). This would give us the capacity to sustain Australia through the initial period of a conflict as we wait for international supply lines to adjust.
Australia must also look for ways to diversify sources of these goods away from China because of the high likelihood of disrupted maritime routes through Southeast Asia. This diversification would ensure critical supply chains are more resilient in those first 90 days and beyond.
Why talking about preparedness is important
There is a critical need to include industry in such preparedness and mobilisation planning. Yet, from my experience, many business leaders are in the dark about what security interventions the Commonwealth may initiate in wartime to keep Australia ticking. There appear to be two reasons for this.
First, there’s a view in government this kind of talk would cause alarm. The opposite is true. Clarity about our nation’s contingency planning in a crisis can only improve market confidence.
And second, policymakers may fear that any discussion about diversifying our key supplies away from China would harm our relationship with Beijing. It may also signal Australia is preparing for aggression.
Again, I believe the opposite is true. For many years, China itself has been on-shoring its key supplies to make its economy more resilient to stormier weather. Australia could simply point to China’s example as demonstrating prudence – hoping for the best, but preparing for the worst.
Ultimately, strengthening our preparedness through a “first 90 day” policy would make our deterrence more credible by showing we take the prospect of war seriously.
This would complicate the planning of would-be adversaries by ensuring Australia could not be easily isolated and neutralised. It would also show to our people, allies and adversaries alike that while Australia does not want war, we intend to endure it should one arise.
William A. Stoltz is a senior manager in strategy and consulting at CyberCX. He has received Australian government funding via projects conducted at the ANU National Securtiy College, where he is currently an expert associate. He is an advisory board member of the Asia-Pacific Defence, Diplomacy, and Development Dialogue (AP4D), a council member of the Australian Institute of International Affairs (Vic), and a visiting fellow at the Robert Menzies Institute at the University of Melbourne. He has previously been employed by Australia’s Department of Defence.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Phoebe Williams, Paediatrician & Infectious Diseases Physician; Senior Lecturer & NHMRC Fellow, Faculty of Medicine, University of Sydney
Three children in far north Queensland have recently become unwell with meningococcal disease, a life-threatening infection caused by the bacteria Neisseria meningitidis.
Meanwhile, an adult and a child have been hospitalised with meningococcal in Western Australia.
So far there have been more than 80 meningococcal infections recorded across Australia in 2024. Although meningococcal disease can occur all year round, in Australia this infection occurs most commonly in late winter and early spring.
What is meningococcal disease?
Neisseria meningitidis is among the bacteria that frequently live quite harmlessly at the back of our throats, and can be spread from one person to another via saliva. Sometimes, these bacteria can invade the body via the bloodstream and cause serious disease (called “invasive meningococcal disease”).
Although anyone can get meningococcal disease, certain groups are at higher risk. These include infants, toddlers, adolescents, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, young people who live in close quarters, and people who smoke.
Meningococcal disease most frequently presents as a serious bloodstream infection (septicaemia) and can also spread to the brain (meningitis).
Symptoms of meningococcal disease can include fever, shakes, nausea, vomiting, lethargy, and joint and muscle pain. If meningitis occurs, headaches, neck stiffness and sensitivity to light are also common.
Sometimes, meningococcal disease can also cause a characteristic rash that doesn’t disappear when pressure is applied. It may start as red or purple pin-prick spots, or as small bruises. But not everyone with meningococcal disease will present with a rash. And when it does occur, it’s often a late sign, indicating the infection is well advanced.
Infants and young children may not have the classic symptoms listed above. Instead, they may have difficulty feeding, irritability, a high-pitched cry, pale or blotchy skin, or tiredness and floppiness.
While meningococcal disease is rare, it’s sudden and unpredictable. It’s notorious for how quickly it can progress to serious illness, often in otherwise healthy people. It has been described as the disease that can leave someone “well at breakfast – and dead by dinner”.
Meningococcal disease requires urgent medical treatment, particularly antibiotics to stop the infection from progressing. Even with excellent medical care, one in 20 young children who contract the disease may die, and around one-third of children and adolescents who survive the disease will develop permanent complications.
While meningococcal disease can be contagious, it’s less contagious than many other infections (such as influenza or measles). The bacteria can spread via respiratory or throat secretions (saliva or spit), and person-to-person transmission generally requires prolonged, close contact.
We have effective vaccines
There are different types of the N. meningitidis bacteria, called serogroups. The serogroups denote different structures of the surface of the bacteria and are referred to by letters of the alphabet. Serogroups A, B, C, W and Y cause most of the meningococcal disease around the world.
Two main types of meningococcal vaccines are available in Australia. One type protects against serogroups A, C, W and Y (ACWY), and the other type protects against serogroup B.
The ACWY vaccine has been available for free under Australia’s National Immunisation Program since 2018, and is given at 12 months of age, and at age 14–16.
The meningococcal B vaccine is recommended for all children but is only available for free under the National Immunisation Program for certain people. This includes Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children under two and people with certain medical conditions.
Queensland recently introduced a state-funded program to provide free meningococcal B vaccines to all infants and children aged six weeks to two years, and adolescents aged 15 to 19.
South Australia also has a state-funded meningococcal B vaccination program for infants under one, alongside a school program for year 10 students.
In other parts of Australia, for children not meeting the high-risk criteria, the meningococcal B vaccine needs to be purchased on a private script. Many parents aren’t aware of this vaccine, and cost can be a barrier too.
Most infants who start their meningococcal B vaccine course at less than one year old will require three doses, while any child aged over one will require two doses for optimal protection.
Why are we still seeing cases?
Australia has achieved good vaccine coverage against serogroups A, C, W and Y, and there are now very few cases of meningococcal disease caused by these serogroups (although the adult case recently reported in WA had serogroup Y).
However, the number of people vaccinated against meningococcal B is much lower. This is partly because this vaccine is not part of the National Immunisation Program (other than for specific high-risk groups). But even in states with funded programs, there appears to be a lack of awareness.
Despite Queensland’s rollout of the free meningococcal B vaccine program this year, uptake of the vaccine has been low. There are 40,000 young children under two and 386,000 adolescents aged 15–19 in Queensland who are yet to be fully immunised.
So there’s less community-wide immunity to meningococcal B compared to other serogroups. Meningococcal B is now responsible for more than 80% of all meningococcal disease cases in Australia – including the three children recently affected in Queensland and the child in WA.
The Royal Australian College of General Practitioners has urged families to book in their eligible children for vaccination against meningococcal disease via free state-based programs in Queensland and SA.
In other states, families can request meningococcal B vaccination from their GP, and some hospital services provide “drop in” immunisation clinics to help families catch-up on missed vaccines, including the meningococcal B vaccine. Often hospital pharmacies will provide it at the lowest cost price.
Phoebe Williams receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and Medical Research Future Fund. She is a paediatric infectious diseases consultant, who leads the immunisation service at Sydney Children’s Hospital (Randwick) and works for the National Centre for Immunisation Research and Surveillance.
Monica Lahra receives funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care to coordinate the Australian Meningococcal Surveillance Programme.
Rae-Anne Hardie works for the National Centre for Immunisation Research and Surveillance.
Saskia van der Kooi works for the National Centre for Immunisation Research and Surveillance.
This is the third piece in a series on the Future of Australian media. You can read the first piece in the series here and the second piece here.
For decades, commercial broadcasting made its owners rich. Advertisers flocked to the networks – there just weren’t any other ways to reach so many viewers.
At the same time, the government limited competition by restricting licenses to operate. This discouraged content innovation and led to little choice for viewers. People habitually tuned into whatever was “on” – even if they weren’t particularly interested.
That’s a far cry from where we find ourselves now. The internet age has brought unfathomable new depths of choice and content for viewers. Social media and search engines have handed advertisers powerful new tools. Commercial broadcasters have lost their sheen, just as we saw with newspapers two decades ago.
That will have consequences for what appears on our screens. A substantial decline in advertiser spending on television networks Seven, Nine and 10, as well as their multichannels like 10Peach, 7Mate, and 9Gem, means there will likely be fewer of these channels in Australia’s future.
So what exactly has been happening to their business model – and can it be saved? Is everything really hanging on gambling ad revenue? Perhaps most importantly, what could this shift mean for society?
In the business model of commercial broadcasters, the audience is the “product” being sold. Broadcasters pay for content likely to attract viewers, then sell these viewers’ attention to advertisers.
It might be tempting to assume the broadcasters’ struggles have been caused by the rapid ascent of on-demand streaming services, such as Netflix. But broadcaster revenue has been in decline since 2005.
Adjusted for inflation, commercial television network revenue had already been falling by an average of 5.6% per year between 2004-05 and 2015-16, which was Netflix’s first year in Australia.
So what exactly did happen in the early 2000s? We all went online. Search engines and social media emerged as new ways for advertisers to buy attention.
At first, most of the shift to online advertising came at the expense of traditional newspapers, but for the last decade it has cut into commercial broadcasters’ revenue as well.
The commercial broadcasters’ share of Australian advertising spend plummeted from 43% to 17% between 2006 and 2022, as advertisers moved their spending online.
Local content has paid the price
On the other side of the coin, broadcasters’ programming costs have not diminished, and have actually been increasing by about 1.1% each year. Many now have more channels to fill with content, with no corresponding uptick in revenue.
They have already radically reduced their investment in Australian content. Between 2000 and 2023, commercial TV spending on Australian drama fell by 72% in real terms, and spending on Australian children’s drama fell by 100%. Yes, you read that correctly, right down to zero.
Broadcasters fill many hours on many channels, but audiences no longer find much of this content compelling, especially given the wide range of other content and leisure options they now have.
Diminishing ad dollars have led to cheaper programming, and audiences have responded by shifting their attention elsewhere.
The erosion of advertiser-funded television is happening around the globe, but historically, Australia has relied more on advertisers than other comparable countries. That means here, the crisis is more acute.
Are gambling ads really the final straw?
Free-to-air TV’s future has been thrust further into the limelight amid predictions of catastrophe if gambling ads were banned on TV. That claim is worth investigating.
Data from the Australian Communications and Media Authority suggests gambling advertising delivered A$162 million to free-to-air networks in 2022-23.
That accounts for just under 5% of the total TV advertising market’s $3.6 billion in revenue that year. Any revenue lost to a sector in decline is costly, but keeping this small fraction isn’t going to hold off broader decline.
Not least because that revenue comes at a great societal cost. Australia leads the world in gambling losses – $24 billion a year – and promoting gambling has been identified to have substantial negative consequences for Australian society.
On commercial TV, the government faces far more pressing questions than whether to ban gambling ads. The loss of one or more of our commercial broadcasters seems financially inevitable and may even be in the interest of Australians.
It has been some time since commercial broadcasters delivered on their public responsibilities. They are a special class of business that uses a public good, the electromagnetic spectrum, to profit, and so they were set up with responsibilities to Australians in exchange for its use.
Yet over the past 20 years, they have attempted to back out of many of those responsibilities. They have successfully lobbied for the elimination of license fees, as well as for a significant loosening of rules around commissioning local content.
A series of recent scandals at Seven have led some to raise the question of whether the media giant is in violation of the Broadcasting Services Act and should be allowed to continue to operate.
Seven’s net debt is now bigger than its market capitalisation. That makes it fair to ask – is the company still afloat because it’s actually a viable business, or because of the power that comes from holding a broadcast license?
Where to from here?
Today’s media world is very different from the past. Like the horse and carriage industry at the dawn of the combustible engine, last century’s commercial broadcast sector cannot be restored.
That doesn’t mean we’re going to suddenly lose sport and other valued content – these things will find a way to viewers as the ecosystem adapts. News and entertainment may come at a higher cost for consumers and government, but the content made will prioritise consumers rather than advertisers.
That might be a good thing. The sector arguably hasn’t delivered for Australians as it was meant to for some time.
Amanda Lotz receives funding from Australian Research Council.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Teresa Ubide, ARC Future Fellow and Associate Professor in Igneous Petrology/Volcanology, The University of Queensland
Imagine you had a crystal ball that revealed when a volcano would next erupt. For the hundreds of millions of people around the world who live near active volcanoes, it would be an extremely useful device.
As it turns out, certain crystals really can help us forecast volcanic eruptions. These crystals are produced in molten rock as it travels from deep inside Earth to the surface.
With increasingly sophisticated scientific methods, we can extract a secret history of volcanoes from these crystals – the why, where and when of past eruptions.
These historical records can help us interpret if signs of volcano unrest, such as earthquakes tracking the movement of magma towards the surface, may lead to an eruption. So, as I explain in a new column in Nature Geoscience, we are getting closer to having crystal balls (for volcanoes, at least).
Volcano crystal balls
Magma, the super-hot molten rock which feeds volcanic eruptions, is generated many tens of kilometres below the surface in Earth’s mantle.
On its journey up to the surface, magma may get stalled in different reservoirs along the way, and travel to its eventual eruption along a complex pathway. As the magma rises it also cools down, producing tiny crystals that can be brought to the surface during eruptions.
When the magma reaches the surface, it can flow – generating lavas – or explode, generating fragmented particles called pyroclasts. Once the lavas and pyroclasts cool down, they form volcanic rocks containing the crystals from great depths.
Our precious crystal balls have survived the hot and complex journey to the surface and the eruption, holding a memory of everything they “saw” inside the volcano.
The crystals look different depending on the mineral that makes them. For example, green olivine is very common in Hawaiian lavas, and white plagioclase can be as large as a square of chocolate in the lavas of Tweed volcano at the border between Queensland and New South Wales.
A very important mineral for understanding volcanoes is called clinopyroxene, which makes shiny black crystals holding particularly precious information.
What do clinopyroxene records look like?
Clinopyroxene crystals are often tiny, the size of a sand grain. But under the microscope, they can show spectacular growth features that record what happens inside the volcano before eruptions.
The crystals grow incrementally in concentric zones, much like tree rings. And just as tree rings contain a record of climate change, the chemistry of clinopyroxene zones changes if the magma environment inside the volcano changes.
The final growth zone at the rim of the crystal is particularly important, as it tells us if the eruption was triggered by new magma rising from the depths. We can even estimate the typical amount of time it takes the magma to reach the surface, for example by measuring the blurring of chemical changes in the crystals while they are inside the volcano.
This information is important for future volcano monitoring, because we can often tell when new magma is rising deep beneath a volcano from earthquakes or changes in the chemistry of the gases the volcano gives off. If we know new magma precedes an eruption, we would have an early warning.
Clinopyroxene crystals can also grow with different compositions in different directions, which gives us even more clues. This is called sector zoning and looks like an hourglass inside the crystal.
It is useful because it tells us the crystal grew relatively quickly, which suggests the magma underwent complex events such as mixing with other magma, convection, rising, or releasing gases before the eruption. When monitoring active volcanoes, we can then look for indirect signs of these processes from the surface to see if an eruption may occur.
It is also important to locate where eruption triggers take place inside the volcano. This can tell us if the depths of earthquakes or deformation are particularly indicative of an upcoming eruption.
How can we measure crystal chemistry to read volcano histories?
The chemistry of clinopyroxene helps with this as well, because it tells us about the pressure conditions at the time of crystallisation, which can be translated into the depth of magma storage below the surface.
Measuring chemical variations in these tiny crystals takes some fancy lab work. We use tools such as hair-thin lasers fired at the volcanic crystals, or synchrotron light from enormous particle accelerators like the one in Melbourne, which can be focused into a beam as small as a bacteria.
This micro-scale analysis helps us extract the magma secrets from the volcanic crystals, to reconstruct the inner anatomy of a volcano as if we were opening a doll’s house.
So next time you hike a volcano, whether in Hawai’i or Iceland, or the Glass House Mountains or Mount Gambier in Australia, look for coloured specks in the rocks. You may be looking at the crystal balls containing the volcano’s history – and clues about its future.
Teresa Ubide works for The University of Queensland. She receives funding from the Australian Research Council and infrastructure funding from AuScope NCRIS.
The current Lord Mayor of Melbourne, Nicholas Reece, has said that if re-elected he would sell the City of Melbourne’s majority stake in the Regent Theatre and redirect the funds to support, among other things, a new arts festival.
The future of this venue matters. More than just an impressive piece of Melbourne’s heritage architecture – it also supports aspects of the city’s intangible cultural heritage.
A theatre for Melbourne
The Regent was built in the late 1920s as an opulent movie cinema. But as movie going habits changed, along with the rise of television and the dawning of the era of the multiplex, it could not compete.
In 1969, its owners Hoyts Cinemas sold the theatre to the City of Melbourne who closed it the following year.
Plans the council then had to demolish and redevelop the prime inner-city site would have likely succeeded had it not been for the intervention of the infamous Builders Laborers Federation. The union was “convinced that the theatre should be saved and restored”, and banned any demolition work from taking place.
Community sentiment was on their side. Eventually, the State Government and Melbourne City Council came to an agreement with theatre company The Marriner Group whereby it was fully refurbished as a venue for live performance.
The Regent reopened to great success in 1996.
But the fact it was so long under threat of becoming yet another example of Melbourne’s lost heritage demonstrates just how fragile the line can be between a great building’s survival and destruction.
Preserving ‘intangible cultural heritage’
These fights are not just about preserving nice bricks and mortar. They are also about preserving a building’s broader cultural and social function – something explicitly recognised in the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
This 2003 convention acknowledges cultural heritage also encompasses impalpable things like oral traditions, the performing arts, social practices, shared knowledge and traditional craftsmanship.
Australia has not adopted the convention. One of the on-going impacts of that decision is the concept of intangible cultural heritage does not have the kind of prominence or rhetorical force here it arguably should.
In the case of the Regent, it is easy to see how its built form also supports or enhances the kinds of intangible cultural heritage – such as a community’s performing arts traditions – UNESCO found to be worthy of protection.
While the theatre is a commercial operation, under the current ownership structure its principal role as a performing arts venue is not under threat. Would that continue to be the case were it to be entirely in private hands?
A risk to our churches, too
A similar issue of use arises around the fate of our disused churches.
The combined impact of declining church attendance, broader demographic changes, the creation of the Uniting Church in 1977, rising maintenance costs, and the need to fund compensation schemes has resulted in many historic church properties being sold into private hands
There is a concurrent loss to the wider community, however, when these transformations away from public access and use occur.
Church buildings have traditionally provided us with a space that can serve as an oasis of calm, peace, and aesthetic beauty in our built environment – whether we are religiously minded or not. They are also often available outside service times for use as a meeting place, a rehearsal or performance venue, a lecture space, or a social event space.
All such uses benefit our broader community and wellbeing, and can also form part of our intangible cultural heritage.
Beyond that, the very existence of a church building is also usually the result of many generations of community investment. Some formal recognition of this investment should be in play when these buildings are sold into private hands.
A much better outcome for a disused church is that which befell St Peters Anglican Church, in the central Victorian town of Carapooee.
The fate of the Regent Theatre after it was closed in 1970 is another good example of how imaginative thinking and cooperation between various community stakeholders can help to preserve both a building’s physical fabric, and underlying social function.
Reece told The Sunday Age he was “confident” the space would remain a theatre after sale, but, as the paper also reports, there is no guarantee.
Once buildings fall out of public ownership, they frequently fall out of public use – and risk being lost to the community forever.
This is not just a risk for our theatres and churches. We could add to this list other community-servicing public infrastructure such as schools, town halls and post offices. None should be sold to the highest bidder without a full consideration of the accompanying loss to the community-at-large or their role in supporting our intangiable cultural heritage.
We can then better account for the real cost of sale to the communities these spaces once served.
In the absence of other formal protections, it is perhaps time for governments at all levels to consider introducing formal covenants or other protective measures over community-facing properties like the Regent Theatre. We can thereby help ensure that, alongside their physical form, something of their social function can also be preserved.
Peter Tregear was a founding member of the Friends of the Former Wesleyan Church in Brunswick, now discontinued.
After almost a year of consistent pressure from the student body, the Victoria University of Wellington (VUW) Foundation has announced its divestment from all Israeli government bonds and shares of companies listed in Israel.
The news of divestment came through some weeks after Student Justice for Palestine Pōneke (SJPP) conducted an unannounced sit-in at the Hunter Building, where the vice-chancellor’s office of Te Herenga Waka – Victoria University of Wellington is located.
Two weeks prior to that action, the Kelburn campus was adorned with spray-painted messages by activists calling for the university to divest from genocide.
Pressure on the VUW leadership and the foundation to disclose and divest, which has been ramping up over the last year, has come from multiple campus groups. These include SJPP, VUW Student Association (VUWSA), Ngāi Tauira, VicMuslims Club and Uni Workers for Palestine.
“This is a big, collective win; undoubtedly the work of numerous individuals and groups that have remained consistent in their activism for Palestine,” said Frank Mackenzie, an organiser at SJPP.
“This is student power, pushing to hold these academic institutions and leaders to account, so that we are not complicit in these settler colonial, genocidal regimes.
“And yet — divestment is the very least the university can do. It is only the first step.
“The foundation and university leaders must now institutionalise a commitment to divesting from human rights violators. We can’t leave the door open for leadership to walk back this win.
“The only way to ensure that is to implement a full, financial and academic Boycott, Divest, Sanctions (BDS) policy against Israel. We also need ongoing proactive disclosure of all investments so the university and foundation can be held accountable” .
Marcail Parkinson, president of VUWSA, said: “As the only student on the university’s foundation board I am incredibly encouraged by the foundation’s move to stop supporting genocide and divest from Israeli government bonds.
“This victory reflects the power of collective student action. This moment demonstrates the profound influence students can have in shaping the future of our institution.
“I am deeply proud of what we’ve achieved, and I hope students continue to push for change.”
An open letter by SJPP calling for divestment, BDS policy and scholarships for Palestinian students was signed by 1400 people. The university has not formally responded to the letter.
Ten of Australia’s leading consumer groups have now written to the federal treasurer calling for an urgent inquiry into Australia’s strata management industry.
The open letter from Choice, the Owners Corporation Network, the Australian Consumers Insurance Lobby and seven other groups follows this week’s ABC Four Corners investigation, showing many apartment owners were being ripped off by their strata management firms.
When the ABC asked property owners about suspicious activities in the industry earlier this year, they were flooded with more than 1,000 separate reports in a fortnight.
The allegations include hidden kickbacks from builders and insurance companies, their hidden ownership of companies with which they deal, and indifference to the needs of the property owners who employ them.
Even for us, some of the allegations were shocking. But many were not – because we had just concluded our own separate investigation into strata management. We found an extraordinary array of ethical tensions in the industry.
So what did we find? And what does our research show us needs to happen next?
How many people are potentially affected?
An estimated 16% of Australians – four million people – live in strata and community title properties. They own their own residences but share common ownership of shared spaces, including the buildings and grounds.
All strata owners automatically become members of an owners’ corporation, which is responsible for maintaining and managing the common spaces and usually contracts a strata manager to help with the work.
In practice, individual strata managers are often asked to provide guidance and advice, and can influence how a property is managed.
The developer often chooses a strata manager to work for the owners corporation, so that when individual units are sold or transferred to buyers there is a manager in place.
Although employed as an agent of the owners’ corporation, the strata manager has an opportunity to benefit by securing kickbacks for referrals to service providers and charging brokerage fees for insurance and other contracts.
We found conflicts of interest abound
We’ve spent the past three years investigating how we can rebuild trust in residential building construction in Australia.
Our research found uneven – and in places nonexistent – regulation of the strata management industry. This leaves some people living in apartments or other strata title properties ripe for exploitation by unscrupulous operators.
To be clear, not all strata managers are unscrupulous. Many do a good job in difficult circumstances. And some states require strata managers to be licensed or registered and have minimum qualifications – but others do not.
The industry’s national peak body has a code of conduct and complaints process. However, the most serious penalty is a loss of membership and referral to a licensing authority (if one exists).
Strata managers have many bosses
As well as the conflicts raised by their own self-interest, individual strata managers have many “bosses”, including the owners corporation, the strata committee and its individual office holders, the developer who might have hired them in the first place, and regulators.
Each of these “bosses”, who expect the strata manager to respond to its concerns, can exert pressure. But responding to one boss can mean frustrating another. It might even result in avoiding crucial ethical obligations.
An example is the tension between obligations to the owners’ corporation and the interests of the developer who hired the strata manager.
The strata manager might avoid recommending the owners’ corporation take action against the developer over defects as a way of protecting its ability to get future contracts from that developer.
A different tension arises when the strata committee or an individual office bearer instructs the strata manager to do something that is not in the best interests of the owners’ corporation (all unit owners).
The strata manager can have little incentive to resist and defend the owners’ collective interests.
A further tension arises when the owners’ corporation is legally obliged to maintain the property, but is unwilling to do so because of the costs involved.
The strata manager has to balance obligations to the public (and to potential future owners) against its client’s immediate wishes.
Strata managers appointed by an outside tribunal to get a dysfunctional scheme in order experience this tension acutely.
Aggressive competition between strata management firms and work overload further increases the pressure and ethical tensions strata managers face in their day-to-day jobs, as they try to respond to the demands of multiple bosses.
What can be done?
Even before this latest scandal, there were signs the strata management industry was ready for reform.
The New South Wales chapter of the peak industry body, Strata Community Association, adopted a Professional Standards Scheme in 2021.
In response to concerns about what the ABC described as a “decade-long history of self-dealing and conflicts of interest” at the strata management firm Netstrata, in April Strata Community Association Australasia announced a six-point plan to ensure confidence in the industry.
Among the points were mandatory disclosure of contracts with insurers, brokers and software providers, and an independent chair for the association’s complaints and conduct panel.
An independent review of the claims against Netstrata is being undertaken at the request of the NSW Commissioner for Fair Trading.
While these measures are welcome, they are unlikely to be enough to restore confidence in the industry, especially while professional associations lack the tools needed to obtain evidence and ban people from the industry.
The best approach will probably be co-regulation, with government regulators and professional associations acting as partners, each playing to its strengths.
But increased regulation by itself will not be enough in the context of aggressive competition between firms and the massive amounts of work expected of individual managers.
Giving them legal and contractual frameworks that allow them to push back, along with professional support, will also go a long way.
There’s never been a better time to start fixing things than now.
The authors would like to acknowledge the contribution of former West Australian building commissioner Peter Gow, who chaired the steering group for this research project.
Hazel Easthope receives research funding from the Australian Research Council and the Strata Community Association.
Prof Charles Sampford receives funding from Griffith University (funding of his Research Chair in Ethics), from the Australian Research Council (including leading a linkage grant that includes the other authors), from the Professional Standards Authority, from the Blue Economy CRC, and from the Victorian Parliament (as Parliamentary Integrity Adviser).
Hugh Breakey receives funding from the Australian Research Council for the Linkage Project ‘Constructing Building Integrity: Raising standards through professionalism’ (LP190101218).
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has been late out of the blocks on a ban on children accessing social media. Now that he has promised to act, pledging to introduce legislation this year, the question is whether it will be passed before the election.
Listening to the “dorothy dix” questions from the Labor side during Tuesday’s question time, it was hard to avoid thinking an embattled government had lit on something popular to push that would usefully distract from other, more negative issues.
This is not to argue against a ban, just to wonder at the timing of the sudden federal enthusiasm, especially when the government is already struggling with its legislative agenda.
It is not just the bills already introduced. Think of what we haven’t seen – gambling reform and big changes to electoral donations and spending, for starters, and quite a bit more.
South Australian Premier Peter Malinauskas has led on a social media age ban, as indeed, has the federal opposition. The Coalition on Tuesday was quick to highlight its advocacy months ago.
Albanese realises social media is a real concern among many parents, and that the federal government has been running behind community opinion.
In its race to catch up, the government has been gifted some advantages by South Australia’s pioneering effort.
Crucially, the SA government commissioned former High Court Chief Justice Robert French to prepare a detailed framework for its proposed state legislation.
While that was directed to the state’s plans, French had an eye to the federal scene because Malinauskas always believed a national regime was the most effective way to go.
So the feds could, relatively easily, pick up the French framework as the basis for a federal bill. But that still leaves a lot of other things to work through.
There will be debate around the appropriate age for the ban (the federal government doesn’t like the term “ban” – it prefers “minimum age for access”). The SA plan would have those under 14 blocked, with parental consent required for those 14 and 15. Albanese was unable to be definite on an age for the federal legislation, although he said his personal preference was 16.
Communications Minister Michelle Rowland said “there is intense debate in the community at the moment about what that age should be”.
Rowland said the government remained open to what the age should be. It would be informed by “a number of pieces of work we’re doing,” she told Sky.
“We’ll continue to have this conversation about age.” She even agreed one option was to legislate the ban and impose the age subsequently.
Listening to Rowland, one would think the government had a lot more time than it has given itself. She casts the Albanese announcement as much in terms of the messaging as the specifics of the proposed ban.
What the prime minister has achieved with this announcement is two things. Firstly, to really give some normative value to parents out there who are worried about their kids, who are questioning what is appropriate for their own children.
Secondly, it says that we understand, while all these pieces of work are being done, we need to make sure that young people are kept safe. We need to ensure that every part of the ecosystem does its job: governments, civil society and the platforms themselves. And that second part about the digital platforms themselves doing more is something that the government has been focused on.
Mixed in with the age debate is the federal government’s age assurance trial, funded in the May budget, the technical part of which hasn’t yet started.
The shadow minister for communications, David Coleman, pointed out on Tuesday:
Just today, the government has published on the AusTender website a request for tenders for the ‘Age Assurance Technology Trial 2024’. The tender does not close until October 7. This means that the earliest the trial could actually start would be some time later in October.
The trial will obviously take some time to complete. Rowland said the government would have the results “before the end of the year.”
When there are decisions finalised, the legislation will presumably need a period of consultation. Assuming it can be pulled together for introduction before Christmas, as the PM says, a consultation process or a Senate inquiry, or both, would likely push it into the new year.
The SA plan, so much further advanced, was not expected to be voted into law until next year, and that government does not have an election in sight.
Once the Albanese government gets into 2025, there is hardly any time left to pass legislation. The election is in May at the latest.
The SA government will pause its own plans as it gets behind the federal effort. If Canberra falters, SA would then go ahead later. So might other states.
On a worst case scenario, the risk is the Albanese government fails to have its legislation passed before the election, with great uncertainty left about what would be done, if anything, in the new term of federal parliament. The fallback could be a hodgepodge of state actions.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Albanese government has announced it will ban children from accessing social media. This follows work by the South Australian government, which commissioned a report on implementing a ban.
That report was done by Robert French, the former High Court Chief Justice and current chancellor of the University of Western Australia. Though it was prepared as a basis for SA legislation, French has provided a model that could be used in drafting a federal law.
French joined the podcast to discuss his model.
On the ban itself, French outlines some of the reasons for the policy:
There’s no doubt a very strong argument being advanced by the proponents of the ban that the harms that come to the child come from both the information or harmful information to which a child might be exposed, but also from the very nature of the medium itself. So if you ban somebody from a particular medium because it’s addictive or has other harmful side effects, collateral damage as it were, it’s not the information so much that is being restricted.
While framing a model for SA, French says he kept the door open for federal legislation:
In devising a model for state legislation, I was very conscious of the importance of compatibility so far as possible with the existing Commonwealth legislation. And to use language very similar to that used in the Commonwealth legislation so that if there were a move in the direction of a national scheme, the proposals in the legislative model in the report could be applied or modified, as the case may be, to the national legislation, which is the National Online Safety Act.
While French acknowledges possible privacy concerns, he explains why the long-time storage of personal data would be unnecessary:
I think the question of privacy depends upon what information is handed over to whom in order to verify or assure that they are of the appropriate age range and for how long the recipient of that information is entitled to keep it.
So that sort of stuff can be covered under the Privacy Act. And of course, once you’ve got a person registered as of a certain age and if, provided your subject satisfies as the same user, then the need for repeated use of the personal data should be unnecessary.
Now that the federal government has committed to legislating a ban, French says a state law wouldn’t be necessary:
The federal legislation can pretty well cover the territory. […] The constitutional powers of the Commonwealth in this area are pretty broad, and I suspect that there won’t be any need for top-up or supplementary legislation from within the states.
I should make the point that [SA] does not have its legislation ready to go at this point. What it has from the report is a legislative model. And, this is an approach to how you could frame a law that would have the effect that you’re looking for.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The bank funds projects in developing countries through a mix of grants and concessional loans that countries pay back. Last year it provided A$136 billion to 75 nations in grants and loans.
Through this work 36 countries have graduated from least developed to middle income status, and many, like South Korea, have now become donors themselves.
That means a big part of the World Bank president’s job is securing funding. The International Development Agency fund is currently in a three-yearly “replenishment” round where it seeks contributions from donor countries.
The World Bank has set an ambitious goal of raising about A$44.2 billion from donors who will announce their pledges at the bank’s December meeting.
If it can convince donors to reach this figure, it can leverage this into a A$149.9 billion fund by using its AAA credit rating to borrow further in international capital markets.
Why Australia’s role is important
From the bank’s perspective, Australia plays a significant role. It is a particularly important donor in the Pacific, for example, donating money for a fund which has contributed to a 50% increase in the World Bank’s Pacific-based staff and a seven-fold increase in its projects in the region.
This supports more than 95 projects on agriculture, digital development, education, fisheries, health, renewable energy, transport and employment.
Compared to other countries, Australia gives a relatively low proportion of its development funding through multilateral bodies like the World Bank – directing more of its funding through bilateral channels.
The World Bank needs a coalition of countries including Australia to make big pledges to fund the bank’s work.
Who is Ajay Banga?
Banga is not your typical appointment, having being born and grown up in a developing country and taking on the presidency which is traditionally held by an American. He is an American citizen.
He comes from business, having previously been president and CEO of Mastercard, as well as roles with PepsiCo, Citigroup and Nestlé in India. He was chairman of the International Chamber of Commerce.
He is known for his work at Mastercard launching the Centre for Inclusive Growth, which advances equitable and sustainable economic growth and financial inclusion around the world.
He also stands out compared to his predecessor on climate change. He added the words “on a livable planet” to the World Bank’s mission.
With this background – and access to all the World Bank’s facts and figures – he has a sense of the lived reality of people’s lives and the gravest dangers to this planet.
Banga’s top priorities
This week the president said “jobs” was his top priority.
In little more than a decade, 1.2 billion young people worldwide will be of job-seeking age, according to figures he presented to think tank, the Lowy Institute. With current forecasts of 400-500 million jobs likely to be created, there’s a huge gap.
That means there’s an urgent need to create jobs so these young people don’t become a migration, drugs or conflict problem.
Banga said we need “governments, philanthropies and multilateral development banks working together” to produce more jobs.
It’s a reminder why it is so important for a developed country like Australia to invest in development aid to create a stable, prosperous region and wider world.
Dealing with global poverty is preventive. It’s cheaper and easier to invest in electricity, health care and education now than with the costs of instability or chaos later.
The good news is the world’s investments in development have led to a sharp reduction in global poverty since 1981. Banga’s message to Australia is
Ultimately the World Bank is an instrument that reflects the ambition of those on whose generosity it relies, and the progress we aspire to achieve demands more.
Melissa Conley Tyler is Executive Director at the Asia-Pacific Development, Diplomacy & Defence Dialogue (AP4D), an initiative funded by the foreign affairs and defence portfolios and hosted by the Australian Council for International Development. She met with Ajay Banda as part of his visit.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pep Canadell, Chief Research Scientist, CSIRO Environment; Executive Director, Global Carbon Project, CSIRO
The goal of the 2021 Global Methane Pledge is bold: cut methane emissions by 30% by the end of the decade. This is to buy us vital time to work on cutting carbon dioxide emissions. Over 150 nations have now signed up to the pledge – representing more than half of the world’s emissions of an extremely potent but short-lived greenhouse gas.
To put the pledge into action, many leaders announced policies to cut methane. However, the latest research shows global methane emissions are still rising rapidly. Atmospheric concentrations are now growing faster than at any other time since global record-keeping began about 40 years ago.
These findings are published today in our fourth global methane budget, in a paper and pre-print research undertaken through the Global Carbon Project, with contributions from 66 research institutions around the world.
Natural sources of methane include decaying organic matter in wetlands. But humans have supercharged methane emissions. We tracked changes in all major sources and sinks of this potent greenhouse gas and found humans are now responsible for two-thirds or more of all global emissions.
This is a problem, but we can improve upon it. Cutting methane emissions is one of the best and only short-term levers we can pull to slow the rate of climate change.
Why is methane so important?
After carbon dioxide, methane is the second most important greenhouse gas contributing to human-driven global warming.
Although human activities emit much less methane than carbon dioxide in real terms, methane has a hidden punch – it’s 80 times as effective as CO₂ in trapping heat in the first two decades after it reaches the atmosphere.
Since the pre-industrial era, the world has heated up by 1.2°C (taken as an average of the past 10 years). Methane is responsible for about 0.5°C of warming, according to the latest reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
In the atmosphere, methane rapidly mixes with oxygen and converts into carbon dioxide and water. By contrast, carbon dioxide is a much more stable molecule and will stay in the atmosphere, trapping heat, for thousands of years until absorbed by ocean and plants.
The combination of short lifespan and extreme potency make methane an excellent candidate for efforts to rapidly tackle climate change.
Methane is not slowing
In the early-to-mid-2000s, methane emissions growth rates actually fell. Analyses suggest it was driven by a combination of reduced fossil fuels emissions and chemical changes in the atmosphere’s capacity to destroy methane.
Since then, however, methane has surged. Methane emissions from human activities increased by 50-60 million tonnes per year over the two decades to 2018-2020 – a 15-20% increase.
This doesn’t mean atmospheric methane goes up by the same amount, as methane is constantly being broken down.
During the 2000s, an extra 6.1 million tonnes of methane entered the atmosphere each year. By the 2010s, the rate of growth was 20.9 million tonnes. In 2020, growth hit 42 million tonnes. Since then, methane has been added even more rapidly. Growth rates are now higher than any previously observed year.
Where does the methane come from?
Human activities such as farming livestock, coal mining, extracting and handling natural gas, growing rice in paddies, and putting organic waste in landfills contribute about 65% of all methane emissions. Of this, agriculture (livestock and rice paddies) contributes 40%, fossil fuels 36%, and landfills and wastewater 17%.
Methane emissions from fossil fuels are now comparable to livestock emissions. The fastest growing contributors are from landfill and fossil fuels (think natural gas escaping during extraction and processing).
Our impact is even higher when we account for indirect emissions such as the leaching of organic matter into waterways and wetlands, the construction of reservoirs, and the impacts of human-driven climate change on wetlands.
In 2020, human activities led to emissions of between 370 and 384 million tonnes of methane.
The remaining emissions come from natural sources, primarily the decomposition of plant matter in wetlands, rivers, lakes, and water-saturated soils. Tropical wetlands are particularly large emitters. The world’s large areas of permafrost (permanently frozen ground) also produce methane, but at relatively low rates. As permafrost melts due to higher temperatures, this is changing.
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Who emits most? By volume, the top five nations in 2020 were China (16%), India (9%), the United States (7%), Brazil (6%) and Russia (5%). The fastest-growing areas are China, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East.
European nations have begun to lower their emissions over the last two decades, due to efforts to cut emissions from landfill and waste, followed by smaller cuts in fossil fuels and farming. Australia may also be lowering emissions mainly from farming and waste.
What does this mean for net zero?
Unchecked methane emissions are bad news. Recent observed atmospheric concentrations of methane are consistent with climate scenarios with up to 3°C of warming by 2100.
To keep global temperatures well-below 2°C – the goal of the 2015 Paris Agreement – means cutting methane emissions as rapidly as possible. Methane has to be cut almost in half (45%) by 2050 to achieve that goal.
It’s not an impossible problem. We now have have methods of rapidly cutting methane for every sector.
The oil and gas sector could cut their emissions 40% at no net cost, according to the International Energy Agency.
In agriculture, we can achieve rapid reductions by feed additives to reduce methane belched from cows, sheep, goats and buffalo, and by mid-season drainage in rice paddies.
Capturing landfill methane and using it for energy production or heat is now well established.
Three years ago, the world committed to slash methane emissions. Our findings show that we need to rapidly accelerate solutions across the globe to address and reduce methane emissions.
Pep Canadell receives funding from the National Environmental Science Program-Climate Systems Hub.
Marielle Saunois receives funding from the French agency for research (ANR, Agence National de Recherche.
Rob Jackson receives funding from the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, the United Nations Environment Programme, and Stanford University.
Many of us try to eat more fruits and vegetables and less ultra-processed food. But why is sticking to your goals so hard?
High-fat, sugar-rich and salty foods are simply so enjoyable to eat. And it’s not just you – we’ve evolved that way. These foods activate the brain’s reward system because in the past they were rare.
Now, they’re all around us. In wealthy modern societies we are bombarded by advertising which intentionally reminds us about the sight, smell and taste of calorie-dense foods. And in response to these powerful cues, our brains respond just as they’re designed to, triggering an intense urge to eat them.
Here’s how food cravings work and what you can do if you find yourself hunting for sweet or salty foods.
We are programmed to learn how good a food tastes and smells and where we can find it again, especially if it’s high in fat, sugar or salt.
Something that reminds us of enjoying a certain food, such as an eye-catching ad or delicious smell, can cause us to crave it.
The cue triggers a physical response, increasing saliva production and gastric activity. These responses are relatively automatic and difficult to control.
What else influences our choices?
While the effect of cues on our physical response is relatively automatic, what we do next is influenced by complex factors.
Whether or not you eat the food might depend on things like cost, whether it’s easily available, and if eating it would align with your health goals.
But it’s usually hard to keep healthy eating in mind. This is because we tend to prioritise a more immediate reward, like the pleasure of eating, over one that’s delayed or abstract – including health goals that will make us feel good in the long term.
So what if a cue prompts us to look for a certain food, but it’s not available?
Previous research suggested you would then look for anything that makes you feel good. So if you saw someone eating a doughnut but there were none around, you might eat chips or even drink alcohol.
But our new research has confirmed something you probably knew: it’s more specific than that.
If an ad for chips makes you look for food, it’s likely a slice of cake won’t cut it – you’ll be looking for something salty. Cues in our environment don’t just make us crave food generally, they prompt us to look for certain food “categories”, such as salty, sweet or creamy.
Food cues and mindless eating
Your eating history and genetics can also make it harder to suppress food cravings. But don’t beat yourself up – relying on willpower alone is hard for almost everyone.
Food cues are so powerful they can prompt us to seek out a certain food, even if we’re not overcome by a particularly strong urge to eat it. The effect is more intense if the food is easily available.
This helps explain why we can eat an entire large bag of chips that’s in front of us, even though our pleasure decreases as we eat. Sometimes we use finishing the packet as the signal to stop eating rather than hunger or desire.
Is there anything I can do to resist cravings?
We largely don’t have control over cues in our environment and the cravings they trigger. But there are some ways you can try and control the situations you make food choices in.
Acknowledge your craving and think about a healthier way to satisfy it. For example, if you’re craving chips, could you have lightly-salted nuts instead? If you want something sweet, you could try fruit.
Avoid shopping when you’re hungry, and make a list beforehand. Making the most of supermarket “click and collect” or delivery options can also help avoid ads and impulse buys in the aisle.
At home, have fruit and vegetables easily available – and easy to see. Also have other nutrient dense, fibre-rich and unprocessed foods on hand such as nuts or plain yoghurt. If you can, remove high-fat, sugar-rich and salty foods from your environment.
Make sure your goals for eating are SMART. This means they are specific, measurable, achievable, relevant and time-bound.
Be kind to yourself. Don’t beat yourself up if you eat something that doesn’t meet your health goals. Just keep on trying.
Gabrielle Weidemann receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australian Department of Defence. The funding supports research to examine the influence of learning and environmental conditions on automatic and voluntary behaviours.
Justin Mahlberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Australia banned the commercial export of all live native animals in 1982. But once wildlife is taken out of the country, these laws no longer apply. Many species can be legally traded without restrictions once they are beyond our borders.
In our new research, we found 163 Australian reptile species and seven frogs traded as pets overseas. That’s more than one in six (16%) of all Australian reptile species – and around 3% of Australian frogs.
While many species may be bred in captivity to supply the pet trade, seizure records show some are still illegally taken from the wild. We need to deploy more sophisticated methods to monitor the booming online trade. Australia must also enlist the support of other countries to monitor the wildlife trade and identify those species most at risk for greater protection.
What we did and what we found
We scoured the web for evidence of online trade in Australian reptiles and amphibians worldwide. This included monitoring online stores and forums, including classified advertisements. We probed both the surface web – the pages readily available to the general public such as pet stores, public forums and public social media – and the deep web, which can’t be searched by standard search engines. It includes private forums and password-protected or special-access social media sites.
Web scrapers automated our data collection and machine learning helped sift through the data for relevant information.
We also extracted data from published papers, trade databases and seizure records.
We found Australian species being sold on 152 websites and 27 social media pages, particularly in the United States and Europe.
The most commonly traded species were bearded dragons, goannas such as the ridgetail monitor, and a range of geckos including barking and knob-tail geckos.
Wildlife smugglers
As species become rarer, their value to smugglers goes up. A species with only a few hundred individuals left in the wild can command very high prices. Unscrupulous traders often attempt to get around the law and smuggle rare and unique reptiles out of Australia.
A police bust in New South Wales this year found more than 250 lizards destined for illegal export, worth up to A$1.2 million.
But this is not the first time, and it won’t be the last. Years of seizure records show ongoing smuggling of Australian wildlife. Some species, such as the shingleback skink, are routinely targeted by poachers and smugglers, while others may be victims of opportunity.
Our research found smugglers have tried to take 58 reptile and three frog species out of Australia since the export ban was introduced. It’s likely many more have never been caught.
This is an agreement between 184 governments to ensure international trade in wild animals and plants does not threaten species’ survival.
For a species to be covered under this agreement, it has to be added to one of three lists (known as Appendix I, II, and III), according to the degree of protection needed. Appendix I species have the highest level of protection.
It was the first big listing of Australian reptiles in the convention’s history. But at the time of the listing, there had been no comprehensive study of Australian reptiles and frogs in global trade. It is unclear how those species were selected.
Appendix III is used for monitoring trade rather than restricting it. Australian authorities can watch to see if trade is threatening any of these species and upgrade the listing if so.
Just over half of the Australian species we identified in our study are now covered by the convention. Most (64%) of these were added in 2022.
That means a large portion of Australian reptiles (and all Australian frogs) remain unregulated and unmonitored in the international market. We recommend the Australian government consider listing these remaining species in Appendix III. We specifically recommend listing gecko species in the Diplodactylidae family, which make up the largest group of species in trade. We also recommend listing any species classified as threatened or endangered.
As the online pet trade grows, these methods will improve and become more effective for capturing trade, including trade that has circumvented the convention and other regulations. We found almost 90% of traded Australian reptiles and frogs have been advertised online at some point.
Protect Australian reptiles and frogs
Australia banned native wildlife from commercial export to protect species from exploitation. Yet seizure records show some are still being illegally harvested from the wild.
Given the covert nature of this illegal trade, there is no way of determining exactly how many animals are poached or which species are targeted. But by monitoring trade beyond Australian borders, we can uncover patterns and determine if trade poses a threat to any native Australian species.
Our study provides the first comprehensive overview of trade in Australian reptiles and frogs worldwide. Ongoing monitoring is needed to ensure this trade poses no threat to survival of these species.
We encourage the Australian government to list more species under the convention and deploy more sophisticated online surveillance methods. Now we know which species are traded overseas, we need to ensure the trade is sustainable.
Phill Cassey receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Centre for Invasive Species Solutions.
Sebastian Chekunov does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The federal opposition has torpedoed Treasurer Jim Chalmers’ attempt to get a bipartisan deal to install a specialist monetary policy board in the Reserve Bank, claiming the reform would enable the treasurer to “stack” the new board.
Chalmers said shadow treasurer Angus Taylor had been “rolled again” by his colleagues.
Negotiations for an agreement have been underway for months. Chalmers recently said agreement was close and he hoped to have the new structure operation at the start of next year.
He will now explore a deal with the Greens, who will hold out for their own concessions.
The change, recommended by the independent review of the bank, said there should be two boards instead of the present one. The second would oversee the bank’s general administration.
The opposition has used last week’s controversy over Chalmers’ comment that interest rate rises were “smashing” the economy to justify withdrawing from negotiating a bipartisan agreement.
Taylor said “we don’t want a sack and stack strategy”.
Chalmers released a detailed timeline of the extensive talks he had had with Taylor. During the negotiations Chalmers gave considerable ground to the opposition.
Chalmers said Taylor had raised six issues and he had accommodated all of them.
“He wanted the chair of the governance board to be the governor, and I facilitated that.
“He wanted flexibility in term limits, and I’ve facilitated that as well.
“He wanted senior RBA executives to have oversight of the operation. I made sure that the deputy governor was a member of the governance board.
“He wanted to ensure that the dual mandate should exclude references to equal weight, and so I made sure that the legislation and the Statement on Conduct don’t mention equal weight for the dual mandate.
“He asked that Section 11 [that allows the treasurer to override the board] be retained. I’m proposing that we retain section 11 and focus it more appropriately.
“He asked that all current members of the RBA board should move to the monetary policy board, and I proposed an amendment so that all current board members move to the monetary policy board unless they don’t want to.”
Chalmers said he had even started to consult Taylor on possible appointments to the board. “So he knows I have absolutely no intention of making political appointments to these boards.”
Chalmers said Reserve Bank Governor Michele Bullock supported the reform.
“This shows the Coalition were never serious on Reserve Bank reform.”
On another front, the Coalition is continuing to string out negotiations on the government’s aged care proposals, seeking further points and clarifications. The government had hoped that the plan would go to the Coalition party room on Tuesday but it did not.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Details are still scarce. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has acknowledged that “no government is going to be able to protect every child from every threat, but we have to do all we can”.
But banning children from social media isn’t going to fix the problem of online harms faced by young people – it’s only going to put the problem on pause. That’s because when children reach an age when they can use social media, they are still going to face many of the same issues.
The best way to help young people safely navigate social media is by improving their social media literacy.
What is social media literacy?
Social media literacy is about understanding and critically thinking about the content you see on social media – and why it’s there.
It’s about understanding that the images and videos which appear in your social media feed are not there by chance. They are there because of algorithms which use your personal data to better understand your interests and what kind of content you are more likely to engage with.
This is why everyone’s social media feeds are different.
We don’t know exactly how these algorithms work, because social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and TikTok keep them secret. However, some researchers are working to change this.
I have witnessed this lack of knowledge at first hand. I recently gave a talk about social media to around 300 university students in Australia. Most of them had never heard about the algorithms that decide what they see on social media.
A message of empowerment
The lack of social media literacy reflects the broad lack of education in this space.
The minimal social media literacy education that is offered now is also quite negative and defensive. When I talk to young people, they say adults tell them all of the things they’re not supposed to do. For example, “don’t spend too long on social media, turn off your phone”.
This is reminiscent of how young people were once taught about sex. But that has started to change, and now there is more of a focus on teaching young people how to have sex safely and with consent.
A similar, more positive approach is needed to help young people use social media safely, manage the risks it entails and experience the benefits it offers.
This approach must be free of any judgement. It must treat technology in a much more multifaceted way which acknowledges both its pros and cons. And it must be grounded in a commitment to empower young people with the skills they need to participate safely in a digital world and better understand what’s happening behind their social media feeds.
Dedicated classes for children – and parents
There are some key steps schools can take to improve social media literacy among young people.
The complexity and size of the topic means specific classes should be dedicated to it. If it is integrated into the content of other subjects such as English or maths, it can easily get lost or be forgotten.
These classes should begin around the later primary school years, when most children are just about to get a phone. Their use of technology really changes around this period, and we need to train them up in social media literacy before they establish behaviours that will follow them into adulthood.
Alongside these classes for children, schools can also run social media literacy classes for parents, who often feel completely overwhelmed and disempowered when it comes to helping their children navigate social media.
Many schools already offer cyber safety talks for parents once a year. However, the content is quite repetitive and focused on the dangers of the internet. This is unhelpful for parents as well. When I speak to them, they tell me they often walk away from these classes feeling like the problem is too hard to fix.
Better educating parents about social media literacy and the positive uses of social media will help them help their children. Social media and the way we use it has many layers and therefore this education for parents needs to be informed by specialists from these many layers – such as data scientists, sociologists, marketers, videographers and human behaviour researchers.
But schools cannot do this important work alone. If the government really wants to do everything it can to keep kids safe online, it needs to do more than just ban them from social media.
It needs to help develop and fund better social media literacy programs.
Joanne Orlando receives funding from Office of eSafety Commissioner.
The vast expanse of internet connectivity, online media, social media platforms, gaming platforms, and new forms and uses of artificial intelligence (AI) have opened enormous opportunities for commerce and communication.
The sheer convenience and ubiquity of online connectivity have made the internet a new way of life for nearly everyone in the 21st century. This is especially the case for children, whose social lives have almost entirely migrated online.
As my research on digital childhoods demonstrates, this realm of online communication has also created disturbing opportunities for harms to children.
These harms have concerned politicians, with the government announcing a plan to impose a minimum age for children accessing social media and gaming platforms.
As digital natives, children are part of the solution. In a discussion dominated by adults, my research looks at what kids think about the harms they experience and how to prevent them.
New forms of harm
The explosive emergence and multiplication of online harms poses serious threats to the safety and wellbeing of children. Harms facilitated by generative AI are just one example.
In a study I conducted involving participants in Australia and in the United Kingdom and in-depth interviews on the experiences of 42 children in the UK, children reported they were experiencing:
We need to keep holding AI and tech developers, companies and social media owners to account. These are commercial services and companies – ultimately, people are making a profit while children are experiencing harm.
For instance, Harvard Medical School’s study estimates social media companies are making billions of dollars from US children’s use of online platforms.
A recent global report from Human Rights Watch exposed serious violations of the privacy of children. Australian children’s images, names, locations and ages were being harvested and used without permission to train artificial intelligence (AI) models.
The report’s author urged the federal government to “urgently adopt laws to protect children’s data from AI-fuelled misuse”.
Regulatory catchup
In June 2024, Australia’s attorney-general introduced a bill in parliament to create new criminal offences to ban the sharing of non-consensual deepfake sexually explicit material. In relation to children, this would continue to be treated as child abuse material under the criminal code.
A Senate committee released its report on the bill last month. It recommended the bill pass, subject to recommendations. One recommendation was “that the Education Ministers Meeting continues to progress their work to strengthen respectful relationships in schools”.
The federal government’s approach has been critiqued by Human Rights Watch. It argues it “misses the deeper problem that children’s personal data remains unprotected from misuse, including the non-consensual manipulation of real children’s likenesses into any kind of deepfake”.
While these wheels of reform turn slowly, we need to urgently continue to work together to come up with solutions. Evidenced-based media reporting, campaigns and educational programs play key roles.
Children and young people say they want to be part of developing the solution to tackling online harms. They already do important work supporting and educating their peers. I refer to this as “digital siblingship”.
My research calls for greater recognition of young people for the role they play in protecting, promoting, and encouraging other children to know their rights online.
Children want the adults, governments and tech companies to swiftly act to prevent and address harms online.
However, a lot of parents, guardians, carers and grandparents report feeling a step behind on technology. This means they can feel at a loss to know what to do to protect, but also empower, the children in their lives.
Adults should talk with children about online safety often, not just when something’s gone wrong. These discussions should not lay blame, but open communication and create safe boundaries together.
Children feel better education and training for their peer group and for the adults in their lives is essential.
In the classroom, children suggest peer-led training on online safety would be more effective. They want other young people to educate, train and support them in learning about and navigating online platforms.
But education should not just be happening in schools. It needs to extend well beyond the classroom.
Policymakers, educators, regulators and the mainstream media need to commit to equipping all Australians with the most up to date information, knowledge and education on these issues. The companies need to comply with the law, regulations, standards and commit to being more transparent.
In an era where digital landscapes shape childhood experiences, safeguarding children from online harms requires a collective commitment to strategies which promote vigilance, education, and proactive regulation. We must ensure children are empowered to thrive in a secure and supportive online environment.
Faith Gordon currently receives funding from The Australian Research Council. Faith Gordon has also received funding from the Australasian Institute of Judicial Administration, The Social Switch Project in the UK and was an academic consultant for one project with Encorys in the UK.
At 16, Kathryn Joy applied for a passport. To do this, they had to obtain their mother’s death certificate. After growing up in a house in which their father had killed their mother – an act he refused to talk about – Kathryn learned exactly how their mother had died: “gunshot wound to the head”.
The bare brutality of this information shocked them into looking anew at their father, escaping from small town to big city, spiralling into trauma-induced mental anguish, and embarking on a journey of self-discovery through tracing their family’s violent history.
Eight years of this journey are documented in the new Australian documentary Killjoy.
At home alone with a woman-killer
On January 31 1985, Allan James Stuckey fatally shot his wife, Carolyn Joy Stuckey, in their home in Lismore, New South Wales. Carolyn was 32. She had been having an affair with a fellow member of her local theatre club. Stuckey phoned the police to inform them he had killed his wife.
Carolyn’s and Allan’s three young children were in the house at the time of the shooting. They were entrusted to the sole care of their father in the long period between him being charged and being tried. He was found guilty of manslaughter.
After serving 22 months in prison, they were returned to his care.
For some years, Kathryn – by all accounts a physical likeness of their mother – lived alone with a woman-killer.
Finding a woman’s life in the historical archives
Carolyn’s brief story has all the ingredients of a tragic melodrama, but while the spectre of her death is ever-present (at one point eerily portrayed via film footage of her performing as the dead wife making ghostly visitations to her husband in Noël Coward’s play, Blythe Spirit) this is not Killjoy’s focus.
Rather, the narrative is held together by two investigative processes: finding out about how Carolyn had lived, as well as died; and understanding how to travel through, and with, pain and vulnerability to a place of fullness and purpose.
As all historians who try to trace the lives of women are aware, women still tend to be identified more with the private, domestic sphere. Because of this, it is more difficult to find their voices in public records.
Even when they are part of public conversation, their experiences are often mediated through a male lens. Controversies in recent years about how the media reports women’s deaths at the hands of their intimate partners have exposed this issue and have led to more sensitive reporting, including a decrease in “victim-blaming” and “perpetrator excusing” portrayals.
As Kathryn was to discover, through past newspapers and interviews with Carolyn’s former friends, this was not the case in the 1980s. Carolyn was the “scarlet woman” and Allan the “poor chap”. Their mother’s killer successfully pleaded “provocation” as a partial defence, hence the offensively brief prison sentence.
The film takes us with Kathryn as they trace their own history, irrevocably intertwined with that of their mother, through a patchwork of school photographs, theatre scrapbooks, prison letters, scrolls of microfiche, personal interviews, video diaries, text messages, extracts of letters (both loving and threatening), court transcripts, expert testimonies, new friendships, memorial stones and grief rituals.
The result is a unique journey into the inner turmoil, development, hopes and passions of a beautiful sensitive mind struggling to understand themselves against an ongoing backdrop of gender violence and political activism.
Control and killjoys
Ultimately, Killjoy is a story about control.
Provocation still exists as a partial defence in New South Wales, Queensland, the ACT and the Northern Territory. But even in the states where it has been abolished, men still cite a loss of control when trying to excuse themselves of woman-killing.
Women do not control their fates when an unconscionable number of them continue to die at the hands of their intimate partners – there have been 47 violent deaths in Australia by September 6 this year.
The Australian government has committed itself to a National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children by 2032. Of specific relevance to Kathryn’s story as a child who experienced domestic homicide, it has pledged A$80 million to “trauma-informed support for children and young people to promote recovery and intervene early to prevent inter-generational violence”.
Hope is warranted – although this does not ameliorate the critical need for continued activism.
The film closes with Kathryn’s claim that, while not “cured”, had they the chance, they would tell their mum that their life is “so full” now. A gender violence researcher and activist, they have reached the stage where they embrace the label “feminist killjoy”, a reference to theorist Sara Ahmed’s concept of the justice warrior who gladly disrupts people’s blissful and/or wilful ignorance by calling out sexism, racism and more.
While the “killjoy” element of the film is a little undercooked, appearing as it does in the title and only again in brief commentary at the end, Killjoy is a raw, emotional production that allows viewers a privileged insight into how the personal is political, and into the personal made public.
Killjoy is now streaming on Stan.
The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.
Sharon Crozier-De Rosa receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
It is difficult to imagine a world of pop culture villains without Darth Vader.
The masked and cloaked figure now casts perhaps the longest shadow of any film character on popular culture. When Vader first appeared on screen in 1977, audiences recognised something elemental, and reportedly did something that hadn’t been done since the days of Vaudeville and silent cinema: instinctively, they hissed.
One look at Vader and you recognise a cinematic villain. Beyond the visual, every element of Vader builds the perfect bad guy. There’s that voice, provided by James Earl Jones, who died today at age 93. There are the lines – “I am your father”. Then there’s that theme tune by John Williams, a piece of music so well loved that it’s often forgotten that it wasn’t written until the second Star Wars, The Empire Strikes Back in 1980.
George Lucas created Darth Vader in the earliest drafts of the original Star Wars script, after completing American Graffiti in the early 1970s, describing him as a “a tall, grim-looking general”. Lucas was inspired by comic books and the serial shorts of the 1940s like Flash Gordon and Buck Rogers.
When it came time to film Star Wars, Lucas hired an English bodybuilder and strongman, David Prowse, to fill out the suit. Yet Prowse spoke with a strong Devonshire accent, earning him the nickname “Darth Farmer” on set.
Lucas searched for a replacement voice to be dubbed over Prowse, and, after asking Orson Welles finally settled on the profoundly sonorous James Earl Jones.
Prowse, who had hoped to voice the lines himself like Anthony Daniels had for C-3PO, had a strained relationship with Lucas from that moment on, and when Vader was unmasked at the end of Return of the Jedi in 1983, it was English stage actor Sebastian Shaw who appeared to deliver the character’s final lines.
Vader’s mythos
Vader has always been a composite character. Despite being one of the most famous parents in the galaxy, he has many different creators.
Lucas, Prowse and Jones are joined by Williams, but also Ralph McQuarrie, the concept artist whose dramatic images defined the character, and Ben Burtt, the sound designer whose breathing through a scuba mask you hear whenever Vader is on screen.
Vader’s mythos has also been built over the years through actor Hayden Christensen’s appearances in the prequel films and recent Disney+ series.
In popular culture, Vader has become a useful shorthand to describe everything from being a bad dad to a political villain. When Ronald Reagan proposed his Strategic Defense Initiative, nicknamed “Star Wars” by the press, newspapers ran cartoons of him as Vader.
Dick Cheney called himself the “Darth Vader of the Bush administration,” defiantly wearing the villainous mantle. Here in Australia, then-Federal Minister Christopher Pyne went up against Vader as the Empire’s chief fixer.
The voice lives on
That James Earl Jones was the only black actor in the original Star Wars film was not lost on viewers at the time.
Astronomer Carl Sagan criticised Star Wars on the Johnny Carson show in 1978:
they’re all white […] not even all the colours represented on the Earth are present, much less greens and blues and purples and oranges.
More recently, Melissa Harris Perry observed that Vader is voiced by a black man while villainous, but portrayed by a white man when redeemed.
Jones’ passing marks the end of an era for Vader as a character. Yet death has always been as central to the Star Wars franchise as its impermanence. After all, Ben Kenobi’s death in the very first Star Wars film has not stopped the character from appearing in almost every subsequent film and gaining his own spin-off TV series.
“If you strike me down, I shall become more powerful than you can possibly imagine,” he says to Vader.
Then there’s Han Solo, whose character was killed off in The Force Awakens in 2015 before getting a dedicated film, Solo, just two years later.
So it may be with James Earl Jones and Vader. In 2022, fans were surprised to hear the ageing Jones appear as the voice of Vader in the Obi-Wan Kenobi series.
It was later revealed Jones had signed over the rights to his archival voice work to Lucasfilm, and his performance had been created from that work using AI startup Respeecher, opening the possibility of infinite future appearances.
Voiced by Jones or not, it is clear Vader has become one of popular culture’s most enduring villains. We will certainly hear more from him in the future – even if he is more machine now than man.
Dan Golding does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.