Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna DeMello, Research Fellow, University of Otago

Despite measures to reduce young people’s access to vapes, many countries are recording rising use by underage adolescents, especially since refillable “pod mods” and disposable devices have become widely available.

Vapes appeal to young people because of their sleek designs and flavours, but these products also carry risk. Vapes containing nicotine can cause addiction and non-smoking young people who vape are more likely to take up cigarette smoking.

Some countries have set a minimum legal sales age to curb underage use. In New Zealand, vapes are a notifiable product and, like tobacco products, must not be sold to people under 18. Australia has gone further, requiring a prescription to access nicotine-containing vapes.

However, youth vaping has continued to rise in Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia and in New Zealand, where the latest health survey found 20% of people between 15 and 17 had vaped in the past month. Nearly 28% of Māori youth vaped regularly, which suggests inequities similar to those observed in tobacco smoking.

We wanted to know how underage youth obtain vapes. We reviewed international research and found “social sourcing” (sharing between friends) was the most common access route. Underage vape users were also able to buy from commercial retailers, and some steal vapes.

Sharing appears rampant and opportunistic

We also conducted interviews with 30 New Zealand adolescents (aged 16-17) who vape to probe how they accessed vaping products. This research explains the varied ways these adolescents obtain nicotine-containing vapes and exposes serious gaps in current policy.

All participants reported sharing vapes with friends and family members, work acquaintances or people they met socially. Sharing helped participants bond more deeply with their friends and connect to new social groups.

We all try each other’s [vapes …] I can’t even explain how big [this] is […] If I’m with my friends, I’m probably not using my vape, I’m using theirs.

Sharing others’ vapes allowed some participants to avoid owning their own device (or purchasing infrequently, on special occasions). They felt uncommitted to vaping and in control of their use.

I still just do it socially […] for fun. In the three years I’ve been vaping, I’ve never owned one. I’ve tried to keep it under control, not let it affect me too much.

Relying on ‘proxies’ to purchase vapes

Most participants asked “proxies” (older friends or siblings over 18) to purchase vapes for them. Once participants had an established buyer they tended to rely on this person, who would often supply a wider underage peer group.

There’s always [someone with] an older sibling or [person] that’s fine with buying for them. [So] everybody will ask them whenever they want [product].

Proxies typically supplied people they knew at no extra cost, but sometimes charged a fee (up to NZ$10 above the cost of the vapes and e-liquid refills).

There’s that one 18-year-old at school always doing it. He charges $5 more than what a vape costs […] that’s why they come to him. They know he’ll be available, no questions asked.

A minority asked “randoms” (people they did not know) who they met on social media to buy vapes for them. Alternatively, some approached people they saw outside retail shops and asked if they would purchase products for them.

Underage youth purchase vapes themselves

Nearly all participants knew of retailers who sold to underage people; many had bought vaping products from a “dodgy dairy” that did not ask them for an ID. Several knew peers who used fake IDs.

There [are] certain dairies that people always know of [by] word of mouth. Someone would go in and not get ID’d, then tell people.

Many also knew of younger adolescents who had purchased vapes in person.

There’s so many kids who do that. That’s how the 13 and 14-year-olds get it, because they wouldn’t be friends with 18-year-olds. They just try their luck.

Our study found access routes sit on a continuum from spontaneous sharing to “proxy” purchasing to self-purchasing.

Reports that underage people buy vapes directly from small shops support the government’s proposal to introduce escalating retailer fines. But it also suggests we need stronger retailer monitoring and enforcement.

It is also crucial to disrupt social supply routes, including sharing and proxy purchasing. We believe we need upstream policy measures that reduce the widespread availability and appeal of vaping products, including the following:

• limiting product sales to age-restricted specialist shops

• capping vape retailer numbers to lower density

• restricting all (current and future) general and specialist vape retailers from operating within 500 metres of schools and marae

• monitoring the impact of a ban on sales of disposable vapes (as the government plans to do) to ensure this measure is not undermined by, for instance, allowing new low-cost refillable devices to enter the market.

Janet Hoek receives funding from the Heatlh Research Council and NZ Cancer Society; she has previously received funding from the Royal Society Marsden Fund. She is a member of several advisory committees, including the Health Coalition Aotearoa and international government and NGO groups. She has received travel support to speak at international conferences and small gifts in recognition for having spoken at conferences.

Anna DeMello does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Underage vaping is on the rise: here’s how young New Zealanders are finding it so easy to access – https://theconversation.com/underage-vaping-is-on-the-rise-heres-how-young-new-zealanders-are-finding-it-so-easy-to-access-230384

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Newton, Professor of Exercise Medicine, Edith Cowan University

With so many high-profile people diagnosed with cancer we are confronted with the stark reality the disease can strike any of us at any time. There are also reports certain cancers are increasing among younger people in their 30s and 40s.

On the positive side, medical treatments for cancer are advancing very rapidly. Survival rates are improving greatly and some cancers are now being managed more as long-term chronic diseases rather than illnesses that will rapidly claim a patient’s life.

The mainstays of cancer treatment remain surgery, chemotherapy, radiation therapy, immunotherapy, targeted therapy and hormone therapy. But there are other treatments and strategies – “adjunct” or supportive cancer care – that can have a powerful impact on a patient’s quality of life, survival and experience during cancer treatment.

Keep moving if you can

Physical exercise is now recognised as a medicine. It can be tailored to the patient and their health issues to stimulate the body and build an internal environment where cancer is less likely to flourish. It does this in a number of ways.

Exercise provides a strong stimulus to our immune system, increasing the number of cancer-fighting immune cells in our blood circulation and infusing these into the tumour tissue to identify and kill cancer cells.

Our skeletal muscles (those attached to bone for movement) release signalling molecules called myokines. The larger the muscle mass, the more myokines are released – even when a person is at rest. However, during and immediately after bouts of exercise, a further surge of myokines is secreted into the bloodstream. Myokines attach to immune cells, stimulating them to be better “hunter-killers”. Myokines also signal directly to cancer cells slowing their growth and causing cell death.

Exercise can also greatly reduce the side effects of cancer treatment such as fatigue, muscle and bone loss, and fat gain. And it reduces the risk of developing other chronic diseases such as heart disease and type 2 diabetes. Exercise can maintain or improve quality of life and mental health for patients with cancer.

Emerging research evidence indicates exercise might increase the effectiveness of mainstream treatments such as chemotherapy and radiation therapy. Exercise is certainly essential for preparing the patient for any surgery to increase cardio-respiratory fitness, reduce systemic inflammation, and increase muscle mass, strength and physical function, and then rehabilitating them after surgery.

These mechanisms explain why cancer patients who are physically active have much better survival outcomes with the relative risk of death from cancer reduced by as much as 40–50%.

Mental health helps

The second “tool” which has a major role in cancer management is psycho-oncology. It involves the psychological, social, behavioural and emotional aspects of cancer for not only the patient but also their carers and family. The aim is to maintain or improve quality of life and mental health aspects such as emotional distress, anxiety, depression, sexual health, coping strategies, personal identity and relationships.

Supporting quality of life and happiness is important on their own, but these barometers can also impact a patient’s physical health, response to exercise medicine, resilience to disease and to treatments.

If a patient is highly distressed or anxious, their body can enter a flight or fight response. This creates an internal environment that is actually supportive of cancer progression through hormonal and inflammatory mechanisms. So it’s essential their mental health is supported.

Putting the good things in: diet

A third therapy in the supportive cancer care toolbox is diet. A healthy diet can support the body to fight cancer and help it tolerate and recover from medical or surgical treatments.

Inflammation provides a more fertile environment for cancer cells. If a patient is overweight with excessive fat tissue then a diet to reduce fat which is also anti-inflammatory can be very helpful. This generally means avoiding processed foods and eating predominantly fresh food, locally sourced and mostly plant based.

Muscle loss is a side effect of all cancer treatments. Resistance training exercise can help but people may need protein supplements or diet changes to make sure they get enough protein to build muscle. Older age and cancer treatments may reduce both the intake of protein and compromise absorption so supplementation may be indicated.

Depending on the cancer and treatment, some patients may require highly specialised diet therapy. Some cancers such as pancreatic, stomach, esophageal, and lung cancer can cause rapid and uncontrolled drops in body weight. This is called cachexia and needs careful management.

Other cancers and treatments such as hormone therapy can cause rapid weight gain. This also needs careful monitoring and guidance so that, when a patient is clear of cancer, they are not left with higher risks of other health problems such as cardiovascular disease and metabolic syndrome (a cluster of conditions that boost your risk of heart disease, stroke and type 2 diabetes).

Working as a team

These are three of the most powerful tools in the supportive care toolbox for people with cancer. None of them are “cures” for cancer, alone or together. But they can work in tandem with medical treatments to greatly improve outcomes for patients.

If you or someone you care about has cancer, national and state cancer councils and cancer-specific organisations can provide support.

For exercise medicine support it is best to consult with an accredited exercise physiologist, for diet therapy an accredited practising dietitian and mental health support with a registered psychologist. Some of these services are supported through Medicare on referral from a general practitioner.

For free and confidential cancer support call the Cancer Council on 13 11 20.

Rob Newton receives funding from NHMRC, Cancer Council WA, Cancer Australia, World Cancer Research Foundation.

– ref. Exercise, therapy and diet can all improve life during cancer treatment and boost survival. Here’s how – https://theconversation.com/exercise-therapy-and-diet-can-all-improve-life-during-cancer-treatment-and-boost-survival-heres-how-226720

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Snow, Research Scientist, CSIRO

How often do you check your local weather forecast? How about your local climate projections for 2050? For many farmers, the answer to the first question is all the time. But the answer to the second is almost certainly less than that, even though this information is crucial for understanding climate-related risks and opportunities on their patch.

We know climate change could slash Australian farm profits by as much as 32% if agriculture continues as usual. Fortunately, farmers are very good at adapting to other challenges. Developing a better understanding of how the climate will change over the coming decades will help farmers prepare and adapt.

The decision-making process will vary depending on the location and the nature of the business, but it will become increasingly important to engage and respond to climate-related risks. These may include drought, flood, fire, extreme heat or greater rainfall variability. The changing climate can also present opportunities, such as being able to branch out into growing crops or varieties not previously suited to that area.

We wanted to present this information to farmers in a more engaging and meaningful way. So we designed a free tool called My Climate View.

We also interviewed farmers to find out if (and how) My Climate View might help them identify or safeguard against future climate risks. Armed with this knowledge, they might respond by shoring up on-farm water security, diversifying their farming, or adapting their future investment decisions. Whatever the case may be, our tool can get farmers thinking and talking about climate in a different way. And that’s a great start.

Making climate risks personal

Many Australian farmers are experts at using weather information. But they tend to be less familiar with long-term climate projections, to 2050 and beyond.

My Climate View is a collaborative project developed by CSIRO and the Bureau of Meteorology to help Australian farmers and producers better understand the risks and opportunities they face over the next 50 years.

It is part of the A$29 million Climate Services for Agriculture program funded through the Australian government’s Future Drought Fund.

My Climate View provides past climate data, seasonal forecasts and future climate projections at a 5-square-kilometre resolution across Australia.

Users set their location and what they produce. Then they receive commodity-specific information about the future climate in their area.

They can also modify many of the variables, such as growing season length or extreme heat thresholds to see how the output changes, further increasing the relevance of the information to their own farm’s circumstances.

In our new research, we asked 24 Australian farmers about the biggest climate risks they face before and after a demonstration of My Climate View.

We found My Climate View clarified the risks and made the whole issue far more relevant to them (we call that reducing the “psychological distance”).

After the demonstration, perceptions of future climate risks became less ambiguous and more tangible. The farmers began to discuss ways to adapt, such as switching varieties, increasing water security or changing management practices.

Why including end-users in design matters

The ability to discuss risks in this way with farmers depends on the projections being relevant and usable to them in the first place.

This is why it’s so important to involve the end users in the product design process. We need to make sure future climate information is presented in a way that is useful, understandable and actionable to farmers and farm advisors.

We also found farmers to be an untapped source of expertise. They are highly familiar and sometimes even a little bit obsessed with the weather.

Farmers interpret weather information in the context of their knowledge of the land. We want to enable users to apply their local knowledge in My Climate View as well. We can facilitate this by allowing users to tailor the climate projections to what they know works for their farm, such as setting their own thresholds for heatwaves or adjusting the “growing season” months to match their own.

When discussing early prototypes of My Climate View, we found farmers valued the information, but found the original interface “data-heavy”. These insights informed efforts to streamline and simplify the interface into its current form, making it more inclusive and user-friendly.

Kickstarting the climate conversation

Online tools are designed for people to access on their own, anytime and anywhere. But deciding how to adapt to climate change is rarely a purely individual decision. It’s often a collaborative process, with decisions shaped by conversations with advisors, family and peers. That’s because climate risk and adaptation is complex.

There are so many variables to consider, such as market factors, local circumstances (such as farm type, soil type, finances) and personal capacity for change. Climate information is most engaging when it relates directly to someone’s own location and livelihood.

Talking through the on-farm options is much more powerful than reading a report or looking at a trend line on a graph. This discussion might be with a researcher, an advisor, an industry group, a neighbour or family. Including farm advisors – as well as farmers – in design, helps My Climate View kickstart conversations and inform discussions.

Adapting to a distant and uncertain future climate is difficult. But our research shows interactive tools such as My Climate View can help farmers start making difficult decisions around adapting to future climate risks right now.

An exciting new chapter

Being able to access future climate projections as easily as checking the weather represents an exciting new chapter in climate science communication.

It’s no longer enough to simply provide the latest information on climate science. To tackle this challenge effectively, we all need to work together.

We need to start conversations, listen to farmers, work with farm advisers and find new ways to leverage all of this expertise. Only then can we make tools that are truly accessible, inclusive and useful to help future-proof Australian agriculture.

Read more:
Every Australian will be touched by climate change. So let’s start a national conversation about how we’ll cope

Aysha Fleming receives funding from the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries.

Yuwan Malakar receives funding from the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (DAFF).

Stephen Snow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. We’re helping farmers access future climate projections as easily as checking the weather – https://theconversation.com/were-helping-farmers-access-future-climate-projections-as-easily-as-checking-the-weather-227761

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kylie Turner, System Lead, Sustainable Economies, Climateworks Centre

In the budget last week, the government was keen to talk about its efforts to turn Australia into a renewable superpower under the umbrella of the Future Made in Australia policies.

Future Made is a framework that sets out how to target green subsidies to drive investment in everything from solar to critical minerals to green hydrogen. The policy lands at a time when the world is racing towards a future green economy. America has its Inflation Reduction Act, while the European Union has its Green Deal and China has powered ahead with green technologies.

The government hopes to make the most of Australia’s comparative advantage in this global context. Over 50 countries now have policies like this.

Future Made includes $1.9 billion in new funding for the Australian Renewable Energy Agency, $7 billion in tax incentives for critical mineral producers, and $1.5 billion for solar panel and battery manufacturing. Each of these has proven themselves. The renewable agency funded some of our first large-scale solar farms. Critical minerals such as lithium, cobalt and rare-earth elements are in demand to make electric vehicle batteries. And Australia is the world leader in rooftop solar, but makes almost none of the panels.

But what about green hydrogen, an industry still in its infancy? Future Made now has about $8 billion on offer to help kickstart Australia’s green hydrogen industry. Subsidies would cover the initial difference between the cost of production and current market price, until economies of scale kick in and the subsidy is phased out.

Renewable hydrogen is essential to make green iron, green steel and green ammonia, which we can use here or export.

Government-backed hydrogen?

Economists have long been critical of governments picking winners. To avoid this problem, Australia’s government has included a series of tests which have to be passed before it will invest public money. This rigour is worth praising.

These tests include how competitive the company is, how it will contribute to net zero, how it builds the capability of people and regions and how it would deliver value for money. As the government moves to become more interventionist, these tests act as a net zero filter, allocating public funds to enterprises which pass these tests. Scaled up, it will begin to shape the economy in ways compatible with net zero.

When applied to green hydrogen, these tests suggest it would be much more economic to produce green iron close to where green hydrogen is produced. That’s because hydrogen is difficult to transport.

You can make green hydrogen by using renewable electricity to split water – even better if you do it in the day, to soak up cheap solar power. The primary technology – machines called electrolysers – is becoming cheaper and more readily available.

Climateworks has modelled different emission reduction scenarios for the whole economy and found green hydrogen can play a role in the race to net zero – especially in sectors it’s not technically possible or too expensive to electrify, such as ammonia production, iron ore production, and heavy transport.

Making commercially viable green hydrogen at scale will be essential if we are to get to net zero. But without established local and global demand, public investment is needed to kickstart this industry at scale. That way, when the momentum builds for green hydrogen, Australia will be positioned to make best use of our comparative advantages and move from a smattering of pilot plants to large scale production.

If we get this right, we will be in demand globally. With our established export relationships, green hydrogen and the products it can help us make will be big ticket export items.

Right now, there’s a chicken and egg problem. Companies are reluctant to front up the initial capital costs if there’s uncertainty about who will buy the product. To scale up, then, means a mixture of grants and concessional finance to encourage entrants.

And because green hydrogen is trying to displace fossil fuels, manufacturers need to persuade buyers to shift. Steel magnate Sanjeev Gupta is confident many buyers will pay a little extra for green steel made with hydrogen with no need for subsidies, but we can’t yet see this in any uptick in demand.

Without established local and global demand, public investment is needed to kick start this industry at scale. The Future Made in Australia net zero filter sets out questions about competitiveness, emissions and more which must be asked and answered for Australia to spend public dollars efficiently. Applying these tests consistently will help us avoid the problems which come when we pick winners without enough evidence.

Under Climateworks’ modelling for a 1.5°C scenario, local renewable hydrogen production could grow steadily until 2030 and then accelerate rapidly to 2045.

It is true green hydrogen is having a sluggish start. Worldwide, electrolyser capacity is currently far outstripping demand, except in China. In part, this is because green hydrogen will have most use in industry, which has been slower to decarbonise.

Future Made and similar policies around the world offer a chance – not a certainty – of cracking the chicken and egg problem. If done well, Future Made could be the running start Australia needs to gain the benefits from our comparative advantages in world class solar and wind resources, critical minerals, a skilled workforce, established export relationships and the sheer size of our landmass and coastline to host large scale projects.

The managers of almost half of the world’s privately managed money have pledged to invest in line with limiting global warming to 1.5°C. It’s time for us to put Australia’s public investment to work. On green hydrogen, we could shoot to the front of the pack. It’s still up for grabs.

Read more:
Green industry yes, conservation no: a budget for people, not for nature

Kylie Turner is an employee of Climateworks Centre which receives funding from philanthropy and project-specific financial support from a range of private and public entities including federal, state and local government and private sector organisations and international and local non-profit organisations. Climateworks Centre works within Monash University’s Sustainable Development Institute. Kylie Turner was most recently the program impact manager for the Australian Industry Energy Transitions Initiative funded by ARENA, philanthropy and industry participants, developing decarbonisation pathways to limit warming to 1.5℃.

Luke Brown is an employee of Climateworks Centre which receives funding from philanthropy and project-specific financial support from a range of private and public entities including federal, state and local government and private sector organisations and international and local non-profit organisations. Climateworks Centre works within Monash University’s Sustainable Development Institute.

– ref. Will government investment make green hydrogen a reality in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/will-government-investment-make-green-hydrogen-a-reality-in-australia-230202

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton might have done us a favour.

As part of his budget reply speech on Thursday night he promised to stop foreigners buying existing Australian homes.

He didn’t only want to stop foreigners buying existing homes to live in, something they are able to do while here temporarily, as long as they they sell within three months of moving out.

He also wanted to stop them buying existing Australian homes to let to renters. He wanted to stop them being landlords. Not because landlords deprive us of homes to live in (they don’t) but because they deprive us of homes to own.

Every existing home that is owned by a landlord is a home that isn’t owned by an owner-occupier. It’s maths.

Foreign investors outbid residents

It was, Dutton said, pretty unfair to be at an auction “bidding against somebody who has very deep pockets and somebody who’s not an Australian citizen”.

Stopping foreign investors would help restore the “dream of home ownership”.

Here’s the favour. Dutton has pointed out something that’s true for all investors. By bidding against people who want to buy existing homes to live in, they are pushing up the price of those homes. When they succeed in buying an extra home, they ensure an owner-occupier does not.

Dutton has spelled out the maths.

He has acknowledged that, for foreign investors, the numbers aren’t big. It’s already hard for them to buy existing properties. In 2021-22, the most recent year for which we have figures, only 1,339 foreign investors bought existing properties.

But he told 3AW’s Tom Elliott that if there was anything that could be done, no matter how little, he would “jump at it”.

Local investors also outbid residents

There is something much bigger that could be done, which is to extend his idea to all would-be investors – every one of them who turns up at an auction for an existing property and bids against someone who wants to buy it to live in.

It’s hard to think of reasons why investors should be supported to bid against intending homebuyers. In the quarter century since the headline rate of capital gains tax was halved in 1999, investors have been supported by a particularly effective blend of negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions.

An extraordinary 2.2 million Australians now own investment properties – one in every six taxpayers. Seventy percent of them own two investment properties or more.

In the census before the change, 25.5% of households headed by someone aged 35-54 rented. In the most recent census it was 33.7%.

This isn’t because of a shortage of supply. It’s because a bigger chunk of the supply has been grabbed by landlords at the expense of Australians who in earlier years would have owned.

Had that bigger chunk not been grabbed, hundreds of thousands more Australians would own the homes they live in.

No one objects to investors who build new homes, increasing supply – certainly not Dutton. The two-year ban he put forward in his budget reply speech would have only stopped foreign investors buying existing properties. There would be nothing to stop them building and letting out new ones.

That’s how you would design a grander Dutton-style plan that applied to all investors. Labor put one forward at the 2016 and 2019 elections.

Labor had a plan like Dutton’s

Under Labor’s 2019 plan, negative gearing – the tax break that allows investors to write off losses they make from renters against their wage income – would no longer be available to new investors, except those who actually provided new homes.

Labor planned to

put negative gearing to work by limiting it to new investment properties to help boost housing supply and jobs

Negative gearing isn’t being put to work right now.

In March, the most recent month for which we have statistics, only 2,048 of Australia’s 16,948 property investment loans were for building new homes. Most of the rest went to investors who were going to compete against would-be residents to buy existing properties.

Labor says that’s no longer its plan. On ABC Q&A on Monday Treasurer Jim Chalmers said he “wasn’t attracted” to the idea of changing negative gearing.

Yet he repeatedly said there was “no substitute for building new homes”

What Labor proposed in 2016 and 2019 would have directed investors towards building new homes.

It’s worth doing both because it would help create new homes and because it would reduce the number of would-be landlords going up against would-be homeowners at auctions.

One of those intending homebuyers, Jessica Whitby, who was outbid at an auction in Chalmers’ electorate, asked him on Monday to “disincentivise people who are purchasing multiple investment properties to assist first home buyers to get into the market sooner”.

Chalmers replied the thing that mattered most was supply, but he didn’t mention that what Whitby was proposing used to be Labor Party policy, didn’t acknowledge that it would encourage supply, and didn’t acknowledge that (in theory at least) Dutton appears to agree with him.

Support from many quarters

And not only Dutton. Scott Morrison expressed concern about the “excesses” of negative gearing as treasurer in 2016. His predecessor, Joe Hockey, said on leaving parliament that negative gearing should be skewed toward new housing so there was “an incentive to add to the housing stock”.

It’s as if almost everyone can see the sort of thing that needs to be done.

Australia’s negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions are incredibly expensive. The treasury costs negative gearing alone at $2.7 billion per year.

At least in principle, there’s agreement about how to make it work for us.

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

– ref. Peter Dutton makes Labor’s case. Tax breaks for landlords should be restricted to those who build homes – https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-makes-labors-case-tax-breaks-for-landlords-should-be-restricted-to-those-who-build-homes-230518

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Maguire, Associate Professor in Human Rights and International Law, University of Newcastle

The request by Karim Khan, chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), for arrest warrants for Israeli and Hamas leaders is a significant step in the effort to bring justice to the victims of international crimes in Israel and Palestine.

Khan has asked ICC judges to issue warrants on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes against Yahya Sinwar (head of Hamas in Gaza), Mohammed Diab Ibrahim Al-Masri (also known as Mohammed Deif, the commander of the military wing of Hamas) and Ismail Haniyeh (head of Hamas’ political bureau, based in Qatar).

They are alleged to bear responsibility for international crimes on Israeli and Palestinian territory at least since October 7 2023.

Khan has also requested arrest warrants against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, again for war crimes and crimes against humanity. They are alleged to be responsible for crimes in the Gaza Strip since October 8 2023.

What have they been accused of?

Sinwar, Al-Masri and Haniyeh are charged in relation to the attacks on Israeli civilians on October 7, in which an estimated 1,200 Israeli civilians were killed and at least 245 taken hostage.

In addition, the Hamas leaders are accused of other crimes in the context of the ongoing conflict in Gaza. These include:

• extermination
• murder
• hostage taking
• rape and other acts of sexual violence
• torture
• cruel treatment

Khan said in his statement:

I saw the devastating scenes of these attacks and the profound impact of the unconscionable crimes charged in the applications filed today. Speaking with survivors, I heard how the love within a family, the deepest bonds between a parent and a child, were contorted to inflict unfathomable pain through calculated cruelty and extreme callousness. These acts demand accountability.

Khan noted his office conducted extensive investigations, including site visits and interviews with victim survivors, and relied on evidence relating to the conditions in which Israeli hostages have been held in Gaza.

Netanyahu and Gallant are alleged to be criminally responsible for a number of international crimes since Israel launched its military action against Hamas in Gaza on October 8, including:

• starvation of civilians as a method of warfare
• wilfully causing great suffering
• wilful killing
• intentional attacks against a civilian population
• extermination and/or murder
• persecution.

The prosecutor said the alleged crimes:

… were committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the Palestinian civilian population pursuant to state policy. These crimes, in our assessment, continue to this day.

Noting the horrific suffering of civilians in Gaza, including tens of thousands of casualties and catastrophic hunger, Khan alleged that the means Netanyahu and Gallant chose to pursue Israel’s military aims in Gaza

…namely, intentionally causing death, starvation, great suffering, and serious injury to body or health of the civilian population – are criminal.

What does this mean in practice?

The next step in this process is for three judges in the ICC pre-trial chamber to decide if there are reasonable grounds to believe war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed. If so, they will issue arrest warrants. It could take months for the judges to make this assessment.

If arrest warrants are issued, however, they are very unlikely to be executed. And if none of the accused can be arrested, then no trial will take place because the ICC does not try people in absentia.

So, why is it unlikely the accused will be arrested? There are several reasons.

First, none of the accused will hand themselves in for prosecution. Netanyahu was outraged by Khan’s decision, calling it “a moral outrage of historic proportions” and accusing him of antisemitism.

Hamas has issued a statement strongly denouncing the issuing of arrest warrants against its leaders, claiming it equates “the victim with the executioner”.

Read more:
There has been much talk of war crimes in the Israel-Gaza conflict. But will anyone actually be prosecuted?

Second, none of the accused are likely to put themselves in a position to be arrested and turned over to the ICC. Israel is not a signatory to the Rome Statute that established the ICC. Its chief ally, the United States, is also not a member. This would guarantee Netanyahu and Gallant could travel to the US without fear of arrest.

Meanwhile, Haniyeh is based in Qatar, which is also not an ICC member state. He may need to curtail travel to other states to avoid risk of arrest. The other two accused Hamas leaders are believed to be hiding in Gaza – they appear more at risk of being killed by Israeli forces than arrest.

However, Palestine is an ICC member state, so technically it is obliged to cooperate with the court. In practice, though, it is hard to see how this will happen.

Third, the ICC relies on its member states to enforce its actions. It has no independent police force or capacity to execute arrest warrants.

The ICC has 124 state parties, while the United Nations has 193 member states. This disparity makes clear the gap between what the ICC seeks to achieve – namely, universal accountability for international crimes – and what it can practically achieve when it lacks the support of implicated or nonaligned countries.

What does this mean for the ICC?

Khan’s move is unprecedented in one respect. This is the first time the prosecutor’s office has brought charges against a head of state who is supported by Western nations.

The move triggered a predictable response from the US. President Joe Biden called it “outrageous” and added:

…there is no equivalence — none — between Israel and Hamas. We will always stand with Israel against threats to its security.

But Khan emphasised the importance of the ICC’s independence and impartiality, as well as the equal application of law.

No foot soldier, no commander, no civilian leader – no one – can act with impunity.

The ICC has previously confirmed its jurisdiction over crimes allegedly committed by the five leaders this week. The prosecutor will be confident the pre-trial chamber will issue the arrest warrants, based on the highly visible nature of the alleged crimes and the volume of evidence available to show reasonable grounds for prosecution.

The request for arrest warrants undoubtedly complicates relations between Israel and its allies that are ICC member states. In such a politically charged context, it is fair to describe this effort as a test of the international community’s commitment to the goal of ending impunity for international crimes.

Amy Maguire receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a member of Australian Lawyers for Human Rights.

– ref. ‘No one can act with impunity’: ICC arrest warrants in Israel-Hamas war are a major test for international justice – https://theconversation.com/no-one-can-act-with-impunity-icc-arrest-warrants-in-israel-hamas-war-are-a-major-test-for-international-justice-230522

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nina Lansbury, Associate Professor in Public Health, The University of Queensland

Last week’s federal budget committed A$12.5 million over four years to deliver tampons, pads and other period care products to people who menstruate in rural and remote Indigenous communities.

The provision of these products will be coordinated by the National Aboriginal Community-Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO), the peak body for Indigenous-controlled health clinics in Australia. These clinics are often highly trusted and well-attended by people in rural and remote Indigenous communities due to their culturally sensitive and holistic approaches to health and wellbeing.

This move follows financial support for menstrual products more broadly over the past few years, including the provision of free period products in public schools across all Australian states and territories.

But people who menstruate in rural and remote Indigenous communities face a unique set of challenges, and have a particular need for better access to period products.

Menstruation in Indigenous communities

One of us (Minnie King) is an Indigenous woman. I have seen members of my family and community challenged at times during menstruation by a lack of period products, as a result of low availability and choice, and high cost. I’ve also witnessed limited knowledge among young people of their changing bodies.

All of these issues are exacerbated by remoteness, which increases costs and reduces access to services.

To open a positive discussion of this natural cycle, the two of us, together with other colleagues, have been involved in a research project on menstrual health in Indigenous communities. We spoke to students and women in these communities about the challenges they face in managing their periods.

Participants have told us about being unable to store period products in their crowded homes, and of other barriers to accessing and using period products, such as cost. In many cases this has meant using alternatives such as wads of toilet paper or cut up clothing.

Reusable products

The advent of reusable period care products in the past decade, including reusable cups, underwear and pads, has offered more options for people who menstruate. Quality products can wash and wear for up to ten years. In essence, this means they’re “inflation-proof”.

Participants in our research talked about not knowing about or being able to purchase reusable options such as pads, cups and underwear.

Our work has distributed both single-use and reusable period care products to people who menstruate in remote Indigenous communities.

When school students in remote Western Cape York trialled reusable period underwear and pads, they told us these products were discreet to wear. They also saw advantages such as the fact reusable products remove the need for waste disposal (with both convenience and environmental benefits), are cheaper over the long term, and can always be available.

These findings suggest NACCHO may wish to offer reusable as well as single-use period products with the budget funding.

Why the budget announcement is needed

Too often, remote and Indigenous voices are not heard by decision-makers. The specific menstruation challenges and costs these people face are likely to be unfamiliar to those living in cities or financially privileged settings.

We were therefore very pleased to see funding in the budget to provide free menstrual products in these communities.

Yet this doesn’t resolve the many associated issues affecting menstrual health in remote Indigenous communities, such as the need for culturally targeted and timely education about menstrual health. This is an opportunity for community-led efforts.

We are currently writing a free teaching guide on menstrual health based on remote and Indigenous students’ views and requests for what they would like to know. This includes information about the types, use, availability and disposal of period care products. It also includes information about the biological reasons for periods and ways that local students have shared to manage the challenges of mood swings and discomfort.

Our teaching guide will augment the existing, non-Indigenous and minimal period education that exists in the Australian curriculum. It will be released later this year.

A step towards ‘period parity’

Providing free menstrual products through NACCHO in remote and rural Indigenous communities is pertinent to the first outcome in the broader target of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap in Indigenous inequity: that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people enjoy long and healthy lives.

Appropriate period care products can enable girls, women and other people who menstruate to participate in school, work, family and recreation, whatever day of the month.

The budget funding for period products through the community-oriented networks of NACCHO supports our aspiration for menstrual health equity, or “period parity”, for all.

Nina Lansbury’s research is supported with funding from the NHMRC, the Federal Government, Health Translation Queensland and the University of Queensland.

Minnie King does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The budget pledged $12.5 million for free menstrual products in Indigenous communities. Here’s why it’s needed – https://theconversation.com/the-budget-pledged-12-5-million-for-free-menstrual-products-in-indigenous-communities-heres-why-its-needed-230118

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Renwick, Professor of Agricultural Economics, Lincoln University, New Zealand

Fonterra caught the business world by surprise last week with plans to sell off its consumer brands and businesses – including supermarket mainstays such as Anchor, Fresh’n Fruity and Mainland. The move has been described as the “most dramatic major structural change” in the company’s 23-year history.

There are several possible explanations for this shift in direction for the dairy giant.

Consumer markets have long been a cornerstone of Fonterra’s business strategy. In 2023, the cooperative reported NZ$3.3 billion in revenue earnings from its consumer brands. This benefited Fonterra and farmers alike.

Fonterra now hopes to use the sale of its consumer brands to invest in the business-to-business side of the company. Economic conditions may have played a part in the decision – but it is clearly not the only reason.

High inflation and low economic growth have put pressure on food brands, both in New Zealand and globally. This has been reflected in the performance of the consumer side of Fonterra’s business, which lost $164 million after tax in 2023.

That said, the ongoing visibility and growth of Fonterra’s brands in emerging economies such as Sri Lanka, China and Southeast Asia, and improved performance in this financial year, seem to indicate all is not lost with the consumer market.

Branding the essentials

One of the fundamental challenges for Fonterra is the nature of what they sell. Core products such as milk, butter and cheese are seen as commodities by consumers. Shoppers generally believe there is little difference in quality between generic or supermarket labels and branded alternatives.

When finances are tight, purchasing decisions will be driven by price. To maintain (and justify) higher prices, branded products need to continually communicate their value and brand story.

This can be time consuming and costly. And there can be a fine line between adding value and simply adding costs. If investment is focused on other parts of the business, there is an increased risk of the brands losing value – especially in the face of intense competition.

So the move away from consumer products may not actually mean a move away from adding value for Fonterra.

Food manufacturers like Fonterra can add value by building partnerships with other businesses. The dairy cooperative may gain more from working with other companies to develop new products, or by helping them solve technical challenges, than it can from simply selling the ingredients themselves.

Irish food manufacturer the Kerry Group has developed innovation centres in Ireland and overseas – including in Australia, for example. A focus on partnerships and innovation has paid dividends for Fonterra as well.

Implications for New Zealand

Farmers could earn up to a potential $3.4 billion from the sale of Fonterra’s consumer businesses. They could benefit further from the simplified focus on selling high-value ingredients to food service customers.

However, losing such iconic brands domestically and internationally is a risk. Fonterra is, in essence, becoming an ingredient supplier dependent on the strategies of other businesses.

This could become an issue as competition from alternative proteins grows. While food manufacturers may find it easy to replace dairy as an ingredient in their products, it would be more difficult to eliminate an entire category such as butter or milk from the supermarket aisle.

It’s expected Fonterra would keep supplying milk for its former brands after they are sold. But there is no requirement for the new owners to source their milk from New Zealand.

When Fonterra sold the rights to the Anchor brand in Europe, the butter was initially sourced from New Zealand. After a relatively short time, manufacturing moved to the United Kingdom.

Some have suggested the sell-off could result in higher prices for consumers, on the basis that foreign owners might have less loyalty to the local community than Fonterra. But this argument is flawed.

Fonterra is a global business and has not kept prices low for New Zealanders in the past. In fact, some argue the opposite has happened.

The relationship between New Zealand’s two dominant supermarkets (Woolworths and Foodstuffs) and the two main suppliers of dairy products (Fonterra and Goodman Fielder) has been described as cosy. Critics have argued this has kept prices high.

Continued dominance of the dairy industry

Understanding the impact on consumers is made more complex by the competition landscape in New Zealand. Fonterra is required to supply milk to their main competitor, Goodman Fielder, at a price set by the Dairy Industry Regulation Act.

How the actual market will work if Fonterra sells its consumer side is unclear, although it’s likely the price will still be regulated to prevent Fonterra exploiting its monopoly position.

But a new entrant could also source at least some of its supply from other processors. This will depend, in part, on who the buyer is.

Any interest from Goodman Fielder is likely to attract the interest of the Commerce Commission. Earlier consolidation has been approved by the Commission but this would be on a different scale.

It’s more likely transnational companies such as Nestlé or Danone will be interested in buying the consumer side of Fonterra’s business, with an eye to growing markets across the globe.

As noted by Fonterra itself, there is the potential for these companies to extract greater value from the brand. Adding the products to their existing portfolios may enable greater economies of scale and scope, reducing marketing and logistics costs.

A move away from the consumer side may seem a radical change in strategy. But if Fonterra is doing this because it sees its business-to-business operation as having more growth and profit potential than branded consumer products, perhaps it’s again moving to the most attractive part of the value chain.

In that case, its underlying strategy hasn’t changed at all.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Farewell Anchor, Fresh’n Fruity and Mainland: what’s behind Fonterra’s decision to sell its consumer brands? – https://theconversation.com/farewell-anchor-freshn-fruity-and-mainland-whats-behind-fonterras-decision-to-sell-its-consumer-brands-230401

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Small, Senior lecturer, Above the Bar School of Educational Studies and Leadership, University of Canterbury

With an air force plane on its way to rescue New Zealanders stranded by the violent uprising in New Caledonia, many familiar with the island’s history are experiencing an unwelcome sense of déjà vu.

When I first visited the island territory in 1983, I interviewed Eloi Machoro, general secretary of the largest pro-independence party, L’Union Calédonienne. It was a position he had held since his predecessor, Pierre Declerq, was assassinated less than two years earlier.

Machoro was angry and frustrated with the socialist government in France, which had promised independence while in opposition, but was prevaricating after coming to power.

Tension was building, and within 18 months Machoro himself was killed by a French military sniper after leading a campaign to disrupt a vote on France’s plans for the territory.

I was in New Caledonia again last December, 40 years after my first visit, and Kanak anger and frustration seemed even more intense. On the anniversary of the 1984 Hienghène massacre, in which ten Kanak activists were killed in an ambush by armed settlers, there was a big demonstration in Nouméa.

Staged by a new activist group, the Coordination Unit for Actions on the Ground (CCAT), it focused on the visit of French defence minister Sébastien Lecornu, who was hosting a meeting of South Pacific defence ministers.

This followed the declaration by French president Emmanuel Macron, during a visit in July 2023, that the process set out in the 1998 Nouméa Accords had been concluded: independence was no longer an option because the people of New Caledonia had voted against it.

The sense of betrayal felt by the independence movement and many Kanak people was boiling over again. The endgame at this stage is unclear, and a lot will ride on talks in Paris later this month.

End of the Nouméa Accords

The Nouméa Accords had set out a framework the independence movement believed could work. Pro- and anti-independence groups, and the French government, agreed there would be three referendums, in 2018, 2020 and 2021.

A restricted electoral college was established that stipulated new migrants could still vote in French national elections, but not in New Caledonia’s provincial elections or independence referendums.

The independence movement had reason to trust this process. It had been guaranteed by a change to the French constitution that apparently protected it from the whims of any change of government in Paris.

The 2018 referendum returned a vote of 43% in favour of independence, significantly higher than most commentators were predicting. Two years later, the 47% in favour of independence sparked jubilant celebrations on the streets of Nouméa.

Arnaud Chollet-Leakava, founder and president of the Mouvement des Océaniens pour l’Indépendance (and member of CCAT), said he’d seen nothing like the spontaneous outpouring after the second referendum.

It was a party atmosphere all over Nouméa, with tooting horns and Kanak flags everywhere. You’d think we had won.

There was overwhelming confidence the movement had the momentum to achieve 50% in the final referendum. But in 2021, the country was ravaged by COVID, especially among Kanak communities. The independence movement asked for the third referendum to be postponed for six months.

Macron refused the request, the independence movement refused to participate, and the third referendum returned a 97% vote against independence. On that basis, France now insists the project set out in the Nouméa Accords has been completed.

Consensus and crisis

The current turmoil is directly related to the dismantling of the Nouméa Accords, and the resulting full electoral participation of thousands of recent immigrants.

France has effectively sided with the anti-independence camp and abandoned the commitment to consensus that had been a hallmark of French policy since the Matignon Accords in 1988.

Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) president Jean-Marie Tjibaou returned to New Caledonia after the famous Matignon handshake with anti-independence leader Jacques Lafleur. It took Tjibaou and his delegation two long meetings to convince the FLNKS to endorse the accords.

The Ouvéa hostage crisis that claimed 19 Kanak lives just weeks earlier had reminded people what France was capable of when its authority was challenged, and many activists were in no mood for compromise. But the movement did demobilise and commit to a decades-long consensus process that was to culminate in an independence vote.

With France unilaterally ending the process, the leaders of the independence movement have emerged empty-handed. That is what has enraged Kanak people and led to young people venting their anger on the streets.

A new kind of uprising

Unlike those of the 1980s, the current uprising was not planned and organised by leaders of the movement. It is a spontaneous and sustained popular outburst. This is also why independence leaders have been unable to stop it.

It has gone so far that Simon Loueckhote, a conservative Kanak leader who was a signatory of the Nouméa Accords for the anti-independence camp, wrote a public letter to Macron on Monday, calling for a halt to the current political strategy as the only way to end the current cycle of violence.

Finally, all this must be seen in even broader historical context. Kanak people were denied the right to vote until the 1950s – a century after France annexed their lands.

Barely 20 years later, New Caledonia’s then prime minister, Pierre Messmer, penned a now infamous letter to France’s overseas territories minister. It revealed a deliberate plan to thwart any potential threat to French rule in the colony by ensuring any nationalist movement was outnumbered by massive immigration.

And now France has brought new settlers into the country, and encouraged them to feel entitled to vote. Until a lasting solution is found, either by reviving the Nouméa Accords or agreement on a better model, more conflict seems inevitable.

David Small is affiliated with the Kanaky Aotearoa Solidarity group.

– ref. Déjà vu in New Caledonia: why decades of political failure will make this uprising hard to contain – https://theconversation.com/deja-vu-in-new-caledonia-why-decades-of-political-failure-will-make-this-uprising-hard-to-contain-230397

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Haskell-Dowland, Professor of Cyber Security Practice, Edith Cowan University

On Thursday last week, Australian media began reporting that an unnamed “commercial health information organisation” had been targeted by cyber criminals.

Within hours, reports quickly confirmed that data relating to digital prescriptions for Australian patients had been caught up in a ransomware incident at the Melbourne-based MediSecure.

The public may be concerned at the lack of information shared to date, with the Australian government still saying it is in the preliminary stages of its response, and investigations are ongoing.

It is quite normal for such investigations to take time. In fact, it’s likely to be several days (even weeks) before we have a full picture of the impact.

While these investigations progress, it is important to be alert to opportunistic scams that are likely to emerge in the coming days – even if you have never received a digital prescription.

Am I a victim of the MediSecure breach?

MediSecure provided digital prescription (eScript) services across Australia until late 2023. The company would have held personal details and some limited medical data relating to prescriptions.

If you received a prescription (via email or SMS) prior to November, it is possible your medical practice was using the MediSecure prescription system. You can potentially check this by consulting older scripts and seeing if the hyperlink was issued via MediSecure.

However, there is currently no information that would allow us to determine who is affected. For many, this will be disappointing as there would obviously be records that would indicate which healthcare practices were using the prescription service from MediSecure.

It is, however, possible this data is currently inaccessible due to the ransomware incident. Alternatively, the government may be working with providers to plan communications with those who are affected. This could be a good way to manage the sharing of information with these people, if handled in a timely fashion.

What about more recent prescriptions?

From November 15 2023, MediSecure ceased processing prescriptions in Australia after a tender process allocated the contract to a single company, eRx. Almost 190 million digital prescriptions were issued in the last four years between the two providers.

The government has provided assurance that services provided by eRx have not been affected:

People should keep accessing their medications and filling their prescriptions. This includes prescriptions (paper and electronic) that may have been issued up until November 2023.

Look out for potential scams

The priority at the moment is to determine the level of the breach. Investigations will reveal if the company has simply been locked out of its systems, or if data was also stolen.

Meanwhile, there is potential for scams to start appearing – including ones that originate from completely unrelated criminal groups.

Criminals won’t miss an opportunity to capitalise on a public interest story, including significant events. Following the Optus data breach, it did not take long before criminals were establishing new campaigns to manipulate the public in the wake of a major security issue.

It is highly likely we will soon see scams that use the MediSecure story as a “hook”. This could be as simple as providing a link to “find out if you are a victim” or even offering to help alleged victims reclaim their data and/or identity.

If, however, the criminals behind the MediSecure ransomware have taken the data for their own use, we are potentially facing much bigger issues.

With access to personal information, prescription data and (possibly) a person’s Medicare card number, scammers can add an air of authenticity to their campaigns.
Imagine receiving an official-looking email that includes the final four digits of your Medicare card to “verify” the email is genuine. The email might even assure you it is genuine by saying it has not included the full number for “your security”.

If stolen data is then released (likely on the dark web), there is potential for other criminals to use the data in campaigns. This recently happened following the Optus data breach.

What next?

The investigation will be continuing for the coming weeks. The primary aim is to determine how much data has been accessed, if it has been copied and how many people are affected.

So far, we have been assured no identity documentation is at risk, as Medicare records contain limited information that would not allow for identity theft.

The most important message at the moment is to be alert. We are likely to see scams emerging over the coming days that will leverage this incident. Many will likely be very convincing.

If you receive direct communications claiming to be from MediSecure, stop. Refer to the Home Affairs website which will be updated with the latest information.

The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s Little Black Book of Scams is a great reference to raise awareness of the techniques used by cyber criminals.

Paul Haskell-Dowland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. We still don’t know the extent of the MediSecure breach, but watch out for these potential scams – https://theconversation.com/we-still-dont-know-the-extent-of-the-medisecure-breach-but-watch-out-for-these-potential-scams-230402

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research fellow, Middle East studies, Deakin University

The death of President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash this week occurred during one of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s most challenging periods.

Raisi, a prominent figure in the political elite, held substantial sway over Iran’s domestic policies. He was also central to Iran’s recent moves to improve relations with its rivals in the region.

Given his sizeable influence, what will his absence mean for the country’s domestic affairs? And how will it impact the country’s relations in the region?

Maintaining stability at a perilous time

Raisi’s government was very conservative and had a close relationship to the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. There were almost no conflicts or disagreements between the two sides, which contrasts with previous governments, most of which had some distance or tension with the leader.

Raisi was also considered one of the leading candidates to succeed the 85-year-old Khamenei, who has held the office of Supreme Leader for 35 years. His broad influence within the country’s conservative circles made him a significant figure in shaping the future of Iran’s leadership.

However, his death, which occurred a year before the conclusion of his second term, came amid a backdrop of domestic, regional and international challenges.

Iran remains under severe sanctions imposed by the United States for its nuclear program, which have caused significant damage to the economy and had a profound impact on people’s lives.

The country also witnessed one of the most significant protest movements in its history over the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in September 2022, following her arrest by the morality police.

There have been local protests in different parts of the country as well, mostly over the economic crisis and some of the government’s domestic policies.

Moreover, parliamentary elections in March of this year saw one of the lowest voter turnout rates in the country’s history. As a result, the holding of new elections, which is mandated within 50 days of Raisi’s death, poses a significant challenge for the regime at a time when its public legitimacy is at its lowest.

In addition, the recent escalation in the ongoing shadow war with Israel has presented serious security concerns and given rise to a host of conspiracy theories. Rumours have gained traction with the public suggesting the president’s helicopter crash was the result of electronic warfare, a drone attack or even a ground assault by Israel. (The IRNA state news agency said the crash was due to a “technical failure”.)

Despite these challenges, however, the transfer of power is unlikely to significantly impact the country’s stability due to the nature of power dynamics in Iran. The Iranian political system consists of multiple interconnected circles under the guidance of the Supreme Leader. Losing one main player would not cause a major disruption when there are several others ready to fill the void.

Vice President Mohammad Mokhber has stepped in as acting president until new elections are held. It is expected the conservative inner circle close to the Supreme Leader will select its preferred candidate for the poll, aiming for a smooth transition with minimal challenges. As Khamenei posted on X:

The nation doesn’t need to be worried or anxious, as the administration of the country will not be disrupted.

However, a historical analysis of leadership in the Islamic Republic suggests a recurring pattern of power shifting between conservatives and reformists, which creates a sense of balance in Iranian politics and boosts the regime’s public legitimacy.

Hence, even though Raisi’s successor will be nominated and supported by a conservative inner circle, he may embody somewhat of a moderate stance. Figures like the current parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, or former speaker Ali Larijani, who are both moderate conservatives, fit this description.

What will it mean for Iran’s neighbours?

During his tenure, Raisi shifted the country’s foreign policy more towards the Middle East, making it the top priority. This marked a departure from his predecessor, Hassan Rouhani, who had prioritised strengthening relationships with European countries and normalising ties with other Western nations.

During Raisi’s presidency, for instance, Iraq hosted five rounds of negotiations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, culminating in the historic normalisation of relations between the two in early 2023.

As a former advisor of strategic communication to the then-Iraqi prime minister, it became evident to me that Iran was earnest about forging a strategic, long-term, robust relationship with its neighbours.

The outcome of these negotiations marked the end of a lengthy civil war in Yemen, facilitated the normalisation of Arab countries’ relations with Syria, and contributed to enhanced stability in Iraq.

Additionally, Iran has recently engaged in substantial negotiations with Jordan and Egypt, facilitated again by Iraq. These initiatives offered a chance to move past the sectarian conflicts that have long dominated the region and lay the groundwork for greater cooperation.

Iran also grew closer with both China and Russia also during Raisi’s presidency, reflecting a strategic, long-term pivot towards the East endorsed by the Supreme Leader. However, Iran also continued negotiations with Western powers over its nuclear program, employing different tactics compared to Rouhani’s tenure.

Read more:
Why the potential for another Donald Trump presidency is making Iran very nervous

Iran’s foreign policy looks likely to remain the same under a new president. The appointment of Ali Bagheri Kani as acting foreign minister following the helicopter crash (which also claimed the life of the current foreign minister) reinforces this continuity. Kani, who played a key role in leading the nuclear negotiations under Raisi, aligns with the country’s established foreign policy direction.

In addition, Iran’s closer relations with its neighbours signals a more permanent shift away from isolation. This will likely continue to improve in the short term.

Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Can Iran avoid a political crisis after its president’s death? – https://theconversation.com/can-iran-avoid-a-political-crisis-after-its-presidents-death-230406

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrea Waling, Senior Lecturer & Research Fellow, Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University

There has been much excitement in the lead up to the first four episodes of Bridgerton’s season three, featuring leading couple Penelope Featherington (Nicola Coughlan) and Colin Bridgerton (Luke Newton).

For anyone who tuned-in to previous seasons, you’ll know Penelope is none other than the famed gossiper Lady Whistledown. With this intriguing backstory, and two seasons’ worth of investment into her character, it’s no wonder she is being described as Bridgerton’s “most compelling protagonist to date”.

But this season is also important for another reason: it provides a rare example of a larger woman as being sexually desirable, wanted and erotic.

The premise

In season three (the rest of which is due on June 13) Penelope is heartbroken in overhearing Colin – someone she loves – tell other men he would never court her.

She sets off to find herself a husband. A makeover sparks some interest from potential suitors, but her confidence falters in social settings. Since Colin feels guilty about what Penelope overheard, he decides to give her “lessons” to develop her confidence. Soon enough, her charm shines through and Penelope finds herself a match in the wealthy and aloof naturalist Lord Debling (Sam Phillips).

Importantly, Penelope’s “makeover” does not involve weight loss, nor is her weight framed as an obstacle to her finding a suitor in the show (as it is in the book series).

Fat stigma in the media

Fat stigma refers to hatred, bias and prejudice targeted at someone on the basis of their body-weight and size.

Research has found it significantly impacts people whose bodies don’t fit a certain size or norm. In fact, it’s so common many people think it’s okay to engage in discrimination against those with larger bodies on the premise of being “concerned for their health” (a phenomenon known as “healthism”). This so-called concern is often cited as the reason for a lack of representation of larger bodies in media.

Fat discrimination is particularly challenging when it comes to sex. In Western culture, desiring a larger person is often regarded as a fetish rather than a legitimate interest, which can result in shame for those feeling the attraction.

Larger women can experience a variety of challenges in sex and dating, such as men refusing to date them in public, or introduce them to loved ones. They may be treated poorly in sexual encounters, or told to settle for abusive or unfulfilling relationships on the premise that they can’t have high expectations for love, sex and romance.

In mainstream media, larger women tend to serve as tropes for humour – even when they have sexual interests. One example is Rhonda (Cynthia LaMontagne) from That 70’s Show (1998–2006), who was regarded as too big and too boyish for her boyfriend, Fez (Wilmer Valderrama).

Eddie Murphy’s Norbit (2007), in which Murphy dons a fat suit to play his character’s wife, Rasputia, is another problematic example. Rasputia is characterised as being tyrannical and sadistic, and her large body is consistently used as a site of horror for comedic purposes.

More contemporary examples have pushed back against these mean-spirited representations. Side characters such as Fat Amy (Rebel Wilson) in Pitch Perfect (2012), Donna Meagle (Retta) in Parks and Recreation (2009-2015) and Detective Shannon Mullins (Melissa McCarthy) in The Heat (2013) are loud, funny, sexual, witty, confident and crass.

This is a step forward from previous media, in which larger women are either non-existent, or are used as a humorous plot device. But at the same time, these characters aren’t romantic leads. Even in Netflix’s Sex Education (2019-2023) – a show praised for its diversity in representing sex and sexuality – doesn’t feature larger people as romantic interests.

On the rare occasion a larger woman is cast as a romantic lead, we don’t see much sexual activity. She may be kissed, but anything further is usually absent.

A celebration of sex and romance

Bridgerton is, at its heart, a story about love, sex and romance. And season three is so far remarkable in its depiction of all of these.

Despite her feelings, Penelope is trying to move on from Colin and wants to find herself a sensible and practical match. Colin, however, grows more despondent as Penelope becomes close to Lord Debling – a handsome, kind and solid match for her.

Colin has erotic dreams about Penelope. He continously seeks her out at social events. He even interrupts an almost-proposal from Lord Debling. All of this is in stark contrast with the common trope of larger girls only experiencing unrequited love.

Penelope and Colin’s NSFW carriage scene is transgressive as a depiction of sex in which the larger woman receives (rather than gives) pleasure and is framed as the subject of love and desire. Not only does Colin desire Penelope, he does so in a way that centres her pleasure and consent. The resulting moment is highly intimate.

The carriage pulls over, interrupting the pair as they arrive at Colin’s house. Colin helps Penelope fix herself up and extends a hand to help her out, but she is worried his family will see her. In response, he simply asks Penelope to marry him.

This detail also goes against the portrayal of larger women as not being suitable to desire in public.

Empowerment for one and all

Actress Nicola Coughlan told interviewers she specifically wanted to film one particular nude scene (to come in later episodes):

It just felt like the biggest ‘fuck you’ to all the conversation surrounding my body; it was amazingly empowering. I felt beautiful in the moment, and I thought: ‘When I’m 80, I want to look back on this and remember how fucking hot I looked!’

Indeed, Bridgeton’s focus on an erotic romance with a larger heroine is an important push-back against society’s dislike of “big” bodies. It challenges a harmful narrative that seeks to dictate who is and is not worthy of love, sex and desire.

Spoiler alert: we all are.

Andrea Waling receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Commonwealth Department of Health, and the Medical Research Future Fund.

– ref. ‘When I’m 80, I want to remember how f***ing hot I looked’: why Bridgerton’s steamy carriage scene breaks new ground – https://theconversation.com/when-im-80-i-want-to-remember-how-f-ing-hot-i-looked-why-bridgertons-steamy-carriage-scene-breaks-new-ground-230395

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa De Bortoli, Senior Research Fellow, Australian Council for Educational Research

Australian teenagers have more disruptive maths classrooms and experience bullying at greater levels than the OECD average, a new report shows.

But in better news, Australian students report high levels of curiosity which is an important for both enjoyment and achievement at school.

The report, by the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) analysed questionnaire responses from more than 13,430 Australian students and 743 principals, to understand how their school experiences impact on maths performance.

What is the research?

This is the second report exploring Australian data from the 2022 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA).

PISA examines how 15-year-old students are able to apply their knowledge in maths, reading and science for real-world problem solving. It is one of three major international tests Australia participates in. Students complete a computer-based test and a questionnaire.

A first report released last December showed Australian students’ performance in maths has not changed significantly over the past seven years. However, when compared to when PISA results were first reported about 20 years ago, there has been a decrease of 37 points.

This new report compares 24 countries out of the 81 countries who did the PISA test. The 24 were chosen because they performed higher or at the same level as Australia in maths.

Are students listening to their teachers?

Students were asked to note how frequently students are not listening to the teacher, there is noise and students are distracted by digital devices. A “disciplinary climate index” was then constructed for each country.

While Japan had the most favourable climate, Australian students’ reported one of the least favourable among the comparison countries. All but two countries (Sweden and New Zealand) had a more favourable disciplinary climate than Australia.

Tasmania and the Northern Territory has the least favourable scores and Victoria and New South Wales had the best. For example, more students in Tasmania than in all other states and territories reported “there is noise and disorder in most classes”.

Being left out and made fun of

The study also created an “exposure to bullying index” by asking students how often certain things happened to them. This included “other students left me out of things on purpose,” “other students made fun of me,” “I was threatened by other students,” as well as acts of physical digression.

Here, Australian students reported higher exposure to bullying than all comparison countries except Latvia. They also reported similar exposure to bullying as students in New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

Students in Tasmania reported the highest levels of bullying and those in Victoria reported the lowest.

However, Australian students’ exposure to bullying score decreased between this PISA and previous test in 2018.

The advantage gap

ACER’s first PISA 2022 report showed students from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds were six times more likely to be low performers in maths than advantaged students.

It also showed the achievement gap between these two groups had grown by 19 points (or about one year of learning) since 2018.

This second report provides more insight into the challenges faced by disadvantaged students.

It shows a greater proportion of this group report learning in a less favourable disciplinary climate, experience lower levels of teacher support and feel less safe at school than their more advantaged peers.

Girls are more worried than boys

In last year’s report, the mean score for maths performance across OECD countries was nine points lower for girls than it was for boys. In Australia, the difference was 12 points.

The new report also showed differences in wellbeing. In 2022, a greater number of girls reported they panicked easily (58% compared to 32% of boys), got nervous easily (71% compared to 39%) and felt nervous about approaching exams (75% compared 49%).

Almost double the percentage of girls reported feeling anxious when they didn’t have their “digital device” near them (20% compared to 11%). Whether this was a phone, tablet or computer was not specified.

Overall, students who reported feeling anxious when they did not have their device near them scored 37 points lower on the maths test than those who reported never feeling this way or feeling it “half the time”.

Curiosity a strong marker for performance

Curiosity was measured for the first time in PISA 2022. This included student behaviours such as asking questions, developing hypotheses, knowing how things work, learning new things and boredom.

Students in Singapore, the highest performing country in PISA 2022, showed the greatest levels of curiosity, followed by Korea and Canada. These were the only comparison countries to have a significantly higher curiosity score than Australia, with the Netherlands showing the lowest curiosity score overall.

As ACER researchers note: “curiosity is associated with greater psychological wellbeing” and “leads to more enjoyment and participation in school and higher academic achievement”.

They found Australia’s foreign-born students reported being more curious than Australian-born students, with 74% compared to 66% reporting that they liked learning new things.

What next?

Their findings highlight concerns for Australian education, such as persistently poor outcomes for disadvantaged students and higher stress levels experienced by girls. We need to better understand why this is happening.

But they also identify behaviours and conditions – such as high levels of curiosity – that contribute to a good maths performance and can be used by schools and policymakers to plan for better outcomes.

Lisa De Bortoli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Australian teenagers are curious but have some of the most disruptive maths classes in the OECD – https://theconversation.com/australian-teenagers-are-curious-but-have-some-of-the-most-disruptive-maths-classes-in-the-oecd-230411

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samantha Marsh, Senior Research Fellow in Public Health, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

New Zealand’s decision to no longer offer free influenza vaccines for all children under 12 will likely wipe out recent gains in uptake. And it will disproportionately affect those living in deprived areas and with a high risk of disease.

Influenza accounts for more than half of all potentially vaccine-preventable hospitalisations of children under 14 in New Zealand. But those living in poorer areas are three times more likely to be hospitalised due to a lung infection.

Health New Zealand recommends annual vaccination for all children from the age of six months. During the 2022 winter season, New Zealand’s medicines funding agency Pharmac made flu vaccines free for all children aged three to 12. In 2023, this was extended to start at six months of age.

But in 2024, the funding was cut back to the previous criteria. This means only children with a history of significant respiratory illness, certain long-term medical conditions, or those hospitalised for any respiratory illness when aged under four are eligible for free vaccines.

We compared how many New Zealand children received the flu vaccine before (2018-21) and during (2022-23) universal funding and found substantially higher uptake when vaccines were free.

A step backwards

In 2018, before the COVID pandemic and free influenza vaccines for all children, only 4.4% of those under five received the vaccine. The uptake was lower in tamariki Māori (1.9%) and Pacific children (3.1%).

Flu vaccine uptake increased in 2020, likely because of general concern about respiratory illness during the first year of the COVID pandemic. But it declined again in 2021 to below 2018 levels.

Following universal funding in 2022, uptake almost tripled for under-fives (4.4% in 2018 to 12% in 2023). However, there were substantial differences by ethnicity. Uptake was highest in Asian children (21.3%) and lowest in Pacific children (8.0%) and tamariki Māori (4.9%).

The trends by age group give some insight into the impact of funding. In 2022, uptake increased more than two-fold in age groups where all children were eligible for free vaccines. In 2023, we saw a three-fold increase in uptake in the only newly eligible age group (six to 12 months). Overall, 12% of children of all ages except the oldest (nine to 12) were vaccinated.

Focusing flu vaccination funding only on those at the highest risk is a step backwards for New Zealand and will likely reduce uptake. In contrast, Australia has funded flu vaccines for all children aged six months to five years since 2019.

Influenza in children

Acute respiratory hospitalisations from any cause are almost three times higher in New Zealand than in comparable countries. A recent report shows influenza accounted for 56% of all potentially vaccine-preventable hospitalisations between 2016 and 2020 in children under 14 years. This is more than varicella, measles, whooping cough and meningococcal disease combined.

It is not just children with medical conditions who get severely sick from influenza. In Australian children under five, less than half of those hospitalised due to influenza had long-term medical conditions, although these children were more likely to require intensive care.

While deaths from influenza are rare in children, over half of US children who died from it during the 2023-2024 winter season were previously healthy.

Vaccination remains the best protection

The effectiveness of the influenza vaccine varies from season to season, depending on circulating strains and how well that year’s vaccine is matched. But vaccination remains the main way to protect against severe influenza.

Studies in children found the influenza vaccine reduces the risk of hospitalisation by about 50%, and even higher for some influenza strains and years.

Studies in countries comparable to New Zealand (UK, Italy and Finland) looking at the cost effectiveness of flu vaccines found universal funding to be highly cost-effective compared with a high-risk approach.

In 2024, Pharmac stated:

We considered widening access to the flu vaccine […] we would like to fund in the future, depending on available budget.

In contrast, the comparable Australian advisory committee concluded in 2019 that universal influenza vaccination for children under five met its cost-effectiveness criteria.

Where to next

Influenza causes more illness in young children, including severe disease requiring hospitalisation, than we generally recognise. An age-based universal programme would almost certainly result in substantially higher uptake, including in higher-risk children, than a targeted approach.

We believe the high and inequitable burden of influenza in young New Zealand children and the low cost of influenza vaccines, compared to other vaccines currently funded, should prompt urgent reconsideration of universal funding, at least for children below the age of five.

If universal funding is not considered affordable in the Pharmac budget, the case for restoring free vaccines for all Māori and Pacific children is strong given their high burden of disease.

As for the influenza immunisation programme in general, it is not just about funding. We must engage with the community to raise awareness of the severity of flu in children and the effectiveness and safety of vaccines, along with improving access to immunisation services.

We would like to acknowledge the contribution from colleagues Ewan Smith and Emily Dwight.

Samantha Marsh receives funding from the Health Research Council of New Zealand and CureKids, and Flu Lab (a US philanthropic funder not linked to vaccine manufacturers) for research into influenza.

Peter McIntyre receives funding from Health Research Council for research in measles vaccine methods and from Flu Lab (a US philanthropic funder not linked to vaccine manufacturers) for research into influenza

Rajneeta Saraf receives funding from Flu Lab (a US philanthropic funder not linked to vaccine manufacturers) for research into influenza.

Janine Paynter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Flu vaccines are no longer free for all under-12s in NZ – children living in poverty and at higher risk will bear the brunt – https://theconversation.com/flu-vaccines-are-no-longer-free-for-all-under-12s-in-nz-children-living-in-poverty-and-at-higher-risk-will-bear-the-brunt-228095

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben White, Professor of End-of-Life Law and Regulation, Australian Centre for Health Law Research, Queensland University of Technology

Dementia is the second leading cause of death for Australians aged over 65. More than 421,000 Australians currently live with dementia and this figure is expected to almost double in the next 30 years.

There is ongoing public discussion about whether dementia should be a qualifying illness under Australian voluntary assisted dying laws. Voluntary assisted dying is now lawful in all six states, but is not available for a person living with dementia.

The Australian Capital Territory has begun debating its voluntary assisted dying bill in parliament but the government has ruled out access for dementia. Its view is that a person should retain decision-making capacity throughout the process. But the bill includes a requirement to revisit the issue in three years.

The Northern Territory is also considering reform and has invited views on access to voluntary assisted dying for dementia.

Several public figures have also entered the debate. Most recently, former Australian Chief Scientist, Ian Chubb, called for the law to be widened to allow access.

Others argue permitting voluntary assisted dying for dementia would present unacceptable risks to this vulnerable group.

Australian laws exclude access for dementia

Current Australian voluntary assisted dying laws exclude access for people who seek to qualify because they have dementia.

In New South Wales, the law specifically states this.

In the other states, this occurs through a combination of the eligibility criteria: a person whose dementia is so advanced that they are likely to die within the 12 month timeframe would be highly unlikely to retain the necessary decision-making capacity to request voluntary assisted dying.

This does not mean people who have dementia cannot access voluntary assisted dying if they also have a terminal illness. For example, a person who retains decision-making capacity in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease with terminal cancer may access voluntary assisted dying.

What happens internationally?

Voluntary assisted dying laws in some other countries allow access for people living with dementia.

One mechanism, used in the Netherlands, is through advance directives or advance requests. This means a person can specify in advance the conditions under which they would want to have voluntary assisted dying when they no longer have decision-making capacity. This approach depends on the person’s family identifying when those conditions have been satisfied, generally in consultation with the person’s doctor.

Another approach to accessing voluntary assisted dying is to allow a person with dementia to choose to access it while they still have capacity. This involves regularly assessing capacity so that just before the person is predicted to lose the ability to make a decision about voluntary assisted dying, they can seek assistance to die. In Canada, this has been referred to as the “ten minutes to midnight” approach.

But these approaches have challenges

International experience reveals these approaches have limitations. For advance directives, it can be difficult to specify the conditions for activating the advance directive accurately. It also requires a family member to initiate this with the doctor. Evidence also shows doctors are reluctant to act on advance directives.

Particularly challenging are scenarios where a person with dementia who requested voluntary assisted dying in an advance directive later appears happy and content, or no longer expresses a desire to access voluntary assisted dying.

Allowing access for people with dementia who retain decision-making capacity also has practical problems. Despite regular assessments, a person may lose capacity in between them, meaning they miss the window before midnight to choose voluntary assisted dying. These capacity assessments can also be very complex.

Also, under this approach, a person is required to make such a decision at an early stage in their illness and may lose years of otherwise enjoyable life.

Some also argue that regardless of the approach taken, allowing access to voluntary assisted dying would involve unacceptable risks to a vulnerable group.

More thought is needed before changing our laws

There is public demand to allow access to voluntary assisted dying for dementia in Australia. The mandatory reviews of voluntary assisted dying legislation present an opportunity to consider such reform. These reviews generally happen after three to five years, and in some states they will occur regularly.

The scope of these reviews can vary and sometimes governments may not wish to consider changes to the legislation. But the Queensland review “must include a review of the eligibility criteria”. And the ACT bill requires the review to consider “advanced care planning”.

Both reviews would require consideration of who is able to access voluntary assisted dying, which opens the door for people living with dementia. This is particularly so for the ACT review, as advance care planning means allowing people to request voluntary assisted dying in the future when they have lost capacity.

This is a complex issue, and more thinking is needed about whether this public desire for voluntary assisted dying for dementia should be implemented. And, if so, how the practice could occur safely, and in a way that is acceptable to the health professionals who will be asked to provide it.

This will require a careful review of existing international models and their practical implementation as well as what would be feasible and appropriate in Australia.

Any future law reform should be evidence-based and draw on the views of people living with dementia, their family caregivers, and the health professionals who would be relied on to support these decisions.

Ben White has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council, and Commonwealth and state governments for research and training about the law, policy and practice relating to end-of-life care. In relation to voluntary assisted dying, he (with colleagues) has been engaged by the Victorian, Western Australian and Queensland governments to design and provide the legislatively mandated training for health practitioners involved in voluntary assisted dying in those states. He (with Lindy Willmott) has also developed a model bill for voluntary assisted dying for parliaments to consider. He is a sessional member of the Queensland Civil and Administrative Tribunal, which has jurisdiction for some aspects of this state’s voluntary assisted dying legislation. Ben is a recipient of an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project number FT190100410: Enhancing End-of-Life Decision-Making: Optimal Regulation of Voluntary Assisted Dying) funded by the Australian government.

Casey is a research fellow at the Australian Centre for Health Law Research. She has been employed on multiple projects as a research fellow, including the Australian Research Council Future Fellowship (project number FT190100410: Enhancing End-of-Life Decision-Making: Optimal Regulation of Voluntary Assisted Dying) funded by the Australian Government and the Western Australian Government’s Review of the Voluntary Assisted Dying Act 2019. She was also previously engaged as a legal writer for the Voluntary Assisted Dying Training in Queensland.

Lindy Willmott receives or has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council and Commonwealth and state governments for research and training about the law, policy and practice relating to end-of-life care. In relation to voluntary assisted dying, she (with colleagues) has been engaged by the Victorian, Western Australian and Queensland governments to design and provide the legislatively mandated training for health practitioners involved in voluntary assisted dying in those states. She (with Ben White) has also developed a model bill for voluntary assisted dying for parliaments to consider. Lindy Willmott is also a member of the Queensland Voluntary Assisted Dying Review Board, but writes this piece in her capacity as an academic researcher. She is a former board member of Palliative Care Australia.

Rachel is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Australian Centre for Health Law Research. She is also employed on End of Life Law for Clinicians, a training program for clinicians about end of life law, funded by the Commonwealth Government. Rachel was previously engaged as a clinical consultant for the Voluntary Assisted Dying Training Education Module for Healthcare Workers in Queensland.

– ref. People with dementia aren’t currently eligible for voluntary assisted dying. Should they be? – https://theconversation.com/people-with-dementia-arent-currently-eligible-for-voluntary-assisted-dying-should-they-be-224075

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Theo Evans, Associate Professor of Applied Entomology, The University of Western Australia

German cockroaches thrive in buildings all over the world. They’re one of the most common cockroach species, causing trouble for people both here and overseas. But in nature, they’re nowhere to be found.

Just how this urban pest evolved and populated our dwellings was unknown – until now.

We used DNA sequencing to study the German cockroach (Blattella germanica) and trace its origins back to east India and Bangladesh.

It’s a fascinating story about how humans enabled the evolution and spread of one of our most hated pests.

A German enigma

The spotlight fell on the star of our story in eastern Europe when it was spotted in army food stores during the Seven Years’ War (1756–63). Each of the opposing forces named the cockroach after the other – the Russians called it the “Prussian cockroach”, while British and Prussian soldiers called it the “Russian cockroach”.

Then in 1767, Swedish biologist Carl Linnaeus classified and named the species (Blatta germanica). Blatta is Latin for “avoids the light” and germanica because the specimens he examined were collected in Germany. (The genus was later changed to Blattella to group the smaller varieties of cockroaches together.)

Eventually scientists discovered related species, with similar anatomy, in Africa and Asia. They variously suggested the German cockroach could have first evolved in either Africa or Asia, before going on to dominate the world.

But they had no way to test their theories. We do.

Enter gene sequencing

We took DNA samples from 281 cockroaches in 17 countries around the world.

Then we compared the DNA sequences for one particular genetic region, called CO1. This is known as “DNA barcoding”.

When we compared the German cockroach with similar species from Asia, we found a match. The sequence of the German cockroach was almost identical to that of Blattella asahinai from the Bay of Bengal.

More than 80% of our German cockroach samples matched perfectly. The remaining 20% barely differed.

This means the two species diverged from one another just 2,100 years ago – an eyeblink in evolutionary terms.

From the Bay of Bengal to the world

We think B. asahinai adapted to living alongside people after farmers cleared their natural habitat, just as other species have done.

So the ancestors of B. asahinai moved from Indian fields into buildings and became dependent on humans. But how did they then spread across the world?

To answer this question, we analysed another set of DNA sequences from the cockroach genome.

This time we studied DNA sequences known as SNPs (single nucleotide polymorphisms). Using our samples from 17 countries across six continents, we were able to work out how the German cockroach spread from their native lands and around the world.

The first wave of migration emerged from the Bay of Bengal around 1,200 years ago and travelled westwards. It’s likely the cockroaches hitched a ride with the traders and armies of the expanding Islamic Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphates.

The next wave moved eastwards around 390 years ago into Indonesia. They probably travelled with European trading companies, such as the British East India Company or the Dutch East India Company. Several such companies traded across South East Asia and back to Europe from the beginning of the 17th century.

Our research suggests German cockroaches arrived in Europe about 270 years ago, which matches the historical records from the Seven Years’ War.

The German cockroach then spread from Europe to the rest of the world about 120 years ago. This global expansion is consistent with historical records of this new species in various countries.

We believe global trade facilitated this spread because more closely related populations are found in countries with cultural links, rather than countries that are simply close to one another. In keeping with this, we found one other expansion in Asia – north and eastwards into China and Korea – about 170 years ago.

As steam-powered ships replaced sail ships, the hitchhikers were transported more rapidly. Shorter journey times meant they were more likely to arrive alive and invade new countries.

Then improvements in housing, such as plumbing and indoor heating, created conditions conducive to surviving and thriving in buildings all around the world.

The pest control arms race

Of course, people don’t like cockroaches, so the invaders’ survival depended on their ability to stay hidden.

The German cockroach evolved to become nocturnal (as their name suggests) and avoid open spaces. It stopped flying, yet retained its wings.

These cockroaches are notorious for their ability to rapidly evolve resistance to many of the insecticides used in surface sprays. Resistance can appear within a few years. This makes the challenge of finding new active ingredients difficult, given the high cost of discovery, safety tests and registration.

Cockroach baits were cheap and effective when introduced in the 1980s. But they soon became less effective against German cockroaches. That’s because the baits used sugars to tempt cockroaches. Cockroaches with a “sweet tooth” were killed, while those that preferred other tastes survived and reproduced.

As we develop new strategies to control German cockroaches, we need to consider how they might evolve to evade attack. If we understand how resistance emerges we can then find better ways to counter-attack. We can identify weak spots to exploit.

After all, the German cockroach will continue to evolve and adapt to stay alive, so the arms race between us and the cockroach will go on for years to come.

Theo Evans receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Qian Tang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A pest of our own making: revealing the true origins of the not-so-German cockroach – https://theconversation.com/a-pest-of-our-own-making-revealing-the-true-origins-of-the-not-so-german-cockroach-228001

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexis Anja Kallio, Deputy Director (Research), Queensland Conservatorium, Griffith University

Many young people in contact with the justice system come from backgrounds of extreme poverty, parental abuse or neglect, parental incarceration and disrupted education.

These complex traumas often manifest as addictions to drugs or alcohol, mental health challenges, poor physical health and wellbeing, and conduct disorders.

How we can effectively respond to offending by these vulnerable young people remains a contentious topic.

“Tough on youth crime” approaches are notoriously ineffective: 85% of young people in Australia reoffend within a year of release, and research from the United Kingdom suggests periods of detention increase the frequency and severity of offending.

Innovative solutions are urgently needed to reduce youth offending in ways that prioritise the best interests of the child.

Music can provide incarcerated youth with opportunities to redefine themselves from young offenders to young artists with creative potential.

Music as an arena for change

My analysis of international studies on music programs in youth detention centres found music can help young people to process trauma, build confidence, improve self-regulation, engage with learning, establish positive social relationships, and generate the hope needed to imagine new futures.

When we include music programs run for justice-engaged youth in community settings, researchers have identified more than 560 wellbeing benefits, including reductions in aggression and violence, a sense of cultural identity and belonging, and improvements in self confidence, trust and empathy.

The transformative potential of music is evident across musical styles and program approaches, from choirs to Javanese Gamelan groups to hip hop workshops.

However, my research suggests music programs need to be carefully designed and implemented to have lasting impact. Importantly, young people need to be given freedom to explore and express who they are and have opportunities to forge trusting relationships with peers and adults.

Music as a safe space

Music programs can alleviate the stressors of incarceration. The Australian Children’s Music Foundation runs music programs in five youth detention centres around Australia, often through guitar or songwriting workshops.

Musicians shared that these programs were not only an escape, but could “change the atmosphere” from a very intense environment in which youth are often wary and tense to one where they can dream and play.

One musician described

[there is a big] difference in the kids’ reactions and their interactions between the guards who are responsible for saying ‘get in your cell now, we’re locking the doors’, and musicians.

Bringing together all of the senses to learn a complex skill, such as playing guitar, means

kids are forgetting about everything that happened yesterday and not thinking about everything that might happen later. They’re thinking about what’s happening right now, so that already is a game changer.

Not a classroom

Musicians Scott “Optamus” Griffiths and Rush Wepiha of Banksia Beats
emphasise, their program is not a classroom and they are not teachers.

Taking place at Banksia Hill Detention Centre in Western Australia, Griffiths describes Banksia Beats as “simulating how a healthy community should be”.

Youth can participate to whatever extent they feel comfortable. This might involve writing rhymes, laying down beats, rapping, adjusting the microphone, holding a notebook for someone, providing feedback or ideas for others, or simply listening.

In this way, young people can develop trusting relationships and learn from each other as much as they do their facilitators.

Music as creative guidance

Particularly when incarcerated young people have little control over their lives, having ownership over their own stories through music can be significant.

This is not always a comfortable process.

Australian Childrens’ Music Foundation founder Don Spencer noted

it’s not ‘let’s all sing happy songs today’. Some of the songs that young people write are not happy songs, there’s no way you can make everything happy with what’s going on! But it’s the experience that we want to be positive.

The opportunity to experiment through music can be seen as a way to “try on” new identities and ways of interacting with others.

Musicians described music as a form of self care, with youths often requesting to learn songs they had “listened to with their mum and dad” – an important source of comfort and hope in an otherwise isolating environment.

This work demands that musicians build rapport and a safe environment for youth to share who they are, process their experiences, and imagine where they might belong. This can be challenging with young people who have been repeatedly let down by adults and society in general.

As Spencer says:

no matter what happens, you’ve got to be there next time. It’s not like young people can do whatever they want to us, but if there’s a conflict we say ‘Okay, that’s not right, I’d like you to think about it. I’ll see you next time, and we’ll try again’.

Griffiths and Wepiha emphasised they “always validate” young peoples’ lyrics and rhymes, even if they initially seem problematic.

Rather than forbidding swearwords or certain topics, or having a more moralising response, Banksia Beats uses such instances as opportunities to talk through the issues important to the young people themselves.

Music offers a non-confrontational way for musicians to guide the youths to reflect critically on their past experiences and understandings, and make positive decisions for their own futures.

Music as a right, not a reward

Musicians I have interviewed all agree that music programs should not be used to reward young people for good behaviour, only to be taken away if they don’t comply. Framing music as a reward – rather than a right – has the potential to mitigate the transformative potentials of music programs by subsuming them within broader carceral systems of discipline and control.

Music programs should be an alternative, safe, creative space where everyone belongs.

Rather than an intervention to “fix” young people while they also navigate the stressors of detention, music might also be an effective early intervention strategy. By reducing our overreliance on punitive responses to youth offending – which are “particularly unhelpful” at meeting the trauma-related and developmental needs of youth, we can imagine how such programs could change youth justice more broadly.

The question now is how we might make such programs available for the young people who need them the most. As one musician I interviewed asked, “how can music change the life of someone that isn’t given the opportunity?”

Alexis Anja Kallio does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘How a healthy community should be’: how music in youth detention can create new futures – https://theconversation.com/how-a-healthy-community-should-be-how-music-in-youth-detention-can-create-new-futures-227684

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine Jane Archer, Senior Lecturer, Communication, Edith Cowan University

The latest episode of the ABC’s flagship investigative program, Four Corners, makes for grim viewing.

It reveals cases of men making inappropriate and sexual comments on online images of children, often posted on accounts run by their parents. In some cases, the posts were made on “kidfluencer” platforms such as BrandArmy, which in the past allowed parents to run “junior creator” accounts to monetise their child’s online presence.

BrandArmy, which says it stopped accepting new “junior creators” late last year, lists on its site the rules parents running these accounts must follow. These include bans on “sexually suggestive content or language”, twerking videos, certain emojis and “rear (buttocks) imagery or videos”. Bikinis are allowed, under certain circumstances.

Four Corners reported on BrandArmy accounts it said were from girls under 18 that appeared to offer bikini pictures to paid subscribers.

When Four Corners sent questions to the company, BrandArmy removed some of the material.

The program also reported on men making sexual comments on photos posted on Instagram accounts depicting children — “usually young girls into dancing, modelling and gymnastics”. Four Corners reported “kidfluencer” content was also being shared in sexually explicit ways on encrypted chat channels.

Meta, the parent company of Instagram, told The Conversation Instagram requires everyone to be at least 13 years old to create an account, saying:

Accounts representing someone under 13 must be actively managed by a parent or manager, who is responsible for their content and can control who is able to message and comment on the account’s posts. We’ve developed a range of features that help people protect themselves from unwanted contact, including Hidden Words, which lets you filter comments and messages that contain certain phrases, as well as blocking and reporting. On top of that, we recently updated our policy so that accounts primarily posting content focused on children aren’t eligible to use our monetisation tools to receive payments from other Instagram users.

Meta also has rules against child exploitation, including sexualisation, and told Four Corners it takes action whenever it becomes aware of such material.

The latest revelations are shocking but perhaps not surprising. Here’s what could be done at the policy level, and what parents need to know.

A broad spectrum of ‘kidfluencer’ content

I have been researching “kidfluencer” content and families’ use of social media for more than a decade. It’s worth noting not all online kid-themed content is the same.

At one end of the spectrum are parents posting fairly innocuous kid content – such as a child playing or reaching a milestone – without seeking financial gain. We know many everyday internet users post images of their kids on social media to get reassurance, connection and reaction from friends and family.

Then there are parents who get financial gain from content, such as parent-bloggers or online personalities, where children are used as an extension of the parent’s brand. Children are naturally appealing and are a reliable way to get more “likes” and engagement online. Sponsored content and brand deals often follow.

Other forms of monetised kid content include unboxing videos or toy reviews, broadcast via subscription channels on platforms such as YouTube. Brands have cottoned onto the fact children are appealing and move product. This has become enmeshed in the world of “kidfluencer” content, which markets products to children (many of whom may not even be aware they are watching an ad). But there is, of course, nothing to prevent adults viewing this kind of content with a sexualised gaze.

Another category is parents who post images they see as innocent, but which can all too easily attract a sexualised gaze – this includes images of children in the bath, in swimwear or tight clothing, or doing dance or gymnastics routines. One thing the Four Corners report makes clear is that you cannot always be sure where your child’s image will end up or how it will be used.

Then there are those accounts which, according to the Four Corners report, appeared to be openly advertising underage content such as bikini pictures to paid subscribers.

You can’t tar all kid content with the same brush, but the element that ties all these together is that children are centred in the content.

History is littered with cases of people sexualising children; it’s just that now we have all these new technologies to facilitate it so easily.

What could governments and platforms do?

At a policy level, there are several things platforms and governments could consider.

One is looking at whether “kidfluencers” need to be protected by child labour laws. This was an issue Hollywood grappled with in the 1930s with regard to child actors. It led to laws requiring a child actor’s employer to set aside a portion of the earnings in a trust (often called a Coogan account), to ensure the child’s parent didn’t take it all.

There’s also an opportunity for platforms to take more responsibility to monitor content and comments more tightly, especially in cases where parents are posting “kidfluencer” content. It shouldn’t be up to the media to find and highlight the kinds of examples seen in the Four Corners episode.

Bringing in new laws to regulate platforms is not easy, given they are international entities. South Australia is considering banning children under 14 from having social media accounts, but is yet to explain how this law would be designed or enforced, and how it would affect “kidfluencer” accounts run by parents.

Australian lawmakers may also look more closely at what European countries have done with regard to a child’s “right to be forgotten” (meaning their right to request deletion of personal data shared when they were a child).

And as the Four Corners report notes, the federal government could consider expanding the act that governs what kinds of content the eSafety Commissioner can order to be removed.

What can parents do?

In research I am conducting with colleagues in the Digital Child Australian Research Centre of Excellence, we are talking with parents about their plans in relation to their children’s digital engagement.

For all parents, it would be useful to consider the following questions: what pictures would you share online of your child, if any? What kinds of images would you never share? What kinds of privacy settings would you have on any images you do decide to share?

How well do you understand that you cannot really control where your child’s image ends up? What is your family’s plan to teach your child about their own internet use? How will your plans change over time?

Unfortunately, a sexualised gaze can fall on any image of a child online, no matter how innocently it was shared. But there is room for all of us – whether that’s parents, policymakers or platforms – to do more to protect children online.

Catherine Archer is an Associate Investigator with the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

– ref. Any online ‘kidfluencer’ content or images of children can be sexualised, as Four Corners report shows. So what can be done? – https://theconversation.com/any-online-kidfluencer-content-or-images-of-children-can-be-sexualised-as-four-corners-report-shows-so-what-can-be-done-230400

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Lindenmayer, Professor, Fenner School of Environment and Society, Australian National University

Victoria’s native forest logging industry ended on January 1 this year. The news was met with jubilation from conservationists.

But did logging really end? Last week, an endangered southern greater glider was found dead next to an area logged to create fuel breaks along the Yarra Ranges National Park. The news triggered outrage.

By itself, the death of one glider would be sad. But its death speaks to a larger problem. Three kinds of logging are continuing in Victoria’s forests, for fuel breaks, salvage logging after windstorms, and logging on private land. The first two are linked to the government’s Forestry Transition Program, which states:

Harvest and haulage workers will be offered alternative work in forest and land management, enabling them to continue to work in the forests they know so well and contribute to bushfire risk reduction.

These types of logging are likely to continue for years to come – and with less oversight than under the old regime, when logging was done by the state government agency VicForests.

Fuel breaks

The Victorian government has plans to cut or expand almost 1,500 kilometres of fuel breaks throughout Victoria’s native forests and other types of vegetation. Some of these fuel breaks are being cut in the tall mountain ash forests of Victoria’s Central Highlands, northeast of Melbourne. The trees cut down are being carted to timber mills.

It has been claimed the fuel breaks are intended for use by fire-management workers to do backburning and reduce fuel if there’s a serious bushfire in a region.

This may work in some drier grassland and woodland environments. But it doesn’t make sense in tall, wet mountain ash forests, which burn only in the most severe of fire weather conditions. These conditions are the worst possible time to light other fires.

So if this logging doesn’t make sense as fuel breaks, what is it for? Government maps of the fuel breaks label them as “Forestry Transition Projects”.

When trees are felled, harvest and haulage contractors are paid to cart the logs away. The contracts are for five years.

Fuel break logging is indiscriminate. A number of the trees already logged are between 200 and 350 years old, based on their diameters. These old trees are keystone structures and it is easy to identify them as trees which should never be cut down.

Nationally endangered southern greater gliders rely on tree hollows, which develop only in older trees – those with a diameter of 1.2 metres or larger. We have recently shown the loss of these trees is a major reason why this iconic species has declined catastrophically.

Salvage logging

Salvage logging is where logs are removed after windstorms or fires damage trees. This is taking place in the Wombat State Forest, Mount Cole State Forest, and even in national parks like the Dandenong Ranges National Park. The timber from salvage logged forests usually goes to sawmills and firewood yards.

Many people might think salvage logging makes sense. In the wake of unprecedented windstorms knocking down thousands of trees, doesn’t it make sense to cart the logs away and put them to use?

On a forest scale, salvage logging is the most destructive form of logging, worse than high-intensity clearfelling. Logging soon after a natural disturbance makes recovery harder, such as by badly damaging soils for many decades.

Fire-damaged or fallen trees become significant habitat for many plants and animals. Forests may take as long as 200 years to recover after salvage logging. Importantly, salvage logging operations can also make forests more flammable.

After widespread storms hit the Wombat Forest in 2021, the Dja Dja Wurrung Clans Aboriginal Corporation (DJAARA) appointed VicForests to undertake “making Country safe”, in part by salvage logging windthrown timber, but large numbers of living trees were also cut.

Since VicForests wound up its operations in January, DJAARA has stated continued logging in the Wombat Forest by the Victorian government is no longer part of its operations.

Logging on private land

Gliders and other forest creatures don’t know the difference between national park and private property.

Using Sentinel 2 satellite imagery, we have been monitoring a large clearfell logging operation on private land next to the southern boundary of the Yarra Ranges National Park. The logging began in March 2023 and is ongoing. 38 hectares of mountain ash forest, a critically endangered ecosystem, have been clearfelled.

Laws governing logging on private land can be weaker than logging in public state forests. In state forests, VicForests were bound to follow detailed regulations, but these do not apply to logging on private land.

Satellite images suggest this logging operation is being done very close (less than 50m) to locations known to support the critically endangered Leadbeater’s Possum, a tiny possum whose population in the wild may be as low as 2,500 individuals. These locations have been formally recorded and documented by the Victorian Government.

When VicForests was in operation, foresters and logging contractors were legally bound to provide a 200-metre buffer around sites known to be used by these possums. Logging on private land has no such requirement.

Logging hasn’t truly stopped

Whether for fuel breaks, salvage logging, or private land logging, native forest logging hasn’t stopped in Victoria. It will continue for many years, and the logs cut from these operations will be sold commercially.

Much of this logging is not be fully regulated, as the Office of the Conservation Regulator is in the same department as the one conducting fuel break and salvage logging. It is difficult for a government department to regulate itself. This regulator also has no power over logging on private land.

If it sounds like two steps forward, one step back, it is.

David Lindenmayer receives funding from the Victorian Government and the Australian Government. He is a member of the Biodiversity Council and Birds Australia.

Kita Ashman works as a Threatened Species and Climate Adaptation Ecologist for WWF Australia, and is an ambassador for Paddy Pallin.

Chris Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Has logging really stopped in Victoria? What the death of an endangered glider tells us – https://theconversation.com/has-logging-really-stopped-in-victoria-what-the-death-of-an-endangered-glider-tells-us-230394

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Crosby, Professor, Monash University

This article is part two of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series where we ask leading experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.

How governments should manage their budgets, and how interest rates should be set, are two of the most important questions in economics.

Ideally, both work hand in hand to ensure the best outcomes for the economy as a whole. But they are enacted by different branches of government, and fall into different buckets within economics.

Budgeting – the way governments tax and spend – falls within the domain of fiscal policy. In contrast, the management of credit and interest rates falls into the domain of monetary policy.

With the recent federal budget handed down amid an ongoing battle to tackle inflation, both topics have dominated recent news coverage, so it’s important to understand the difference.

Read more:
At a glance: the 2024 federal budget split four ways

Fiscal policy

Paying tax is an unavoidable fact of life, but is needed to support spending on government services such as hospitals, roads, schools and defence. Taxation and spending decisions are made on different scales at every level of government, and form the basis of a government’s fiscal policy.

Traditionally, fiscal policy was seen as a very simple equation.

Governments should spend only as much as they earn through taxation, and only take on a small amount of debt for things like longer-term infrastructure projects.

But when economic growth falls, tax revenues also fall, forcing governments to cut spending to balance their budgets. Such spending cuts come at precisely the wrong time and are only likely to further worsen economic growth.

Noticing this pattern, economist John Maynard Keynes was the first to question this traditional wisdom, arguing that fiscal policy should be “countercyclical”.

According to Keynes, when economic growth falls, government spending should increase, only falling back as the economic recovery plays out.

Under a Keynesian approach, it’s therefore wholly appropriate for governments to issue debt to fund spending increases as the economy weakens.

The problem with this view of fiscal policy is that some governments have arguably abused their licence to spend, relying on ever-increasing levels of debt.

Greece famously suffered a spectacular debt crisis after the global financial crisis in 2008, but other European countries such as France, Italy, Portugal and Spain also have high and problematic levels of debt.

Chronically high debt can lead to higher interest payments on this debt, which in turn can limit a government’s ability to spend to support its economy.

Monetary policy

Monetary policy affects the economy via a different lever.

By changing the relative cost of borrowing money, changes in interest rates affect the aggregate level of spending in the economy.

This in turn can impact inflation – increases in the general level of prices.

Cuts in interest rates will tend to stimulate demand and push prices up, while rate increases reduce demand and push prices down.

Interest rates are typically set by a country’s central bank, whose primary role is to keep inflation low.

Our own central bank – the Reserve Bank of Australia, sets rates to meet an official inflation target of between 2% and 3%.

A combined Keynesian approach

Alongside Keynes’ writing on fiscal policy, he and other economists argued that interest rates should be reduced as an economy heads into recession, to support borrowing and spending by businesses and consumers.

Coupled with higher government spending, keeping interest rates lower in a recession should theoretically speed up economic recovery.

The merits of a Keynesian approach were borne out clearly in Australia in both the 2008 global financial crisis and the COVID pandemic.

Most recently, the pandemic saw the Reserve Bank cut interest rates to almost zero. Simultaneously, the government supported the economy with a wide range of spending programs, including big boosts to welfare payments and a generous JobKeeper program to mothball Australia’s workforce.

As a result, unemployment quickly returned to low levels and economic growth recovered following the lifting of restrictions.

Helping people pay their bills while taming spending is hard

Emergence from the pandemic left us with a different problem. Inflation surged and remained stubbornly above the Reserve Bank’s target range, forcing the bank to repeatedly raise rates to try to tame it.

At the same time, the government has been trying to support Australians through a cost-of-living crisis.

Now, critics of the government have argued that further spending to support Australians could unintentionally put further pressure on inflation and force the Reserve Bank to keep interest rates higher for longer.

Such challenges reflect the fact that our understanding of best practice for fiscal and monetary policy is constantly evolving.

Problems with burgeoning state debt have prompted debate on the former, and whether there should be limits on governments’ ability to issue debt.

These could include limits to public debt, or new oversight authorities to monitor levels of public spending.

And on monetary policy, a recent review of the Reserve Bank considered requiring a “dual mandate” that would force it to give equal consideration to employment and to inflation goals, as is currently required of the US Federal Reserve.

Mark Crosby does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What’s the difference between fiscal and monetary policy? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-fiscal-and-monetary-policy-230213

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole George, Associate Professor in Peace and Conflict Studies, The University of Queensland

On Sunday afternoon, Australian citizens who have been trapped in New Caledonia were called to a meeting at one of the large hotels in the capital, Noumea.

The meeting was hastily organised and long overdue in the view of many who have been stuck here (including myself) amid the violent unrest that has roiled the French territory. While communication between the Australian High Commission and Australian citizens has not been ideal, the meeting made clear local officials were working to the best of their abilities to develop repatriation strategies.

Their accounts of these strategies, however, suggest that not only is the situation dangerous and logistics complex, another sticking point is the French administration.

We were advised there was a plan to use military aircraft to evacuate Australians from Noumea’s domestic airport. This area has been a hotspot in the current crisis, but Australian officials believed it was more easily accessible than the international airport. This remains closed until the national highway running north of the city can be cleared of debris and made safe.

The Australian High Commission staff told us they had a flight schedule in place and the RAAF aircraft had been fuelled and was on the tarmac ready to depart. There were buses ready to transfer Australians from their hotels.

Yet, the plans were axed at the 11th hour on Sunday when permission to land at the domestic airport did not proceed. It was not clear if this was a decision made by French officials in New Caledonia or in France itself.

Pressure growing on the French government

About 300 Australians have requested repatriation from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade after violence broke out last week over new voting rules being sought by French authorities in Paris.

French forces began arriving in New Caledonia in recent days and launched a major operation to regain control of the main road to the international airport on Sunday.

On the one hand, a strategic logic explains the French government’s reticence to allow an Australian military plane to land. The optics of a foreign military operation to evacuate travellers could raise questions about the French authorities’ control over the situation and diminish France’s standing in the region.

Neighbouring states in the Pacific have long viewed France as a valued strategic ally capable of balancing China’s increased prominence in the region. The arrival of Australian military plane, however, would draw international attention to the compromised nature of French security in the Pacific.

Domestically, this would also play badly for President Emmanuel Macron, who is under pressure from both sides of politics for the headline-capturing crisis in New Caledonia that his government largely sparked itself.

On the left, figures such as John-Luc Mélenchon, who challenged Macron in the 2022 presidential election, have criticised the damage caused to the principles of the Noumea Accord peace agreement through Macron’s insistence the vote on constitutional changes to expand the territory’s electoral role should proceed last week. This occurred even while tensions were visibly increasing across “le Caillou” (as New Caledonia is also known in France).

The changes could give voting rights to tens of thousands of non-Indigenous residents of New Caledonia, which the Indigenous Kanak population says would dilute the strength of their vote in elections.

In recent days, even those on the right have joined this criticism, distancing themselves from a previously close relationship with Loyalist political elements in New Caledonia who are opposed to independence.

Opposition Leader Marine le Pen has proposed the need for a “solution globale” that goes beyond the narrower focus on residents’ voting status and addresses the chronic economic and social inequalities between the Kanak and non-Indigenous populations.

She has also suggested there now be a fourth referendum on self-determination, long a goal of many Kanaks. Anti-independence factions in the territory, however, oppose such a move, believing the question over independence has been concluded with three recent referendums failing in recent years.

Why Australia’s position should change

The violence in New Caledonia has been frightening, uncontrolled and devastating for the country. I have written that, for many, this violence is an expression of Kanak youths’ feelings of desperation due to the deep inequalities in the territory.

Some observers believe it is time to ask critical questions about the legitimacy of a colonial system of government in New Caledonia that allows these inequalities to persist.

As New Caledonia navigated an earlier pro-independence uprising known as les Événements in the 1980s, the Australian government stood with other Pacific nations in the Melanesian Spearhead Group and supported a move to see New Caledonia placed on the UN General Assembly’s list of non-self governing territories. This move required French authorities to establish appropriate forms of self-government for the territory.

The Australian high commissioner at the time was expelled from the territory as a result. Pacific Island states, Australia’s political leadership at the time and even many members of the public saw this stand as the right one to take.

Read more:
Why is New Caledonia on fire? According to local women, the deadly riots are about more than voting rights

As negotiations proceeded on the 1988 Matignon Peace agreement, which brought a halt to the violence, Australian policy on New Caledonia became more conciliatory towards France and less focused on the decolonisation question.

In recent days, the problem with this position has been clearly exposed. The scale of the rioting and devastation in Noumea demonstrate, yet again, the failures of France to properly address the feelings of discontent among the Kanak population and the profound inequalities that exist in New Caledonia.

It is time for Australia to address the injustice of this situation on our doorstep and revisit its policies of the mid-1980s.

Calls are mounting across the territory and the Pacific region for a new broad-based dialogue between all of New Caledonia’s communities to take place in the territory, rather than in Paris as Macron has proposed.

This is seen by local and regional political and civil society leaders as critical to the achievement of peace. For leaders such as Mark Brown, the outgoing chair of the Pacific Islands Forum and the Cook Islands prime minister, reviving the prospect of full territorial sovereignty can only enhance this cause.

As a nation that advocates internationally for democratic principles – and that publicly states its affinity for the Pacific family – Australia should no longer stay quiet on this question. This weeks shows why it must shift its foreign policy to support New Caledonia’s decolonisation as a matter of urgency.

Nicole George does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is it time for Australia to reassess its position on France’s role in New Caledonia? – https://theconversation.com/is-it-time-for-australia-to-reassess-its-position-on-frances-role-in-new-caledonia-230396

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Megan Prictor, Senior Lecturer in Law, The University of Melbourne

The latest large-scale ransomware attack on a health technology provider, electronic prescription company MediSecure, was revealed last week.

MediSecure announced it had suffered a “cyber security incident” affecting people’s personal and health information. Details of the attack are scant. We’ve been told it stemmed from a “third-party vendor”, which means a company that provides services to another company.

In a general sense, ransomware attacks occur when a hacker gets access to a system, infects and locks up files, and then demands a ransom – usually in cryptocurrency – for their release.

Government agencies including the National Cyber Security Coordinator and Australian Federal Police are investigating the incident.

Cybercrime is big business, generating huge profits. This latest incident shines a light on the vulnerability of health data specifically.

What are e-prescriptions?

E-prescribing works by sending prescriptions to a digital exchange, essentially a secure database of prescription information. From there, patients control which pharmacy can access it, by showing pharmacy staff a token such as a QR code or barcode.

Electronic prescriptions contain personal information such as people’s name, address, date of birth and Medicare number. They include details about prescribed medicines, as well as the prescriber’s name, address and other information.

The Digital Health Agency (an agency of the Australian government) reports that over the past four years, more than 189 million e-prescriptions have been issued by more than 80,000 clinicians.

Until late 2023, MediSecure was one of two national e-prescribing services, delivering prescriptions from health-care providers to pharmacies.

Last year, MediSecure was overlooked in a government tender process to appoint a single national e-prescribing provider. At that time, MediSecure held more than 28 million scripts.

MediSecure has noted the incident relates to data held by its systems up until November 2023.

While it’s unclear who has been affected by this breach, the potential pool of patients and prescribers involved is large.

A worrying trend

This incident, which comes less than two years after the widely publicised Medibank hack, is alarming but unfortunately not surprising.

Health care is digitising rapidly, with innovations such as patient-accessible electronic health records, remote monitoring and wearable devices. These developments can make health care more efficient and effective. They improve people’s access to care, and mean that information – such as prescriptions – is readily available where and when it’s needed.

Partly because of the scale of digital health data, breaches are very common. The Office of the Australian Information Commissioner routinely reports that health services suffer the most breaches of any sector, mainly through malicious or criminal attacks.

Why is health data so lucrative?

Health data is very attractive to hackers because of its volume, and ease of access via system vulnerabilities. Historical under-investment in IT security in the sector, understaffing and overstretched staff (leading to human error), and high connectivity, all contribute to this risk.

Health data is also easy to ransom because of the value patients, clinicians and health organisations place on keeping it private. No one wants a repeat of the Medibank ransomware attack, where Australians’ most sensitive health information – such as drug treatment or pregnancy termination details – was published online.

Beyond finding out how the MediSecure attack happened, patients want to know how to protect themselves from harm. At present it seems too early to say. The initial advice from the government is that no action is required.

Unfortunately, the usual measures we use to protect against hacks of financial and identity data don’t work for health data. We cannot change our prescription or other medical history like we might change our passwords, get a new driver’s licence, or scrutinise our bank statements for fraud.

If someone’s medication history is released it may indicate things about their health status, such as mental illness, gender transitioning, fertility treatment or care for drug and alcohol addiction. Not much can be done to stop the personal distress and stigmatisation that may follow. People may be blackmailed through this information, or suffer harms such as discrimination.

Data breach notification is a legal requirement on organisations to inform individuals about breaches affecting their data. It was touted as a solution to the problem of hacking when laws were introduced in Australia in 2018, but it doesn’t help affected people very much in this situation. Being informed your prescription for an anxiety medication or a treatment for obesity is now public knowledge might simply cause greater distress.

Where does responsibility lie?

Hacking is a major threat to organisations holding health data, and the onus must largely be on them to protect against it. They must all have rigorous cyber-security protections, the capacity to respond rapidly when attacks take place, and resilience measures such as backups to restore systems quickly.

Patients are now taking steps against companies who don’t protect their data. In the case of Medibank, affected customers have launched several class actions with the national privacy regulator and under Australian corporations and consumer law.

The introduction of a right to sue for serious invasions of privacy under an amended Privacy Act is an important, impending, change. It would mean people whose prescriptions and other sensitive health information were hacked could pursue breached companies for damages.

Companies facing heightened cyber threats, increased regulatory scrutiny and legal claims by those whose data has been breached find themselves in a tight spot. But so do patients, who watch unfolding news of the MediSecure attack, waiting to find out what information about their health may soon be on public display.

Megan Prictor previously received funding from the Commonwealth Department of Health. She is a member of the International Association of Privacy Professionals, European Association of Health Law (associate member), and the Australasian Association of Bioethics and Health Law.

– ref. MediSecure data breach: why is health data so lucrative for hackers? – https://theconversation.com/medisecure-data-breach-why-is-health-data-so-lucrative-for-hackers-230301

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hannah Soong, Senior Lecturer and Socio-cultural researcher, UniSA Education Futures, University of South Australia

International students have come under fire from both sides of federal politics in the past week.

The Albanese government introduced legislation to parliament last Thursday to put caps on the number of international students each institution can enrol. In his budget speech Treasurer Jim Chalmers said
“[international student] enrolments have grown without being matched by an increase in student housing supply”.

This puts pressure on prices and rents, especially in our cities and suburbs. It makes finding housing harder for every one.

In his budget reply speech, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton said the Coalition wants to cut the number of international students:

we will reduce excessive numbers of foreign students studying at metropolitan universities to relieve stress on rental markets in our major cities.

But is this fair? Our research shows international students are finding it stressful and difficult to secure accommodation. And the largest proportion is already in purpose-built housing.

Students unfairly blamed

The housing debate often misses what international students bring to Australia. International education is one of Australia’s top exports and was worth A$47.8 billion in 2023.

Last month, a Property Council of Australia report also found “international students are not the cause of the housing crisis”.

The report showed international students only make up 4% of the rental market in Australia. It points out rents started rising in 2020 during COVID “when there was no international student migration and most students had returned home”.

Our research

We have been researching the experiences of international students in South Australia. As part of a broader 2023 study, we surveyed 1,372 international students about their wellbeing, community engagement and housing situation. We also did follow up interviews with 16 students.

Students in the survey came from 142 countries and regions. Asia was the top source region with 38% of respondents, followed by Europe and Africa.

Respondents were studying at 27 institutions in South Australia. More than half of our sample were university students, but respondents were also studying at TAFE and private colleges.

Here we report our findings about housing.

Where are students living?

The biggest proportion of students in our study (25.5%) lived in the Adelaide CBD, of which 56% lived in student accommodation.

Students were then dispersed across the suburbs. The next biggest proportion of students in any given suburb was 2.2%.

Student accommodation was the most common type of housing for all students we surveyed (20.7%), followed by living in a shared house with a private bedroom (19.6%) and sharing a bedroom (13.2%).

Less than 1% of respondents lived alone and 2.5% lived in a property they or a family member owned.

This shows international students tend to live in the CBD and in student accommodation or shared houses or bedrooms. Many locals would not consider these types of housing suitable. So it is very difficult to see how they are driving up entire metropolitan housing markets.

How hard it is to find somewhere?

It is not as though international students are finding it easy to secure a place to live, either.

Students in our study reported finding suitable accommodation was one of the top three challenges undermining their life experience in South Australia (along with overall financial security and making local friends).

They told us how they often had little choice over where to live because they did not have a rental history or proper source of income. For example, a social work student from China was looking for a new place to rent but felt hopeless. She said she had sent out up to 40 applications but had no response.

We don’t have a renting record in South Australia and I don’t have a full-time job […] Lots of the [real estate] agents wouldn’t really want us […].

For many students, student accommodation was the only thing available, which they described as “very expensive” and “very compact”. One Sri Lankan student studying for a PhD in computing explained:

They are not going to give me a place […] the student accommodation was my only option. That’s why I chose it even though it’s quite costly.

Another Taiwanese student studying computing and information systems told us they had just A$150 to spend per month on food because the cost of student accommodation was so high.

What next?

Our research shows international students in South Australia are finding it expensive, difficult and stressful to secure a place to live while they are studying.

This suggests they are experiencing the problems of Australia’s housing crisis. But it does not indicate they are causing it.

We also need to be careful simply thinking more student accommodation will fix this issue. It does not address the problem of housing affordability and it does not help international students interact with their local communities in Australia.

It is also worrying to see international students blamed for a very complex problem, which experts acknowledge has multiple causes, of which overall migration is only a “relatively small part”.

And we should not forget Australia has labour shortages in civil engineering and construction.

So international students could be part of the solution to housing shortages, rather than mistakenly being blamed as the cause.

Hannah Soong receives funding from Bupa, City of Adelaide, and the Centre for Research on Educational and Social Inclusion and Academic Unit of Education Futures at the University of South Australia. She has established, and co-convened with Michael Mu, the International Student Well-being Network in South Australia.

Guanglun Michael Mu receives funding from Bupa, City of Adelaide, and the Centre for Research in Educational and Social Inclusion and the academic unit of Education Futures at the University of South Australia.

– ref. Our research shows what the rental market is really like for international students – https://theconversation.com/our-research-shows-what-the-rental-market-is-really-like-for-international-students-230308

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jake Renzella, Lecturer, Director of Studies (Computer Science), UNSW Sydney

If you search “shrimp Jesus” on Facebook, you might encounter dozens of images of artificial intelligence (AI) generated crustaceans meshed in various forms with a stereotypical image of Jesus Christ.

Some of these hyper-realistic images have garnered more than 20,000 likes and comments. So what exactly is going on here?

The “dead internet theory” has an explanation: AI and bot-generated content has surpassed the human-generated internet. But where did this idea come from, and does it have any basis in reality?

What is the dead internet theory?

The dead internet theory essentially claims that activity and content on the internet, including social media accounts, are predominantly being created and automated by artificial intelligence agents.

These agents can rapidly create posts alongside AI-generated images designed to farm engagement (clicks, likes, comments) on platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and TikTok. As for shrimp Jesus, it appears AI has learned it’s the current, latest mix of absurdity and religious iconography to go viral.

But the dead internet theory goes even further. Many of the accounts that engage with such content also appear to be managed by artificial intelligence agents. This creates a vicious cycle of artificial engagement, one that has no clear agenda and no longer involves humans at all.

Harmless engagement-farming or sophisticated propaganda?

At first glance, the motivation for these accounts to generate interest may appear obvious – social media engagement leads to advertising revenue. If a person sets up an account that receives inflated engagement, they may earn a share of advertising revenue from social media organisations such as Meta.

So, does the dead internet theory stop at harmless engagement farming? Or perhaps beneath the surface lies a sophisticated, well-funded attempt to support autocratic regimes, attack opponents and spread propaganda?

While the shrimp Jesus phenomenon may seem harmless (albeit bizarre), there is potentially a longer-term ploy at hand.

As these AI-driven accounts grow in followers (many fake, some real), the high follower count legitimises the account to real users. This means that out there, an army of accounts is being created. Accounts with high follower counts which could be deployed by those with the highest bid.

This is critically important, as social media is now the primary news source for many users around the world. In Australia, 46% of 18 to 24-year-olds nominated social media as their main source of news last year. This is up from 28% in 2022, taking over from traditional outlets such as radio and TV.

Bot-fuelled disinformation

Already, there is strong evidence social media is being manipulated by these inflated bots to sway public opinion with disinformation – and it’s been happening for years.

In 2018, a study analysed 14 million tweets over a ten-month period in 2016 and 2017. It found bots on social media were significantly involved in disseminating articles from unreliable sources. Accounts with high numbers of followers were legitimising misinformation and disinformation, leading real users to believe, engage and reshare bot-posted content.

This approach to social media manipulation has been found to occur after mass shooting events in the United States. In 2019, a study found bot-generated posts on X (formerly Twitter) heavily contribute to the public discussion, serving to amplify or distort potential narratives associated with extreme events.

More recently, several large-scale, pro-Russian disinformation campaigns have aimed to undermine support for Ukraine and promote pro-Russian sentiment.

Uncovered by activists and journalists, the coordinated efforts used bots and AI to create and spread fake information, reaching millions of social media users.

On X alone, the campaign used more than 10,000 bot accounts to rapidly post tens of thousands of messages of pro-Kremlin content attributed to US and European celebrities seemingly supporting the ongoing war against Ukraine.

This scale the influence is significant. Some reports have even found that nearly half of all internet traffic in 2022 was made by bots. With recent advancements in generative AI – such as OpenAI’s ChatGPT models and Google’s Gemini – the quality of fake content will only be improving.

Social media organisations are seeking to address the misuse of their platforms. Notably, Elon Musk has explored requiring X users to pay for membership to stop bot farms.

Social media giants are capable of removing large amounts of detected bot activity, if they so chose. (Bad news for our friendly shrimp Jesus.)

Keep the dead internet in mind

The dead internet theory is not really claiming that most of your personal interactions on the internet are fake.

It is, however, an interesting lens through which to view the internet. That it is no longer for humans, by humans – this is the sense in which the internet we knew and loved is “dead”.

The freedom to create and share our thoughts on the internet and social media is what made it so powerful. Naturally, it is this power that bad actors are seeking to control.

The dead internet theory is a reminder to be sceptical and navigate social media and other website with a critical mind.

Any interaction, trend, and especially “overall sentiment” could very well be synthetic. Designed to slightly change the way in which you perceive the world.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The ‘dead internet theory’ makes eerie claims about an AI-run web. The truth is more sinister – https://theconversation.com/the-dead-internet-theory-makes-eerie-claims-about-an-ai-run-web-the-truth-is-more-sinister-229609

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua McLeod, Lecturer in Sport Management, Deakin University

Being a sport administrator comes with many perks, so it’s no surprise many want to stay in their positions as long as possible.

Recently, a trend has emerged whereby leaders in sport are seeking to extend or eliminate term limits (rules that restrict how long people can serve), raising serious questions about governance standards.

Several leading sport bodies have been involved. The Asian Football Confederation last week voted to remove term limits for its president and council members.

This followed reports the International Olympics Commitee (IOC) is considering amendments to allow Thomas Bach to serve beyond a 12-year limit.

The Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) attracted attention when Aleksandar Čeferin pushed rule changes that would extend his tenure as president, although he ultimately decided to step down.

This trend raises two key questions: why should we care about term limits in sport? And how long is too long for sport administrators?

Why do we need term limits in sport?

The debate over term limits is ancient. Around 500BC, the Republic of Athens imposed a limit of two one-year terms for members of its ruling council. The Romans were even stricter, with a maximum one-year term.

The arguments for term limits back then were much the same then as they are for sport bodies today.

Simply put, term limits mitigate the risk of one individual accumulating an excessive concentration of power – the longer a leader remains in a position, the more power they accumulate.

This happens because over time, they can solidify control over resources and establish deeper connections within influential networks. In turn, this increases their influence over decision-making, leading to a cycle in which power reinforces itself.

Term limits, then, help to ensure power is more evenly distributed. They also offer a safeguard from leaders who could misuse their power indefinitely.

Take the case of Jack Warner, who in 1990 was elected president of the Confederation of North, Central America and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF). Warner served for 21 years, and his tenure was marred by allegations of corruption.

A 2013 report by CONCACAF’s Integrity Committee concluded Warner had committed fraud against both CONCACAF and FIFA. Amid the 2015 FIFA corruption crisis, FIFA’s Ethics Committee banned Warner from football for life, and US prosecutors charged him with 12 offences, including racketeering and bribery.

Warner denies the charges, and the US Supreme Court recently threw the case out on the basis of jurisdictional overreach.

However, the controversies surrounding Warner have been highly damaging to CONCACAF and FIFA. Had term limits been in place, the damage may not have been so severe.

Incumbency advantage

The longer an administrator stays in power, the more they can potentially benefit from “incumbency advantage”. This describes how long-serving leaders can use their powers (such as promises of funding) to build a critical mass of support within key voting blocs.

Such manoeuvring can make elections almost ceremonial, as it becomes exceedingly difficult for challengers to pose a real threat to the incumbent’s position. Without maximum term limits, leaders effectively become life presidents or quasi-monarchs.

Again, this all might sound familiar to anyone who follows international football.

In no organisation has incumbency advantage been more pronounced than in FIFA, football’s world governing body. Longtime former president Sepp Blatter was allegedly adept at using the development funding at his disposal to guarantee his re-election.

With all 211 national football associations having an equal vote in the FIFA presidential elections, Blatter strategically garnered support across select regions, including Africa and the Caribbean, to ensure his continued leadership. While this political manoeuvring was not illegal, it created a system where it was extremely difficult to remove him through an election.

Since its formation in 1904, FIFA has had nine presidents (excluding interims). Only once has an incumbent lost an election. The winner of that election was Joao Havelange, who according to Swiss court documents, accepted millions in bribes during his presidency. Two presidents were impeached and resigned, while two voluntarily stepped down. Three died in office.

It may not be an exaggeration, then, to suggest that whether current FIFA president Gianni Infantino ever leaves his position is more a decision for him than the outcome of a competitive election.

The case against

There are, however, legitimate downsides to term limits. The most obvious is potential loss of experienced, highly competent leaders. Frequent turnover can also lead to instability.

This is the argument presented by IOC members regarding Bach. Between global conflicts and dwindling interest in the Olympics, they think the organisation is facing particularly tough times. From their perspective, stability and experienced leadership are paramount.

Term limits may also discourage long-term planning, with self-interested leaders opting to prioritise quick gains. Political science studies have validated this theory. Research shows shorter governmental tenures are associated with larger fiscal deficits and a neglect of long-term investments.

Despite this, consensus among experts is the benefits of implementing term limits dramatically outweigh the potential disadvantages.

This is especially true in sport, a sector with prestige and status. In such an environment, people are particularly inclined to stay involved.

How long is too long?

So if term limits are generally accepted as good governance practice, what exactly should that limit be?

This question is far from an exact science, and there is considerable variety in the extent and form of term limits across sport.

Our recent research on sport governance in Victoria highlights this variety.

The graph below displays the frequency of different term limit formats used in the 40 Victorian state sport organisations we studied. The size of the red dot indicates frequency.

As shown, a term of three years with a maximum of three terms is the most common model, adopted by 14 organisations.

In our experience working with these organisations, the optimal term limit is depends on the nature of the organisation, with smaller sports often requiring more flexibility due to limited interest in volunteer positions.

For larger organisations, three-year terms are most common, but arguably four-year terms better align with strategic planning and Olympic cycles.

Whether it is eight or 12 years, or somewhere in between, term limits are a cornerstone of good governance and it is essential to protect them from further erosion or being abolished altogether.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Some sports leaders are trying to defy term limits – which can open the door to corruption – https://theconversation.com/some-sports-leaders-are-trying-to-defy-term-limits-which-can-open-the-door-to-corruption-229709

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Ball, Professor of Community Health and Wellbeing, The University of Queensland

If you buy your olive oil in bulk, you’ve likely been in for a shock in recent weeks. Major supermarkets have been selling olive oil for up to A$65 for a four-litre tin, and up to $26 for a 750 millilitre bottle.

We’ve been hearing about the health benefits of olive oil for years. And many of us are adding it to salads, or baking and frying with it.

But during a cost-of-living crisis, these high prices can put olive oil out of reach.

Let’s take a look at why olive oil is in demand, why it’s so expensive right now, and what to do until prices come down.

Remind me, why is olive oil so good for you?

Including olive oil in your diet can reduce your risk of developing type 2 diabetes and improve heart health through more favourable blood pressure, inflammation and cholesterol levels.

This is largely because olive oil is high in monounsaturated fatty acids and polyphenols (antioxidants).

Some researchers have suggested you can get these benefits from consuming up to 20 grams a day. That’s equivalent to about five teaspoons of olive oil.

Why is olive oil so expensive right now?

A European heatwave and drought have limited Spanish and Italian producers’ ability to supply olive oil to international markets, including Australia.

This has been coupled with an unusually cold and short growing season for Australian olive oil suppliers.

The lower-than-usual production and supply of olive oil, together with heightened demand from shoppers, means prices have gone up.

How can I make my olive oil go further?

Many households buy olive oil in large quantities because it is cheaper per litre. So, if you have some still in stock, you can make it go further by:

• storing it correctly – make sure the lid is on tightly and it’s kept in a cool, dark place, such as a pantry or cabinet. If stored this way, olive oil can typically last 12–18 months

• using a spray – sprays distribute oil more evenly than pourers, using less olive oil overall. You could buy a spray bottle to fill from a large tin, as needed

• straining or freezing it – if you have leftover olive oil after frying, strain it and reuse it for other fried dishes. You could also freeze this used oil in an airtight container, then thaw and fry with it later, without affecting the oil’s taste and other characteristics. But for dressings, only use fresh oil.

I’ve run out of olive oil. What else can I use?

Here are some healthy and cheaper alternatives to olive oil:

• canola oil is a good alternative for frying. It’s relatively low in saturated fat so is generally considered healthy. Like olive oil, it is high in healthy monounsaturated fats.
  Cost? Up to $6 for a 750mL bottle (home brand is about half the price)

• sunflower oil is a great alternative to use on salads or for frying. It has a mild flavour that does not overwhelm other ingredients. Some studies suggest using sunflower oil may help reduce your risk of heart disease by lowering LDL (bad) cholesterol and raising HDL (good) cholesterol. Cost? Up to $6.50 for a 750mL bottle (again, home brand is about half the price)

• sesame oil has a nutty flavour. It’s good for Asian dressings, and frying. Light sesame oil is typically used as a neutral cooking oil, while the toasted type is used to flavour sauces. Sesame oil is high in antioxidants and has some anti-inflammatory properties. Sesame oil is generally sold in smaller bottles than canola or sunflower oil. Cost? Up to $5 for a 150mL bottle.

How can I use less oil, generally?

Using less oil in your cooking could keep your meals healthy. Here are some alternatives and cooking techniques:

• use alternatives for baking – unless you are making an olive oil cake, if your recipe calls for a large quantity of oil, try using an alternative such as apple sauce, Greek yoghurt or mashed banana

• use non-stick cookware – using high-quality, non-stick pots and pans reduces the need for oil when cooking, or means you don’t need oil at all

• steam instead – steam vegetables, fish and poultry to retain nutrients and moisture without adding oil

• bake or roast – potatoes, vegetables or chicken can be baked or roasted rather than fried. You can still achieve crispy textures without needing excessive oil

• grill – the natural fats in meat and vegetables can help keep ingredients moist, without using oil

• use stock – instead of sautéing vegetables in oil, try using vegetable broth or stock to add flavour

• try vinegar or citrus – use vinegar or citrus juice (such as lemon or lime) to add flavour to salads, marinades and sauces without relying on oil

• use natural moisture – use the natural moisture in ingredients such as tomatoes, onions and mushrooms to cook dishes without adding extra oil. They release moisture as they cook, helping to prevent sticking.

Lauren Ball works for The University of Queensland and receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Queensland Health and Mater Misericordiae. She is a Director of Dietitians Australia, a Director of the Darling Downs and West Moreton Primary Health Network and an Associate Member of the Australian Academy of Health and Medical Sciences.

Emily Burch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. I can’t afford olive oil. What else can I use? – https://theconversation.com/i-cant-afford-olive-oil-what-else-can-i-use-228788

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

A national Newspoll, conducted after the May 14 budget from a sample of over 1,200 people, gave Labor a 52–48% lead over the Coalition, a one-point gain for Labor since the previous Newspoll four weeks ago.

Primary votes were 37% Coalition (down one point), 34% Labor (up one), 13% Greens (up one), 7% One Nation (steady) and 9% for all others (down one).

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s net approval jumped six points to net zero, with 47% (up three points from four weeks ago) satisfied with his performance and 47% (down three) dissatisfied.

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s net approval improved three points to -12. Albanese’s lead as better prime minister over Dutton widened to 52–33%, from 48–35% previously.

The graph below shows Albanese’s net approval in Newspoll this term, with a smoothed data line. This is the first time Albanese’s net approval has not been negative since before the Voice to Parliament referendum last October.

While Newspoll shows an improvement for Labor and Albanese, other polls listed below from Resolve and YouGov are much less rosy. On average, Labor remains narrowly ahead.

After every budget, Newspoll asks also three questions:

• whether the budget was good or bad for the economy

• whether it was good or bad for you personally

• whether the opposition would have delivered a better budget.

This budget scored a net zero on economic impact and a net -2 on personal impact. Analyst Kevin Bonham said it’s relatively poor on the economy, but relatively good on personal impact, with the two measures closer than ever.

By 43–37%, voters thought the Coalition would not have delivered a better budget, compared to the 49% who believed they would last year.

Labor down further in Resolve poll

A national Resolve poll for Nine newspapers, presumably taken after the budget from a sample of over 1,600 people, gave the Coalition 36% of the primary vote (steady since April), Labor 29% (down one), the Greens 12% (down one), One Nation 7% (up two), the UAP 2% (steady), independents 12% (up one) and others 2% (down one).

Resolve doesn’t generally publish a two-party estimate, but applying 2022 election preference flows gives Labor about a 51–49% lead over the Coalition, a one-point gain for the Coalition since April. This is Labor’s worst result in Resolve, which was easily the most favourable pollster for Labor in 2023.

After gaining nine points in the April poll, Albanese’s net approval dropped eight points to -10 in this poll, with 49% giving him a poor rating and 39% a good rating.

Dutton’s net approval slid one point to -3. Albanese led Dutton as preferred prime minister by 40–32% (compared to 41–32% in April).

The Liberals’ lead over Labor on economic management slid to 38–29% from 38–27% in April. On keeping the cost of living low, the Liberals’ lead was steady at six points.

Labor drops to tie in pre-budget YouGov poll

A national YouGov poll, conducted May 10–14 from a sample of 1,506 people, showed Labor and the Coalition in a 50–50% tie. This was a two-point gain for the Coalition since late April.

Primary votes were 38% Coalition (up two points), 30% Labor (down three), 13% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (steady) and 11% for all others (up one).

Albanese’s net approval slid one point to -12 since March, with 53% dissatisfied and 41% satisfied, while Dutton’s net approval rose five points to -6. Albanese led Dutton by 44–37% as better prime minister (compared with 46–34% in March).

On the most important issue for the government, 36% said housing affordability (up four points since November), 34% said living standards (down three points) and 29% said health care (down two points).

In another national YouGov poll conducted April 19–23 from a sample of 1,514 people, 35% of respondents thought the Australian government should recognise Palestine as an independent state, 21% were opposed and 44% were undecided.

Pre-budget Essential poll

In last fortnight’s national Essential poll, conducted May 1–5 from a sample of 1,150 people, the Coalition led Labor by 47–46%, including undecided (compared to 49–47% in mid-April).

Primary votes were 34% Coalition (down one point), 31% Labor (steady), 13% Greens (up two), 7% One Nation (down two), 1% UAP (steady), 7% for all others (down two) and 7% undecided (up three).

Excluding undecided and applying 2022 preference flows to the primary votes, The Poll Bludger had a Labor lead of about 52.5–47.5%, compared with Essential’s Coalition lead of 50.5–49.5% (excluding undecided). Essential’s respondent allocated preferences have been very poor for Labor.

By 59–30%, voters thought the budget would not make a meaningful difference on cost of living. By 59–41%, they also thought it better to focus on law enforcement than preventative measures to reduce crime. And by 70–30%, respondents backed the eSafety commissioner over tech billionaire Elon Musk in the argument over dangerous content vs free speech.

Age verification for pornography and gambling websites was supported by 80% of respondents. When asked who they would trust most to verify their age, 43% said the government, 14% businesses whose services they access, 12% not-for-profit third parties and 32% none of these.

Morgan polls

In the national Morgan poll conducted April 29 to May 5 from a sample of 1,666 people, Labor led the Coalition by 52–48%, unchanged from the April 22–28 poll.

In the Morgan poll conducted May 6–12 from a sample of 1,654 people, Labor again led by 52–48%. Primary votes were 37% Coalition (steady since the previous poll), 32% Labor (up two), 13.5% Greens (up 0.5), 5.5% One Nation (down 0.5), 7.5% independents (down one) and 4.5% others (down one).

NT Freshwater poll: CLP leads by 54–46

The Northern Territory election will be held on August 24. A Freshwater poll released by Sky News last Thursday gave the Country Liberal Party a 54–46% lead over the Labor government. This was a four-point gain for Labor since last December.

This poll was conducted for Australian Energy Producers NT from a sample of 1,000 people. Primary votes were 39% CLP, 29% Labor, 9% Greens and 22% independents.

Tasmanian upper house election results

I covered the May 4 Tasmanian elections for three of the 15 upper house seats on May 6. At that time, there were no two-candidate counts, with only primary votes known.

In Labor-held Elwick, independent Glenorchy Mayor Bec Thomas defeated Labor by 53.3–46.7%, from primary votes of 33.9% Thomas, 28.4% Labor, 19.0% Greens and 18.7% for a left-wing independent. Thomas slightly increased her lead after preferences.

In Liberal-held Prosser, the Liberals defeated Labor by 52.9–47.1%, from primary votes of 38.5% Liberals, 28.8% Labor, 12.4% Shooters and 20.4% combined for two independents.

In Hobart, which was previously held by a retiring left-wing independent, the Greens defeated independent John Kelly by 59.7–40.3%, from primary votes of 36.9% Greens, 22.3% Kelly, 18.5% Labor and 13.6% for another independent. This is the Greens’ first-ever upper house seat.

The overall composition of the upper house is now four Liberals out of 15 seats, three Labor, one Green and seven independents. Bonham said three of the existing six independents are centre-right, one centre and two left-wing. He expects Thomas to be centrist. Thomas’ win in Elwick will make it a bit easier for the Liberals to pass legislation in the upper house.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Labor and Albanese gain in post-budget Newspoll, but other polls don’t look as rosy – https://theconversation.com/labor-and-albanese-gain-in-post-budget-newspoll-but-other-polls-dont-look-as-rosy-229483

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

There have been so many submissions on the government’s proposed Fast-track Approvals Bill – 27,000 written, with 2,900 wanting to appear before the select committee in person – that a ballot system has been introduced to manage the process.

Given the already widespread disquiet over the bill’s shape and intent, it’s a fair assumption most of the submissions will be critical of its potential environmental and democratic impacts.

For those with memories long enough, it also calls to mind the original “fast-track” methods used by the then prime minister, Robert Muldoon, to expedite his “Think Big” projects in the 1970s. Then, too, special laws were passed to circumvent normal planning mechanisms.

Later governments have done similar things, from the Christchurch and Kaikoura earthquake rebuilds to the COVID-19 Fast-Tracking Consenting Act rushed through to stimulate the economy during the pandemic.

The current proposed law goes even further. It expands what laws can be bypassed, while increasing ministerial powers and opening up conflict-of-interest risks. And it’s happening at a time when other democratic checks and balances are fragile, if not fading.

Missing safeguards

According to the democracy watchdog Freedom House, there is a global trend towards democratic decline. The Economist Intelligence Unit estimates less than 8% of the world’s population live in a full democracy, while almost 40% live under authoritarian rule.

New Zealand is clearly not in the high-risk group. Compared to others, its political and civil rights are exceptionally good. And its legal system, which safeguards many of those rights, is among the best in the world. Other checks and balances, such as the Ombudsman, are also robust.

Unlike many other countries, however, New Zealand lacks robust safeguards against abuses of power. It is one of only five countries (along with Saudi Arabia, Israel, Canada and the United Kingdom) without a written constitution.

But the Commonwealth cousins within that group both have bicameral (two-chamber) parliaments that can balance a government’s agenda and ambition. New Zealand’s Legislative Council, a weak version of an upper house, was broken up in 1951.

Freedom and trust

Politicians and others have defended this status quo by pointing to New Zealand’s largely stable political culture and the existence of a strong fourth estate to hold power to account.

But while New Zealand is still considered a good model of public interest journalism, its ranking in the latest Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index has fallen six points since last year (from 13th to 19th).

The decline is driven by a shrinking diversity of reliable media (with cuts and closures happening on an alarming scale), as well as falling trust in news overall. The combative approach to journalists and news media from the current deputy prime minister extends to other areas, too.

Take the current debate over te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi, for example. A remarkable document (some liken it to New Zealand’s Magna Carta), the Treaty’s political and legal rehabilitation is still relatively recent.

Since the 1975 Treaty of Waitangi Act and later establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal, meticulous cross-party work has gone into stitching the “principles” of the Treaty back into the shared national fabric.

The ACT Party’s Treaty Principles Bill (and the referendum it would trigger if successful) and recent attacks on the Waitangi Tribunal by senior government ministers suggest that shared fabric can tear more easily than some might have hoped.

A ‘brittle’ democracy

The supposed robustness, integrity and established due process of New Zealand’s legal system is likewise up for scrutiny – in particular, the government’s reliance on executive power and use of urgency to pass legislation.

No MMP government has passed more bills under urgency in its first 100 days than the present coalition, far outstripping previous administrations.

It is not necessarily a bad thing for parliament to have the option to pass laws urgently when circumstances demand it. The problem arises when there is no definition of, or required justification for, the use of urgency.

Instead, it becomes a normalised way to sidestep the mechanisms that help create better laws.

Speed and political advantage, not democratic quality, become the determining factors. The majority in parliament determines the foot on the legislative accelerator (and neither the left nor right has held a monopoly on its use).

None of this is to say New Zealand is sliding towards tyranny. But, equally, none of these trends is positive. Power is not being abused, but it is not being well managed either. New Zealand democracy, unique and currently brittle, should be handled with greater care.

Alexander Gillespie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Fast-track laws, parliamentary urgency, Treaty tension, media retreat: warning signs for NZ’s ‘brittle’ democracy – https://theconversation.com/fast-track-laws-parliamentary-urgency-treaty-tension-media-retreat-warning-signs-for-nzs-brittle-democracy-230209