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‘Two-way highway’ – PNG-US defence pact signed in spite of protests

By Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific journalist, and Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent, in Port Moresby

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape says the increased United States security involvement in Papua New Guinea is driven primarily by the need to build up the Papua New Guinea Defence Force and not US-China geopolitics.

Last night, despite calls for more public consultation, the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Defence, Win Bakri Daki, penned the Bilateral Defence Cooperation and Shiprider agreements at APEC house in Port Moresby.

Prime Minister Marape said the milestone agreements were “important for the continued partnership of Papua New Guinea and the United states.”

“It’s mutually beneficial, it secures our national interests,” he said.

James Marape
PNG Prime Minister James Marape . . . maintains that the controversial defence agreement is constitutional in spite of public criticism and a nationwide day of protests by university students. Image: Samuel Rillstone/RNZ Pacific

He said the penning of the new defence pact elevated prior security arrangements with the US under the 1989 Status of Forces Agreement.

Despite public criticism, Marape maintains the agreements are constitutional and will benefit PNG.

He said it had taken “many, many months and weeks” and passed through legal experts to reach this point.

The Shiprider agreement will act as a vital mechanism to tackle illegal fishing and drug trafficking alongside the US, which is a big issue that PNG faces in its waters, Marape said.

“I have a lot of illegal shipping engagements in the waters of Papua New Guinea, unregulated, unmonitored transactions take place, including drug trafficking,” he said

“This new Shiprider agreement now gives Papua New Guinea’s shipping authority, the Defence Force and Navy ‘full knowledge’ of what is happening in waters, something PNG has not had since 1975 [at independence],” Marape said.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks during a Senate Foreign Relations Committee Hearing on the Fiscal Year 2023 Budget at the U.S. Capitol on April 26, 2022 in Washington, DC.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken . . . “Papua New Guinea is playing a critical role in shaping our future.” Image: RNZ Pacific/Getty/AFP

Secretary of State Antony Blinken echoed those sentiments and stressed that the US was committing to the growing of all aspects of the relationship.

“Papua New Guinea is playing a critical role in shaping our future,” Blinken told the media.

He said the defence pact was drafted by both nations as “equal and sovereign partners”.

It was set to enhance PNG’s Defence Force capabilities, making it easy for both forces to train together.

He too stressed the US would be transparent.

For all their reassurances, both leaders steered clear of any mention of US troop deployments in PNG despite Marape having alluded to it in the lead up to the signing.

Reactions to the security pact
Although celebrated by the governments of the US and PNG as milestone security agreements the lead up to the signings was marked by a day of university student protests across the country calling for greater transparency from the PNG government around the defence pact.

The students’ president at the University of Technology in Lae, Kenzie Walipi, had called for the government to explain exactly what was in the deal ahead of the signing.

“If such an agreement is going to affect us in any way, we have to be made aware,” Walipi said.

Just before the pen hit the paper last night, Marape again sought to reassure the public.

“This signing in no way, state or form terminates us from relating to other defence cooperations we have or other defence relationships or bilateral relationships that we have,” Marape said.

He added “this is a two-way highway”.

Students from the University of Goroka stage an early morning protest against the signing of a PNG-US Bilateral Defense Cooperation Agreement. 22 May 2023
Students from the University of Goroka stage an early morning protest yesterday against the signing of the PNG-US Bilateral Defence Cooperation Agreement. Image: RNZ Pacific

Students at the University of Papua New Guinea ended a forum late last night and blocked off the main entrance to the campus as Prime Minister Marape and State Secretary Blinken signed the Defence Cooperation agreement.

They are maintaining a call for transparency and for a proper debate on the decision.

Hours before the signing, they presented a petition to the Planning Minister, Renbo Paita, who received their demands on behalf of the Prime Minister.

Students at the University of Technology in Lae met late into the night. Students posted live videos on Facebook of the forum as the signing happened in Port Moresby.

The potential impact of the agreements signed in Port Moresby overnight on Papua New Guinea and the Pacific will become more apparent once the full texts are made available online as promised by both the United States and Papua New Guinea.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

What is Bluesky and how’s it different to Twitter?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nataliya Ilyushina, Research Fellow, RMIT University

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Amid management changes at Twitter, discontented users are exploring an alternative social media platform called Bluesky. According to media reports, downloads of the Bluesky app surged more than 600% in April.

Initially conceived by Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey in 2019 as a complementary project aimed to improve Twitter user experience, Bluesky transitioned into a standalone project in early 2022, and its iOS app was released in February this year followed by an Android version in April.

Visually, Bluesky looks similar to Twitter. The timeline is called the “skyline” and tweets are “skeets”. It has two main differences that drive its popularity – decentralisation and invite-only access.

Decentralisation was a driving force behind Dorsey’s creation of Bluesky. So what does that mean and how’s this app different to Twitter?




Read more:
What is Mastodon, the ‘Twitter alternative’ people are flocking to? Here’s everything you need to know


‘Decentralised’ social media

Dorsey is a big proponent of decentralised control and cryptocurrency. He believes centralised platforms like Twitter cannot address issues such as enforcement of policies to address abuse and misinformation, and the proprietary algorithms are not meeting user needs.

Twitter uses an AI-powered, centrally managed algorithm to moderate what content the user is exposed to.

On Bluesky, however, users have control over the algorithm that selects what they are exposed to. As Wired magazine explained:

Crucially, users and servers will be able to label posts or specific users – e.g., with a tag like “racist” — and anyone can subscribe to that list of labels, blocking posts on that basis.

Bluesky calls this concept a “composable, customizable marketplace of algorithms that lets you take control of how you spend your attention.”

In addition to giving users more control over what kind of content they see, Bluesky has plans to “decentralise” control of social media even further. If all goes well, Bluesky itself will just be the first of many interconnected social networks running on the same basic principles.

Bluesky is based on what it calls the AT protocol, a network that allows servers to communicate with each other. This means that, hypothetically, you could move your account between different social networks that also use the AT protocol without losing your content and followers.

It’s worth noting this is all a bit theoretical for now; this functionality can’t be used yet.

But it is designed to eventually address the concerns of social media influencers who fear losing their audience due to platform rule changes or when choosing to move to a different platform.

Invite-only

Another distinguishing factor of Bluesky is that, for now anyway, it is invitation-only.

Most social media platforms, including Twitter, allow users to register freely. Bluesky, however, requires an invitation code. Existing users receive invitation codes fortnightly.

Despite at least 360,000 Bluesky app downloads, it’s been reported there are only 70,000 users. Media reported earlier this month there were a staggering 1.9 million people on the waitlist.

With so many people curious to get in, the Bluesky invites became a hot commodity. You can find them on eBay between A$50 and $200; some listings were asking much more.

The invitation-only design ensures steady user growth, avoiding a rapid influx of users followed by a sudden loss of interest.

And potential new users who patiently wait for an invitation are already familiar with Bluesky. Flooding other social media platforms with requests for invitation codes creates extra interest, too.

Every new Bluesky user knows at least one existing user. It ensures users have something in common to post about.

It would seem Bluesky’s creators aimed to selectively bring in like-minded individuals from the start, rather than attempting to retrospectively eliminate problematic users.

Thanks to a great deal of user control over the content they see, and a small and selective user base so far, many report they’ve found a friendly atmosphere and good vibes on Bluesky.

Others say it feels almost like a group chat. Bluesky has particularly resonated with marginalised communities, especially transgender people, who may feel safer there expressing themselves than on other social media sites.

Many Twitter users have flocked to Bluesky.
Shutterstock

But will any of this last?

As we’ve all seen, social media sites come and go.

Social media site Mastodon experienced explosive user growth in November last year, reaching 2.6 million users within weeks, only to decline to 1.2 million within a couple of months.

Decentralised moderation challenges on Mastodon have resulted in what some users have described as a “stuffy” culture. This, coupled with the complicated interface and the hard to grasp concept of “belonging” to a server, may have affected its chance of lasting success.

Unlike Mastodon, Bluesky has a simple and straightforward interface. To remain relevant in the long term, Bluesky must strike a delicate balance between curbing hate speech and trolls while maintaining engaging content and discussions. All while being more captivating than your inner-circle group chats.

The Conversation

Nataliya Ilyushina receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society.

ref. What is Bluesky and how’s it different to Twitter? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-bluesky-and-hows-it-different-to-twitter-205995

Does my treatment work? How major medical reviews can be ‘gold standard’ evidence, yet flawed

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gideon Meyerowitz-Katz, PhD Student/Epidemiologist, University of Wollongong

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Medical decision-making is complex. There are often hundreds, if not thousands, of published studies that may impact how to manage your medical condition.

Some studies look at which drug is best in a particular situation, or whether pain is better treated by, say, avoiding exercise or seeing a physio for therapeutic massage.

In this morass of difficult choices, Cochrane reviews stand out as internationally trusted and independent. They are considered the “gold standard” in evidence-based medicine.

They involve teams of researchers looking through all the published academic research on a topic to produce an overall answer on what the best evidence says about different treatments.

However, Cochrane has recently come under fire after a controversial review that looked at whether wearing masks in the community during COVID worked to reduce the spread of respiratory viruses.

Studies like this can raise the question of how useful Cochrane reviews are, particularly for the general public.

Issues with evidence-based medicine

As with any research process, Cochrane reviews are not perfect. And they cannot answer all medical questions.

The entire process – from gathering data based primarily on randomised clinical trials, to reviewing that data and coming to some conclusion about the evidence – was mostly developed in the context of clinical interventions. Randomised trials are a type of medical study where people are given treatments in a controlled, random way, giving a robust estimate of whether the treatment works for the condition that’s being studied.

People regularly question whether this “gold standard” framework deals well with things other than surgery, drugs and the like.

For example, take the mask review mentioned above. Much of the criticism was focused not on the specifics of the included papers, but on the general idea of whether randomised clinical trials are an appropriate way to measure the impact of masks on respiratory disease.

What is the “gold standard” if randomised trials are impossible, unethical, or otherwise inappropriate? For example, if an intervention like vaccination is already proven effective, you can’t ethically randomise people into a group that doesn’t get the treatment.




Read more:
Yes, masks reduce the risk of spreading COVID, despite a review saying they don’t


This gets at the underlying question of what a Cochrane review is actually there to do. The key aim of aggregating research this way is to filter out the noise and provide the most accurate data on a specific question.

Sometimes, the most honest answer is that we just don’t have enough evidence to make a conclusion.

Doctor in white coat, stethoscope around neck, taking notes from laptop
Sometimes, there is evidence, but not from randomised clinical trials.
Shutterstock

In other cases, there is evidence, but not from randomised clinical trials. Then the debate becomes about how much weight to give this evidence, whether and how to include it, and how to draw conclusions based on this data.

This may seem arbitrary, but there are good reasons to be wary of findings based only on observational research. A systematic review of observational trials of hormone replacement therapy led to widespread use in the late 90s for preventative health, until randomised trials showed the therapy had little to no benefit.

This isn’t actually a new problem. Indeed, it’s something Cochrane has been grappling with for years.

For example, a recent Cochrane review into vaping to help people quit smoking included quite a few non-randomised trials. These were not given the same weight as randomised research, but did provide support for the central finding of the review.




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Controlled experiments won’t tell us which Indigenous health programs are working


Cochrane is OK about being criticised …

There have been many issues raised with Cochrane teams over the years. This includes problems with how reviewers rate trials included in the reviews.

However, the organisation is famously transparent. If you have an issue with a particular review, you can post your comments publicly. I did this, sharing my concerns about a review on using the drug ivermectin to treat COVID.

Cochrane is also good at incorporating criticism. It even has a prize for the best criticism of its work.




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… even if reviews take time

There’s a reason so many experts trust Cochrane. The occasional controversy aside, Cochrane reviews are generally the most detailed and rigorous summary of the evidence on any question you can find.

This attention to detail comes at a cost. Cochrane reviews are often the final word on a subject, not just because they are so robust, but because they take a very long time to come out.

Cochrane aims to publish reviews within two years. But more than half take longer to complete. Cochrane reviews are also meant to be updated regularly, but many have not been updated for more than five years.




Read more:
Clinical trials are useful – here’s how we can ensure they stay so


In a nutshell

Cochrane reviews can be flawed, cannot answer all medical questions and, while comprehensive, can take long to complete.

But there’s a reason that these reviews are considered the gold standard in medical research. They are detailed, lengthy, and very impressive pieces of work.

With more than 9,000 Cochrane reviews so far, these are still usually the best evidence we have to answer a range of medical questions.

The Conversation

I have previously worked with several members of Cochrane Australia on unaffiliated projects.

ref. Does my treatment work? How major medical reviews can be ‘gold standard’ evidence, yet flawed – https://theconversation.com/does-my-treatment-work-how-major-medical-reviews-can-be-gold-standard-evidence-yet-flawed-205014

The real cost of your chocolate habit: new research reveals the bittersweet truth of cocoa farming in Africa’s forests

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wilma Hart, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Biological Sciences, The University of Queensland

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Chocolate sales have boomed in recent months. As the cost-of-living crisis bites, consumers are increasingly reaching for chocolate as a simple and affordable pleasure.

The most important ingredient in chocolate is cocoa beans, which come from plants grown in the tropics. About 70% of the world’s cocoa comes from West Africa. The countries of Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and Ghana are two of the biggest producers.

Meeting the world’s insatiable appetite for chocolate has wrought a huge environmental cost, as the incredibly rich and diverse rainforests of West Africa are razed to make way for cocoa farms.

Research by my colleagues and me, released today, sheds new light on the problem. By generating a new high-resolution map of cocoa growing areas in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, we found the area under cocoa production is truly enormous – and may be associated with up to 37% of forest loss in protected areas.

A man picks cocoa pod from a tree
A man picks cocoa pods from a tree on his Côte d’Ivoire farm. Cocoa is a primary driver of deforestation.
Ben Curtis, AP

The price of cocoa farming

The Upper Guinean forests of West Africa have been classified as a “global biodiversity hotspot”, due to their exceptional concentrations of plant and animal species found nowhere else on Earth. But much of this forest has now been destroyed.

Since 1950, Côte d’Ivoire has lost up to 90% of its forest cover and Ghana has lost 65%. Cocoa has been a primary driver of this deforestation, together with other crops, mining and logging.

But the exact contribution of cocoa plantations to the problem is not well understood. This is due in part to a lack of an accurate, high-resolution map of cocoa-growing areas.

Without a map, we don’t know where the chocolate we consume comes from. In particular, we don’t know whether the cocoa was grown in formerly forested areas, or even illegally in protected areas.




Read more:
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forest in Ghana
West Africa’s forests have been classified as a global biodiversity hotspot.
OLIVIER ASSELIN/AP

What we did

We set out to determine the location and extent of cocoa plantations by using artificial intelligence (AI).

We used a type of AI known as a “neural network”, which allows computers to recognise and predict patterns in data. When a neural network is trained on satellite images showing different land uses, it can apply this “understanding” to identify the same land uses in satellite images of other geographic areas.

In our study, we trained the neural network to recognise cocoa plantations across Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana. We did this using satellite images, together with the known locations of more than 100,000 cocoa farms.

We then checked the accuracy of the information provided by the neural network, by engaging field teams to confirm the results at 2,000 random locations on the ground.

This combination of advanced technology and hard fieldwork allowed us to create the first high-resolution map of cocoa production across West Africa. And what the map tells us is worrying.




Read more:
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man empties bucket of cocoa seeds onto pile
The research set out to determine the extent of cocoa plantations.
Rebecca Blackwell/AP

What we found

We found that the land area devoted to cocoa is enormous, comprising more than 7 million hectares of plantations across both countries. The result is far greater than official figures – up to 40% higher in Ghana’s case.

What’s more, much of the cocoa plantation area exists in vast areas of what was once native forest. And more than 1.5 million hectares of land under cocoa production is located in protected areas.

Deforestation in protected areas is a major issue globally. Given where we found cocoa growing, and where forest loss has been observed, we estimate more than 37% of deforestation in protected areas can be linked to cocoa production in Côte d’Ivoire. For Ghana, the figure is 13%.

How do we fix this?

Our map demonstrates the massive role that cocoa may be playing in forest destruction in West Africa, including in protected areas.

This is a complex problem, with no easy fix. Cocoa is grown by an estimated two million mostly small-scale farmers, who typically live below the poverty line on less than US$1 a day. Expanding their cocoa farms into forest is one way farmers and their families can maintain or improve their livelihoods.

To fix this problem, we must help farmers manage existing farms in a more productive and sustainable way. Stronger law enforcement is also needed, to safeguard protected areas. Both will require action from governments and companies.

More money from chocolate sales should end up with the farmer. And consumers may also have to pay more for their chocolate.

Only determined changes on all these fronts will preserve the remaining forests of Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana.

The Conversation

Wilma Hart receives funding from the Lindt Cocoa Foundation, the Joint Cocoa Research Found, BiodivClim ERA-Net COFUND Programme and the Queensland Government through the Advance Queensland Women’s Research Assistance Program.

ref. The real cost of your chocolate habit: new research reveals the bittersweet truth of cocoa farming in Africa’s forests – https://theconversation.com/the-real-cost-of-your-chocolate-habit-new-research-reveals-the-bittersweet-truth-of-cocoa-farming-in-africas-forests-206082

Study finds 2 billion people will struggle to survive in a warming world – and these parts of Australia are most vulnerable

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Annabelle Workman, Research Fellow, Melbourne Climate Futures and Melbourne School of Population and Global Health, The University of Melbourne

Angel DiBilio, Shutterstock

Two billion people, including many Australians, will find themselves living in dangerously hot places this century if global warming reaches 2.7℃, research released today reveals.

The authors calculated how many people would be left outside the “human climate niche” by 2100. The niche is defined as places with an average temperature of about 13℃, or about 27℃ in the tropics. Human population has historically peaked in these areas.

The world is on track for 2.7℃ of warming by 2100. This would push a third of people on Earth outside the human climate niche. This includes people in parts of northwest Australia such as Darwin, Broome and Port Hedland. It also includes parts of Southeast Asia, India, Africa and South America.

Limiting warming to 1.5℃ would substantially reduce the number of people exposed, including most of those affected in northwest Australia.

We were not involved in the research, which was conducted by researchers in the United Kingdom, China, Europe and United States. We are Australian experts in the health implications of global warming. Below, we discuss the broader implications of these globally significant findings.

What is the human cost of global warming?

The research calculated the number of people outside the “human climate niche” under different demographic scenarios and levels of warming. Exposure to unprecedented heat was the main factor pushing people out of the niche.

This includes an average temperature greater than or equal to 29℃, as well as a high number of days with a maximum temperature above 40℃ or in humid places, with a wet-bulb temperature greater than 28℃. The wet-bulb temperature (as opposed to the standard dry-bulb temperature) reflects humidity and is a method used to measure heat stress. That’s because it’s the point at which sweating is no longer effective as a means of cooling.

The study says a wet-bulb temperature of 35 ℃ can be fatal, especially for vulnerable people, because the body can no longer cool itself.

Above the present level of about 1.2 ℃ global warming, the authors found exposure to unprecedented average temperatures increased markedly, along with increased exposure to temperature extremes.

But 2.7 ℃ of warming threatens a third of the world’s population. The below map shows where in the world people will suffer the worst heat. Almost the entire area of some countries, such as Burkina Faso and Mali in West Africa, would be exposed to unprecedented heat.



Source: Nature Sustainability

Why is warming a health hazard?

Just last week, the World Meteorological Organization predicted global surface temperatures would rise to record levels within the next five years. The temperature is also likely to temporarily climb 1.5℃ above pre-industrial levels.

This spells trouble for human health. Even incremental warming increases exposure to health hazards including potentially deadly heatwaves, infectious diseases and diet-related health issues.

Let’s be clear. A 1.5℃ world will result in injury and death, particularly for people in Asia and Africa. Importantly, the people most at risk will be the least capable of protecting themselves: children, the elderly and those with existing health conditions.

While populations closer to the equator are more likely to experience heat-related harm, Australians are by no means immune.

For example, a 2019 study found heat-related health issues in Australia have been grossly underestimated. It found more than 36,000 deaths between 2006 and 2017 were attributable to heat.

And experts predict Darwin could experience an average 265 days a year above 35℃ in a 3℃ warmer world.




Read more:
Here’s why having chocolate can make you feel great or a bit sick – plus 4 tips for better eating


The risks to Australia of a 3℃ warmer world (Australian Academy of Science)

As in other parts of world, primarily high-risk populations in Australia will experience some of the worst impacts from a changing climate. In essence, climate change creates and maintains health inequities.

To date, the Earth’s average surface temperature has warmed 1.2℃ above pre-industrial levels. We must enact ambitious climate policies now if we are to change our dangerous trajectory.

For too long, we have focused disproportionately on the economic costs of climate action for current – often wealthy – groups at the expense of considering the economic costs of inaction for all, including future generations.

Historically health has rarely been included in these economic assessments, much less ethical considerations. Emissions reduction policies need to consider health and equity issues, and in doing so can provide governments with a strategic rationale to act.

How can extreme heat harm health?

There are multiple ways in which climate change can harm human health. Extreme heat can have direct effects, such as dehydration and heat stroke. Groups most at risk include the elderly and those already unwell.

Extreme heat can also harm mental health, increasing rates of injury and death by aggravating existing mental illness. Beyond direct effects, heat can affect health by influencing, for example, agricultural productivity, water security and air quality.




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There are physiological limits to adaptation, particularly to heat. These limits can have negative consequences for labour productivity, especially for outdoor workers, and for health service demand, leading to increased hospital admissions, emergency department visits, and ambulance calls.

Pursuing adaptation measures in an effort to reduce the harmful effects of existing climate change is vital, but to protect the health of all, it is critical that we pursue strong emissions reduction measures.

An infographic tracking climate action against global warming projections
The Climate Action Tracker charts policies and action against global mean temperature increase by 2100.
Climate Action Tracker is an initiative of Climate Analytics and the NewClimate Institute

Developing healthier climate policies

Australian climate action targets have improved under the Albanese government, however they remain incompatible with keeping warming to 1.5℃.

Approving additional coal projects is not helpful for reducing emissions or demonstrating climate leadership.

A commitment to develop and implement a National Health and Climate Strategy and establish a National Sustainability and Climate Unit are promising initiatives. This will help to address our woeful performance in a recent assessment showing how national climate commitments don’t link with health.

Last week, the Victorian Government committed to reducing emissions by 75-80% compared with 2005 levels by 2035. Their analysis indicates it will lead to A$5.7 billion in health benefits from improved air quality between 2035 and 2045.

As today’s new research states, the findings highlight the need for “more decisive policy action to limit the human costs and inequities of climate change”. Australia, in particular, must protect children, the elderly and the broader population from the harms they face in a warmer world.




Read more:
Deadly heatwaves threaten to reverse India’s progress on poverty and inequality – new research


The Conversation

Annabelle Workman received a Strategic Australian Postgraduate Award scholarship from the Australian Government to complete her PhD. She is affiliated with the Climate and Health Alliance.

Kathryn Bowen has received funding for climate and health research, policy advice and technical assistance from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, WHO, Asian Development Bank, UNDP, UNEP, USAID, GIZ, EU, Future Earth, City of Melbourne, Victorian Department of Health. She is affiliated with the Climate and Health Alliance as a member of the Advisory Board and sits on the Science Committee of the World Adaptation Science Program.

ref. Study finds 2 billion people will struggle to survive in a warming world – and these parts of Australia are most vulnerable – https://theconversation.com/study-finds-2-billion-people-will-struggle-to-survive-in-a-warming-world-and-these-parts-of-australia-are-most-vulnerable-205927

From mangroves to fjords, coastal ecosystems can take up or emit greenhouse gases. But globally, they’re a vital sink

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Judith Rosentreter, Senior research fellow, Southern Cross University

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Coastal ecosystems can absorb or emit the three main greenhouse gases: carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide.

We explored how coasts in ten regions of the world differ in greenhouse gas uptake and emissions. Our research published today in Nature Climate Change finds that, globally, our coastal ecosystems are a net greenhouse gas sink, but smaller emissions of potent methane and nitrous oxide gases reduce some of the carbon dioxide uptake.

We found coasts in Europe and Russia are net emitters, while coasts in Southeast Asia and North America have a large uptake of these gases.

Like upland forests and rainforests, ecosystems like coastal wetlands can take up atmospheric CO₂ and turn it into new leaves, roots and other organic matter. When some of this carbon is stored long-term in deep sediments, it can help battle rising CO₂ levels in our atmosphere.

The coastal net greenhouse gas uptake should not be confused with carbon storage. Only part of the coastal greenhouse gas uptake is stored long-term in coastal sediments, while another part is transported to the ocean where it might be stored or released back to the atmosphere.

Not all coasts are the same

Africa and Australia have large swathes of sandy coastline and coastal wetlands. By contrast, Europe and Russia’s cold coastline lacks mangroves or tropical coastal wetlands. These differences drive the changes we found in how different coasts take up or emit greenhouse gases.

The strongest coastal greenhouse gas sink is Southeast Asia, because of its extensive and productive tropical mangrove forests and seagrasses which soak up large amounts of CO₂. North America’s coast is another excellent sink for greenhouse gases, with its salt marshes, mangroves, seagrasses – and Canada’s fjords, glacier-made valleys filled with seawater.

wetlands coast
Coastal wetlands like this one on Assateague Island in America are excellent carbon sinks – but can emit methane.
Sara Cottle/Unsplash, CC BY

While Australia and New Zealand have long stretches of coastal wetlands soaking up CO₂, this is offset by a large number of estuaries, many of which are a source of greenhouse gases produced by decaying organic matter.

Coasts in Europe and Russia actually release more greenhouse gases than they absorb. Their many polluted tidal estuaries release greenhouse gases, but the colder climate means this region has fewer coastal wetlands to soak these gases back up.

But across the three main greenhouse gases, eight out of the ten world coastal regions are a net greenhouse gas sink.

figure
This figure shows the net fluxes of carbon dioxide, methane and nitrous oxide in estuaries (yellow arrows), coastal vegetation (peach arrows) and combined (red arrows) in 10 regions around the world. Southeast Asia (9), North America (1) and Africa (4) are strong coastal greenhouse gas sinks. South America (2), Australasia (10), and West Asia (6) are moderate sinks, while East Asia (7) and South Asia (8) are weak sinks. Europe (3) and Russia (5) are weak coastal sources of greenhouse gases.
Figure from Rosentreter et al. (2023) Nature Climate Change, CC BY

Some coasts soak up greenhouse gases while others emit more

The world’s coastal ecosystems are enormously diverse, ranging from tropical lagoons to polar fjords to coastal mangrove forests to underwater seagrass meadows. This sheer variety means they differ greatly in how they take up or release greenhouse gases.

For example, we show that fjords around the world take up around 40% of CO₂ that would otherwise be released from tidal systems, deltas and lagoons. Most (86%) of this important CO₂ uptake by fjords comes from the North America region.

By contrast, salt marshes and mangroves are home to trillions of microorganisms which live in deep, oxygen-free sediments, eating dead organic matter and emitting methane and nitrous oxide. Some of these gases reach the atmosphere, making many coastal waters a source of methane and nitrous oxide.

coastal ecosystem
Some coastal ecosystems take up large amounts of carbon dioxide.
Unsplash, CC BY

Coastal wetlands release more than three times more methane than all estuaries in the world. But coastal wetlands, also called coastal “blue carbon” wetlands, can be strong sinks of CO₂ and some also take up nitrous oxide. On balance, these coastal ecosystems become a net greenhouse sink when we consider the net effect of these three most important greenhouse gases.

What does the big picture look like? Globally, our research shows our coasts’ ability to take up CO₂ is offset between 9% and 20% by coastal methane and nitrous oxide emissions.




Read more:
Half of global methane emissions come from aquatic ecosystems – much of this is human-made


Why is this knowledge important?

If we understand how our coastal ecosystems take up or emit greenhouse gases, we can target the most crucial ecosystems for preservation or restoration.

That’s why many researchers are interested in blue carbon as a way to boost long-term carbon storage. By protecting and restoring mangroves and salt marshes in nations rich in blue carbon, such as Indonesia, we can expand their ability to take these gases back out of the atmosphere and ultimately store some of the carbon long-term in their sediments.

And by reducing nutrient overload, organic matter and wastewater flows into our coastal waterways, we can cut the greenhouse gases emitted by polluted estuaries.




Read more:
Floods of nutrients from fertilisers and wastewater trash our rivers. Could offsetting help?


We shouldn’t just see our coastal ecosystems as a boon to carbon credit markets. They have much more to offer, including many valuable ecosystem services. Our coasts protect our shorelines from severe weather and tides. They are a nursery for many fish and plants. And they’re vital to us as a place to be in nature.

Protecting our coasts is good for us, for nature and for the earth system as it plunges into the climate crisis.

Acknowledgements: We would like to thank our international team of scientists and the Global Carbon Project for initiating this research.

The Conversation

Judith Rosentreter receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Bradley Eyre receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. From mangroves to fjords, coastal ecosystems can take up or emit greenhouse gases. But globally, they’re a vital sink – https://theconversation.com/from-mangroves-to-fjords-coastal-ecosystems-can-take-up-or-emit-greenhouse-gases-but-globally-theyre-a-vital-sink-205473

‘We can no longer justify unpaid labour’: why uni students need to be paid for work placements

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christine Morley, Professor of Social Work, Queensland University of Technology

Shutterstock

This article is part of our series on big ideas for the Universities Accord. The federal government is calling for ideas to “reshape and reimagine higher education, and set it up for the next decade and beyond”. A review team is due to finish a draft report in June and a final report in December 2023.


Mandatory work placements are a vital part of many university degrees. This includes some of the most important degrees in our society, such as nursing, teaching, social work, psychology and the allied health professions.

The time these require varies but is always significant. For example, for social work and occupational therapy programs it is 1,000 hours. Nursing degrees require at least 800 hours of placement. Undergraduate education students need to complete at least 80 days of professional experience.

These positions are not paid.

Amid a cost-of-living crisis, with rising university fees, we can no longer expect students to do this work for free. The Universities Accord has placed a big emphasis on equity and improving participation in higher education. As part of this, it needs to make sure students are not penalised for completing necessary parts of their degrees.

Our research

Late last year, the Australian Council of Heads of School of Social Work commissioned a survey about work experience placements and I led the research team.

More than 700 students around the country responded to the survey, which asked about current challenges for field education, particularly given the COVID pandemic.

We also received nearly 500 responses from educators and practitioners in organisations who host these students.

Income deficits and hidden costs

Our survey found the financial burden of placements on students could be crippling.

Work placements invariably mean students have to travel, potentially pay for parking and wear professional clothing. This immediately leaves students out-of-pocket. As one survey respondent told us:

The extent of the hours and […] the cost of petrol and transport made my placement experience a financial issue.

But students also often have to forgo paid work they have in order to meet their course requirements. As one student noted:

To do unpaid work we have to choose between putting petrol in the car to get to placement or putting food in our stomachs.

More than a third of students (33.7%) said they lost their entire weekly income because of field placement. Another 25% had lost up to 75% of their regular wage.

More than 96% of students said they didn’t have enough money to pay for food, or the clothes and travel required for placement. More than 79% said they knew of other students who have had to defer their social work studies or withdraw from the degree altogether due to placement requirements.

Many told us they had incurred large debts from additional student loans “due to lack of resources”. Others talked about a total disruption to their lives:

I will need to […] resign from my full-time employment and relocate as I will not be able to afford my rent in the city.

This is harming mental health

The disruption caused by work placements was not just financial.
Almost 80% said their mental health had been adversely affected due to the financial hardship associated with their placement. As these students noted:

My mental health has never been so bad after doing placement and now I have to do another one. I have no idea how I’m going to live on such little money for six [more] months.

Students also explained this made it hard to benefit educationally from the placement:

How are we meant to meet learning competencies, support clients to the best of our abilities if we ourselves are suffering due to unfair, unrealistic placement expectations?

Another told us, the placement became just about “getting the hours done, rather than learning”.

What can we change?

Perhaps unsurprisingly, students overwhelmingly supported being paid for field placements. Some described the current situation as “unethical”.

I am already struggling with providing basic needs for my family, such as childcare, mortgage [without being on placement].

This was endorsed by social work educators and practitioners who said “we can no longer justify unpaid labour”.

This idea is not a new one. It has long been been proposed for disciplines such as nursing and education.

Paid placements are the way forward

We need an immediate restructure of how student placements are conceptualised and funded.

We pay apprenticeship wages for trades, so why not support students who are studying vital professions? There are many ways it could work, but here are three possibilities:

  1. the government funds organisations who take students on placement to pay them for their work

  2. the government funds universities to pay students a bursary, or

  3. students doing a placement apply through Services Australia for a special temporary payment.

Whichever way we do it, we need to stop assuming all university students have wealthy parents who can fund their studies. And we need to stop pretending free labour is they best way for students to learn.




Read more:
Why arts degrees and other generalist programs are the future of Australian higher education


The Conversation

Christine Morley received partial funding from the Australian Council of Heads of Schools of Social Work to undertake the research that informed this article
The research team also included: Vanessa Ryan (QUT) Dr Lisa Hodge (CDU), Dr Maree Higgins (UNSW), Prof Linda Briskman (WSU), Dr Robyn Martin (RMIT) and Dr Nicole Hill (UoM).

ref. ‘We can no longer justify unpaid labour’: why uni students need to be paid for work placements – https://theconversation.com/we-can-no-longer-justify-unpaid-labour-why-uni-students-need-to-be-paid-for-work-placements-203421

Hulu’s The Great depicts her as humorous and vulgar – the real Catherine the Great is perhaps even more interesting

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

IMDB

Shows like The Great on Stan are changing how we look at history. Instead of being all about getting the facts straight, they’re shaking things up and telling the story their own way. These shows are rewriting the rulebook.

In The Great, the narrative deviates significantly from historical reality. This fast-and-loose approach, humorously labelled as “an occasionally true story”, represents a trend of irreverence that has been evolving over the years.

A German-born usurper, Catherine II, holds a significant place in Russian history, second only to Peter the Great.

Grand Duchess Catherine Alexeevna by L Caravaque.
Gatchina museum

She played a pivotal role in transforming Russia into a great empire, defying gender norms and expectations of her time. Catherine made Russia a European superpower and established foundations on which Joseph Stalin and Vladimir Putin based their ideologies of “Mother Russia” – she was the Mother Russia.

The Hulu series The Great takes a bold approach by re-imagining the life of Catherine II as a coarse period comedy. It utilises stunning historical settings to enhance the vivid absurdity of this romp through Russian history in the mid-18th century.

The Great doesn’t pretend to adhere closely to the historical record. Instead, it presents an extravagantly vulgar yet brilliantly humorous portrayal of Catherine II and her era. The series is fast-paced, fiercely witty and tailored for modern audiences, embracing the art of historicising filmmaking.

Taking liberties with history

The Great takes significant liberties with historical facts, distorting the timeline and altering the lineage of its characters.

In The Great, Peter is already emperor when Catherine arrives, whereas in reality, they were married for 17 years before he ascended the throne. In the series, Peter is the son of Peter the Great, whereas the true Peter was his German-born grandson. These creative deviations highlight the show’s inclination towards reimagining historical events for dramatic effect.

While The Great may not align with historical events, it provides an entertaining and irreverent perspective on Catherine the Great’s legacy as a powerful female ruler who shaped Russia’s destiny. Yet, it is not easy to separate fact from fiction, especially with the show’s warped timeline.

Catherine took the power as empress in 1762 and held the supreme authority of Russia until her death in 1796. In her usurpation of the crown, just six months after her husband, Peter III, took the throne, she was assisted by her lover Grigory Orlov.

Tsar Peter III and his wife Catherine by Georg Cristoph Grooth. He reigned only six months, and died on July 17, 1762.
Wikimedia

With his help, she staged a coup and dethroned Peter III “like a child being sent to bed”, drawing admiration from the Machiavellian Frederick the Great of Prussia.

Who was Catherine the Great?

Catherine was born Sophie Friederike Auguste von Anhalt-Zerbst in 1729 in Stettin, Prussia (now known as Szczecin in Poland).

Her father, a minor German prince, was a Prussian governor of Stettin. Her mother’s royal connections and political machinations brought Sophie to the attention of the reigning Russian empress, Elizabeth. The empress decided to make Sophie the wife of her nephew and heir, Peter.

In 1744, the young German princess arrived in Russia, converted to Russian Orthodoxy, adopted the name Catherine and at the age of 16 was married to Peter.

Catherine II by Alexey Antropov.
Tver Gallery

Initially, Catherine struggled to navigate the complex and intricate dynamics of the Russian court, where Empress Elizabeth held absolute power. However, she was determined to learn and adapt to her new surroundings.

Catherine later reflected that she made a conscious decision to do whatever was necessary and to publicly embrace the beliefs and ideals required of her to be qualified for the crown of the tsars.

A disastrous marriage

Catherine and Peter’s marriage was a disastrous mismatch. They were completely incompatible in terms of intellect and interests.

While Catherine was an erudite lover of European culture, Peter was boorish and immature. He lacked ambition and did not understand his role as the future emperor. Their differences led them to seek intimacy elsewhere, raising questions about the paternity of their son, Paul I, who later believed that his father was Stanisław August Poniatowski, the last king of Poland-Lithuania.

With Peter’s ascension to the Russian throne upon his aunt Elizabeth’s death in 1762, Catherine recognised the threats to her position and life. Her decision to act and overthrow her husband was accelerated by Peter antagonising the key factions at court and behaving dangerously irrationally, as she wrote in her memoirs.

Catherine II (1729-96), Empress of Russia c.1765 by V. Eriksen. (Royal Collection Trust)

Within first six months of Peter’s reign, Catherine, supported by her followers, staged a coup, arrested Peter and coerced his abdication. He conveniently died eight days later under uncertain circumstances, possibly murder or an accidental result of a drunken brawl. The official cause of death was stated as “hemorrhoidal colic”, a euphemism for assassination.

Catherine claimed the throne in her own right rather that under the pretence of ruling as regent for her son Paul.

A replica of Catherine the Great’s 5,000-diamond-encrusted crown (the original cannot leave Russia) is part of the Hermitage Amsterdam’s new exhibition on the life of the empress.
Hermitage Amsterdam

Her coronation highlighted her status as the God-anointed ruler of “All the Russias”, bringing us roughly to where the story is up to in season three of The Great – it is hard to tell.

The Great shocks and entertains by revealing that history can be retold to reflect on contemporary society. People, for all the celebrated progress and “giant leaps forward” are as vulnerable today as they were in the past.

Catherine in The Great whispers “Destiny didn’t do it. I did it.” The historical Catherine would most likely have agreed.

The Conversation

Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Hulu’s The Great depicts her as humorous and vulgar – the real Catherine the Great is perhaps even more interesting – https://theconversation.com/hulus-the-great-depicts-her-as-humorous-and-vulgar-the-real-catherine-the-great-is-perhaps-even-more-interesting-205394

Memories of war haunt ‘slippery slope’ to a militarised Pacific

By Barbara Dreaver in Port Moresby

When I was growing up in Kiribati, then known as the Gilbert Islands, New Zealand divers came to safely detonate unexploded munitions from World War II.

Decades on from when US Marines fought and won the Battle of Tarawa against Japan, war was still very much a part of everyday life.

Our school bell was a bombshell. We’d find bullet casings.

In fact, my grandmother’s leg was badly injured when she lit a fire on the beach, and an unexploded ordnance went off. There are Japanese bunkers and US machine gun mounts along the Betio shoreline, and bones are still being found — even today.

Stories are told . . . so many people died . . . these things are not forgotten.

That’s why the security and defence pacts being drawn up around the Pacific are worrying much of the region, as the US and Australia partner up to counter China’s growing influence.

You only have to read Australia’s Defence Strategic Review 2023 to see they are preparing for conflict.

The battle is climate change which is impacting their everyday life. The bigger powers will most certainly go through the motions of at least hearing their voices.

— Barbara Dreaver

Secret pact changed landscape
While in the last few years we have seen China put big money into the Pacific, it was primarily about diplomatic weight and ensuring Taiwan wasn’t recognised. But the secret security pact with the Solomon Islands changed the landscape dramatically.

There was a point where it stopped being about just aid and influence — and openly started to become much more serious.

Since then, the escalation has been rapid as the US and Australia have amped up their activities — and other state actors have as well.

In some cases, lobbying and negotiating have been covertly aggressive. Many Pacific countries are concerned about the militarisation of the region — and whether we like it or not, that’s where it’s headed.

Tuvalu’s Foreign Minister Simon Kofe said he understands why his country, which sits between Hawai’i and Australia, is of strategic interest to the superpowers.

Worried about militarisation, he admits they are coming under pressure from all sides — not just China but the West as well.

“In World War II, the war came to the Pacific even though we played no part at all in the conflict, and we became victims of a war that was not of our making,” he said.

Important Pacific doesn’t forget
“So it’s important for the Pacific not to forget that experience now we are seeing things that are happening in this part of the world, and it’s best we are prepared for that situation.”

Academic Dr Anna Powles, a long-time Pacific specialist, said she was very concerned at the situation, which was a “slippery slope” to militarisation.

She said Pacific capitals were being flooded with officials from around the region and from further afield who want to engage.

Pacific priorities are being undermined, and there is a growing disconnect in the region between national interest and the interest of the political elites.

Today in Papua New Guinea, we see first-hand how we are on the cusp of change.

They include big meetings spearheaded by the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, another one by India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and a defence deal that will allow US military access through ports and airports. In exchange, the US is providing an extra US$45 million (NZ$72 million) in funding a raft of initiatives, some of which include battling the effects of climate change.

Equipment boost
The PNG Defence Force is also getting an equipment boost, and there’s a focus on combatting law and order issues — which domestically is a big challenge — and protecting communities, particularly women, from violence.

There is much in these initiatives that the PNG government and the people here will find attractive. It may well be the balance between PNG’s national interest and US ambitions is met — it will be interesting to see if other Pacific leaders agree.

Because some Pacific leaders are happy to be courted and enjoy being at the centre of global attention (and we know who you are), others are determined to do the best for their people. The fight for them is not geopolitical, and it’s on the land they live on.

The battle is climate change which is impacting their everyday life. The bigger powers will most certainly go through the motions of at least hearing their voices.

What that will translate to remains to be seen.

Barbara Dreaver is TV1’s Pacific correspondent and is in Papua New Guinea with the New Zealand delegation. Republished with permission.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Stan Grant’s treatment is a failure of ABC’s leadership, mass media, and debate in this country

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne

The treatment of Stan Grant that has driven him off the ABC is a case study in how content on the professional mass media can fuel social media toxicity, especially on issues such as race.

It does not require the professional mass media to be overtly racist to accomplish this, but to send signals of intense disapproval that trolls then use as the basis for their racist attacks.

Grant himself clearly sees this. In his statement on ABC Online announcing his decision to step away from hosting Q+A on ABC television, he wrote:

Since the King’s coronation, I have seen people in the media lie and distort my words. They have tried to depict me as hate-filled. They have accused me of maligning Australia.

He does not accuse the professional mass media outright of racism, and indeed it is difficult to find outright racist statements there.

Instead, he reserves his accusations of racism for social media, writing:

On social media my family and I are regularly mocked or abused. This is not new. Barely a week goes by when I am not racially targeted. My wife is targeted with abuse for being married to a Wiradjuri man.

The professional mass media’s contribution to the racism he writes about is more subtle. It is to be found, first, in the singling out of Grant from the other members of the ABC panel whose discussion as part of the ABC’s coronation coverage has led to the outrage driving Grant away.

A review of The Australian newspaper’s coverage of the controversy in the period between the coronation and the day following Grant’s announcement shows that Grant was named 11 times: that’s more than the other panel members, Craig Foster, Julian Leeser and Teela Reid, put together.




Read more:
Stan Grant stands up to racist abuse. Our research shows many diverse journalists have copped it too


He was portrayed as the personification of all that was said to be wrong with the panel discussion. Yet Foster, who was there as a representative of the republican movement, and Reid, an Aboriginal lawyer, were just as outspoken, in their own ways, about the effect of the monarchy and its place in Australian life.

But Grant is a tall poppy whose performance as the moderator of Q+A was already the subject of controversy, and the attention directed at him reflected that well-established stereotype.

Second, some of the language used to describe Grant’s words – “rant”, “tirade”, “steam-bath of emotion” – was calculated to intensify antipathy towards him.

That is all the trolls need. From there, the hate speech launches off into territory that will not be described here beyond a general statement that it involves varied references to skin colour and attitude.

This is not to say Grant or anyone else should be immune from criticism. Grant is frequently criticised for his interviewing style, and his views are open to legitimate challenge. But the line is drawn at the point where the criticism becomes personal: where his motives are impugned or his race invoked.

The professional mass media well understands the effects its work can have – for good or ill – on those engaged on social media. But it fails to give sufficient weight to this when making judgements about the portrayal of people who are vulnerable to being trolled: women, people of colour, ethnic and religious minorities.

It may be that the lack of diversity, especially in the upper echelons of media organisations, including the ABC, accounts for at least some of this failure.

In the aftermath of Grant’s announcement, Osman Faruqi, formerly a journalist at the ABC and now culture news editor of The Age, wrote a scathing assessment of the ABC in this respect. He writes:

The higher up the organisation you go, the fewer and fewer diverse faces you see […] contributing to a culture that is, at best, dismissive of the needs and concerns of staff and audience who aren’t white and, at worst, actively hostile to them.

Perhaps this goes some way to explaining the ABC management’s appalling lack of support for Grant, his fellow panellists and the journalists who conceived and executed the coronation coverage when they came under severe attack from reactionary elements in Australian politics.

Grant himself called it out, saying no one at the ABC offered a word of public support:

Not one ABC executive has publicly refuted the lies written or spoken about me. I don’t hold any individual responsible. It is an institutional failure.

This was obvious even from the outside. Not until Grant had announced his withdrawal from Q+A did the director of news, Justin Stevens, come out with a statement of support, saying the attacks on him were abhorrent and unacceptable.




Read more:
The power of yindyamarra: how we can bring respect to Australian democracy


And then, finally, the editor-in-chief, David Anderson, broke his silence. He apologised to Grant, saying he was “dismayed” at the “sickening behaviour” he had been exposed to, and announcing a review of the way the ABC responds to racist abuse of its staff.

These are fine sentiments, about two weeks too late.

Where were they when some unnamed source inside the ABC was briefing The Australian that complaints about the coronation coverage were being referred to the organisation’s ombudsman and that senior management were reviewing the way the coronation had been covered?

Leaving the field open while your people are attacked is not the way to run a news organisation. A robust defence was called for when the whips were cracking, but it has taken Grant’s stand to bring it forth.

That defence is set out in the organisation’s editorial policies on impartiality: the requirement to present all principal relevant perspectives on an issue. The coronation was first and foremost an intensely political event, freighted with religious and political history, overlaid with spectacle. The journalists who devised the panel understood this and brought in the principal relevant perspectives: monarchist, Indigenous and republican.

As this article was being written, ABC staff were taking matters into their own hands, walking out in support of Grant. Leadership is coming from the bottom.

The Conversation

Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Stan Grant’s treatment is a failure of ABC’s leadership, mass media, and debate in this country – https://theconversation.com/stan-grants-treatment-is-a-failure-of-abcs-leadership-mass-media-and-debate-in-this-country-206080

Dutton condemns Voice as symptom of ‘identity politics’, as Burney says it will bring ‘better outcomes’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Opposition leader Peter Dutton has condemned the plan to enshrine a constitutional Voice to Parliament as “a symptom of the madness of identity politics which has infected the 21st century”.

As debate on the historic referendum legislation – introduced by Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus in March – began in the House of Representatives on Monday, Dutton claimed the Voice would “re-racialise our nation.”

“At a time when we need to unite the country, this prime minister’s proposal will permanently divide us by race,” Dutton said.

But Minister for Indigenous Australians Linda Burney told the house: “Constitutional recognition through a Voice to Parliament is about giving Indigenous Australians a say in the matters that affect us.

“It means delivering structural change that empowers Indigenous communities. It means getting better advice, so we get better policies and better outcomes.”

The debate in the house is expected to continue all week and into next week, with about 70 speakers listed at the moment. When the vote comes, the votes of all MPs will be recorded, even if there is not a division called, because it is a referendum bill. The legislation’s passage is assured because the Liberals are not opposing it.

Dutton condemned the Voice as “regressive, not progressive”.

In the referendum, Australians “will be voting as to whether they should change, or to preserve, our Constitution – our nation’s rule book.

“It’s one of the most important decisions Australians will make in their lifetime.

“Because if Australians vote for change, then our nation, our democracy and their lives will be fundamentally altered – and, in this case, not for the better,” Dutton said.

“The Voice would be the most radical and consequential change to the way our democracy operates in our nation’s history.”




Read more:
Word from The Hill: Government should set date for Voice to start talking


Dutton said Prime Minister Anthony Albanese wanted people to vote for the Voice “on a vibe”.

He said Albanese was “seeking to conflate two separate issues. One, the constitutional recognition, and two, enshrining the Voice in the Constitution.

“He wants to leverage the overwhelming public support for constitutional recognition to piggyback his poorly defined, untested and risk-ridden Canberra Voice model.”

What was needed was a “bottom-up approach”, Dutton said, rather than “another top-down one”. “We believe that local communities know best.”

Burney accused Dutton of putting into one speech “every bit of disinformation and misinformation and scare campaigns that exist in this debate”.

She said the Voice had been “a grassroots movement, the culmination of years of discussion, consultation and hard work by so many”.

Recognition through a Voice was about “making a practical difference”.

“The purpose of the Voice is to improve outcomes for our people,” she said. “It is symbolic – and practical.”

Burney said that after a successful referendum “we will work to link the national Voice in at a regional level, in a way that works for local communities”.

“Everyone agrees that the Voice needs to be connected to grassroots communities.

“It’s why regional voices that can plug into a national Voice are so important. And why the investment set by the former Liberal government for regional arrangements remains in the budget.”

Burney said the Voice was constitutionally sound and got the balance right, as the solicitor-general’s opinion made clear.




Read more:
View from The Hill: Albanese should not try to make the Voice the only game in town in Indigenous affairs


But this was “not enough for those hell-bent on dashing the hopes of a people. Not enough for those hell-bent on stoking division.

“It’s not enough for those trying to play politics with an issue that should be above partisan politics,” Burney said.

Liberal backbencher Bridget Archer, who is campaigning for the yes case, strongly rejected Dutton’s argument that the referendum was dividing the country by race.

“This referendum provides an incredible chance to begin righting so many wrongs and to bring about tangible differences in quality-of-life outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. I think most Australians would agree that the status quo isn’t acceptable and that we as a country must do better. Here is our chance.”

Speaking earlier on the report of the parliamentary inquiry on the Voice, Andrew Gee, who defected from the Nationals to the crossbench because of their opposition to the Voice, said while the committee had heard some differing legal opinions, “I found the evidence that the proposed words are legally sound to be highly persuasive”.

The evidence had showed it was “ridiculous to suggest that the Voice […] could or would imperil Anzac day, federal budgets or nuclear submarine contracts”.

Meanwhile, Cricket Australia has thrown its weight behind the Voice, joining a number of other sporting bodies. Former NSW Premier Mike Baird, who chairs Cricket Australia, said: “The board is proud of cricket’s powerful and unique history with First Nations people”.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dutton condemns Voice as symptom of ‘identity politics’, as Burney says it will bring ‘better outcomes’ – https://theconversation.com/dutton-condemns-voice-as-symptom-of-identity-politics-as-burney-says-it-will-bring-better-outcomes-206089

UPNG student protesters call for ‘transparency’ over US defence pact

By Stella Martin and Rose Amos in Port Moresby

Thousands of students at the University of Papua New Guinea staged a protest at the Waigani campus Forum Square today against the US-PNG Defence Cooperation Agreement that is scheduled for signing this afternoon.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is already in the country to sign the defence pact and also the Ship Rider Agreement with PNG.

The students claimed that the agreements between PNG and the United States concerned national security and their content must be made known for public scrutiny and transparency before signing takes place.

However, Prime Minister James Marape had earlier insisted that the agreements to be signed were transparent.

Marape added that not all agreements signed should be presented to Parliament earlier.

He said the country’s State Solicitor, who represents PNG’s legal checks and balances, had been involved “every step of the way” and had given clearance over the laws of this country.

Marape said that as soon as it is stable for transparency the country would be privy to those agreements and they would be tabled in Parliament.

‘Almost there for signing’
“I just wish to assure everyone, that Parliament will be privy to what we are about to sign and at the moment our Foreign Affairs team has been leading the negotiations. We are at the stage where we are almost there for signing,” he said.

“I want to give assurance to our country, it is nothing to be sceptical about,” said Marape.

Marape further elaborated that similar agreements and cooperation had been reached with other countries and that PNG could reach out to other bilateral partners with similar agreements as stipulated in the Constitution.

Also, the country’s foreign policy was: “Friends to all and enemies to none”.

The US and PNG already had a Status of Forces Agreement, or SOFA.

A SOFA is an agreement between a host country and a foreign nation stationing military forces in that country.

SOFAs are often included, along with other types of military agreements, as part of a comprehensive security arrangement.

Corporations allowed
Marape briefly stated that the SOFA agreement did allow US defence corporations and others to be involved in PNG.

PNG was just elevating this specific one with the USA.

Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso also clarified that once the agreement was agreed by the National Executive Council (NEC) and signed off by the Prime Minister and Defence Minister it would be brought before Parliament and debated before it became law.

On behalf of the government, Finance Minister Rainbo Paita adressed the protesting students at the UPNG Forum Square and received the petition presented by the Student Representative Council president Luther Kising.

Other tertiary institution’s student bodies, such as the University of Goroka and the University of Technology at Lae, have also protested against the defence cooperation agreement.

Meanwhile, there was a high presence of police reinforcements at the entrance to UPNG preventing the protest from escalating further.

Stella Martin and Rose Amos are NBC reporters. Republished with permission.

UPNG protesters at the Forum Square today
UPNG protesters at the Forum Square today. Image: NBC News
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

‘There must be clarity’ – PNG students protest over US defence deal

By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent, and Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific journalist

University students in Papua New Guinea are protesting against the signing of a defence cooperation agreement with the United States which is expected to take place today in Port Moresby.

Since 6am this morning, students from universities from around the country have been calling for more transparency from the government.

The student president at the University of Technology in Lae, Kenzie Walipi, said the government must explain exactly what was going to be in the deal ahead of the signing.

“If such an agreement is going to affect us in any way? We have to be made aware,” Walipi said.

“An agreement of this magnitude must go before Parliament. There must be clarity. The people must be made aware of the implications.”

Walipi said they were coordinating protests with student colleagues in other universities around the country.

Students at the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) gathered at the Waigani campus.

Vice-Chancellor Professor Frank Griffin said the university administration would facilitate the presentation of a petition to government.

“Our job is not to say whether it [the petition] is in order or not in order. Our job is to actually help them with bringing it through the right processes to the attention of our Prime Minister,” Professor Griffin said.

Deal will ‘enhance security cooperation’ — US
A fact sheet outlining US engagements with Papua New Guinea was released by the US Department of State yesterday. It said:

“On May 22, Secretary [Antony] Blinken will sign a Defense Cooperation Agreement, which, when it enters into force, will serve as a foundational framework upon which our two countries can enhance security cooperation and further strengthen our bilateral relationship, improve the capacity of the PNG Defence Force (PNGDF), and increase stability and security in the region.

“The United States expects to publish the text of the Defense Cooperation Agreement after entry into force, consistent with US law.”

The fact sheet noted the defence cooperation was just one of multiple new initiatives the US was entering into with Papua New Guinea.

“The United States will continue to partner with PNG on strengthening economic relations, security cooperation, and people-to-people ties, as well as promoting inclusive and sustainable development, including through plans to work with Congress to provide over $45 million in new programming,” it said.

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken are expected to sign the agreement today prior to Blinken also meeting with leaders from the 14 other Pacific Islands countries who are in Port Moresby.

Pacific leaders will also be meeting with India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who landed in the PNG capital overnight on his way back to India from the G7 summit in Japan.

Monday’s meeting will be the third in-person Pacific-India summit Modi has attended, the other two being in Jaipur, India in 2015 and Suva, Fiji in 2014.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right, walks with Papua New Guinea counterpart James Marape at Port Moresby International Airport on 21 May, 2023
Prime Minister Narendra Modi being welcomed to Port Moresby by his PNG counterpart James Marape (left) last night for talks with Pacific Island leaders. Image: RNZ Pacific/AFP
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The US could default on June 1 owing to gridlock over the debt limit; Biden vs Trump polls are close

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The United States debt limit is a legislative limit on the overall debt the US government can incur. As the US keeps running budget deficits, the debt keeps increasing. Congress could deal with this permanently by either repealing the debt limit, or increasing it to a very large number.

But instead, Congress has only increased the debt limit enough to give grace for a year or two before it needs to be increased again. The last time the debt limit was increased was December 2021.

The US hit the debt limit on January 19 this year. The Treasury has been taking extraordinary measures to delay a default, but these measures could fail as early as June 1. While the US has never defaulted, there were debt limit crises in 2011 and 2013.

The main reason for the 2011 and 2013 crises was divided government – Democrat Barack Obama was president and Republicans controlled the House of Representatives. This situation is the same now, with Democrat Joe Biden as president and Republicans controlling the House. Republicans have attempted to use the debt limit to demand spending cuts.




Read more:
A brief history of debt ceiling crises and the political chaos they’ve unleashed


Republicans only hold a 222-213 House majority, and it took 15 rounds of voting for Republican Kevin McCarthy to be elected House speaker in early January. But right-wing Republicans won concessions from McCarthy, and the speaker decides what comes to the floor for a vote.

To keep the right onside, McCarthy will probably deny a vote on any debt ceiling increase that excludes major spending cuts, and such cuts would be unacceptable to Democrats.

Democrats had overall control of the presidency, House and Senate until January 3 when the new House started. But they made no real attempt to increase the debt limit and avert a crisis until after the 2024 presidential election. If there is a default, the failure to increase the limit will come back to haunt Democrats, the US and the world economy.

A weaker economy in the presidential election year of 2024 is likely to hurt Biden, so Republicans have some incentive to not compromise on the spending cuts they are demanding.

On April 26, Republicans passed a bill through the House of Representatives by a 217-215 margin that would raise the debt limit in return for big spending cuts that Democrats strongly oppose. All Democrats that voted were opposed.

This bill has no chance of passing the Democratic-controlled Senate, and would be vetoed by Biden. But it showed that Republicans could pass their agenda. Had the House not passed this bill or something similar, there would be more pressure on Republicans to pass a “clean” debt limit increase – an increase without any spending cuts.

As it is, McCarthy can argue that the House has done its job, and that Democrats need to give ground on spending cuts.

In the last week there have been negotiations over the debt limit between Democratic and Republican leaders, but these negotiations have broken down in the last two days, with both sides blaming the other for changing their positions.

Left-wing Democrats have been urging Biden to use Section 4 of the 14th Amendment to the US Constitution, and effectively declare the debt limit unconstitutional. However, the US Supreme Court currently has a six-to-three right-leaning majority, so it’s unclear whether they would support Biden.

Trump way ahead of DeSantis in Republican primary polls

Republicans and Democrats will both select their presidential candidates for the November 2024 election in a series of nominating contests in each state in early 2024, at which delegates to the national conventions are elected. When we are closer to the voting in the early states, polls of those states will be useful, but for now the national polling is better.

Former President Donald Trump has 53.5% of the vote in the FiveThirtyEight aggregate of national Republican presidential primary polls. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis trails far behind on 20.8% and no other candidate has more than 6%. Since this aggregate started in early March, Trump has steadily increased his lead over DeSantis.

For the Democratic primary, there are polls that list many possible candidates, which indicate that Biden could face a contest if a high-profile candidate were to enter. However, Biden will easily defeat the only two other candidates who have actually entered: Robert F Kennedy Jr and Marianne Williamson.

General election Biden vs Trump polls are close

If Biden and Trump both win their parties’ nominations, which current polling suggests is likely, we will have a November 2024 rematch of the 2020 contest which Biden won. The RealClearPolitics average of national Biden vs Trump general election polls currently has Trump leading Biden 44.2-42.8%.

A key reason why this match-up is close is that Biden’s ratings have slumped since the beginning of his presidency.

In his first six months as president, Biden’s approval rating was over 50% in the FiveThirtyEight aggregate. But since October 2021, his approval rating has consistently been below 45%, while his disapproval has been over 50%. Biden’s ratings haven’t changed much in the last few months and are currently at 52.7% disapprove and 42.4% approve (net -10.4).

The two potential hurdles to Biden’s re-election are the economy and his age. A debt default would make the economy far worse, and Biden will be almost 82 by the November 2024 election, though Trump will be 78.

The Conversation

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The US could default on June 1 owing to gridlock over the debt limit; Biden vs Trump polls are close – https://theconversation.com/the-us-could-default-on-june-1-owing-to-gridlock-over-the-debt-limit-biden-vs-trump-polls-are-close-205924

What is ‘early intervention’ for infants with signs of autism? And how valuable could it be?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cathy Bent, Research Fellow, La Trobe University

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Most early support programs for autistic children (also called “early interventions”) are provided after diagnosis. But long waiting times can leave families feeling stressed that they are “missing out” on critical opportunities to support their child.

With last week’s government announcement of A$22 million for two new pilot programs, support for babies and their parents is set to become more available – and potentially ease demand for National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) supports.

Our team recently consulted with more than 200 community members, including autistic and non-autistic parents, clinical professionals, and researchers to understand their views on what very early supports might look like.

So what do families need to know about these types of early support and are they worth the hype?




Read more:
Autism and ADHD assessment waits are up to 2 years’ long. What can families do in the meantime?


Increasing support needs

Currently 88,617 children under seven are supported by the NDIS. Some 10% of boys and 4% of girls aged five to seven access the scheme and half of all child participants are registered for autism supports.

The substantial need for services has led government to consider other options for supporting neurodivergent children. Rather than waiting until after an autism diagnosis, very early supports for infants may promote better outcomes while also taking pressure off an overloaded system.

Government interest in very early support programs has increased following research suggesting that for every $1 invested in supporting neurodivergent infants and parents, the NDIS could save at least $3 down the track. The Australian study modelled service costs through to children’s 13th birthday.




Read more:
Therapy for babies showing early signs of autism reduces the chance of clinical diagnosis at age 3


What are autism supports for babies?

Supports provided very early in life, before a diagnosis, are sometimes called “pre-emptive interventions”. The idea is that a relatively small amount of support early on can help prevent future difficulties, as families are better equipped to understand their baby’s skills and needs and respond supportively.

Until now, there has been very limited support available for families before diagnosis. Several different models have been developed and trialled, but these are not widely available in the community.

Our work with the autistic community has identified key recommendations for supports for neurodivergent infants, to assist parents to make informed decisions about what is best for their child.

Because these very early programs are aimed at supporting such young babies, the work should be with the parents, rather than with the child. Supports can involve parent training and education focused on helping parents understand and support their child. Parents might learn strategies and ways of interacting that they can then use at home with their little one.

An example of this might be a clinician and parent observing an infant together and practising noticing their communication cues, or following the infant’s lead and engaging together in activities the infant is interested in (regardless of whether these are “usual” for neurotypical children).

This type of support can be valuable because neurodivergent children can communicate in different ways, and parents might need some help to understand what their baby wants and needs.

Becoming a new parent brings many changes, and insights from the autistic community indicate parents of neurodivergent children may require additional support. Many parents of autistic children may also be neurodivergent or exhibit autistic traits, including sensory sensitivity.

But this won’t look the same for everyone. Supports should be tailored according to what the infant and family needs. The amount of support families need will also vary. It’s got to be balanced so that children can continue to play and participate in the community without the burden of attending too many appointments.

But not all babies who show early signs of neurodivergence will be autistic. Ideally, support provided will be something that is helpful for any child. Community members told us that programs for infants should aim to foster an enriching and supportive environment around the child – promoting secure attachment and supporting infants as they grow into happy, healthy children (and adults).

Similarly, supports should not be aimed at making children appear neurotypical, trying to “fix” or eliminate autism. Rather the aim should be to promote understanding of a baby as an individual, with their own unique strengths and ways of communicating.

father and small child play on living room rug with coloured toys
More research is needed into what difference early intervention can make to development.
Shutterstock



Read more:
New national autism guideline will finally give families a roadmap for therapy decisions


What does the evidence say?

This is a relatively new area of research and evidence regarding the effectiveness of supports is still emerging.

An international review of 13 studies reported mixed outcomes with supports leading to an increase in parents’ use of strategies – but this only translated to an improvement in infants’ communication for those who used the strategies consistently. A second review found low to moderate quality evidence overall.

An Australian clinical trial with 103 infants and parents, which some of our team were involved in, showed improvements in communication and a positive impact on developmental outcomes. This study helped inform an initial pilot of similar supports in Western Australia, and is the basis of recent reports of cost savings.

While there is promising local evidence of benefits for one model of very early support, research in this area is ongoing.

What’s next?

The announcement of new pilot programs for babies showing early signs of neurodivergence creates an opportunity for much-needed further research regarding the potential benefits of these very early supports across different contexts and service models.

It will be important for policymakers to consider implementation strategies to help parents use the support strategies at home in order to maximise their benefits.

Autistic community involvement will also be essential to inform the roll out of supports if the program is expanded – to ensure they genuinely benefit those who need them.

The Conversation

Cathy Bent has received funding for the work reported here from the International Society for Autism Research (INSAR) and La Trobe University ABC Early Career Researchers Award Scheme (Healthy People, Families and Communities Research Theme), and funding for related and other research, including salary support, from the Australian Government Department of Social Services (DSS). She has also received fees for training on the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS).

Alexandra Aulich has received funding for the work reported here, including salary support, from the International Society for Autism Research (INSAR) and La Trobe University (Healthy People, Families and Communities Research Theme). She has also received salary support through coordination of training on the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS).

Christos Constantine identifies as autistic. He has worked at La Trobe University to conduct the research reported here, for which he received salary support from grants from the International Society for Autism Research (INSAR) and La Trobe University (Healthy People, Families and Communities Research Theme).

Kristelle Hudry has received funding for the work reported here from the International Society for Autism Research (INSAR) and La Trobe University (Healthy People, Families and Communities Research Theme), and funding for related and other research from the Australian Government Department of Social Services (DSS), and National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA), the AutismCRC, Autism Queensland, JVCKENWOOD Corporation, La Trobe University (School of Psychology and Public Health, and Understanding Disease Research Focus Area), and the Medical Research Future Fund. She has also received fees in her previous role as Associate Editor for Research in Developmental Disabilities (RIDD) and for training on the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS).

ref. What is ‘early intervention’ for infants with signs of autism? And how valuable could it be? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-early-intervention-for-infants-with-signs-of-autism-and-how-valuable-could-it-be-205839

A TikTok ban isn’t a data security solution. It will be difficult to enforce – and could end up hurting users

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milovan Savic, Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society, Swinburne University of Technology

Shutterstock

Montana has made an unprecedented move to become the first US state to ban TikTok.

However, doubts have been raised over the decision’s legal foundation, enforcement mechanisms and underlying motives. While the move draws attention to data security on social media, banning TikTok alone may not provide a comprehensive solution to this problem.

For one, the move risks alienating the many young people who have come to rely on the app for meaningful connection, and in some cases their income. It also does little in the way of ensuring better future data privacy and protection for users.

Caught in political crossfire

Since its meteoric rise in 2020, TikTok has been caught in geopolitical tensions between the US and China. These tensions peaked in late 2020 when then-president Donald Trump signed an executive order directing ByteDance – the Chinese media giant and parent company of TikTok – to divest from its US operations, or face being banned. In response, TikTok partnered with Oracle on Project Texas: a US$1.5 billion initiative to relocate all US user data to servers outside China.

Allegations that China-based employees at ByteDance had accessed the TikTok user data led to TikTok CEO Shou Zi Chew appearing before Congress in March amid yet more calls for it to be banned, and reports of the Biden administration pushing for its sale.

Throughout these controversies, TikTok has denied sharing user data with the Chinese government, and said it wouldn’t do so even if asked. Nonetheless, governments worldwide – including in Australia – have banned TikTok on government devices, citing concerns over data protection.




Read more:
Is China out to spy on us through drones and other tech? Perhaps that’s not the question we should be asking


Enforcing a ban is a daunting task

Montana’s new law will make downloading TikTok within state lines illegal from January 1 2024. The law imposes fines of up to US$10,000 per day for entities offering access to or downloads of the app within the state. Users themselves will not incur penalties.

The current legislation places responsibility for blocking access on Apple and Google – the operators of app stores on iOS and Android devices. These companies would be held liable for any violations. However, they lack the capacity to enforce geofencing at the state level, making it difficult for them to prevent Montana residents from downloading TikTok.

As a result, it may ultimately fall on TikTok itself to block usage by Montana residents by collecting geolocation data. But this raises privacy concerns – the very concerns driving the ban in the first place.

For now, the ban’s enforceability remains to be seen. How will the government of Montana prevent users from using virtual private networks (VPNs) to access TikTok? VPNs encrypt data traffic and allow users to present themselves as being in another location, making it possible for tech-savvy users to bypass bans. Residents could also cross state lines to download the app.

Montana may become a testing ground for the “TikTok-free America” that some national lawmakers envision. Apart from TikTok, the ban also targets messaging apps including Chinese-owned WeChat and Russian-founded Telegram – highlighting growing apprehensions over data security and privacy.

But it’s unclear if such a ban is an effective solution for lawmakers’ concerns about American users’ privacy and data security.

Even if the ban in Montana is successful, its national impact will be limited. The state has a population of just over one million, whereas the US as a whole has more than 100 million monthly TikTok users. As such, the ban in Montana will likely affect only a few hundred thousand prospective users, at best.

TikTok’s importance for Gen Z

While TikTok’s popularity in the US continues to soar, nearly half of all US-based users are the digital-native teens and 20-somethings of Generation Z. TikTok is Gen Z’s playground.

Young people have protested potential bans by flooding the app with videos mocking lawmakers they see as out of touch with modern technology, further magnifying their disdain for such regulation.

Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez supported young protesters, highlighting the unprecedented nature of banning an app that would stifle free speech while raising questions regarding digital rights in the US.

TikTok has emerged as a vital platform for Gen Z users to express their political views, entertain themselves and interact with their peers. Where other platforms might feel saturated with older generations, TikTok provides an environment where young people can safely lower the barriers to meaningful online participation.




Read more:
TikTok is teaching the world about autism – but is it empowering autistic people or pigeonholing them?


And despite what some may think, it’s not just a quirky app for dance videos. TikTok has become a golden goose for millions of content creators who rely on the app as their stage to showcase their talents, build their brands and connect with fans and customers. Many local small businesses also rely on TikTok to reach potential customers.

With the app now under threat, the future livelihoods of these creators and small businesses are in jeopardy too.

A ban won’t fix privacy and data security issues

A successfully implemented TikTok ban may drive users to Silicon Valley’s big tech platforms. But the security of user data with these companies, including Meta (which owns Facebook and Instagram) and Google, can’t be assumed to be more secure than TikTok. They also collect significant amounts of user data that can be shared or sold to third-party entities, including those with connections to China or countries with similar data laws.

The underlying issues of data security will persist beyond a TikTok ban. If data security really is the main concern, policymakers should address the problem comprehensively and systematically across social media platforms.

Tackling the root cause is essential. Until that’s done, snapping off the branches – TikTok or otherwise – will do little to keep users’ data safe.

The Conversation

Milovan Savic does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A TikTok ban isn’t a data security solution. It will be difficult to enforce – and could end up hurting users – https://theconversation.com/a-tiktok-ban-isnt-a-data-security-solution-it-will-be-difficult-to-enforce-and-could-end-up-hurting-users-202732

‘You can’t not bring your whole self to something’: how Jewish Indigenous women are navigating their dual identities

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Zac Roberts, Associate lecturer, Macquarie University

Shutterstock

In 1965, James Spigelman joined Charlie Perkins and 30 other students on a bus ride around New South Wales to bring attention to the extent of racial discrimination in Australia. This would go on to be known as the Freedom Ride.

Spigelman, who later became the Chief Justice of the NSW Supreme Court, was an arts student at the time. He later stated his “involvement was obviously determined by personal background as the child of Holocaust survivors”.

Spigelman’s involvement in the Freedom Ride is captured in the 2010 book Hand in Hand. Alongside Spigelman and the Freedom Ride, Hand in Hand covers dozens of other stories of Jews and Indigenous people coming together in good relations and solidarity.

Missing from these stories are the experiences of people who are both Indigenous and Jewish. My newly published research set out to explore some of these stories.

Negotiating identity

When asked about how she fits into the story of Indigenous and Jewish relations, Leah*, a Wiradjuri woman, told me “I don’t know if I fit into the story”.

Leah was raised in a nonreligious household, and was disconnected from her Indigenous community.

After leaving home as a teenager, she found comfort in religious rituals.

As a runaway kid, the people who showed a lot of kindness to me were either the Catholic nuns or Jews. And I always felt […] very fondly towards these weird people who did weird rituals. And I love the rituals of the Catholic Church and I love the rituals of the Jewish cultural and religious people, and … I went on a search for God, you know?

Leah converted to Judaism after meeting her husband, a non-practising cultural Jew. Her conversion was motivated by both a desire to marry and by a deep connection to the cultural and religious aspects of Judaism.

The shared experiences of “connection and heritage and history and spirit” were seen as being very appealing to someone who grew up disconnected from community and culture. Judaism is now an important aspect of her life and identity.

A synagogue
Leah connected with the cultural and religious aspects of Judaism.
Shutterstock

It wasn’t always easy going.

After her synagogue had a change of leadership, Leah experienced a breakdown in community acceptance and belonging and ended up leaving that community.

When the next rabbi came along, he had removed the plate at the front of the door that said, ‘This synagogue stands proudly on the land of Gadigal’. Removed because we’re Jews and we only recognise, really, our land Israel […] I fought and fought and fought and eventually just got so harassed and harangued.

Leah has now found a new synagogue with “a nice big plaque on their door” acknowledging traditional owners , but her experiences demonstrate the complexities of being both Aboriginal and Jewish.

There are a lot of similarities in Jewish and Indigenous experiences and values, but there are just as many differences.

‘How can you be Aboriginal and Jewish?’

Rebecca* is a Koori woman who converted to Judaism 12 years ago. While she is a regular at temple services, she says doesn’t share her Jewish identity with many of her Aboriginal family and community. Her Jewishness and Aboriginality “don’t always act in conversation with each other”.

While her overall experience with both her mob and her Jewish community have been positive, she says people would still ask questions.

People would sort of question me and kind of go, how can you be Aboriginal and Jewish? I’ll be like, ‘Well, why can’t I? How can you be Aboriginal and Muslim? Like, there’s a lot of them too.’ But it’s funny that this is sort of the automatic thing […] people find it hard to digest.

Judaism’s positioning as a world religion as well as a cultural – and sometimes racial – identity poses as a barrier for some people who are both Indigenous and Jewish.

The boundaries between these categories are sometimes blurred. Not all Jews consider themselves Zionist, the nationalist movement in favour of upholding a Jewish state in Palestine. However, there is a dominant belief globally among both Jews and non-Jews alike that all Jewish people are Zionist – or should be.

This belief that all Jews associate themselves with a separate Jewish people causes conflict with some Indigenous communities. In some cases there is an interpretation of this sense of belonging as a rejection of Country and community.




Read more:
Long history with Islam gives Indigenous Australians pride


Zionism and Palestinian solidarity

The relationship between Zionism and settler colonialism in Palestine is a point of increasing tension between Jewish and Indigenous people.

There is a long history of solidarity between Indigenous people and Palestinians. In many cases, this has led to accusations of antisemitism and racist statements directed at Indigenous people.

These tensions are an added layer of complexity for those who are both Indigenous and Jewish.

Caitlin* is Aboriginal on her fathers side; her mother’s family are Holocaust survivors. She says she can see shared values between her Jewish and Aboriginal families, particularly around family and community: a “blood is thicker than water value”.

Necklace with the Star of David on a girl's hand
Caitlin* is can see shared values between her Jewish and Aboriginal families.
Shutterstock

When I asked Caitlin where she would like to see inter-community relations develop in the future, she seemed conflicted.

From a personal perspective […] it would be nice to see that sort of compassion and acceptance. I’m not super educated in like I’m by no means an expert on what’s going on in like Palestine and Israel and stuff but like, it would be nice to see I guess […] empathy and compassion

The challenges presented in relation to Indigeneity, Jewishness and Zionism are considerable. Relations are complex across and between minority groups.

How individuals navigate these complexities vary but, as Leah reminds me, “you can’t not bring your whole self to something”.

*Names have been changed.




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The Conversation

Zac Roberts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘You can’t not bring your whole self to something’: how Jewish Indigenous women are navigating their dual identities – https://theconversation.com/you-cant-not-bring-your-whole-self-to-something-how-jewish-indigenous-women-are-navigating-their-dual-identities-201078

With hundreds of call-outs every day, wildlife rescue services can help us understand the threats to our native animals

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elodie Camprasse, Research fellow in spider crab ecology, Deakin University

blank Elodie Camprasse, Author provided

Imagine coming across an injured kangaroo on the side of the road. Or a bat entangled in fruit tree netting. Would you know who to call to get help?

After a quick search, you find the number of your local wildlife rescue service and give them a call. A trained operator gathers the information they need to assess your case and coordinate rescue and rehabilitation if needed.

A pink, almost hairless baby wombat wrapped in a cloth
A rescued wombat joey.
Elodie Camprasse, Author provided

Across Australia, wildlife emergency response hotlines, such as Wildlife Victoria in Victoria, WIRES in New South Wales and smaller groups throughout the country, offer valuable help to wildlife and members of the public who encounter wildlife emergencies. Data from these services can also help us understand how human activities harm wildlife at a local level. And that in turn highlights what can be done to better protect wildlife.

In newly published research, our team analysed a ten-year dataset from Wildlife Victoria, the main wildlife emergency response service in that state. The service responded to more than 30,000 cases a year, on average, between 2010 and 2019. Around 400 cases a year involved threatened species.




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Human activities are the greatest threat

Many such services operate on a daily basis. They collect enormous amounts of information on human and non-human threats to wildlife, particularly in urban areas.

When you call a service about an animal, a rescuer might need to attend or, if safe to do so, you might be asked to take the animal to a vet clinic free of charge for assessment. Or it might be that the animal, such as a fledgling bird on the ground, just needs to be left alone.

Two kangaroo joeys wrapped in blankets being bottlefed
Eastern grey kangaroos are among the most commonly rescued animals.
Elodie Camprasse, Author provided

Confirming what studies in Australia and elsewhere have shown, our results demonstrate that human activities do the most harm to wildlife, as opposed to more natural causes such as severe weather or being preyed on by other animals. A majority of cases were reported in the Greater Melbourne area rather than the rest of the state.

As might be expected, common species accounted for most cases. Eastern grey kangaroos, ringtail and brushtail possums and magpies were the most commonly reported species.

Of 443 identified species reported to the service, 81 were listed as threatened. The majority of cases involving threatened species (on the Fauna and Flaura Guarantee Act 1988 Threatened List) concerned grey-headed flying foxes.

Generally, the main causes for concern were collisions with vehicles, animals found in an abnormal location (an unnatural habitat where they did not belong) or in buildings, and attacks by cats or dogs.




Read more:
What happens after you take injured wildlife to the vet?


Some species were disproportionately impacted by some threats rather than others and in some locations. For example, kangaroos and koalas were more likely to be victims of vehicle collisions outside Greater Melbourne. In contrast, ringtail possums were more likely to be attacked by cats within the metropolitan area.

Flying foxes were more frequently reported within Greater Melbourne. The main cause of concern was entanglements in nets such as fruit tree netting. The data thus confirmed the danger these nets present.

flying fox wrapped in a purple towel
Data from wildlife rescue services confirm just how dangerous netting can be for threatened flying foxes.
Elodie Camprasse, Author provided



Read more:
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Services struggle to keep up with demand

Worryingly, Wildlife Victoria recorded a 2.5-fold increase in reported cases from 2010 to 2019.

However, such services are often under-resourced. While the number of cases increased, the number of volunteers able to respond to cases did not. This means a lower proportion of all cases can receive the support they need.

Using data from services such as Wildlife Victoria can help us understand service-demand gaps and where resources would be best allocated to fill these gaps.

We also showed such services provide invaluable education to the community. Around one in five calls resulted in education, rather than requiring an emergency response.

A vet checks a sedated koala
Researchers have used rescue service data to show how a public education campaign reduced harm to koalas.
Pexels, Author provided



Read more:
Testing the stress levels of rescued koalas allows us to tweak their care so more survive in the wild


Databases are a largely untapped resource

Wildlife emergency response services have a wealth of data that describe the species-specific and location-specific threats wildlife face. Local wildlife managers and organisations interested in protecting wildlife from common threats before they occur could use this data to understand what they can do to achieve this.

Rainbow lorikeet being held in a white towel at the vet
The services’ data can be used to identify causes of harm to wildlife. This rainbow lorikeet flew into a window.
Elodie Camprasse, Author provided

For example, the data can help pinpoint where measures such as educating the community on responsible pet ownership, banning the sale of dangerous netting or wire and reducing speed limits would be effective depending on the wildlife affected in specific areas.

The data could also help monitor the success of new laws, campaigns and measures to protect wildlife. For example, researchers in Queensland have used data from their local wildlife rescue services to quantify the reduction in koala deaths from car strikes and dog attacks following a campaign to raise awareness of threats to koalas. This source of information is invaluable because such data can be hard and costly for ecologists and conversationists to collect.

Interested in interacting with Wildlife Victoria’s historical data? Check out this webpage.




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The Conversation

Dr Elodie Camprasse was employed as an Emergency Response Operator for Wildlife Victoria from October 2016 to August 2021.

Dr Adam Cardilini is a member of the Animal Justice Party and volunteers in it’s policy working group. He is also a fellow at PAN Works (https://panworks.io/), an international ethics think tank dedicated to the wellbeing of animals.

The work in this article was partly supported by funding from Deakin University.

ref. With hundreds of call-outs every day, wildlife rescue services can help us understand the threats to our native animals – https://theconversation.com/with-hundreds-of-call-outs-every-day-wildlife-rescue-services-can-help-us-understand-the-threats-to-our-native-animals-205841

It’s not just about more homes: unpacking the housing challenges migrants face in Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Omid Rezaei, PhD Candidate, Edith Cowan University

Shutterstock

Australia has long been a nation of migrants. Immigration is now being increased to make up for COVID-related labour shortages. The housing crisis means the new arrivals are likely to face major challenges in finding adequate housing and settling successfully.

The challenges will be particularly great for migrants and refugees from non-English-speaking backgrounds. Our recent research focused on the integration challenges faced by the millions of these migrants who have arrived in Australia since 1975. Our findings show the barriers they face, including discrimination, have not changed significantly since then.

In particular, their problems finding suitable housing and jobs have hampered their integration in Australian society.

Such a situation perpetuates systemic injustices that affect marginalised individuals and communities. The 2017 parliamentary report, No One Teaches You to Be an Australian, highlights the impacts of inadequate access to affordable and suitable housing. It can lead to social isolation, economic disadvantage and poor health for migrants.

The housing situation has become even more challenging since the 2017 report. If immigration is being encouraged, why isn’t more being done to help migrants settle in this country?




Read more:
What’s behind the recent surge in Australia’s net migration – and will it last?


Housing supply isn’t the whole solution

Providing more homes is certainly important. However, it isn’t the complete solution.

Migrants from non-English-speaking backgrounds face multiple obstacles to finding suitable and affordable housing. These include language barriers, lack of local housing references, lack of social networks, norms around family size, and unfamiliarity with Australian housing regulations.

A 2022 study of refugees’ housing choices unpacks the complexity of the issue. Its findings point to the need for a broader approach than only providing more homes.

Solutions should target the systemic discrimination against migrants from non-English-speaking backgrounds in Australia. It’s a major problem that adds to the already complex issues of access to affordable housing.




Read more:
A white face can be a big help in a discriminatory housing market


Building social networks is a key strategy for overcoming some of the obstacles these migrants face. Our research has found being part of a social network plays a critical role in migrants’ and refugees’ housing choices.

Migrants who have social connections are more likely to be aware of available housing options. They can also get help navigating the complex housing market.

This finding highlights the importance of services that help migrants build social connections and promote community-led initiatives. Housing programs that prioritise diversity and inclusivity are needed.

We have seen some good examples of a holistic approach to housing migrants and refugees in Australia.

The Asylum Seeker Resource Centre in Melbourne provides one such integrated housing service. The centre has created a housing model that matches refugees with available housing and support networks. It’s providing refugees with not only a place to live but also a sense of community and support.

Another example comes from the Hume Community Housing Association. It, too, has developed a holistic program to provide affordable, secure housing for refugees and migrants. The program includes services such as employment and education assistance, language classes and social integration activities.

Integration benefits migrants and the country

The integration of migrants is particularly important for Australia’s future prosperity. Migration underpins the projected increase in population to at least 37.4 million by 2066. Successful integration depends on a comprehensive approach, with a particular focus on housing, given its central role in this process.

The Refugee Council of Australia has recommended several ways to improve access to housing for refugees and asylum seekers. These include:

  • increasing social and affordable housing options
  • enhancing the private rental housing sector via measures such as rental subsidies, tenant support programs and collaboration with housing agencies
  • offering customised support services to aid in the transition to sustainable housing, ensuring individuals have access to affordable, long-term housing options.



Read more:
More than 650 refugees arrived in this regional town. Locals’ welcoming attitudes flipped the stereotype


Encouraging immigration without providing the resources needed for successful integration perpetuates systemic injustice that worsens the situation of already marginalised individuals and communities in Australia.

Supporting the integration of immigrants, with access to the services they need, is not just a matter of providing more homes or jobs. It’s also about promoting fairness and equity more broadly.

Integration is a two-way street, and overcoming some of these challenges is beyond the efforts of migrants. It’s up to the host society to adopt supportive policies that ensure successful integration.

The Conversation

Francesca Perugia works for Curtin University. She receives funding from Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) and the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) postgraduate top-up scholarship to complete the research linked in this article.

Omid Rezaei and Vicki Banham do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. It’s not just about more homes: unpacking the housing challenges migrants face in Australia – https://theconversation.com/its-not-just-about-more-homes-unpacking-the-housing-challenges-migrants-face-in-australia-204753

It’s time to fix NZ’s Sentencing Act, which lets too many young sex offenders avoid jail

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Debra Wilson, Associate Professor, School of Law, University of Canterbury

Getty Images

Over the last 12 months, multiple young sex offenders have been given home detention for sexual assault. Time and time again, the argument has been that these men were too young to fully understand the consequences of what they were doing.

But is 25 really too young to understand that sexual assault is wrong? And how old is old enough to be considered fully responsible for your conduct?

The recent case of a 25-year-old church youth group leader and his 15-year-old victim provides some insight into where the court is heading on these key questions.

The case also highlights the need for the parliament to step in and make a call on revising its 2002 Sentencing Act, which currently does not clearly define who a “young offender” is. That gap in the law is what’s allowing discounts for sexual offenders into their mid-20s.

Imprisonment “clearly warranted”

While a youth leader at Otūmoetai Baptist Church, Luke Stainton persuaded a 15-year-old girl to enter into an “intimate relationship” with him. This involved weekly sexual encounters over a one year period. During this time, Stainton sought advice from his church and was told that his actions were inappropriate and needed to stop. He did not follow this advice.

A pre-sentence report described Stainton as placing his “own needs and gratification” first, with “no thought for the victim”. His offending was “calculated” and “planned” to avoid detection, and his expressions of remorse focused on the impact of his behaviour on himself, not the victim.

The report concluded that he was at a medium risk of re-offending. The judge concluded that the report did “not speak very positively of [Stainton]” and that a sentence of imprisonment was “clearly warranted.”

But the defence’s psychiatric report described Stainton as having “considerable naivety for his age” and of “very low-risk of re-offending”. It noted Stainton’s acknowledgement that he made “foolish choices”.

In the end, Stainton was sentenced to 27 months imprisonment, based on a starting sentence of 3.5 years, and discounts of 25% for early guilty plea and 10% for good character. He appealed.

The appeal judge agreed with the approach of the sentencing judge, but then added a further discount of 10% due to his age. This meant that the sentence was now less than 24 months imprisonment, which allowed the judge to convert it to a sentence of home detention.

Are under 25s unable to make good decisions?

Between Stainton’s initial sentencing and his appeal, the Court of Appeal released a separate decision on sentencing of “young people”.

In R v Dickey, three teenagers were sentenced to life imprisonment for murder. They appealed this on the basis that the sentences were too harsh given their ages.

The court agreed and reduced their sentences, accepting neuro-scientific evidence that the part of the brain that deals with impulse control, risk assessment and planning may not be fully developed until the age of 25.

If this is the case, then these research findings will need to be taken into account for all sentencing of those under 25.

But should a sentencing discount for age be automatic?




Read more:
Sam Uffindell was lucky to avoid NZ’s criminal justice system as a schoolboy – but it was the right outcome


Stainton does not fit the mould of the young offender described in the Dickey decision. Stainton’s offending was not impulsive, but occurred weekly over a one year period. He did not fail to understand risk, but deliberately planned his offending to avoid detection. Despite this, he received a 10% discount because of his age, with the judge noting that his lack of remorse was evidence of his immaturity.

It is important to note that when an offender shows remorse, this is often taken to mean that the offender has taken responsibility for their actions and shows potential for rehabilitation. This remorse can therefore justify a sentencing discount. But in Stainton’s case, the lack of remorse was interpreted as a sign of his immaturity, warranting the sentencing discount.

Time for parliament to act

As pointed out above, Stainton is the latest in a series of cases in which sex offending against teenage girls is punished only with home detention, and not imprisonment. Despite the young ages of the victims, it is the older offenders who depicted as young and immature.

The victim in the Stainton case suffered from mental health issues in the four years since the offending. Her bravery in coming forward should be recognised.




Read more:
Outrage over a rapist’s home detention highlights the need for victims’ voices in NZ’s sentencing process


The Sentencing Act of 2002 permits a sentencing discount based on “the age of the offender” but does not state when a person is too old to receive this discount.

In the Dickey case, the court suggested that it might apply to under 25s, but added that it was not creating a rule for judges in future cases to follow, and that the maximum age limit was a matter for parliament to decide. Without any further guidance, the judge in Stainton applied the discount to a 25 year old.

New Zealand’s increasing number of cases in which young sex offenders are sentenced to home detention, and the rising age at which they may be able to an age-based discount, suggest it is now time for parliament to revisit the Sentencing Act’s provisions on young offenders.

The parliament should consider this new neuro-scientific evidence – and then clarify, so all New Zealanders know, how old someone needs to be before they are presumed to be fully responsible for their sexual offending.

The Conversation

Debra Wilson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. It’s time to fix NZ’s Sentencing Act, which lets too many young sex offenders avoid jail – https://theconversation.com/its-time-to-fix-nzs-sentencing-act-which-lets-too-many-young-sex-offenders-avoid-jail-205825

Stan Grant stands up to racist abuse. Our research shows many diverse journalists have copped it too

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bronwyn Carlson, Professor, Indigenous Studies and Director of The Centre for Global Indigenous Futures, Macquarie University

Stan Grant, a well-known Aboriginal journalist and soon-to-be former host of Q+A, has made a stand against racist abuse, saying he is “stepping away” from the media industry. Grant said he’s paid a heavy price for being a journalist and has been a media target for racism.

As authors of a recent Media Diversity Australia report investigating online abuse and safety of diverse journalists, we’re not surprised.

Grant was one the few diverse journalists employed in the Australian media industry. Yet his story of relentless racial abuse is one shared by other journalists who are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, culturally and racially marginalised, LGBTQIA+ and/or living with disability.

Grant said:

I want no part of it. I want to find a place of grace far from the stench of the media. I want to go where I am not reminded of the social media sewer.

Racism across the media

The latest round of racially motivated abuse came after Grant hosted the ABC’s coverage of the coronation of King Charles.

Grant said:

Since the King’s coronation, I have seen people in the media lie and distort my words. They have tried to depict me as hate filled. They have accused me of maligning Australia.

When Elizabeth II, died many Indigenous journalists and newsreaders were targeted for not sharing the same grief many non-Indigenous people expressed. Narelda Jacobs was one of many Aboriginal journalists who received abuse across social media and was also targeted by mainstream media.

Grant called the ABC’s lack of support an “institutional failure”, saying:

I am writing this because no-one at the ABC — whose producers invited me onto their coronation coverage as a guest — has uttered one word of public support.

In response to Grant’s column, a statement was issued from the ABC’s Director News, Justin Stevens, conceding Grant has, over many months, been subject to grotesque racist abuse, including threats to his safety.

The ABC’s Bonner Committee has recommended a full review into the ABC’s responses to racism affecting staff and how they can better support their staff.

What our research found

Our report, Online Safety of Diverse Journalists, commissioned by Media Diversity Australia and released this month, focused on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, culturally and racially marginalised, LGBTQIA+ and/or people living with disability.

This new research followed a 2022 Media Diversity Australia report, Who Gets to Tell Australian Stories 2.0, which detailed significant under-representation of diverse journalists in the industry, particularly Indigenous people and those from culturally and racially marginalised groups.

Our new report focused more on online safety and the high cost for diverse journalists who are often not supported or protected in the workplace. It found 85% of participants had experienced either personal or professional abuse online.

As one participant said:

It’s so ingrained within all parts of society, all the pillars within society, all professions, which includes the media, and I think women, particularly women of colour and from Indigenous backgrounds, they receive the most horrific and vile abuse.

The report has not yet gained interest from the Australian media other than The Fourth Estate who expressed alarm at the findings.

One of the key findings from this research was that diverse journalists often accepted that online harassment and abuse from the public was “just part of the job”. Many reported they were working in what they considered “hostile work environments”.

One participant expressed:

As soon as you say you are a journalist, the response is: you are asking for it.

It was concerning to find the normalisation of online harassment and abuse, and many diverse journalists were reluctant to report their experiences for fear of being considered a problem. Many felt if they raised the issue it would impact any chance of career progression.

A participant commented:

I am cautious revealing my struggles because I don’t want people to think I can’t handle my job.

In his recent experience, Grant said:

Aboriginal people learn to tough it out. That’s the price of survival.

Organisations have a duty of care to their employees. Online harassment and abuse of diverse journalists is a work health and safety issue and needs to be urgently treated as such.

The impact and cost to diverse journalists is high, and many make the same choice as Grant – to leave the industry to protect themselves and their health. Many spoke about how harassment and abuse was not only online; 39% reported the abuse moved offline.

When it comes to thinking about who gets to tell Australian stories or who gets to have a career as a journalist free of harassment and abuse, the Media Diversity Australia report evidences the hostility of the media industry for those who are not white, able bodied, and/or cis-gender and/or heterosexual.

The report also shows, as Grant points out, that online harassment and abuse actively and incessantly targets Indigenous journalists. Although many of the participants stated they were unofficially warned by their workplace to expect online violence, they said they received little support to protect and defend them from racial harassment and abuse.

I started to see exactly what I’d been warned about (…) But there was no mechanism to flag that to say that you had received a racist email to send it somewhere where that person could be put on a watch list or whatever it is, you know, where they’re going to become a serial offender.

Grant echoes the experiences of many participants when he says:

Barely a week goes by when I am not racially targeted.

The research report also reveals that workplace and online harassment in media industry involves fairly predictable culprits. As one participant highlighted, they come from a similar demographic – white men.

Grant’s resignation is a huge loss to Australian journalism. He and other diverse journalists nationally are crying out for action on the part of media bodies and organisations.

There are many other diverse journalists who have left the profession prior to Grant’s departure. One of our interviewees contacted us to say:

If a serious and well respected journalist feels the best thing to do is leave and has had no support from work – what does that mean for the rest of us?

Let’s hope the media industry is finally paying attention.

The Conversation

Bronwyn Carlson received funding from Media Diversity Australia to conduct the research that resulted in the report discussed

Faith Valencia-Forrester received funding from Media Diversity Australia to conduct research for the report discussed in this article.

Madi Day received funding from Media Diversity Australia to conduct the research that resulted in the report discussed.

Susan Forde received funding from Media Diversity Australia to conduct the research discussed in this article.

ref. Stan Grant stands up to racist abuse. Our research shows many diverse journalists have copped it too – https://theconversation.com/stan-grant-stands-up-to-racist-abuse-our-research-shows-many-diverse-journalists-have-copped-it-too-206063

‘Painting with fire’: how northern Australia developed one of the world’s best bushfire management programs

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rohan Fisher, Information Technology for Development Researcher, Charles Darwin University

Satellite imagery shows how burnt areas in central Arnhem Land are lines carefully ‘painted’ across the landscape. Sentinel Hub EO Browser, CC BY

Right now, hundreds of bushfires are burning across northern Australia. But this is not a wildfire catastrophe – in fact, these burns are making things safer in one of the most fire-prone landscapes in the world.

From April to June each year, fire managers – such as Traditional Owners, park rangers and pastoralists – aim to create small, “cool” fires with care and precision to reduce fuel loads before conditions get severe later in the dry season. This work, “painting” landscapes with fire, is constantly informed by satellite data.

The combination of space technology with Indigenous knowledge and the know-how of pastoralists and park rangers has been everyday practice across northern Australia for the past 20 years. Not only does this work produce some of the best fire management outcomes in the world, it also demonstrates how cutting-edge technology can inform local and traditional knowledge for environmental management.

The satellite view

In the early 2000s, researchers and land managers brought together by the Cooperative Research Centre for the Sustainable Development of Tropical Savannahs realised satellite imagery could be of great help for fire management across Australia’s vast tropical savannas.

These landscapes have always been prone to fire. After First Nations people moved away (or were forced) from these areas over the course of the 20th century, savanna fires became more frequent and intense.

Satellite imagery had long been used to understand the extent and severity of fires and other landscape-altering events. But researchers realised it could also be used to manage those fires – if up-to-date imagery could be provided to the public on a daily basis.

The result was regularly updated maps of recently burnt areas distributed via a website launched in 2003, hosted by Charles Darwin University – North Australian Fire Information (NAFI).

Twenty years on, NAFI’s maps of active fires and burnt areas underpin fire management across northern Australia. The maps are used for planning, response, implementation, and reporting.

Carbon credits and international attention

NAFI’s fire information also informs the federal government’s calculations for carbon credits related to reduced savanna burning, which many people across Australia’s north are using to generate income. Some of this income is then put back into work to reduce the extent and severity of fires.

NAFI fire data also inform the national Australian Fire Danger Rating System so it can be more effectively applied by bushfire agencies in remote areas.




Read more:
The world’s best fire management system is in northern Australia, and it’s led by Indigenous land managers


The same data have provided evidence showing north Australia has had one of the most significant declines in fire across any large landscape globally.

The successes of the NAFI service are drawing international interest as a model for fire information in other fire-susceptible regions around the world.

Painting with fire

Most Australians have a poor understanding of the history of fire on this continent. Fire has been a key human–ecological force that shaped landscapes over tens of thousands of years.

Over the past 20 years, proactive use of fire for landscape management has been revived in northern Australia.




Read more:
We are professional fire watchers, and we’re astounded by the scale of fires in remote Australia right now


The scale of the work undertaken by Northern fire managers, particularly at this time of year when fuel load reduction burns are underway, is easy to see on NAFI.

A snapshot from NAFI from 15 May 2023. Each coloured dot represents an active fire.
NAFI

Landscape-scale fire management, as applied in Northern Australia, is a sophisticated endeavour where science, technology and engineering support local knowledge.

Beyond science and technology

In a world rapidly being transformed by climate change, the skills required to make our societies sustainable and resilient involve more than just science and technology. Good environmental management will also require diverse, locally based skills and capacity to act.

Good fire management, as a case in point, requires an ability to blend skills and ways of thinking across multiple knowledge systems as well as a huge amount of hard work on the land.

Enabling easy, appropriately curated access to satellite-derived land information – and training to understand it – is critical.

Tiwi Rangers at a training session on using satellite data and digital mapping for fire management.
Rohan Fisher, Author provided

NAFI also develops and delivers training for land managers. Through workshops delivered across regional Australia, from remote Indigenous communities in the Kimberley and the top end to pastoralists in northern Queensland and central Australia, we are building high-tech capacity among those with the vital on-ground knowledge.

The journey of NAFI and fire management in northern Australia over the past 20 years illustrates how innovation is not just about technology, no matter how advanced. Innovation produces results when it is combined with other knowledge and put into the hands of the right people in the right way.

The Conversation

Rohan Fisher works for Charles Darwin University and has received federal funding to support the NAFI service.

Peter Jacklyn works for Charles Darwin University and has received federal funding to support the NAFI service.

ref. ‘Painting with fire’: how northern Australia developed one of the world’s best bushfire management programs – https://theconversation.com/painting-with-fire-how-northern-australia-developed-one-of-the-worlds-best-bushfire-management-programs-205113

Exhausted, disconnected and fed up – what is ‘parental burnout’ and what can you do about it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Ralph, Honorary Principal Fellow, School of Psychology, The University of Queensland

Shutterstock

For many parents, the reality of juggling the demands of caring responsibilities on their time, energy and resources leaves them with little time to take care of their own wellbeing. This can result in “parental burnout”.

Although the exploration of parental burnout is relatively new, research has identified it as a prevalent issue across global communities and cultures. It’s reported in countries around the world, with the highest prevalence rates rising to 8% of parents in Poland, the United States and Belgium.

You could be forgiven for thinking there’s a simple solution to this growing concern: relax and get some sleep! But again, the reality can be far different.




Read more:
From tiger to free-range parents – what research says about pros and cons of popular parenting styles


4 signs of parental burnout

Parental burnout is not just a buzzword. It’s a growing syndrome that results from chronic parenting stress. It is characterised by four main symptoms for parents:

  1. experiencing physical or emotional exhaustion – or both
  2. feeling shame about their parenting, or that they’re not as good a parent as they used to be
  3. feeling overwhelmed or “fed up” with the role of being a parent
  4. feeling emotionally disconnected from their children.

Despite many feeling this way, recent research shows 60% of parents don’t routinely do anything to relax and recharge. This research reports two in five parents feel tiredness impacts their ability to be the kind of parent they want to be, and nearly half of all parents think there’s not enough time in the day to get everything done.

And that’s the conundrum. It can be hugely challenging for caregivers to carve out time and space to look after themselves.

But when they do, it can have a positive impact on their physical and mental health, which can help them to manage the demands of parenting, so children and families benefit too.

woman sits with cup of tea
Self care doesn’t have to be expensive or reserved for ‘special occasions’.
Pexels/Andrea Piacquadio, CC BY



Read more:
Emotional abuse is a pattern of hurtful messages – building parenting skills could help prevent it


4 positive things parents can do

So what can parents and carers do to help prevent or reduce burnout when they’re already stretched so thin? Here are four things to explore:

1. Being less critical of yourself

As parents, we can all have days when we don’t feel like we’re doing our best. We may feel disconnected from our children, or emotionally and physically drained. This is where “self-compassion” comes in – being a little kinder to ourselves when we feel stressed or experience setbacks. Not only is this good for parents and carers, it can be a key life skill they can model for their children.

Even though it can be overlooked, or its importance downplayed, self-compassion is a crucial form of self-care. Moreover, research has shown parents who are kind to themselves and prioritise self-care have better overall health and well-being. They also feel more confident in their parenting skills and have more positive interactions with their children. And parent’s well-being, confidence and positive interactions with their children are strongly linked to better outcomes for children, including those with mental health challenges or disability.

Even if you make mistakes or your inner critic starts chiming in, try to reframe its voice into a more positive one. Remember, everyone faces challenges and there is no such thing as a perfect parent or child. Adopting this mindset can help.

2. Reframing self-care

As a parent or carer, it’s common to put your own needs last and see self-care as an optional extra – something that takes precious time away from the responsibilities of parenting, or simply so low on the long list of priorities that it slips off.

However, taking care of yourself is the opposite of being selfish. Parents who prioritise self-care tend to be less self-critical and have better physical and mental health. They also feel more skilled and confident as parents, are able to focus on parenting tasks better – even during stressful times – and are more likely to enjoy parenting.

It can be helpful to remember self-care isn’t just a “nice to have” option. And it’s not selfish to put your needs back into the picture – rather, it’s an important parenting skill that benefits everyone.




Read more:
Your kid is having a meltdown in the supermarket. In tough parenting moments, here’s what you can do


3. Remembering small, everyday moments of self-care have a big impact

The concept of self-care is often portrayed as a special treat or occasional, expensive indulgence. However, it can be more about those small, every day, under-the-radar actions that might only take a few minutes, or even seconds, but can set up positive patterns that can help parents to feel more balanced. Something as simple as pausing to take some slow, deep breaths, going for a short walk in the fresh air or chatting with a supportive friend can help.

Even minor actions can add up over time to help parents navigate ups and downs more positively.

4. Asking for help

Parental burnout is one part of a larger conversation around the realities of being a parent or carer. There are often multiple factors at play that can contribute to burn out, such as lack of support, high levels of responsibility, the impact of natural disasters, looking after ageing parents and financial concerns.

It’s important for parents and carers to be mindful of the signs of burnout, and to seek help where needed. By addressing this issue as one important part of the broader parenting and care-giving journey, we can work towards creating more resilient, positive family environments for parents and children alike.

It is important to acknowledge that it is usually women who shoulder more of the caring load. Partners, employers and extended family should be on the look out for signs of burnout and offer help before they are asked. Offering flexible work arrangements may be helpful, especially for those (for example, single parents) who may be doing it tough.

If parental burn out is affecting your day-to-day life, seek help through Lifeline, Parentline, your GP or an allied health professional. The Australian government has also made an evidence-based parenting support program available for free.

The Conversation

The Parenting and Family Support Centre is partly funded by royalties stemming from published resources of the Triple P – Positive Parenting Program, which is developed and owned by The University of Queensland (UQ). Royalties are also distributed to the Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences at UQ and contributory authors of published Triple P resources. Triple P International (TPI) Pty Ltd is a private company licensed by UniQuest Pty Ltd on behalf of UQ, to publish and disseminate Triple P worldwide. Dr Ralph has no share or ownership of TPI but receives royalties and consultancy fees from UQ and TPI. Dr Ralph is an Honorary Principal Fellow at UQ.

ref. Exhausted, disconnected and fed up – what is ‘parental burnout’ and what can you do about it? – https://theconversation.com/exhausted-disconnected-and-fed-up-what-is-parental-burnout-and-what-can-you-do-about-it-205572

A botanical detective story: shedding light on the journey out of Africa for one of Australia’s worst weeds

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bruce Webber, Principal Research Scientist, CSIRO

John K. Scott, CSIRO, Author provided

The scrubby harbour-side hills of a South African city recently revealed details of an historical event that transformed Australian coastlines. That event led to the arrival in Australia of a native South African shrub, bitou bush. The invader went on to become one of Australia’s worst weeds, smothering coastal dune vegetation.

While bitou bush has been widespread along Australia’s east coast for decades, the weed arrived in Western Australia relatively recently. The species (Chrysanthemoides monilifera subspecies rotundata) was discovered in 2012 at Kwinana, a port and industrial area south of Perth. This new invasion required urgent attention.

A closeup of a bitou bush flower
Bitou bush (Chrysanthemoides monilifera subspecies rotundata) is a weed targeted for eradication in Western Australia. The flowers are bright yellow daisies.
Kathryn L. Batchelor, CSIRO, Author provided

Knowing where a weed has come from is fundamental to managing it well. Understanding how plants are introduced to new regions can enable effective biosecurity measures to be put in place. Establishing a weed’s origin also reveals where to look for its natural enemies, such as insects or fungi, that can be used as classical biological control agents.

Our research set out to decipher how bitou bush originally entered Australia and then spread from east to west. We reveal how the chance of new bitou bush arrivals in Australia is low and better biological control is possible.




Read more:
Attack of the alien invaders: pest plants and animals leave a frightening $1.7 trillion bill


Establishing relationships between populations

Earlier research on bitou bush established Australian populations went through “genetic bottlenecks”, meaning only a few plants, seeds or parts of plants arrived to begin with. However, the work was unable to identify a population in South Africa that was a genetic match to the bitou bush found in Australia.

Our new research took a more comprehensive approach to reveal plants from the South African port of East London were the likely source. Our findings suggested there was a single introduction of bitou bush to eastern Australia, with subsequent movement of material to establish the population in Western Australia more than a century later.

A historical image of the South African port of East London in 1905
The South African port of East London (c. 1905) was the likely source of Australia’s bitou bush.
East London Museum, Author provided

Travel by ballast

To build confidence in our results, we scoured historical archives in Australia and South Africa for records that could support or refute these findings. Could we turn a plausible hypothesis into a feasible smoking gun?

In the storage racks of the National Herbarium of New South Wales lies a pressed sheet of dried plant material. Collected in 1908, this sample – later identified as bitou bush – was from the port-side suburb of Stockton in Newcastle. Newspaper reports revealed Stockton’s local government had been complaining for at least ten years about a weed threat from dry ballast, making it likely the introduction of bitou bush to Australia occurred even earlier.

Dry ballast consists of sand, soil, rocks and other matter used to provide stability to wooden sailing ships that had to travel without a heavy cargo load. This material was usually quarried at the port of departure. At the time, an increasingly large area in Stockton was reclaimed land comprised of ship’s ballast.

We found historical shipping records that showed ships were regularly leaving the South African Port of East London after taking on dry ballast, then sailing directly to Newcastle to collect coal. Before taking on coal, these ships discharged their dry ballast onto the ballast field at Stockton. We found documents showing that in 1904, more than half the ballast arriving in Australia was dumped at Stockton.

Map of harbour and inset photo of docked sailing ships
The location of the first introduction of bitou bush into Australia showing the reclaimed ballast field (red shading, c. 1902) at Stockton, New South Wales and right, barques (sailing ships) waiting to be loaded with coal, having discarded the ballast (c. 1900).
Newcastle University and Ralph Snowball

Historical maps revealed a ballast quarry on the west side of the Port of East London. This quarry existed in 1902 and exposed remnants can still be seen today. Bitou bush can still be found across the vegetation-covered hillsides near the old quarry. Their seeds are therefore likely to have been contaminants in dry ballast.

Historical map of the Port of East London, South Africa.
Likely source location of bitou bush in and around the quarry at the Port of East London (circa 1920).
East London Museum

To Newcastle and beyond!

The arrival of bitou bush at Stockton was the beginning of a wider invasion of the eastern Australian coastline. The plants now cover 1,600 km from Victoria to Queensland.

This spread included deliberate plantings for dune stabilisation in the 1950s. Our molecular work revealed these dune plantings were enabled by the local collection of seed from a limited number of plants, rather than new material from South Africa or widely sourced seed.

We were not able to conclusively identify the introduction pathway from New South Wales to Western Australia. However, contamination of steel shipments between Newcastle or Port Kembla and Kwinana, or landscape plantings for the companies involved, are considered most likely.

Why does this matter?

The discovery of a potential source population and pathway into Australia for bitou bush reveals two avenues for improved invasive species management.

First, it opens the door to improved biological control. Earlier ineffective agents were sourced in South Africa from populations distantly related to the material introduced into Australia. Many effective agents, particularly pathogens, are highly host specific. New surveys around East London could discover a more effective biological control agent.

Second, the work has clarified the ongoing risk of new introductions following the same pathway. Thankfully the use of dry ballast ceased with the move to steel-hulled ships carrying wet ballast, although the latter has its own biosecurity concerns.

More generally, the case of bitou bush in Australia highlights the problem of inadvertent outcomes from introducing plants, either accidentally or deliberately, without rigorous risk assessment. We must remain vigilant to the risk of introductions facilitated by global trade and maintain strict border biosecurity protocols.




Read more:
Yes, wash your shoes at the airport – but we can do more to stop foot-and-mouth disease ravaging Australia


The Conversation

Bruce Webber receives funding from Fremantle Ports Authority and CSIRO Health & Biosecurity.

John Scott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A botanical detective story: shedding light on the journey out of Africa for one of Australia’s worst weeds – https://theconversation.com/a-botanical-detective-story-shedding-light-on-the-journey-out-of-africa-for-one-of-australias-worst-weeds-205183

We solve problems in 30 days through ‘research sprints’: other academics can do this too

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marek Kowalkiewicz, Professor and Founding Director of QUT Centre for the Digital Economy, Queensland University of Technology

Skye Studios/Unsplash

This article is part of our series on big ideas for the Universities Accord. The federal government is calling for ideas to “reshape and reimagine higher education, and set it up for the next decade and beyond”. A review team is due to finish a draft report in June and a final report in December 2023.


Picture a world where academic research is fast, practical, and beneficial to everyone involved.

In reality, making university research practical, which typically requires working with industry, can take many years. By that time, it might be too late for it to be of benefit.

Research has been singled out as a key priority for the upcoming Universities Accord. The review team has called for advice on “more effective” collaboration between universities and industry to solve “big challenges”.

We are a research group of academics with years of industry experience in global corporations, designers who have worked on everything from airplane cabin controls to wooden sunglasses, and early career researchers, hoping to see their work address problems that matter.

We have devised an approach to make university and industry collaboration effective.

Why traditional research needs a makeover

We have seen it way too many times: academia and industry often struggle to collaborate well.

Traditional academic research can be slow, focusing on advancing knowledge and peer recognition, while freely sharing results.

In contrast, industry research is driven by commercial dynamics and seeks practical solutions to real-world problems as quickly as possible. Often this is done in secret to protect potential profits.

This difference in goals, interests, approaches, incentives and timeframes leads to unique challenges when academics and industry partners work together.

But ultimately, the two need one another. To achieve impact in the real world, universities need to work with industry to implement their research. And industry benefits from academic research, as it is not constrained by traditional ways of thinking and timeline pressures.




Read more:
Australia has way more PhD graduates than academic jobs. Here’s how to rethink doctoral degrees


Introducing research sprints

We started doing “research sprints” in 2015.

We drew inspiration from the “design sprint”, which began at Google. The idea is to build and test a prototype in just five days.

We committed to having all our research projects embrace this same philosophy. We were also guided by “design thinking”, which means we prioritise humans and think first and foremost about the people we are researching for and how the research can meet their needs, while of course ensuring research rigour.

We learned (the hard way) that five days is not enough to ensure research rigour. So our sprints are now always 30 days long – not a day shorter, not a day longer. This pace is bearable for academics and acceptable for industry.

Writing on a clear whiteboard.
We discovered five days to do a research sprint is too short, but 30 workds for academics and industry.
Kvalilik/Unsplash

This is how we do it

In our research sprints, we bring together researchers, industry partners, end-users and stakeholders to tackle specific problems and develop practical solutions.

First, we work side-by-side with the industry partner to define the problem, collecting data to understand user and stakeholder needs. Then we brainstorm and co-design solutions, and select the best ones. This is where we tap into our academic research.

After this, we create prototypes and test them with end-users. Finally, we provide the solution to the client for implementation.

But there’s no “handover” – we literally lock ourselves in the same room with partner organisations during each sprint. We’re down in the trenches, rather than up in the ivory tower.

40 sprints so far

Since 2015 we have done about 40 research sprints. Our clients have included state government agencies, local government departments, financial service providers, and manufacturers.

Our projects have included designing superannuation services for gig economy workers, a “digital maturity benchmark” service (which measures an organisation’s digital impact) for a consultancy, or the first version of the Queensland government’s Business Launchpad, which helps start and run a small business.

We were also involved with one of the banks that initiated the Digital Fraud Reporting Exchange, which shares victim information, not just the perpetrator data.

We also run sprints for government policy. We co-created the Queensland government’s Digital Economy Strategy during a research sprint.

Research sprints have a high success rate. In about 63% of cases, the client organisations have implemented or are working on implementing our solutions.

Where do research sprints work best?

Of course, there are times when sprints will not work. Academic research often takes time, and there are situations where expecting results in 30 days is a pipe dream.

Some research questions are also simply of no interest to industry. And that’s OK.

We understand it and carefully focus only on introducing industry-academia collaboration where it makes sense. For us, this is “the first mile” and “the last mile” of research.

We recently ran a research sprint with almost 40 PhD students as participants and five partner organisations. Now the students have a much better understanding of the potential impact of their research. And this “first mile” sprint gives them the necessary motivation to continue their work.

The “last mile” is where we translate mature research work into industry-relevant solutions. Most of our commercial research work happens there.




Read more:
Teaching and research are the core functions of universities. But in Australia, we don’t value teaching


How can we get more academics to ‘sprint?’

The current academic model does not encourage effective collaboration with industry. There are no incentives for academics when their research is implemented. There are no benefits for demonstrating alignment of research with problems industry recognises as important.

When a researcher publishes a paper in a respectable journal, it directly translates to their chances to be promoted, and often leads to additional funds from the university. Successful collaboration with industry should lead to exactly the same type of rewards: career growth and research budget.

Regardless of incentives being present or not, our experience shows once academics have had a chance to participate in a research sprint, they never look back.

How can we make sure more academics are engaging in research sprints? We think we should start by giving every higher degree research student a chance to participate in a research sprint as part of their academic training.

This means every young academic would begin their career by understanding how to make research fast, practical, and beneficial to everyone involved.

The Conversation

Marek Kowalkiewicz received funding from some of the organisations mentioned in this article while running research sprints with them.

Ivano Bongiovanni received funding from some of the organisations mentioned in this article while running research sprints with them.

Peter Townson received funding from some of the organisations mentioned in this article while running research sprints with them.

ref. We solve problems in 30 days through ‘research sprints’: other academics can do this too – https://theconversation.com/we-solve-problems-in-30-days-through-research-sprints-other-academics-can-do-this-too-204373

The great beauty of art is its absence of certainty

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scott Davie, Deputy Head of School, Senior Lecturer in Piano and Musicology, School of Music, Australian National University

Azzedine Rouichi/Unsplash

It can be surprising when things are not what they seem. Take books, for example.

I recently finished The Outsider (aka The Stranger) by Albert Camus. I’m told many people read it at a younger age, and to prove the point I was given it by a nephew who’d discovered it as a teenager.

It’s not a particularly long book, yet as I turned the pages it seemed to change, revealing something unexpected. To begin with, I thought it slightly dull: a first-person account of a young Frenchman in Algiers, learning his mother had died.

There follows some rather ordinary reports of him eating, sleeping and, for reasons unknown, feeling constantly tired. He finds a girl that he likes, but doesn’t love. We read about an old neighbour whose dog goes missing, and a younger man who asks him to write a letter. It’s all quite unremarkable.

But after he suddenly shoots a man dead, it’s doubtless a very different book. The portrayal of the lengthy prelude to his trial reveals there are many other things the author has in mind. It seems we are engaged with potentially profound reflections: on ethics, liberty, guilt, religion.

Ultimately, the book rests on a sole question: was the murder premeditated? The characters in the book don’t know. But from our privileged place as witness to the narrator’s inner thoughts from the first page, how could it have been? It’s a tricky position for a reader to be in.

One is led to wonder what it is really about. On the final page, Camus suggests that, rather than feeling the love of the deity to which we should aspire, he senses – and is comforted by – the “tender indifference” of the world.




Read more:
Loin des Hommes, We Are All First Men: Camus’ Algerians and Oelhoffen’s Camus


Not what they seem

I’ve thought about this a while, and decided it’s a philosophical book.

Yet I’m aware that this might be simply how I’m interpreting these events. Indeed, tracing back through my thoughts, I see that for other readers this is possibly a modest story about a few months in the life of a man. Entertaining or not, he’s not a very appealing man at that!

So things like books can be something other than what they seem: what they are on the surface, and the stories we find within, can be wholly dissimilar. If absolute definitions are problematic, perhaps we can dispense with their application to other things.

A stack of books
Books can be other than what they seem.
Florencia Viadana/Unsplash

Take music, for example. Among my friends who work professionally in the field, some are troubled that what to them is an artform is by others classified as just “entertainment”.

I grew up being used to people seeing music as a less-than-serious pursuit. When in my teens I told my grandmother that I wanted to be a musician, she replied that such a thing would be very nice but asked what I would do for a proper job.

(She meant well, she also played piano.)

So in precisely which ways could music be both entertainment and something that is rich and profound?

If you take a piece of music with a beat and play it with conviction, whether it is an Irish jig or a rollicking Baroque gigue by JS Bach, it can make people want to dance. This is a genuine form of entertainment, and perhaps one of music’s first utilities.

If you assemble some memorable words, a pleasing melody and suitable chords, it can make people want to sing along. This has long been the case in folksong traditions, and continues in popular entertainment cultures around the world. It’s notable that Beethoven found it the best solution when he was searching for an ending to his final symphony.

Yet there is something truly ineffable about music in its metaphysical otherness. Like the effect of certain fragrances but more compelling, it can transport us back through time. And not just in momentary bursts. Rather, immersed through its duration, music can move us to our inner core.

The strings in an orchestra.
There is something truly ineffable about music in its metaphysical otherness.
Larisa Birta/Unsplash

Like great authors, creators of music craft narratives of surprising complexity. This can be through the alignment of musical ideas, no matter how small, recurring at pivotal points. Or it can be in the timing of the larger whole, when one encounters a moment of vulnerability where something more exuberant was assumed.

It can be in the ephemeral arc of a melody, or it can be the return to an evocative chord. These things in music that truly speak to us rarely happen by accident. Rather, they reveal the hand of a creative artist, working in one of our most ancient mediums. In the works we hold most highly, it is even believed great music can attain the level of philosophy.

But again, I’m led to ponder how I interpret these events. Tracing back through my thoughts, I see that for other listeners these things might not seem to exist. Could the ears of some be tuned differently to others? Or might these really be just entertaining sounds?

The absence of certainty is the great beauty of it. And sometimes it’s wonderful to be surprised when things are not what they seem.




Read more:
My pilgrimage to the site of Paul Klee’s Hammamet with Its Mosque


The Conversation

Scott Davie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The great beauty of art is its absence of certainty – https://theconversation.com/the-great-beauty-of-art-is-its-absence-of-certainty-200172

‘Free Jimmy Lai now’ plea by RSF and 116 global media leaders

Pacific Media Watch

More than 100 media leaders from around the world have joined Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in signing an unprecedented joint statement expressing support for detained Apple Daily founder and publisher Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong.

They have called for his immediate release.

Among the signatories are publishers, editors-in-chief, and senior editors from 41 countries, including New Zealand — and two Nobel Peace Prize laureates.

This powerful joint statement is signed by 116 media leaders spanning 41 countries, from Egypt to Turkey, from India to Gambia, from Myanmar to Mongolia, and everywhere in between.

RSF coordinated this call in support of Jimmy Lai, who has become an emblematic figure in the fight for press freedom in Hong Kong and globally.

The action also seeks to highlight the broader dire state of press freedom in the Chinese-ruled territory, which has deteriorated sharply in recent years.

A former laureate of RSF’s Press Freedom Prize, 75-year-old Jimmy Lai has worked over the past 25 years to uphold the values of freedom of speech and press through his independent media outlet Apple Daily.

Concurrent sentences
Detained since December 2020 in a maximum security jail and repeatedly refused bail, Lai is already serving concurrent sentences on charges of attending “unauthorised” pro-democracy protests and allegations of fraud.

He now faces a possible life sentence under the draconian national security law, with his trial scheduled to start on September 25.

“We stand with Jimmy Lai. We believe he has been targeted for publishing independent reporting, and we condemn all charges against him,” said the RSF and co-signatories.

“We call for his immediate release.”

They also called for the release of all 13 currently detained journalists in Hong Kong, and for any remaining charges to be dropped against all 28 journalists targeted under national security and other laws over the past three years.

Among the signatories are 2021 Nobel Peace Prize laureates Dmitry Muratov (Novaya Gazeta, Russia) and Maria Ressa (Rappler, the Philippines); publisher of The New York Times A.G. Sulzberger; publisher of The Washington Post Fred Ryan; CEO Goli Sheikholeslami as well as editor-in-chief Matthew Kaminski of Politico (USA); editors from a wide range of major UK newspapers including Chris Evans (The Telegraph), Tony Gallagher (The Times), Victoria Newton (The Sun), Alison Philipps (The Daily Mirror); Ted Verity (Mail newspapers), and Katharine Viner (The Guardian); editor-in-chief of Libération Dov Alfon, editorial director of L’Express Éric Chol and director of Le Monde Jérôme Fenoglio (France); editors-in-chief of Süddeutsche Zeitung Wolfgang Krach and Judith Wittwer, and editor-in-chief of Die Welt Jennifer Wilton (Germany); editor-in-chief of Expressen Klas Granström (Sweden); and many more from around the world.

Among the signatories is Dr David Robie, editor and publisher of the New Zealand-based Asia Pacific Report.


The RSF appeal over Apple Daily founder and publisher Jimmy Lai.

‘Powerful voices’
“We have brought these powerful voices together to show that the international media community will not tolerate the targeting of their fellow publisher. When press freedom is threatened anywhere, it is threatened everywhere,” said RSF’s secretary-general Christophe Deloire in a statement.

“Jimmy Lai must be released without further delay, along with all 13 detained journalists, and urgent steps taken to repair the severe damage that has been done to Hong Kong’s press freedom climate over the past three years, before it is too late.”

Jimmy Lai’s son Sebastien said: “Hong Kong is now a city shrouded in a blanket of fear. Those who criticise the authorities are threatened, prosecuted, imprisoned. My father has been in prison since 2020 because he spoke out against CCP [Chinese Community Party] power.

“Because he stood up for what he believes in. It is deeply moving to now see so many powerful voices — Nobel prize winners, and many of the leading newspapers and media organisations across the world — speak out for him.”

Over the past three years, China has used the national security law and other laws as a pretext to prosecute at least 28 journalists, press freedom defenders and collaborators in Hong Kong — 13 of whom remain in detention, including Lai and six staff of Apple Daily.

The newspaper itself was shut down — a move seen as the final nail in the coffin of press freedom in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2023 World Press Freedom Index, having plummeted down the rankings from 18th place in just 20 years.

China itself ranked 175th of the 180 countries and territories surveyed.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Hong Kong responds with veiled threat while claiming it still respects press freedom

Pacific Media Watch

Just hours after Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and 116 publishers, editors-in-chief, and senior editors from around the world called for the release of Apple Daily founder and RSF Press Freedom Prize laureate Jimmy Lai (in Cantonese: Lai Chee-ying), the Hong Kong government responded with a veiled threat.

It published a statement threatening in veiled terms the “organisations and individuals” who “interfere with the judicial proceedings” without explicitly mentioning RSF or the signatories to the call.

In the Hong Kong government’s views, calling for Lai’s release “is very likely to constitute the offence of criminal contempt of court or the offence of perverting the course of justice,” which could carry a sentence of respectively two and seven years in prison under the Criminal Procedure Ordinance in Hong Kong.

The statement also claimed, against mounting evidence to the contrary, that press freedom was still being “respected and protected” in the territory.

It also said that the arrest and prosecution of Jimmy Lai and other press freedom defenders were “completely unrelated to the issue of press freedom”.

“Over the past decade, Jimmy Lai and the media outlets he founded have consistently been the victims of harassment from the Hong Kong government, and the target of violent attacks for which no serious investigation has been made,” said Cédric Alviani, RSF’s East Asia Bureau director, in a statement.

“The downfall of press freedom in Hong Kong is abundantly documented, with at least seven media shut down and 13 journalists and press freedom defenders still detained to date.”

Over the past three years, in line with Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s crusade against the right to information, the Hong Kong government has prosecuted at least 28 journalists and press freedom defenders and forced the shutdown of two major independent media outlets, Apple Daily and Stand News, while the climate of fear led at least five smaller media outlets to cease operations – moves that served as devastating blows to media pluralism in the territory.

Hong Kong ranks 140th out of 180 countries and territories in RSF’s 2023 World Press Freedom Index, having plummeted down the rankings from 18th place in just two decades. China itself ranks 179th of the 180 countries and territories surveyed.

Pacific Media Watch collaborates with Reporters Without Borders.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

View from The Hill: Quad without hoopla still worked, while China visit will require delicate diplomacy

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Jonathan Ernst/Pool/AP

Anthony Albanese now has a firm promise of a state visit to the United States this year, and an invitation to go to China.

If he manages that double-header in coming months, it will be another coup for his foreign policy, underlining both the strength of the Australian-American alliance and the continuing improvement in the relationship with Beijing.

The US visit will be a piece of cake, although no doubt it will lead to a further gritting of teeth from the left of Labor’s base.

The challenges of a trip to China would be more complicated, partly depending on when it occurred and how much further that country had gone in relaxing trade restrictions on Australian products. Last week saw more progress with China bringing Australian timber in from the cold.

Opposition spokesman Simon Birmingham says Albanese should not go before there is “absolute clarity that these trade sanctions are going to be lifted”. That might seem too inflexible, but Albanese would be only too aware of the care he would have to take in such a visit.

China sees the thaw in relations as an opportunity to try to extract concessions – notably on Chinese investment in Australia, and on winning support for its entry to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

The Albanese government wants to normalise things, without taking any action that would compromise our national interests. So far, it has (rightly) stepped cautiously, and will need to continue to do so.

When they met for a bilateral during the weekend G7 summit, US President Joe Biden was full of public apologies to Albanese for cancelling this week’s trip to Sydney and Canberra, due to his crisis at home over the debt ceiling.

Albanese (who in an earlier Labor government had been in a few crisis meetings himself) was full of understanding. He’d have done “exactly the same thing”, he said, observing that “all politics is local”. The two signed an agreement for more collaboration on clean energy and climate change.

In the end, while the cancellation of the Australian leg of Biden’s trip swept away the hoopla around having the Quad at the Opera House, and the presidential address to federal parliament, it didn’t matter a great deal.

The leaders of the Quad – which comprises the US, India, Japan and Australia – got together, albeit briefly. (Albanese suggested the fact everyone was happy to delay the G7 dinner to facilitate the Quad meeting showed general recognition of the Quad’s importance.) And various agreements came out of that meeting, the same ones that would have emerged from the aborted Sydney gathering.

In a statement later, Albanese said the Quad leaders discussed regional challenges (for which, read China) and noted they released “a shared vision for the Quad and the Indo-Pacific region”. In practical terms, there were agreements relating to access to clean energy in the Indo-Pacific, and health security and connectivity infrastructure in the region.




Read more:
Grattan on Friday: Albanese governs on softly-softly catchee monkey formula. Would Plibersek or Chalmers have been bolder?


Meanwhile, despite the enormous pressures from high inflation and rising interest rates, the government is using the anniversary of its May 21, 2022, election victory to talk up its achievements on the economy, notably job creation.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers on Sunday issued a Treasury analysis of ABS employment data showing the government has had the “strongest start for jobs growth” of any Australian government at their first anniversary.

According to these figures, between May 2022 and April 2023, 333,000 more Australians were employed. The next-highest first year number was 198,600 under the Rudd government.

Female employment is at “record highs”, with female unemployment down to 3.3%, the lowest since August 1973.

The government says Australia has posted stronger employment growth than any of the major advanced economies. The Treasury analysis shows wages are growing faster and more people are receiving pay rises since the government won the election. The higher wages growth has left average full-time annual earnings about A$1,000 higher than they would have been under the previous rate of growth, the government says.

We can expect to hear a good deal about these figures from Chalmers in the media and when parliament resumes on Monday. His release brings to mind the practice of his old boss, former Treasurer Wayne Swan, who frequently put out treasury analyses (some of which were contested).

Albanese returns overnight from Japan to a gritty fortnight of parliament, with the House of Representatives debating the legislation for the Voice referendum (the House vote is expected next week) and Senate estimates taking some deep dives into various decisions.

The referendum is still many months away in the final quarter of the year (the government has given no date yet), but the campaigning is stepping up and becoming more fraught.




Read more:
Politics with Michelle Grattan: Labor MP Marion Scrymgour on the Voice and the need for a new NT jobs program


There has been a softening of the “yes” vote in some polling, and last week a nasty stoush broke out between two Indigenous leaders on the “yes” side.

Mick Gooda, a former social justice commissioner, said he feared the defeat of the referendum and proposed removing the reference to the Voice making representatives to “executive government” to boost its chances.

This prompted Noel Pearson, one of the leaders of the Voice campaign, to accuse “little Micky Gooda” of “wetting the bed”.

The government has no intention of changing the wording of the proposed constitutional amendment.

But it will hope its “information program” on the Voice, launched at the weekend and going into a wide range of media, will remove the doubts of some voters who are presently uncertain.

Minister for Indigenous Australians Linda Burney said that in parallel with the media campaign, the Museum of Australian Democracy and Constitution Education Fund Australia were set to deliver a grassroots civics program with general information about the constitution and referendum processes.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. View from The Hill: Quad without hoopla still worked, while China visit will require delicate diplomacy – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-quad-without-hoopla-still-worked-while-china-visit-will-require-delicate-diplomacy-206071

Pacific leaders arrive in Port Moresby ahead of Modi and Blinken PNG visit

By Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific journalist

Pacific leaders are starting to trickle into Papua New Guinea for two high level meetings and a number of side talks.

The leaders are set to meet with India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and a high-level US delegation in Port Moresby tomorrow.

PNG Prime Minister James Marape told local media on Thursday that President Joe Biden had called to apologise for his absence due to the need to return to Washington for meetings with Congressional leaders to raise its debt ceiling issue and avoid a default.

“He conveyed his sincerest apologies that he cannot make it into our country,” Marape said.

“I did place the invitation to him [that] at the next earliest available time, please come and visit us here.”

Biden has confirmed that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken will arrive on Monday to meet with PNG for a bilateral meeting and engage in a separate meeting with the Pacific Islands Forum leaders.

Biden also invited Marape and other Pacific leaders to Washington later this year for the second US summit with the Pacific Islands Forum.

“He did invite again the Pacific Island leaders to go back for a progressive continuation of the meeting that we have initially held last September in Washington,” Marape said.

Fiji’s Rabuka already in PNG
Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka has already arrived in Papua New Guinea.

He was greeted by acting Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso.

“After being welcomed by young traditional Motu Koitabu dancers, PM Rabuka made a courtesy visit to Government House and met with Governor-General Grand Chief Sir Bob Dadae,” Rosso said in a statement.

He has since been hosted by Marape for dinner at the State Function Room at Parliament House.

“PM Rabuka will be joined by other Pacific Island leaders, including New Zealand PM Chris Hipkins, who will travel into PNG this weekend,” Rosso said.

The leaders will be in Port Moresby for the third Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC).

According to Marape, 14 of the 18 Pacific Islands Forum member leaders, including New Zealand’s Prime Minister Chris Hipkins, are expected to be in attendance.

Marape calls for calm
Marape said a Defence Cooperation Agreement that is being mulled over in anticipation of an upcoming bilateral meeting with the US was consistent with the country’s “constitutional provisions”.

The cabinet is aware of the agreement, “cabinet has not concluded on this. It is awaiting cabinet conclusion,” he said.

He has called for people to trust in the process as he believes it would have a positive impact on the country.

“Another agreement called a 505 agreement, separate agreement, allows for us to have a working partnership with the US, US Navy and the US Coast Guard.

“With the US Coast Guard, it now gives us an opportune time to access not just on maritime access, but satellite access to illegal fishing, drug traffickers, illegal loggers, all those illegal transportations and activities that happens on high sea,” Marape added.

Meanwhile, PNG’s National Executive Council has confirmed that the public holiday announced for Monday for the National Capital District still stands despite Biden cancelling his attendance.

Fiji PM Sitiveni Rabuka arrives in PNG.
Fiji PM Sitiveni Rabuka arrives in PNG and is greeted by a guard of honour. Image: PNG govt/RNZ Pacific
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Timor-Leste is at the polls, here’s how Australia can support its democracy

ANALYSIS: By Melissa Conley Tyler, The University of Melbourne and Andrea Fahey, Australian National University

Today is election day in Timor-Leste, when voters are deciding on 65 members of Parliament to represent them.

Each election is a reminder of the successful regional and international cooperation that led to Timor-Leste’s independence. It is also a reminder of the importance of Timor-Leste as an exemplar of democracy, peace and human rights as foundational values.

It is in Australia’s interest that this be nurtured.

As a small state facing many challenges, maintaining these values has regional and global resonance.

Timor-Leste is an important voice both in the Pacific and Southeast Asia. It is a successful state that, despite difficulties, has been able to be peace-loving and sustain relations with Indonesia.

By contrast, democratic regression, or the worst-case scenario of a failed state, would be an enormous setback for the entire region.

What role should Australia play in keeping this democracy strong?

Complicated relationship
The history of the Australia-Timor-Leste bilateral relationship is complicated. It includes the vital Timorese assistance during World War II and Australia’s tacit approval of Indonesia’s 1975 annexation.

It also includes Australia leading the UN International Force East Timor (INTERFET), which in turn led to Timor-Leste’s transition to independence following a referendum in 1999.

The two nations have been complexly intertwined through Timor-Leste’s journey to independence and democratic development.

There have been instances of unease between the two countries. The most notable was the allegation of Australian spying during negotiations on the Greater Sunrise oil fields. This remains an ongoing issue with the potential to derail ties again.

But there have also been positive steps, such as Operation Astute, an Australian-led military and police deployment. This operation helped stabilise the country during the 2006-2008 political turmoil that culminated in the attempted assassination of President Jose Ramos-Horta and his medical evacuation.

In 2018, Australia and Timor-Leste concluded a treaty establishing their maritime boundaries following a United Nations conciliation process.

The complexity of the relationship means Australia needs to be respectful in relations, but it should not stop Australia from being a partner to support Timor-Leste’s democratic processes and institutions.

ustralia and Timor-Leste came to a resolution
Australia and Timor-Leste came to a resolution on a maritime dispute in March 2018. Image: The Conversation/Antonio Dasiparu/AAP

Supporting governance
A recent report outlines how Australia can support Timor-Leste’s governance in ways that ensure effective, capable and legitimate institutions that are responsive to people.

Australia has a track record of such programs. The eight-year, $72 million Governance for Development Programme supported Timor-Leste agencies to develop good policy and improve systems as well as helping civil society engage with government decision-making.

The programme worked in areas including public financial management, economic policy, enabling business, public service administration, law reform and financial services.

The Partnership for Inclusive Prosperity (PROVISU) will continue to support good governance and economic policy by providing support to Timor-Leste’s central government agencies and economic ministries. Through programmes like this, Australia can offer meaningful support to Timor-Leste.

Good governance that responds to citizens’ needs is a perennial problem. Timor-Leste’s nascent bureaucracy makes this a priority issue. Australia should continue to develop partnerships that strengthen institutions so they are able to deal with problems.

An example of this is PARTISIPA, a ten-year $80 million programme to improve access to quality basic infrastructure and services. It works in partnership with national and subnational governments to improve the delivery of decentralised services and village-level infrastructure, such as rural water. It continues Australia’s long-term support for the national village development programme and its community-driven processes.

Another area where Australia can contribute is in media.

Vibrant media
Timor-Leste has a vibrant media landscape that is among the freest in the region. Australian can support Timor-Leste to ensure its media are strong and robust as well as free, with public interest is at its core.

It can also work with local media to strengthen their ability to educate the general public on governance issues, to hold power to account and to promote the rule of law.

Australia can help Timor-Leste maintain a vibrant and free media
Australia can help Timor-Leste maintain a vibrant and free media landscape. Image: The Conversation/Antonio Dasiparu/AAP

An example of this is a recent memorandum of understanding between the ABC and Timor-Leste’s public broadcaster RTTL, which includes media development programmes. The agreement recognises the vital role both organisations play in informing audiences and contributing to democracy.

The ABC will work with RTTL to establish a new English-language news service, helping staff enhance their journalism and content-making skills.

Another priority Australia can engage with is the justice system.

Consultations with Timorese civil society organisations, conducted by the Asia Foundation for the Asia-Pacific Development, Diplomacy & Defence Dialogue (AP4D) report, revealed a particular concern about rebuilding trust in the judicial system. It is an area with which Australia has not been greatly involved compared to Portugal.

Australia should also engage with Timorese political parties, recognising the important structural role they play in governance. This can complement continued engagement with formal government institutions and the national parliament.

Promotion of human rights
Australia should continue to invest in the protection and promotion of human rights.

Finally, Australia should be a partner for youth civic and political engagement, given the reality of a future political transition from independence leaders to younger generations.

Timor-Leste today lives with a legacy of conflict, which has far-reaching implications. There is significant pressure on government to meet the needs and expectations of the Timorese people. Australia can be a partner to support these goals.

By helping to build a stronger, resilient and prosperous Timor-Leste, Australia is investing in a more secure and stable immediate neighbourhood, which will reap mutual benefits.The Conversation

Dr Melissa Conley Tyler is a honorary fellow, Asia Institute, The University of Melbourne and Andrea Fahey, PhD scholar, National Security College, Australian National University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

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At a G7 Summit high on ambition, nuclear disarmament takes a backseat to Zelensky’s diplomatic appeals

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Donna Weeks, Professor of Political Science, Musashino University

Japan Pool via Kyodo News/AP

Hiroshima, the site of this year’s G7 summit, is one of a handful of places in the world that reminds us so starkly of the horrors of wars.

The A-bomb Dome in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, for example, is one of few structures left standing in the neighbourhoods that were flattened by the atomic blast in August 1945. Around the city, there are also “survivor trees” from the blast and burn marks on temple stoneware and statues – reminders of how far and wide it radiated.

It is no surprise that Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida chose Hiroshima as the setting for the 2023 G7 meeting. Not only are his electoral constituency and family roots located here, he is also an advocate of a nuclear weapons-free world.

And there were hopes the meeting could spur further action towards this ultimate goal of global nuclear disarmament. Kishida said ahead of the meeting,

I believe the first step toward any nuclear disarmament effort is to provide a first-hand experience of the consequences of the atomic bombing and to firmly convey the reality.

Global leaders pose for a photo after laying flowers at the Cenotaph for the Victims of the Atomic Bomb (back left) at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park.
Japan pool/AP

Ukraine takes priority

It wasn’t to be. Though the final communique from the summit did make a vague commitment toward a “Hiroshima Vision” for nuclear disarmament, it took a backseat to the main headline from the weekend – the continued global support for Ukraine in its war against Russia.

An “unscheduled” visit by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky certainly raised the stakes for the summit at a critical time in the war.

On Friday evening, the leaders released a strongly worded, six-page statement on Ukraine, which reaffirmed their commitment “to stand together against Russia’s illegal, unjustifiable and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine” and condemned “Russia’s manifest violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the impact of Russia’s war on the rest of the world”.

But it was the potential impact of the in-person attendance that might amplify the otherwise rhetorical words of the summit leaders.

Perhaps most importantly, Zelensky’s visit offered countries like India, Brazil, Indonesia and others from the Global South – who haven’t been as strong in their condemnation of Russia’s invasion – an opportunity to meet with Zelensky to hear his side of the story.

For example, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi sounded appropriately empathetic in his first face-to-face meeting with Zelensky since the war began, saying he didn’t consider the war to be “just an issue of economy or politics. For me, it is an issue of humanity.”

Zelensky’s opportunity to make a direct appeal to the leaders may end up being the key statement of the summit, distinguishing it from previous gatherings.

A bigger role for the Global South

But Kishida had other goals for Hiroshima. In fact, he had spent the better part of a year making several trips overseas to talk up his vision for the summit – greater support from the world’s largest economies for developing nations. This is part of his broader aims to ensure global economic security and his brand of “new capitalism”, which he has brandished since becoming prime minister.

In March, he visited Poland and Ukraine, where he met with Zelensky. A month later, he went to Egypt, Ghana, Kenya and Mozambique, where he declared the “Global South” to be an integral part of his economic security strategy. There were also stops in India, Singapore and South Korea in recent months.

The list of attendees at this year’s conference reflected this deeper focus on the “Global South”. South Korea, Vietnam, Australia, India and Brazil were invited, as well as the Comoros (chair of the African Union), the Cook Islands (chair of the Pacific Islands Forum) and Indonesia (chair of ASEAN).

Japan’s interest here lies partially in countering Chinese and Russian investment and influence in Africa and other parts of the Global South.

The G7 leaders’ final communique reflected this, with a significant focus on African security and a specific mention of Russia’s Wagner mercenary group:

We are seriously concerned about the growing presence of the Russia-affiliated Wagner Group forces on the continent and their destabilising impact and human rights abuses.

For Kishida, having the African and Pacific representatives engaging with the G7 leaders was an important strand of his diplomatic efforts of the last few months, as he noted in his closing remarks.

A sideline Quad, or the Quad sidelined?

Australia had been viewing the summit as a prelude to the official Quad leaders meeting scheduled for Sydney this week. Instead, after US President Joe Biden cancelled the Australia leg of his trip to deal with the budgetary deadlock back home, a meeting of the four member countries was hastily arranged in Japan.

Although it was quite short, the meeting provided the necessary optics – the four leaders still prioritising their shared goals of working together to exert pressure on China’s regional ambitions.

The Quad, like the AUKUS security arrangement between the US, UK and Australia, however, remains something of an anomaly in a region already rich in security arrangements. It is seen by some as exclusionary, perhaps contributing to rising tensions in the region, rather than diminishing them.

The meeting on the sidelines this time may well serve to turn down the gauge, just a little, in the regional security environment.

US President Joe Biden, left, Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, second left, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, third left, and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hold a Quad meeting on the sidelines of the G7 summit.
Jonathan Ernst/Pool Reuters/AP

How much can we expect to change?

Inevitably, at each G7 Summit, there are calls for a review of its purpose. Originally an “informal” grouping of the world’s leading economies, it has become, like the UN Security Council, an institution of a different time. It is somewhat of an anachronism, no longer representative of today’s global economy.

Kishida obviously had great ambitions for this version of the summit, with the invitees from the Global South and a genuine desire to push the issue of nuclear disarmament. In his press conference on Sunday, Kishida reiterated his reasons for gathering world leaders in Hiroshima – to emphasise the importance of pursuing peace.

This summit will be most likely be remembered for Zelensky’s visit and the message it intended to send to Russia. But as leaders make their journeys home, wars will continue and all we are left with are the platitudes that will carry over to the next G7 Summit in 2024.

As for the ageing hibakusha, the survivors of the 1945 atomic bomb in Hiroshima, this may have been their last major opportunity to press for an end to nuclear weapons.




Read more:
The Quad has a strategy to counter China and Russia: be a force for global good without ideological warfare


The Conversation

Donna Weeks travels to Hiroshima regularly for research on peace and sustainability and engages with peace organisations in Tokyo.

ref. At a G7 Summit high on ambition, nuclear disarmament takes a backseat to Zelensky’s diplomatic appeals – https://theconversation.com/at-a-g7-summit-high-on-ambition-nuclear-disarmament-takes-a-backseat-to-zelenskys-diplomatic-appeals-205829

Papuan activists accuse Jakarta over mounting ‘brutal’ repression, arrests

Jubi News in Jayapura

Esther Haluk, a women’s rights activist from GARDA Papua, is among West Papuan activists who have condemned a declining state of freedom of speech in the Melanesian region.

Speaking in a recent online discussion on “Status and Trends of Freedom of Expression, Assembly, and Digital Rights in West Papua”, she said there was a growing sense of fear among Papuans who wished to openly voice their opinions due to the Indonesian government’s response.

Haluk said that the deterioration of freedom of expression in Papua could be traced back to 2019 when large-scale protests erupted in response to instances of racism.

She said individuals from the Papuan community who had participated in those protests were subsequently arrested and imprisoned.

“Some Indonesian people call us monkeys but when we fight against it, we are arrested. We are victims,” Haluk told the discussion organised by SAFEnet and TAPOL this week.

According to Haluk, whenever Papuans exercised their freedom of expression to voice the truth, they were consistently met with opposition from the military and police forces.

Haluk shared that she personally experienced being arrested for participating in a peaceful protest in May 2022. However, at the police station she was questioned about her social media posts instead.

Facebook account hacked
“So at that time we were taken to the police station not because of the protest but rather due to our social media posts. My Facebook account was hacked three times after I posted some comments on the news,” Haluk explained.

Haluk said the policies implemented by the Indonesian government did not align with the wishes of the Papuan people, particularly over the splitting up of Papua province to  establishment new provinces.

However, when Papuans protested against the policy, they were arrested.

“We refuse to accept the policies enforced in Papua because they do not positively impact our lives,” she said.

“We are witnessing ecological destruction that poses a threat to our existence, as well as issues of land appropriation.

“It is our fundamental right to express ourselves and engage in peaceful protests, yet the government responds by deploying a significant number of military and police personnel to suppress Papuan voices,” Haluk said.

Some of the speakers at the online discussion
Some of the speakers at the online discussion organised by SAFEnet and TAPOL. Image: Jubi screenshot APR

She said Indonesia as a democratic nation should uphold and honour the freedom of expression of Papuans.

Peaceful protests
In Haluk’s view, the way the Indonesian government treated Papuans indicated that Papuans were not viewed as a part of Indonesia.

“We intended to conduct a peaceful protest, so why did the government resort to sending in the police and military to forcibly disperse us?

“We were simply exercising our rights, so why the use of such excessive force by the military and police?

“Based on our experiences as Papuans, it feels as though our rights hold no significance and are not acknowledged within Indonesia,” Haluk said.

Ian Moore of the human rights campaign TAPOL revealed in the forum that there were 21 instances of arbitrary dispersals that took place in 2022, according to the Tapol West Papua 2022 report “Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Assembly”.

Moore highlighted that most of the incidents occurred in Papua province, particularly in the capital Jayapura. However, similar incidents were also reported in other parts of West Papua, especially in Sorong, and Central Papua.

Moore said that various police units were involved in the dispersal of peaceful demonstrations in Papua, ranging from standard units to special task forces such as the Nemangkawi Task Force, the Mobile Brigade Corps, and police intelligence agencies

Papuans ‘oppressed’
Made Supriatma, a researcher at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, said the state continued to oppress Papuans by deploying military forces to deal with their protests.

This response, Supriatma added, was “excessively brutal” and amounted to repression against Papuans.

Supriatma said that various protests by Papuans indicated a growing sense of nationalism, particularly among the youth in Papua.

The Indonesian government should engage in dialogue with Papuans to address their concerns and listen to their demands.

“Papua has a strong movement, and young Papuans are eager to voice their opinions and participate in protests, even in the face of military repression,” Supriatma said.

Republished with permission.

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Top UN Pacific official told to leave Fiji amid ‘harassment’ allegations

By Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific lead digital and social media journalist

Allegations of sexual harassment have emerged in the case of a senior United Nations manager at the Fiji multi-county office who has been put on “administrative leave” after complaints of “unsatisfactory behaviour”.

On Thursday, the UN Resident Coordinator’s Office to Fiji, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu confirmed to RNZ Pacific that Sanaka Samarasinha had been temporarily stood down to facilitate investigations.

The UN office said the complaints against Samarasinha were “being taken very seriously” but did not provide further details.

RNZ Pacific understands the complaints against Samarasinha allege sexual harassment and one complainant has also alleged Samarasinha asked them to delete all electronic communications they had with him, claiming it undermineD the investigations process.

It is understood that one of the complaints against Samarasinha is that in February, at a formal diplomatic function held at the New Zealand High Commission in Suva, he made sexual advances against the complainant while in a drunken state.

RNZ Pacific also understands that Samarasinha’s electronic devices have been confiscated and he has been asked to leave the country.

RNZ put the allegations to Samarasinha who said he was deeply disturbed by the extremely serious and damaging allegations.

“While I am very keen to respond more fully, UN rules prohibit me from doing so as a staff member. Therefore, please reach out to the UN office,” he said.

Meanwhile, Samarasinha’s term as the resident coordinator has been confirmed to end this year.

The UN office said his replacement has already been selected and expected to be presented to the Fijian government, which is hosting the UN multi-country office.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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When someone living with dementia is distressed or violent, ‘de-escalation’ is vital

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

Shutterstock

Today’s reporting about the alleged tasering of a 95-year-old woman living at the Yallambee Lodge aged care home in New South Wales has brought the issue of behaviours and psychological symptoms of dementia into sharp focus.

Over half of those living in residential care have a dementia diagnosis and up to 95% of those living with dementia will experience such behaviours at some point during their passage through the illness. Common behaviours that might be shown by those living with advanced dementia include agitation, anxiety, attempts to leave care, aggression, apathy, sleep disturbance, aimless pacing, psychosis and aggression.

The full circumstances surrounding Wednesday’s events are unclear and they are subject to an investigation by police. That may take some time. What is clear, however, is that there is much room for improvement in the way behaviours and psychological symptoms of dementia are managed in residential care. Situations that end with police involvement should be avoided.




Read more:
Needless treatments: antipsychotic drugs are rarely effective in ‘calming’ dementia patients


Calling for help

In its final report in March 2021, the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety recommended “all workers engaged by providers who are
involved in direct contact with people seeking or receiving services in the aged
care system undertake regular training about dementia care and palliative care”.

Currently, it is not infrequent for police to be called to respond to incidents in care homes. While programs have been implemented to better equip police to respond to the specific need of those living with dementia this work is still in its infancy.

Aggression and agitation are two of the most common behavioural symptoms that lead to referral to specialist support services.

Dementia Support Australia is a Commonwealth-funded service that has supported aged care homes and home-based carers in managing behaviours and psychological symptoms of dementia since 2016. There were 8,702 referrals to the service between January and June 2022. The number of referrals has increased in recent years.

As an organisation at the frontline of dementia support, we extend our deepest sympathies to the 95-year-old aged care resident, her family, Yallambee Lodge staff and everyone else touched by this devastating incident.

One of the advantages of having a national service such as this is that it has enabled the development of a national database that documents not only the nature and severity of the behaviours prompting the referral, but those factors that are most commonly identified as triggers for these behaviours.

carer puts hand on older person's hand, which is hold a walking stick
When people with dementia show behaviours of concern they have unmet needs.
Shutterstock



Read more:
Why is my loved one with dementia sometimes ‘there’ and sometimes not?


3 leading causes

Aggression and agitation are not diagnoses in themselves, but symptoms. Symptoms have causes, and these must be identified in order to adequately address behaviour.

The leading contributing factors we have identified in relation to behaviours are:

1. Unidentified or under-treated pain

This is relevant in over 50% of the cases we see. Earlier research on pain management in the setting of advanced dementia has shown those with a dementia diagnosis who are admitted to hospital with hip fractures tend to be prescribed only a fraction of the analgesia given to those without dementia.

2. Carer approach

Care staff receive only minimal levels of training in dementia care as part of their basic qualification and are often unfamiliar with communication strategies tailored towards those with cognitive impairment.

Currently, the minimum qualification for a personal care worker involves no compulsory units in dementia competency. While we do not know the full circumstances from the events this week, the Royal Commission has made recommendations to improve care for those living with dementia. Carer approach is an issue in about a third of the cases we see.

3. Over- and under-stimulation

In about one quarter of Dementia Support Australia cases boredom and loneliness and/or an environment that does not take into account the specific needs of those living with dementia are an issue.

Other common causes of changed behaviour include mood and anxiety disorders, communication difficulties, delirium, sleep problems and poor carer knowledge of the specific likes/dislikes of the individuals they are caring for.

People with dementia may react to uncertainty in unexpected ways.



Read more:
Should we move our loved one with dementia into a nursing home? 6 things to consider when making this tough decision


Prevention and calming things down

The best way to manage most behavioural changes is to prevent the circumstances that lead to their development in the first place. Prevention is always better than cure.

Once behaviours are occurring, there is no single correct way to de-escalate them. The appropriate de-escalation strategies will always be specific to what has caused the altered behaviour in the first place.

Unfortunately, when behaviours have escalated to the point where police attendance is required, the responding officers are unlikely to be equipped with the necessary information about the person and their circumstances. That means they won’t be equipped to respond with effective and specific de-escalation strategies.

One case in the United States from 2020 involved the arrest of a 73-year-old woman living with dementia, who had left a local store without paying for items worth a small amount. A lawsuit filed following the arrest alleged it resulted in a fractured arm and a dislocated shoulder, and raised national concerns about the way first responders interact with those experiencing cognitive disabilities.

Australia needs to learn from yesterday’s events and respond.


If you are caring for someone with dementia there is help available. Dementia Support Australia is a free service, fully funded by the Australian government. Referrals can be made 24-hours a day by calling 1800 699 799.

The Conversation

Steve Macfarlane works for Dementia Support Australia. He receives funding from various pharmaceutical companies. He is affiliated with the RANZCP.

ref. When someone living with dementia is distressed or violent, ‘de-escalation’ is vital – https://theconversation.com/when-someone-living-with-dementia-is-distressed-or-violent-de-escalation-is-vital-205988

Magnitude 7.7 earthquake near Loyalty Islands triggers tsunami threat for Vanuatu, Fiji, New Caledonia

RNZ Pacific

New Zealand’s National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) is warning coastal areas  are expected to experience strong and unusual currents and unpredictable surges following a magnitude 7.7 earthquake in the Pacific.

A tsunami threat was issued for Vanuatu, Fiji and New Caledonia after the 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck southeast of the Loyalty Islands.

The warnings were issued just after 3pm by the Pacific Tsunami Warning Centre. The earthquake was nearly 38 km deep.

In its warning, NEMA said: “Strong currents and surges can injure and drown people. There is a danger to swimmers, surfers, people fishing, and anyone in or near the water close to shore.

“People … should move out of the water, off beaches and shore areas and away from harbours, marinas, rivers and estuaries.”

The first tsunami activity causing these strong currents and surges may reach New Zealand in the areas North Cape at approximately 5pm, NEMA said.

“This may be later and the first tsunami activity may not be the most significant. Strong and unusual currents and unpredictable surges will continue for several hours and the threat must be regarded as real until this advisory is cancelled.”

Coastal inundation was not expected, NEMA said.

The areas under threat:

  • The West Coast of the North Island from Cape Reinga to Whanganui including the West Coast of Auckland, Manukau Harbour and New Plymouth
  • The East Coast of the North Island from Cape Reinga to Tolaga Bay including Whangārei, Great Barrier Island, the East Coast of Auckland, Waiheke Island, Waitematā Harbour, Tauranga, Whakatane and Opotiki
  • The West Coast of the South Island from Farewell spit to Milford Sound including Westport, Greymouth and Hokitika

Advice for people in areas under threat:

  • Stay off beaches and shore areas
  • People on boats, liveboards and at marinas should leave their boats/vessels and move onto shore. Do not return to boats unless instructed by officials
  • Move out of the water, off beaches and shore areas and away from harbours, marinas, rivers and estuaries
  • Do not go to the coast to watch the unusual wave activity as there may be dangerous and unpredictable surges
  • There is no need to evacuate other areas unless directly advised by local civil defence authorities
  • Listen to local civil defence authorities and follow any instructions and share this information with family, neighbours and friends
A tsunami forecast map issued by the National Emergency Management Agency on Friday 19 May after an earthquake in the Pacific near the Loyalty Islands.
A tsunami forecast map issued by the National Emergency Management Agency today after an earthquake in the Pacific near the Loyalty Islands. Omage: NEMA

RNZ Pacific senior reporter Walter Zweifel said the warning broadcast for New Caledonia on RRB, a commercial radio station, applied to all islands, with people being asked to evacuate coastal areas for higher ground.

Vanuatu Meteorology and Geo-Hazards Department issued the following statement: “An earthquake of this size has the potential to cause destructive tsunami that can strike coastlines near the epicenter within minutes and more distant coastlines within hours.

“The National Disaster Management Office advises people over all Vanuatu group to take appropriate action and precautionary measures upon receiving this advisory. This includes immediate evacuation from coastal areas to higher grounds.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

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