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Paul Gauguin was a violent paedophile. Should the National Gallery of Australia be staging a major exhibition of his work?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sasha Grishin, Adjunct Professor of Art History, Australian National University

Paul Gauguin Three Tahitians (Trois tahitiens) 1899 oil on canvas 73 × 94 cm National Galleries of Scotland, Edinburgh. Presented by Sir Alexander Maitland in memory of his wife Rosalind 1960, NG 222

Should the National Gallery of Australia be staging a major Paul Gauguin exhibition?

At first glance, the question may appear a little strange. Gauguin (1848-1903) is a hugely significant figure in most European constructs of modern art and a key artist in any discussion of French neo-primitivism, post-impressionism and symbolism. His paintings at auction realise staggering sums of money: in 2022 one changed hands for more than US$105 million.

But the ethical case against Gauguin is that he was a violent, fist-swinging thug, a paedophile and a serial rapist.

Painting a violent fantasy

Gauguin was a “sex tourist”, who dumped his wife and five children in poverty in Europe and took up residence in French Polynesia, where he married three native children, the youngest 13, the others 14.

He had numerous children with them and infected some of them with syphilis, before he died aged 54. These “child brides” served as models in many of his paintings that took the form of exotic, erotic fantasies.

Paul Gauguin, Portrait of the artist by himself, 1903, Kunstmuseum Basel, bequest of Dr Karl Hoffmann 1945.

Curator and art historian Ashley Remer sums up the case against Gauguin:

From a museum perspective, choosing to showcase men like Gauguin does, in its own way, support rape culture […] [Gauguin] purposefully and consistently made the choice to exploit and assault young girls.

The English art critic Alistair Sooke bluntly describes him as a “19th-Century Harvey Weinstein”.

Gauguin wrote of his Tahitian women that she:

lives almost as do animals […] like she-cats, she bites when in heat and claws as if coition were painful. She asks to be raped. […] Giving her a good beating every week [makes her] obey a little. She thinks very poorly of the lover who does not beat her.

Many of his paintings create a fantasy world of a “primitive” Polynesia he really neither saw nor experienced, but imagined, with scantily clad submissive very young girls in exotic native huts with pagan deities in the background, which he copied from photographs of gods from India and Indonesia.

Paul Gauguin Tahitian women (Femmes de Tahiti) 1891 oil on canvas 69 × 91.5 cm Musée d’Orsay, Paris. Gift of Countess Vitali 1923, RF 2765.

For Gauguin, the missionaries had already spoilt Polynesia by the time he arrived in June 1891. Most women he encountered were fully clad and some engaged with modern life. He created his fake erotic exotica as a personal quest and for the European viewer’s delectation.

Ethical responsibility

Is the correct course of action for a public art gallery to exhibit and celebrate Gauguin’s work, while highlighting the fact he was a seriously flawed human being?

Or is this to quietly condone domestic violence and paedophilia, on the condition that the participants say “three Hail Marys” after seeing the show?

I do not know the answer to this question, but feel uncomfortable in an atmosphere where so much dismay is expressed concerning domestic violence in Australia to be simultaneously celebrating an artist for whom violence against women was part of his everyday life.

Gauguin’s World: Tōna Iho, Tōna Ao, installation view, National Gallery of Australia, Kamberri/Canberra, 2024.

The idea of ethical responsibility for art institutions may not be new, but today it is a rapidly expanding concept.

The traditional questions of legal provenance have been joined by questions concerning gender equity and, increasingly, the investigation of the moral character of the artist.

Dennis Nona, for example, was once the most widely exhibited Torres Strait Islander artist in Australia. But once he was sentenced to jail for sexual assault, the National Gallery in Canberra – along with most public art galleries in Australia – removed every work of his from display.

It could be argued Nona’s art in no way reflected the crimes for which he was convicted. In the case of Gauguin, his criminal lifestyle lies at the very core of his art.

Tahiti to Australia

The National Gallery’s exhibition boasts to be the largest Gauguin exhibition to be shown in Australia – over 140 works drawn from 65 private and public collections worldwide.

The curator, Henri Loyrette, has assembled Gauguin’s paintings, drawings, prints, sculptures, ceramics and decorative arts, together with cultural items from the Musée de Tahiti et des Îles.

The main idea was to bring Gauguin’s vision of Tahiti to Australia and, along the way, glance at Gauguin’s journey from his early Impressionist-inspired work through to his late Polynesian pieces. After Canberra, the exhibition will travel to the Museum of Fine Arts in Houston, Texas.

Paul Gauguin, Parahi te marae (The sacred mountain), 1892, Philadelphia Museum of Art, gift of Mr and Mrs Rodolphe Meyer de Schauensee 1980.

It is an exhibition where you may despise the artist, yet invariably admire the formal properties of his art. Gauguin was a brilliant colourist, an exceptional draughtsman and had that rare ability to reinvent the medium with which he engaged. This applied to his remarkable carvings in wood, his reimagining of the potential of the woodcut and of course his late, colour-saturated, sun-drenched images of French Polynesia.

For a contemporary viewer, his paintings in this exhibition, including Tahitian women (1891), Three Tahitians (1899) and Te faaturuma (the brooding woman) (1891), reflect an ideology and lifestyle as inappropriate 121 years ago, when Gauguin died, as it is today.

Paul Gauguin Te faaturuma (The brooding woman) 1891 oil on canvas 91.1 × 68.7 cm Worcester Art Museum. Museum Purchase, 1921.186.

London’s Tate Modern held its major Gauguin retrospective 14 years ago. As I recall, it was a standing-room-only affair that broke all sorts of attendance records.

The National Gallery exhibition is much more modest in scope and is supplemented by the spirited SaVĀge K’lub installation that addresses issues in Polynesian culture.

It will be interesting to see how contemporary Australian audiences respond.

Gauguin’s World: Tōna Iho, Tōna Ao is at the National Gallery of Australia until October 7.


If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

Sasha Grishin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Paul Gauguin was a violent paedophile. Should the National Gallery of Australia be staging a major exhibition of his work? – https://theconversation.com/paul-gauguin-was-a-violent-paedophile-should-the-national-gallery-of-australia-be-staging-a-major-exhibition-of-his-work-230545

We analysed the entire web and found a cybersecurity threat lurking in plain sight

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin Saric, Computer Scientist & Mechatronic Engineer, CSIRO

Ar_TH/Shutterstock

Our latest research has found that clickable links on websites can often be redirected to malicious destinations. We call these “hijackable hyperlinks” and have found them by the millions across the whole of the web, including on trusted websites.

Our paper, published at the 2024 Web Conference, shows that cybersecurity threats on the web can be exploited at a drastically greater scale than previously thought.

Concerningly, we found these hijackable hyperlinks on the websites of large companies, religious organisations, financial firms and even governments. The hyperlinks on these websites can be hijacked without triggering any alarms. Only vigilant – some might say paranoid – users would avoid falling into these traps.

If we were able to find these vulnerabilities across the web, so can others. Here’s what you need to know.

What are hijackable hyperlinks?

If you make a typo when entering your bank’s web address, you might accidentally end up on a phishing site – one that impersonates, or “spoofs”, your bank’s website to steal your personal info.

If you’re in a rush and don’t inspect the website closely, you may enter sensitive personal details and pay a steep price for your mistake. This could include identity theft, account compromise or financial loss.

Something even more dangerous happens when programmers mistype web addresses in their code. There’s a chance their typo will direct users to an internet domain that has never been purchased. We call these phantom domains.

For example, a programmer making a link to theconversation.com might accidentally link to tehconversation.com – note the misspelling. If the mistyped domain has never been purchased, someone could come along and buy that phantom domain for around A$10, hijacking the inbound traffic. In these cases, the price of programmers’ mistakes is paid by the users.

These programmer linking errors don’t just risk directing users to phishing or spoofing sites. Hijacked traffic can be directed towards a range of traps, including malicious scripts, misinformation, offensive content, viruses and any other hacks the future will bring.

Over half a million phantom domains

Using high-performance computing clusters, we processed the whole browsable web for these vulnerabilities. At a scale never seen in research, in total we analysed over 10,000 hard drives’ worth of data.

Doing so, we found over 572,000 phantom domains. The hijackable hyperlinks directing users to them were found on many trusted websites. In a twist of irony, this even included web-based software designed to enforce privacy legislation on websites.

We investigated what errors caused these vulnerabilities and categorised them. Most were caused by typos in hyperlinks, but we also found another type of programmer-generated vulnerability: placeholder domains.

When programmers develop a website that does not yet have a specific domain, they often enter links to a phantom domain with the expectation the links will be fixed later.

We found this to be common with website design templates, where the aesthetic components of a website are purchased from another programmer rather than developed in-house. When the design template is later installed on a website, the phantom domains are often not updated, making links to them hijackable.

To determine if hijackable hyperlinks could be exploited in practice, we purchased 51 of the phantom domains they point to and passively observed the inbound traffic. From this, we detected substantial traffic coming from the hijacked links. Compared to similar new domains that lacked hijacked links, 88% of our phantom domains got more traffic, with up to ten times more visitors.

A man with a black beard and glasses looks at his smartphone while frowning, sitting at a cafe with his laptop.
Staying vigilant on the web is your best protection against falling for hijacked links.
GaduLab/Shutterstock

What can be done?

For average web users, awareness is key. Links cannot be trusted. Be vigilant.

For those in charge of companies and their websites, we suggest several technical countermeasures. The simplest solution is for website operators to “crawl” their websites for broken links. Countless free tools are available for doing so. If any broken links are found, fix them before they are hijacked.

We, the Web

British scientist Sir Tim Berners-Lee first proposed the web at CERN in 1989. In his earliest description of it – still widely available on the web as a testament to itself – there is a section titled “non requirements”, where security is addressed. This section includes the fateful phrase:

[Data security is] of secondary importance at CERN, where information exchange is still more important.

While this was true of CERN in 1989, the web is now the primary information exchange medium of the modern age.

We have come to treat the web as an external component of our own brains. This is evidenced by the popularity of large language models like ChatGPT, which themselves are trained on data from the web.

As our dependence deepens, it might be time to mentally re-categorise web data security from “non requirements” to “important requirements”.

The Conversation

Kevin Saric receives funding from the Cyber Security Research Centre Limited whose activities are partially funded by the Australian Government’s Cooperative Research Centres Programme. He is affiliated with CSIRO and QUT.

ref. We analysed the entire web and found a cybersecurity threat lurking in plain sight – https://theconversation.com/we-analysed-the-entire-web-and-found-a-cybersecurity-threat-lurking-in-plain-sight-233240

The AFL’s illicit drug policy is under fire but the bigger issue is that not all sports have one

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryl Adair, Associate Professor of Sport Management, University of Technology Sydney

In March, Australian MP Andrew Wilkie used parliamentary privilege to allege the Australian Football League (AFL) was operating an “off the books” illicit drug testing regime that is at odds with its obligations under the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) Code.

This prompted an investigation by Sport Integrity Australia (SIA) and, after three months of evaluation, the nation’s peak sport anti-corruption watchdog has now released its findings.

What did Sport Integrity Australian find?

Crucially, the SIA report found no breach of the WADA Code by any players or support personnel, noting a “lack of understanding” about the AFL’s illicit drug policy had contributed to public speculation about nefarious intent.

Indeed, SIA understood why players would make themselves unavailable for match day if they believed an illicit drug (prohibited by WADA only in competition) put them at risk of a doping violation.

While SIA was hardly condoning illicit drug use among athletes, it acknowledged the ubiquity of such substances, noting 13.5% of Australians over the age of 14 had admitted to using cocaine in 2022–23.

The game day withdrawal strategy, which seeks to avoid a doping infringement, is not a breach of the WADA Code.

The AFL has defended its illicit drugs policy after a report from Sports Integrity Australia.

Why does the AFL have an illicit drug policy?

There are two main elements: player welfare and risk management.

At its core, the illicit drug policy has for many years adopted a harm-minimisation approach based on a medical model, the goal being behavioural change under the oversight of a doctor, with confidential counselling at the “first strike”.

But there are also penalties: a “second strike” results in public disclosure and a four-game suspension, with a “third strike” incurring a ban of 12 games.

The SIA report noted some critics of the AFL policy prefer a more punitive approach at the outset, with “naming and shaming” of transgressors at the first strike and much harsher penalties generally.

However, SIA felt it was not within its purview to endorse a particular strategy, which it said was a matter for the AFL and the AFL Players’ Association.

After all, SIA acknowledged, the athletes entered into the illicit drug policy voluntarily – there is no requirement to do so by WADA.

That said, if an athlete presents on match day with an illicit drug in their system, WADA will treat them as a doper. In other words, a player would receive an anti-doping infringement and be subject to a ban from sport.

There is a crucial risk-management point here: WADA does not test for illicit substances outside of match day, in effect leaving the responsibility for managing illicit drug use to sport organisations.

And these bodies hardly want to lose athletes to a doping infringement because they have traces of cocaine or cannabis in their body on game day.

What does the SIA report recommend?

The SIA report acknowledged the AFL’s illicit drug policy has been in place for nearly 20 years but, like any policy, is subject to debate in terms of its objectives and efficacy.

A review of the policy, which was already under way, has now garnered considerable public interest. SIA has offered several recommendations, which are consolidated below.

First, the AFL is encouraged to enhance its illicit drug education training and resources, not just to players and clubs but all of the game’s stakeholders.

The goal should be to “increase transparency” of the illicit drug policy, even though this can never be complete due to the confidentiality that underpins a medical model. SIA suggested de-identified data may be made public to illustrate the number of infringements under the policy.

Second, the AFL needs to improve the intelligence capability of the AFL Integrity Unit, with which SIA has a long relationship.

The goal here is to ascertain whether illicit drug traffickers are infiltrating the sport, which would present integrity concerns.

This should be accompanied by better promotion of the AFL’s anonymous tip-off portal, thereby encouraging anyone to raise integrity concerns.

Third, the AFL should expand its illicit drug policy to accommodate the AFL Women’s league, and to consider ways to mitigate the risk of illicit drug use among non-playing staff across both the AFL and AFLW.

Fourth, and perhaps most important, the AFL should consider establishing a committee to oversee the revised illicit drug policy, including staff from the AFL, the AFLPA, the AFL Doctors’ Association, and independent representatives from outside the sport.

The goal here is to provide a level of confidence, both within the sport and beyond, that the illicit drug policy functions with proper processes and that outcomes are proportionate to its aims.

An elephant in the room?

The SIA report acknowledged the AFL is one of a handful of sports in Australia to have an illicit drug policy.

Other major professional team sports, notably rugby league, rugby union and cricket, have similar policies to the AFL, while basketball, field hockey and motorsport also have illicit drug policies.

A lack of consistent monitoring and testing programs across the Australian sports sector, with associated athlete welfare processes and risk management education, represents a curious governance deficit.

After all, the Australian Sports Commission’s National Sports Plan from 2018 included a determination “to protect Australian sport from integrity threats, such as doping, match-fixing and illicit drugs”.

Surprisingly, though, the word “drug” appears only once in the entire report, and there is nothing to indicate what sports are expected to do by way of mitigating against illicit drug use among athletes.

The SIA report suggested the Australian sport sector could benefit from the staging of a “national illicit drugs roundtable” for all sports (there are about 60 in all).

It admitted that among the minority of sports that do have an illicit drug policy, “the guidelines, processes and sanctions that surround each code’s drugs policy are as unique as the sports themselves”.

So, there is much to be learned and revised going forward.

The Conversation

Daryl Adair does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The AFL’s illicit drug policy is under fire but the bigger issue is that not all sports have one – https://theconversation.com/the-afls-illicit-drug-policy-is-under-fire-but-the-bigger-issue-is-that-not-all-sports-have-one-233229

What’s next for the Climate Change Authority under Matt Kean’s leadership?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lesley Hughes, Professor Emerita, Department of Biological Sciences, Macquarie University

The appointment of high-profile New South Wales Liberal politician Matt Kean to chair the Climate Change Authority has sparked questions about what this body does. How does it influence climate policy in Australia?

When Prime Minister Anthony Albanese
announced the appointment this week, he said Kean was “uniquely qualified” to lead the authority.

Kean, the former NSW treasurer and energy minister, said he would follow the authority’s tradition of providing independent advice to government “based on facts, science, evidence, engineering and economics”. He added:

And the experts tell us, and I agree with them, that if we get this transition right, we can not only put downward pressure on electricity bills for families and businesses right across the country, but we can protect our environment and make our economy even stronger and more prosperous for everyone forever.

I’ve been a member of the authority since 2022, in addition to my academic role. Here, I explain the authority’s priorities for the year ahead, and how it plans to help Australia thrive in our future low-emissions world.

Matt Kean to lead Climate Change Authority amid nuclear debate (ABC News)

What is the Climate Change Authority?

The Gillard Labor government established the Climate Change Authority through the Climate Change Authority Act 2011.

The independent statutory body provides expert advice to the federal government on climate change policy. Essentially, it aims to help the government to pursue evidence-based strategies to act decisively and effectively on this global challenge.

It produces an annual climate change statement and helps set Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets. These tasks are specified in the Climate Change Act.

Setting emissions reduction targets is part of Australia’s obligations under the Paris Agreement to limit global warming.

If the federal climate change minister rejects any part of the annual statement or the recommended emissions reduction targets, they must tell the parliament why, in writing.

The authority also conducts regular reviews of climate-related legislation, as well as its own independent research and analysis.

It comprises a chair, a chief scientist and up to seven other members, of which I am one.

Kean will assume the role of chair in early August when the current chair, Grant King, steps down.

Another new member, Patty Akopiantz, will join the authority to fill the position vacated by Sam Mostyn, who is shortly to be sworn in as governor general.

The authority has 65 staff and annual funding of around A$14 million. This includes the substantial boost in funding under Labor of $42.6 million over four years from 2022–23.

The authority meets at least eight times a year. A summary of each meeting is published on the authority’s website.

The work of the authority is distinct from, but complementary to, the role of the Net Zero Economy Agency. That agency works directly with investors, business, and regions to facilitate an orderly transition to a decarbonised economy.

What’s on the agenda in 2024?

The authority has three significant tasks this year. The first is to review the technology and emissions pathways that will best support Australia’s transition to net-zero emissions by 2050. It covers six sectors: agriculture and land; the built environment; electricity and energy; industry and waste; resources; and transport.

The final report will be handed to the minister at the beginning of August, before Kean takes the chair.

The second major task in this year is to recommend a 2035 emissions reduction target for Australia. This is central to Australia’s commitments under the Paris Agreement, which involves ratcheting up emissions reduction over time.

In developing its advice, the authority is undertaking analysis across four areas:

  • alignment with the overall goals of the Paris Agreement including the global carbon emissions budget
  • wellbeing of the Australian population, with analysis of climate impacts on natural systems and human communities
  • the feasibility of emissions reduction targets in different sectors
  • the opportunities and costs for the Australian economy.

These reviews involved extensive consultation and consideration of more than 300 submissions.

Kean will present the recommended 2035 emissions reduction target and accompanying report to the minister in October.

The third major task for the authority is delivering the third annual “progress advice report” to the minister later this year. It will include a preliminary assessment of reforms to the Safeguard Mechanism – a policy imposing emissions-reduction requirements on Australia’s most polluting companies. The authority is assessing whether the mechanism is achieving its goals.

Helping Australia make the most of the transition

All this comes on top of several busy years for the authority.

In April last year, it released a report on Australia’s carbon sequestration potential, based on commissioned CSIRO analyses.

In October, the authority produced a report which found Australia is not yet on track to meet its legislated 2030 emissions reduction target, but that the target is still achievable. The report made 42 recommendations to help achieve the goal.

In December, the authority released its second review of the National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act, and its fourth review of carbon credits.

Australia is one of the world’s most vulnerable developed countries when it comes to climate change. We have already experienced devastating extreme events such as catastrophic flooding and the Black Summer bushfires. And our precious natural icon, the Great Barrier Reef has been decimated by multiple coral bleaching events.

But we also have abundant renewable resources to decarbonise our economy and exports. Ultimately, it’s the authority’s job to help Australia capitalise on these opportunities.

Lesley Hughes is a member of the Climate Change Authority. She has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated with the Climate Council of Australia, the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists and the Biodiversity Council.

ref. What’s next for the Climate Change Authority under Matt Kean’s leadership? – https://theconversation.com/whats-next-for-the-climate-change-authority-under-matt-keans-leadership-233433

Want to help our precious nocturnal bugs during Matariki’s longer nights? Turn the lights down low

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janice Lord, Associate Professor in Botany, University of Otago

Getty Images

In a world increasingly affected by light pollution, we can take time during the shorter days and longer nights around Matariki to appreciate the superpowers of our nocturnal bugs.

As diurnal creatures, our world view is strongly biased towards a daytime perspective. We pay more attention to events happening during daylight, and sometimes overlook the fascinating world of nocturnal insects.

Human eyes are very poor at gathering enough light particles – photons – to see clearly at night. We need the light of a full moon to have much hope of navigating safely.

For millennia, then, we’ve used fire and more recently electricity to artificially light up the night. Nocturnal insects now deal with a very different nightscape than they did even a century ago.

It’s been estimated that 23% of the world’s land area is affected by light pollution. This is thought to be one of the factors contributing to insect decline worldwide.

Recent research suggests about a third of insects attracted to artificial lights will die by morning, often from exhaustion. If those insects have been prevented from mating and laying eggs, there are huge implications for population survival, as well as for ecosystem functions such as pollination and biocontrol.

Glow worms are the larvae of fungus gnats and can make their own light.
Getty Images

Nocturnal superpowers

Many bugs are more active at night, most likely to avoid daytime predators. Some can also make their own light. New Zealand glow worms, the larvae of fungus gnats, use bioluminescence to hunt.

Elsewhere in the world, some flying beetles are commonly known as fireflies due to the fiery crackles of light they produce to confuse and ward off predators.

Moonlight is roughly one million times less intense than sunlight. But nocturnal insects can navigate, see colour and detect movement with only the light from the stars and moon.

This superpower is due in part to their incredible compound eyes. These are made up of millions of tiny lenses that each capture the maximum amount of light from a small field of view, and focus it onto a bundle of photoreceptors.

The ability to make sense of very low light levels is also due to higher contrast sensitivity at the expense of detail. Moths in particular boast several adaptations that aid in navigating and perceiving in low light.

Many New Zealand moths are nocturnal, and their eyes are largely specialised for motion detection, differentiating between intensities of light rather than distinct wavelengths.

Compared with day-flying butterflies, which can perceive more detail and differentiate wavelengths as colours, moths have evolved greater perception of contrast and large-scale changes in their visual environment. But this comes at the expense of spatial sensitivity.

LED lights and moths

Contrary to myth, nocturnal insects do not fly around artificial lights because they confuse them with the moon or stars. Recent research, filming moths with high-speed cameras, found they use moonlight and starlight to differentiate between “up” and “down” as they fly.

Their erratic flight around your outside light is actually due to them trying to orientate themselves to a nonexistent horizon.

The colour of artificial lights can also affect how attractive they are to nocturnal insects. In recent years, Dunedin (like many cities around the world) has been replacing old high-pressure sodium bulbs in street lights with LEDs that use less energy and have lower maintenance costs.

But this hasn’t been so great for night-flying insects. Moths can detect light wavelengths as low as 300 nanometres (invisible to human eyes) and as high as 700nm (orange-red to humans). But many have a peak sensitivity at 400nm (human blue).

The old sodium bulbs produced a warm orange or golden glow. But the brighter LEDs commonly produce a cool white light at the blue end of the spectrum, right at peak sensitivity for many moths. Warmer LED lights (with a lower colour temperature) can be less attractive to flying insects, and also help reduce light pollution across the city.

Dunedin by night: new LED lighting has not been kind to nocturnal bugs.
Getty Images

Helping our night bugs

Closer to home, we can make a difference for our own backyard bugs (and other nocturnal and twilight fauna) by reducing light pollution.

Something as simple as closing curtains at night will discourage flying insects from crashing into windows – and getting inside!

Using motion-activated outside lights, rather than having them permanently on,
can reduce the deaths toll in your local moth populations. And selecting warmer coloured light bulbs and fairy lights will make them less attractive to nocturnal insects.

Finally, turning off your lights and venturing outside will not only give your backyard bugs a break, but also help you appreciate the wonders of the night sky at Matariki.

Janice Lord has collaborated on a Dunedin City Council -funded project to investigate the effect of light sources on moths. She is affiliated with the New Zealand Entomological Society.

Connal McLean is affiliated with The Entomological Society of New Zealand and The Moths & Butterflies of New Zealand Trust

ref. Want to help our precious nocturnal bugs during Matariki’s longer nights? Turn the lights down low – https://theconversation.com/want-to-help-our-precious-nocturnal-bugs-during-matarikis-longer-nights-turn-the-lights-down-low-232701

Young people hate making phone calls – could it be hurting their careers?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Narelle Hopkin (Towie), Academic chair of journalism, Murdoch University

DenPhotos/Shutterstock

Ironically, younger generations are using smartphones for anything but actual phone calls.

Many people under 40 appear far more comfortable letting their fingers do the talking, using text or images, rather than speech, to communicate over the phone.

A 2023 survey of more than 1,000 Gen Z Australians aged between 18 and 26 found that almost 60% dread making or accepting a phone call. Another from the United States found that 81% of millennials get anxious before making a call.

Like spiders and heights, speaking on the phone – with all its real-time imperfections – is a modern-day phobia and fast becoming a lost art.

So what’s going on, and what impact might it have on young people’s careers?

People feel ambushed by phone calls

I head up the journalism school at Murdoch University. In few other fields of study is the ability to make timely, effective phone calls so critical for success.

To explore young people’s attitudes to phone use further, I carried out an informal survey of 15 students.

Phone calls are a source of deep anxiety for many young people.
Jonathan Borba/Unsplash

Presenting their responses at last year’s Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia conference, I suggested that “telephobia” may be causing the loss of a key communication skill in younger generations.

Among my students, many said they find it rude to receive voice calls out of the blue or without warning.

Some even said that they will not answer voice calls at all, even from a parent. It was easier to let them divert to voicemail, and respond later via text.

Getting a phone call from an unknown number can be even more nail-biting – why is this person calling instead of sending a text? Many said such cold calls trigger a deep fear that something is wrong.

Going on to find out there actually was no emergency made many feel ambushed – and annoyed – that a cold caller had caused unnecessary alarm.

But journalism students may still have an edge. In a podcasting class with intake from various majors, I found that commonplace interview tasks sent anxiety levels much higher than in other classes I have taught in almost a decade lecturing journalism students alone.

Something intangible but important is lost in text

Telephone and face-to-face interviews are well-known in both industry and academia to be more powerful than email.

The skill or confidence to ask uncomfortable questions is a key part of decent interviewing, with phone interviews a second choice to meeting with someone face-to-face.

Something important is lost when we communicate over text instead of in-person.
Christina/Unsplash

In-person conversations allow for connection, the building of trust and empathy and the transmission of non-verbal language.

Two studies from Canada back this up, finding people overestimate their persuasiveness when communicating via email. Participants made requests either in person or via email.

Both groups were equally confident about the success of their requests, but those made face-to-face were a staggering 34 times more effective.

The skill needs a greater focus

My colleagues across the Australian media have told me the incoming class of reporters often have more technical prowess than generations past. But many still need reminding to pick up the phone rather than send an email when securing or carrying out interviews.

In the classroom at Murdoch University, we have doubled the amount of time spent teaching the art of interviewing.

We’ve found that students are more successful, and their anxiety is lowered, when early lessons are devoted to practising phone calls. The aim is to try at least 10 phone calls in the classroom, starting with classmates and then moving onto strangers.

But across journalism schools and the wider workforce, it’s likely to remain an uphill battle.

According to communications researchers Leanna Kim and Sang-Hwa Oh, many new technologies hinder rather than promote voice calling, which may be causing even greater reliance on new devices.

Telephone anxiety was negatively associated with preference for phone calls, suggesting that using an alternative mode of communication, instead of a phone call, might not be simply a matter of convenience, but an outcome of escaping anxiety.

This is despite research showing an individual’s fear of an interaction being awkward often turns out to be overblown.

We are never going back to the days where the family landline had pride of place stuck in the hallway, and its own special chair to sit on. But voice calls will always play an important role in communication.

Younger generations just need to pick up the phone and let their voices be heard.

Narelle Hopkin (Towie) does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Young people hate making phone calls – could it be hurting their careers? – https://theconversation.com/young-people-hate-making-phone-calls-could-it-be-hurting-their-careers-232167

A ‘trilobite Pompeii’: perfectly preserved fossils of ancient sea critters found buried in volcanic ash

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Paterson, Professor of Earth Sciences, University of New England

A. El Albani (University of Poitiers)

If you’ve ever visited the fossil gallery of a natural history museum — or its gift shop, for that matter — you’ve probably seen the armoured body remains (or exoskeletons) of an extinct group of animals called trilobites. These ancient marine arthropods lived in the world’s oceans from 521 million to 252 million years ago.

Photo of bug-like trilobite fossil impressed in stone.
A typical trilobite fossil, showing the well-preserved hard exoskeleton, but no soft parts.
John Paterson

We know a great deal about the diversity, lifestyles and evolution of these iconic invertebrate fossils. More than 22,000 species of trilobite have been named.

This is largely because the trilobite exoskeleton was made of a mineral called calcite, which fossilised very easily. However, fossils showing soft body parts of these creatures, such as the antennae and walking legs, are far rarer. Even when these features have been found, they may be obscured by flattening or partly hidden by sediment.

In a new study, published today in Science, we document a remarkable discovery of Moroccan trilobites preserved in volcanic ash, representing the most anatomically complete examples ever found. These new specimens not only preserve the antennae and walking legs, but also mouth structures and even the entire digestive system in three dimensions.

A palaeontological Pompeii

The new trilobite fossils are Cambrian in age (around 509 million years old) and preserved as undistorted three-dimensional moulds within fine volcanic ash, not unlike the human bodies entombed at Pompeii in Italy by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD.

We scanned the specimens with X-rays to reveal and reconstruct the exquisite anatomy in high resolution, right down to the tiniest bristles (less than a tenth of a millimetre long) on the walking legs.

Images showing the anatomy of a trilobite.
Reconstructions of the trilobite Protolenus (Hupeolenus) sp., showing the view from above (left) and below (right), including the antennae and walking legs, and other soft tissue structures.
Arnaud Mazurier / John Paterson

It may seem highly unlikely to find fossils preserved in volcanic ash, particularly their soft tissues. But ironically, it is the violent nature of eruptions that helps with this style of exceptional preservation.

Explosive eruptions, specifically a type called pyroclastic flows, produce high-speed clouds of ash that can cover vast areas, including marine environments, in a very short amount of time. Such an event would have rapidly buried these trilobites, which were living in shallow waters near the shoreline, with the volcanic ash quickly moulding and cementing the animals in place.

Illustration of trilobites in shallow water with a looming volcanic eruption in the background.
An artist’s reconstruction of the trilobites inhabiting a shallow water marine environment moments before being rapidly engulfed by a pyroclastic flow from a volcanic eruption that occurred more than 500 million years ago.
Katrina Kenny

This entombment must have been almost instantaneous, as we also find tiny filter-feeding animals called brachiopods attached to these trilobites in positions they would have been in life, capturing a symbiotic relationship “snap frozen” in time.




Read more:
Pompeii: ancient remains are helping scientists learn what happens to a body caught in a volcanic eruption


Tantalising trilobites

Our discovery has revealed features previously unknown in trilobites.

For example, the new fossils show a sophisticated feeding apparatus. In particular, the first pair of head appendages behind the antennae possess what could be described as “spiny spoons”, used for chewing and scooping food into the mouth. Attached to these “spiny spoons” are antenna-like structures that may have acted as taste receptors or touch sensors.




Read more:
Ancient marvels: the first shell-crushing predators ground up their prey between their legs


One specimen (see below) also reveals the entire digestive system, starting with the mouth opening, leading to an oesophagus, which then extends to an enlarged J-shaped stomach connected to a long intestine running the entire length of the body.

There is also a structure called the labrum, a kind of fleshy lip associated with the mouth that forms part of the oral chamber where food is processed.

Interestingly, the labrum has long been hypothesised to exist in trilobites, but never observed in fossils. This discovery now helps us better understand how arthropod mouthparts evolved across living and extinct forms.

A digital reconstruction of trilobite anatomy.
A side view of Protolenus (Hupeolenus) sp., highlighting the labrum (red) where the mouth is positioned, the hypostome (green) that protects the organs in the head, and the digestive system (blue).
Arnaud Mazurier / John Paterson

These fossils give palaeontologists a new “search image” to look for such anatomical features in newly collected trilobite specimens, or those already sitting in museum drawers. But perhaps more importantly, this discovery highlights volcanic ash deposits as underexplored sources for exceptionally preserved fossils.

The Conversation

John Paterson receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. A ‘trilobite Pompeii’: perfectly preserved fossils of ancient sea critters found buried in volcanic ash – https://theconversation.com/a-trilobite-pompeii-perfectly-preserved-fossils-of-ancient-sea-critters-found-buried-in-volcanic-ash-233230

Explainer: What’s at stake in France’s election, and could it make Macron’s government even weaker?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Romain Fathi, Senior Lecturer, School of History, Australian National University

Just one hour after the far-right’s surge in the European elections on June 9, French President Emmanuel Macron made the surprising decision to dissolve the French national assembly and call for snap elections.

The latest polling from last weekend shows the far-right National Rally party leading the race with 35.5% of the vote, followed by the New Popular Front (a coalition of far-left, communist and centre-left parties) with 29.5%, and Macron’s centrist alliance (Ensemble) in third with 19.5%.

With Macron’s government now hanging on by a thread, what is expected to happen in the two-stage election starting Sunday and concluding on July 7?

First, what exactly is the national assembly?

France has a semi-presidential system of government in which the president and the parliament share power. The president is elected by popular vote and appoints the prime minister, as well as the cabinet ministers (on the recommendation of his or her prime minister).

The government must secure the support of the majority of MPs in the national assembly (the lower house of parliament) to stay in power. If the national assembly loses confidence in the government, it can dismiss the prime minister and cabinet ministers. The president, in turn, has the power to dismiss the national assembly.

Feeling the national assembly was growing less supportive of his government, Macron chose to fire first and dissolve the assembly.

Since the establishment of the current French constitution in 1958, the national assembly has been dissolved six times by the president. But it had never previously happened on the basis of European-related matters, such as the European elections.




Read more:
French snap elections: ‘cohabitation’ could reshuffle the cards between president and prime minister


Why did Macron pull the trigger?

Officially, Macron called for snap elections because the National Rally party, led by Marine Le Pen, received 31.5% of the vote in the European elections, more than double the support for Macron’s centrist party.

Because of this, Macron felt the national assembly no longer represented the mood of the French people, so he has called for a “clarification” – a word he has repeated over and over since June 9.

The move to dissolve the assembly has been deemed risky by many in France because it gives the far right an opportunity to win a national election and, potentially, form a government. The last time the far right was in office was in Vichy France (the Nazi collaborationist government during the second world war).

Beyond Macron’s talking points, the reality is many were expecting a dissolution of the assembly because the government has grown weaker. What surprised people was not the dissolution itself, but the timing, conflating European and French politics, which are generally quite distinct issues.

Macron has been working with a minority government since 2022. His government has had to find unlikely allies on the centre-right, the left and even the far right in the past two years just to pass legislation.

In the past six months, there has been so much discord in the national assembly, it has become harder and harder for Macron and his government to do anything. There were also rumours the opposition might unite to dismiss his government in September, after the French summer holidays.

Given his temperament, Macron was never going to allow this chaos to continue for another three years when the next presidential election is due to be held, potentially eroding the public’s trust in their institutions.

Why is France so divided?

French politics has long been dominated by either a strong moderate right or a strong moderate left taking turns in power, with small parties in the centre and even smaller parties on the far left and far right.

This changed under Macron. When he was first elected in 2017, his centrist party demolished the large moderate left and moderate right parties by persuading their MPs to defect to his party. This was the only way the centre could gain power, by forging alliances with the moderates on either side of the political spectrum.

Those moderates who chose to remain in their parties then became more likely to side with the extreme fringe of the far left and the far right. As a result, these factions both grew larger in the national assembly in the 2022 election, as Macron’s party lost seats.

One could argue that structurally, economically and demographically, France has not changed that drastically in the last decade. Since Macron’s first term, however, the political landscape has become unrecognisable, as polarisation has set in.

At the same time, Le Pen took over from her father as leader of the new National Rally (formerly National Front) party and has successfully “de-demonised” it, transforming it from a fringe far-right party into a large populist movement supported by a much larger portion of the electorate.

So, what is likely to happen?

Macron’s attempt to secure a clear majority in the national assembly to re-establish a functioning government seems unlikely.

However, the National Rally party and the New Popular Front are not tipped to obtain an absolute majority, either.

As such, there are three possible outcomes:

1) National Rally earns the majority of seats and forms a government with Macron remaining as president. This is known as cohabitation, which means the president and prime minister are from two different political parties.

This is very unlikely to happen, however. The National Rally will gain MPs at this election, but probably not enough to form government. And National Rally leader Jordan Bardella has already indicated his party wouldn’t govern without a clear majority.

2) Macron’s coalition and the New Popular Front will work together to form a government. This would be difficult ideologically, but both sides would likely prefer it to a far-right government.

3) Macron’s coalition does well enough and is able to form an alliance with MPs from the moderate right and the moderate left.

The latter two scenarios are most credible. But whatever the outcome, the next government will likely be even weaker than the current one – precisely the situation Macron had hoped to rectify. The spectre of political instability is worrisome to the French people, as well as the financial markets.

From Macron’s perspective, the election will either be his Austerlitz – one of Napoleon’s most famous victories, in part, because he was outnumbered – or his Waterloo, a terrible military defeat.

But for the president, going somewhere is better than being stuck, even if it ends up not being the direction he had hoped to take.

The Conversation

Romain Fathi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Explainer: What’s at stake in France’s election, and could it make Macron’s government even weaker? – https://theconversation.com/explainer-whats-at-stake-in-frances-election-and-could-it-make-macrons-government-even-weaker-232705

Most aged care homes are falling short of minimum care standards – new report

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Woods, Professor of Health Economics, University of Technology Sydney

In Green/Shutterstock

New analysis has revealed many Australian aged care residents are not receiving the levels of care they need and are entitled to.

The UTS Ageing Research Collaborative, which we are involved in, recently released its 2023–24 mid-year report on Australia’s aged care sector.

A particular focus of this edition was on the level of direct care being delivered in aged care homes by nurses and personal care workers to residents. In sharing this analysis, we acknowledge there is a well-documented shortage of workers across the economy, with the unemployment rate at a near-historical low. And even given these workforce pressures, many aged care providers are delivering very high levels of care.

But a significant number are not. Nearly two-thirds of aged care homes are failing to meet mandated levels of direct care. And yet taxpayers have paid millions of dollars to providers to deliver that care. Some providers are making large surpluses as a result.

New standards for direct care

In response to the findings of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, the federal government committed to setting minimum standards for the level of direct care time that residents were to receive. In 2022, all providers were given a year to raise their level of staffing to reach these standards and were funded to do so.

These standards require a sector-wide average of 200 minutes of direct care per person per day (from registered and enrolled nurses and personal care workers). And 40 minutes of this care has to be delivered by a registered nurse. The minimum level each resident should receive varies above or below that 200 minutes depending on their assessed needs.

These standards became mandatory on October 1 2023. For the first three months after the targets were mandated, only half of all providers met or exceeded either of their care targets (the total direct care minutes or the registered nurse target). Only 36% met both.



This was a small increase from the previous quarter, but some providers still fell well short.



Funding the costs of care

Residential aged care is funded for three main activities:

  • direct care such as nursing and personal care, including bathing, dressing, toileting and personal grooming (almost wholly funded by taxpayers)

  • everyday living services such as food, laundry and cleaning (paid mainly by residents and capped at 85% of the single age pension)

  • accommodation (paid by the government for those of limited means and self-funded by those with higher incomes and wealth).

On the advice of the Independent Health and Aged Care Pricing Authority, the government has increased the direct care funding for each resident living in an aged care home. The assumption is the home will spend that money to employ enough staff to meet its care level targets.

The report shows the difference between each aged care home’s average funding for direct care and its expenditure on that activity. Comparing the mid-year results for the past three years, in 2021 and 2022 homes produced, on average, a small surplus where revenue was slightly greater than wages and other expenses. This situation, where funding is just above costs, is the intended result of the new pricing reforms.



But things have changed for the most recent period. The government has significantly increased funding to meet the costs of staffing to achieve the mandatory care levels. It has also increased funding in light of the pay rises to direct care staff, primarily nurses and personal care workers, which was decided by the Fair Work Commission.

This taxpayer funding has been provided to each home regardless of whether they are employing the required number of staff.

Because of the failure of some providers to meet their mandated targets to December 2023, the sector, on average, generated a significant direct care surplus of more than A$13 per resident per day. Some providers have been using the money to cross-subsidise losses they incur for their everyday living services and accommodation.

Which homes are not meeting their targets?

We found homes that were not delivering their mandatory care minutes were, on average, achieving significant financial benefits from their direct care activities. Homes that had staffing care levels well above their required number were making a loss from their direct care.

Further, the homes that were not delivering their mandatory care minutes were more often in metropolitan and larger regional centres. They were also more likely to be operated by for-profit providers.

In essence, while we acknowledge the tight labour market and the effort many homes are making to meet or exceed their mandatory requirements, a large number of residents are not receiving the care they need. This also means taxpayers are funding direct care that is not being delivered.

With the minimum sector average level of direct care due to rise to 215 minutes per resident per day on October 1 this year (and registered nurse care to rise to 44 minutes), this situation may get even worse.

The Conversation

Michael Woods is Professor of Health Economics at the UTS Centre for Health Economics Research and Evaluation. He is Policy Advisor to the UTS Ageing Research Collaborative (UARC) and Chairs the Editorial Board of Australia’s Aged Care Sector. He is a Member of IHACP’s Aged Care Advisory Committee and undertakes policy research for the Commonwealth Government and the aged care sector. Michael was a former Deputy Chair of the Productivity Commission. He has no funding or other conflicts of interest related to this article.

Nicole Sutton has received funding from the Department of Health and Aged Care. She is the treasurer of Palliative Care NSW.

ref. Most aged care homes are falling short of minimum care standards – new report – https://theconversation.com/most-aged-care-homes-are-falling-short-of-minimum-care-standards-new-report-232991

Hawai’i’s Rimpac war games begin, but academic condemns them as harmful ‘how to invade’ actions

SPECIAL REPORT: By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson

Hawai’ian academic Dr Emalani Case has condemned the 2024 Rimpac military exercise that began off the coast of Hawai’i today, saying the military personnel from 29 countries taking part are “practising to invade”.

“They call it practising defence but they’re really learning how to defend an empire while putting indigenous people at risk,” she said.

Hawai’i has been heavily impacted on by militarisation.

Dr Case, a senior lecturer at Auckland University, said her people had had to deal with military harm and damage to their people and environment for more than 100 years.

The kingdom of Hawai’i was invaded by the US in 1893. The monarchy was overthrown, and the islands have stayed under US control since, with several large military bases.

Dr Case said the military made it a hard place to live when the land and people were routinely dismissed and disregarded.

The US Navy had publicly said it was committed to the environment and reducing harm.

Nonetheless, it had had a highly destructive track record when it came to pollution and environmental harm, she said.

For example, SINKEX was an activity during Rimpac where various navies shoot ammunition at decommissioned ships off the coast of Kauai island.

Dr Case told Te Ao Māori News, “The ships just sink and they leave them there. So there are toxins leaking out into our ocean.”


Anti-war groups demand end to war games as Rimpac begins.  Video: Hawai’i News Now

Tourism paradise?
Te Ao Maōri News asked Dr Case why Hawai’i was known as a “paradise” tourist destination but many people did not know about the violent history.

Dr Case referenced the works of the late Dr Teresia Teaiwa, an I-Kiribati and African-American scholar, who had said tourism and military worked together to dispossess and displace Hawai’ians.

“‘Militourism’ is a phenomenon by which a military or paramilitary force ensures the smooth running of a tourist industry, and that same tourist industry masks the military force behind it.”

— Teresia Teaiwa

Tourism masked the military violence by placing a flower over it, or a swinging hula girl, Dr Case said.

“[Hawai’i] is beautiful but the US military is one of the biggest abusers of that beauty.”

The people of Hawai’i were often left behind and focus placed on tourists, yet residents were without enough water or resources to house and care for the people. Dr Case said this explained the “enormous diaspora of Kānaka Maoli” living outside Hawai’i.

“We cannot be thinking about relying on the 25,000 personnel who are going to be coming, bringing their dollars, but also bringing their violence, bringing the increase in sex trafficking, bringing in an increase in violence against women.”

The only year there was not an increase in sex trafficking and violence during Rimpac was in 2020 because of the covid-19 pandemic, which downscaled Rimpac and meant military personnel were not able to go ashore, she said.

“That’s what they’re bringing to our islands.”

Violent attack on akua
Kānaka Maoli say they have a spiritual and genealogical connection to the oceans and lands. This includes Kanaloa and Papahānaumoku, the gods of ocean and earth, which is similar to Tangaroa and Papatūānuku in Aotearoa.

Papahānaumoku is the akua in Hawai’i that births their moku, islands.

“Any assaults against our akua, our gods, is an assault against us, it’s an assault against our whakapapa, it’s an assault against everything that we stand for,” Dr Case said.

Dr Case grew up and her whānau still live in Waimea, 45 minutes from Pōhakuloa, one of the largest military training facilities. She grew up feeling and hearing bombs all the time.

“I grew up hearing and feeling bombs all the time and it’s a kind of pain you don’t ever want to experience because you know what’s happening to Papa, what’s happening to your family. We view land, mountains, rivers, ocean as family.”

— Emalani Case

Rimpac and Palestine, West Papua and Kanaky
Rimpac was an international issue, Dr Case said, and a gateway event.

“We’ve got to think about these colonial nations coming together to train and provide so-called security and safety to the world while really putting all of us at risk, who have never been deemed human enough to be worthy of that same safety and security,” she said.

The nations participating in Rimpac include Israel and Indonesia.

Dr Case said her homeland was being turned into a training ground for “imperial genocidal regimes” which learned, practised and honed their skills to then commit genocide in Palestine and West Papua.

She also cited the participation of France, which had no proximity to the Pacific but had “oppressed Pacific brothers and sisters in the French-occupied Kanaky”.

“Militarism is upheld by and supports settler colonialism. It supports white supremacy.”

Dr Case said calling for an end to Rimpac and demanding that New Zealand withdraw was not just about saving Hawai’i.

She said boycotting Rimpac was about peace, demilitarisation, decolonisation and climate justice.

“The US military is one of the largest contributors of pollutants into the environment.”

Rimpac and FestPAC
Dr Case was in Hawai’i for Protecting Oceania, part of FestPAC — the festival of Pacific arts and culture hosted by Hawai’i this year.

She said there was a lot of discussion about Rimpac during Protecting Oceania.

“Rimpac and FestPAC didn’t happen at the exact same time but it’s interesting to think about the convergence of these cultural celebrations and violent military detonations around the same time, in the same waters, and on the same land.”

She was pleased to see people holding banners saying “STOP RIMPAC” in the closing ceremony at FestPAC. She said culture and politics went hand in hand.

Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. This article is republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Grattan on Friday: the Assange light and sound show overshadows government problems

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

As scripted political dramas go, Julian Assange’s (welcome) arrival in Canberra on Wednesday night would be hard to beat.

Even before Assange exited the plane, Anthony Albanese was on the phone in a pre-arranged call. Immediately afterwards the prime minister, often reluctant to disclose the content of phone calls, happily shared details of their conversation with the media at a mid-evening news conference in Parliament House.

“I was quite pleased to be the first person here who he spoke with, [it] was mutually worked out that that would occur,” Albanese said.

Earlier in the day, the Assange team had suggested he might appear at a late-night news conference at a nearby hotel. Instead, his lawyers, led by Jen Robinson, and his wife Stella spoke for him, explaining his plea bargain and casting the pursuit of him as an issue of press freedom.

Not far away at the United States embassy, they sucked up the end of what has been, in many eyes, a lose-lose saga for the Americans.

The Assange team heaped credit on Albanese and his government. The prime minister – a long-time advocate for Assange – put the success down to patient diplomacy. “I’m an outcomes-based politician. I believe in making a difference. We can make a difference.”

The obvious story of Assange’s freedom is one of unflagging pressure brought by the Australian government. But that pressure wasn’t necessarily just on the US. It was likely also placed on Assange and his legal teams.

The diplomacy and lobbying undertaken by Albanese, his ministers, Australia’s Washington ambassador Kevin Rudd and others tilled the soil for the plea bargain deal. But the deal’s linchpin was Assange’s decision to plead guilty to a charge of espionage. What role did the Australian side play in helping persuade him to do that?

Rudd, in an interview with the ABC, gave his insight into the process. He was asked if the Assange team took some convincing to agree to a guilty plea. He said, “If you stand back from the detail, what’s it ultimately a decision about?

“Do you allow this court case to go from extradition to substantive deliberation to appeal in the United States, to further appeal in the United States, with ultimately a Supreme Court case on the future of the [Constitution’s] first amendment, and the application of the first amendment’s principles on freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and does that apply to foreigners acting in a capacity like Mr Assange? Or do you cut a deal through a plea bargain?

“Working that through, sensitively, the system, not intruding into the autonomy of the parties, was what I think any professional diplomat would do.”

Assange was still bridling at having to plead guilty at Wednesday’s brief hearing in Saipan that gave him his freedom. The US Constitution’s first amendment and the Espionage Act “are in contradiction,” he said. At a Thursday press conference at Parliament House, Stella Assange redefined the guilty plea, saying Assange was “pleading guilty to committing journalism”.

Assange’s freedom has reopened a debate about whether he is, or is not, a journalist. Revealing a huge trove of secret information is what an investigative journalist would do. But critics say real journalists curate such material, redacting sensitive items that could endanger lives.

This argument is surely a journey up a definitional dry gully. Plenty of journalists don’t do desirable curating. It is an issue of ethics, not whether the person is or is not called a “journalist”.

After years of substantial support across the political divide for freeing Assange, by week’s end, the splits in opinion about him were more obvious. Coalition members criticised Albanese’s celebration of the moment (though Albanese has not endorsed Assange’s actions in publishing confidential US information).

As for Assange’s future, no doubt the “press freedom” campaign will continue. Beyond that, who knows? The trajectory of a man who ran for the Australian Senate while ensconced in London’s Ecuador embassy in 2013 is not easy to predict.

The PM would be wise to take the win and move on. In political terms, Assange could be sticky fly paper.

The Assange extravaganza overshadowed two other significant stories this week: an unhelpful inflation figure and the fallout from a Labor senator voting against her party.

Wednesday’s monthly figure for May showed inflation rising to an annual 4%, from 3.6% in April. How this should be interpreted is not entirely clear – the June quarterly figures, out in a month’s time (and just before the Reserve Bank board’s next meeting) will be more informative. But there was immediate speculation that there could be an interest rate rise in coming months, rather than (or perhaps ahead of) the hoped-for fall.

This was a downer for the government, just a day after Albanese at the weekly caucus meeting had urged his troops to spruik next week’s positive messages.

“Once these sitting weeks are over people should be well and truly out campaigning,” he said. “It’s very rare to have a date like July 1 where pay rises, tax and energy bill relief all start on the same date. Cost of living is overwhelmingly the number one issue and the critical weakness of Peter Dutton’s nuclear idea is the cost.”

Albanese has faced a tame, obedient caucus – a quite different beast from the one that, for instance, Bob Hawke had to contend with.

But on Tuesday Western Australian Senator Fatima Payman, a Muslim, assaulted the foundational caucus principle of solidarity when she crossed the floor on an (unsuccessful) Greens motion declaring “the need for the Senate to recognise the state of Palestine”.

Views within Labor polarised over how Payman should be, and was, handled.

Hardliners thought there should be serious consequences for her. Cooler heads accepted that heavy discipline (such as suspending her from caucus) would be counterproductive. It would further inflame the Palestinian issue, already hellishly difficult for Labor. And it would be a bad look to slap down a young conflicted Muslim woman.

Albanese resorted to a light-touch reproof, telling Payman not to attend next week’s caucus. But his action angered some, who said it was the prerogative of caucus, rather than the prime minister, to deal with an erring member. More to the point, Payman remains a time bomb, with Labor waiting for the next occasion the Greens seek to snare her.

Beyond her particular case, Payman’s action does raise an important question. Is Labor’s solidarity-at-all-costs rule still fit for purpose? The Liberals allow their MPs to cross the floor, and we are in an era when the public has come to like “community candidates” who are trading on their individuality.

In his 2013 book, Hearts and Minds, Chris Bowen, now energy minister, strongly argued more independence should be given to Labor parliamentarians.

Bowen wrote that the level of voting discipline imposed in Australian parties “would be unacceptable in most comparable countries” and recommended for Labor a British-type arrangement allowing MPs to cross the floor on some issues.

Labor had “dedicated and passionate MPs driven to make a difference. The public should see more of these people in action,” Bowen wrote.

Many Labor MPs would believe he had a point. But it is a point Labor has no appetite to address any time soon.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Grattan on Friday: the Assange light and sound show overshadows government problems – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-the-assange-light-and-sound-show-overshadows-government-problems-233451

Indonesia accused of subverting Pacific push for UN rights mission to Papua

By Stefan Armbruster, Victor Mambor and BenarNews staff

An unheralded visit to Indonesia’s Papuan provinces by a leading Pacific diplomat has drawn criticism for undermining a push for a United Nations human rights mission to the region where pro-independence fighters have fought Indonesian rule for decades.

The Melanesian Spearhead Group’s Director-General, Leonard Louma, has not responded to BenarNews’ questions about the brief visit. It occurred just days after the most recent clash between Indonesian forces and the Papuan resistance, which resulted in four deaths and hundreds of civilians fleeing their homes in Paniai regency in Central Papua province.

Indonesia has capitalised on the visit earlier this month to portray its governance of the contested Melanesian territory, generally referred to as West Papua in the Pacific, in a positive light.

State news agency Antara said Louma had declared Papua to be in a “stable and conducive” condition.

A highly critical UN Human Right Committee report on Indonesia released in May highlighted “systematic reports about the use of torture” and “extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of Indigenous Papuan people.”

The Indonesian government’s sponsorship of the visit is “another attempt to downplay a global call, including from the MSG, to allow the UN Human Rights Commission to visit and assess human rights conditions in Papua,” said Hipo Wangge, an Indonesian foreign policy researcher at Australian National University.

“It’s also another attempt to neutralise regional concern over deep-seated discrimination against Papuans,” he told BenarNews.

UN human rights rebuff
For several years, Indonesia has rebuffed a request from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to carry out an independent fact-finding mission in Papua.

The Pacific Islands Forum, a regional organisation of 18 nations, has called on Indonesia since 2019 to allow the mission to go ahead.

MSG Director-General Leonard Louma at the opening of the 22nd MSG Leaders’ Summit foreign ministers’ meeting in Port Vila on 21 August 2023. Image: Kelvin Anthony/RNZ Pacific

The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) — whose members are Fiji, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and New Caledonia’s Kanak independence movement FLNKS — has made similar appeals.

It is unclear whether the comments attributed to Louma by Antara and an Indonesian government statement are his own words. The Antara article, published last week on June 19, in English and Indonesian, is more or less identical to a statement released by Indonesia’s Ministry of Information and Communications.

An insurgency has simmered in Papua since the early 1960s when Indonesian forces invaded the region, which had remained under a separate Dutch administration following Indonesia’s 1945 declaration of independence from the Netherlands.

Indonesia argues its incorporation of the mineral rich territory was rightful under international law because it was part of the Dutch East Indies empire that is the basis for Indonesia’s modern borders.

Papuans, culturally and ethnically distinct from the rest of Indonesia, say they were denied the right to decide their own future and are now marginalised in their own land. Indonesian control was formalised in 1969 with a UN-supervised referendum restricted to little more than 1000 Papuan voters.

Arrived from PNG
The Indonesian statement said Louma, his executive adviser Christopher Nisbert and members of their entourage arrived on June 17 at the Skouw-Wutung border crossing after traveling overland from Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea.

They were met by an Indonesian diplomat and then traveled to Jayapura accompanied by Indonesian officials.

On June 19 they took part in a conference organised by Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that was purportedly to address security concerns in Melanesia.

Yones Douw, a Papuan human rights activist based in Paniai, said a properly conducted visit by the Melanesian Spearhead Group should have had wide public notice and involved meetings with churches, customary leaders, journalists and civil society organisations, including the independence movement.

“This visit is just like a thief — in secret. I suspect that the comments submitted to the mass media were the language of the Indonesian government, not on behalf of the MSG,” he told BenarNews.

Soldiers from the Indonesian Army’s 112th Raider Infantry Battalion sing during a ceremony at a military base in Japakeh, Aceh province, on 25 June 2024 before their deployment to Papua province. Image: BenarNews/Chaideer Mahyuddin/AFP

“This way can damage the togetherness or unity of the Melanesian people,” he said.

The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), an independence movement umbrella organisation, said it should have been notified of the visit because it has observer status at the MSG. Indonesia is an associate member.

‘A surreptitious visit’
“We were not notified by the MSG Secretariat. This is a surreptitious visit initiated by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” said Markus Haluk, the ULMWP’s executive secretary.

“We will file a protest,” he told the MSG’s chair, Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai.

Indonesia, over several years, has stepped up its efforts to neutralise Pacific support for the West Papuan independence movement, particularly among Melanesian nations that have ethnic and cultural links to Papuans living under Indonesian rule.

It has had success in ending direct criticism from Pacific island governments — many of which had used the UN General Assembly as a forum to air their concerns about human rights abuses — but grassroots support for Papuan self-determination remains strong.

Wangge, the ANU researcher, said the Indonesian government had been particularly active with Melanesian nations since Louma became director-general of the MSG’s secretariat in 2022.

At the same time it had avoided addressing ongoing reports of abuses in the Papuan provinces, he said, and militarisation of the region.

Indonesia’s military offered a rare apology to Papuans in March after video emerged of soldiers repeatedly slashing an indigenous man with a bayonet while he was forced to stand in a water-filled drum.

Regional security meetings
Among the initiatives, Indonesian police have facilitated regional security meetings, the Indonesian foreign ministry established an Indonesia-Pacific Development Forum, fisheries training has been provided, and the foreign ministry is providing diplomacy training for young diplomats from Melanesian countries and the MSG’s secretariat.

There was nothing to show, Wangge said, from the MSG’s appointment last year of Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape as special envoys to Indonesia on West Papua.

The two leaders met Indonesian President Joko Widodo, whose second five-year term finishes in October, at a global summit in San Francisco in November.

Following the meeting, there was no agenda to facilitate a dialogue over West Papua, he said.

Marape is due in Indonesia mid-July for an official state visit.

“One thing is clear: the Indonesian government will buy more time by initiating more made-up efforts to cover pressing problems in West Papua,” Wangge said.

Copyright ©2015-2024, BenarNews. Republished with the permission of BenarNews.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

The MrBeast effect: an expert explains why we’re drawn to videos of random people winning big

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian R. Camilleri, Associate Professor of Marketing, University of Technology Sydney

Yesterday, thousands of Sydneysiders gathered at the Opera House to watch the world’s most subscribed-to YouTuber, MrBeast, give away ten mostly luxury cars.

Beyond people who can drive, the crowd was also packed with children who decided to sit in the sun for hours just to watch others win prizes.

These fans knew what to expect. MrBeast, whose real name is James “Jimmy” Donaldson, has built his brand on massive giveaways and contests that award ordinary people with great riches. With 290 million YouTube subscribers, his videos tend to quickly amass 100-200 million views, generating revenue through advertising, sponsorships and merchandise.

Participants in MrBeast’s videos often undertake unique challenges to win prizes. Other times, they’ll do nothing at all: charity videos – aka recording yourself giving huge sums to homeless people – are a massive online trend (and have rightly raised ethical concerns).

The question is why do so many of us love watching this content when we ourselves aren’t getting much from it … or are we?

Watching winning feels like winning

When those around us are happy, it rubs off. Researchers call this emotional contagion. This idea suggests people tend to “catch” other people’s emotions and replicate them.

And as you may have noticed, people receiving huge giveaways tend to be pretty happy. Watching contestants laugh in glee after winning as much money as they can carry will naturally curve the lips of most viewers.

Another reason MrBeast’s content is so popular is because it gives us something to talk about. Research shows the bulk of our conversations tend to relate to our personal experiences and relationships. We use our memorable experiences to fuel quality conversations, which then provide us with social capital.

Who can forget the time MrBeast recreated Squid Game in real life? And who could resist telling others about it? There’s a reason that video got more than 600 million views.

In another video, MrBeast challenged 100 people aged 1 to 100 to democratically eliminate one another over several days until a victor emerged. This production involved 300 cameras and a massive team of crew and editors to cut it down to a 40-minute extravaganza.

There were plenty of tears along the way.

Most of MrBeast’s videos are highly extravagant – costing millions to make – and completely novel. They generate surprise and awe, which helps explain why they’re so binge-able and widely shared.

You want a Lamborghini? You better work

Although some MrBeast videos show him simply giving money away to people, his more recent videos often require participants to complete various challenges.

In yesterday’s Opera House giveaway, contestants had to play a game of cornhole (in which contestants aim objects – usually beanbags – at holes cut into a slanted board). Eventually, a man named Sergio walked away with the coveted A$450,000 Lamborghini.

In one recent video, a contestant named Alex was offered US$10,000 (about A$15,000) for every day he survived alone in an abandoned grocery store. He eventually lasted 45 days and walked away with US$450,000 (A$675,000)

There are a couple of reasons people enjoy watching others “work” for a prize. Most people, for instance, have a strong sense of fairness and want to believe people get what they deserve. They believe in a “just world”.

When we see someone win something by overcoming a challenge, this feels more deserved and equitable, which makes their victory more gratifying to watch. For instance, on day 13 of being stuck in the grocery store, Alex managed to create a functioning shower out of raw store parts. Who could begrudge such creativity?

People are also drawn to the suspense and narrative arcs that naturally emerge from overcoming such challenges. Researchers call this narrative transportation – the idea that people mentally enter the world a story evokes.

As contestants push to victory we learn about their lives and values, which keeps us engaged and invested as we anticipate a resolution. On day 30, for instance, we meet Alex’s wife and two young children and discover his true motivation for pushing on with the challenge.

A win-win for all?

Although there is little direct research on how such content might affect us individually, these videos do raise some interesting questions.

For instance, could watching too much of such content leave you with unrealistic expectations of reality, or even make you frustrated with your own situation?

The allure of MrBeast’s content lies in its life-changing potential, but this is far from most people’s reality. Research has found focusing on wealth and expensive possessions can lead to negative effects on mood, motivation and overall wellbeing. And adolescents are at increased risk.

On the face of it, MrBeast’s videos may seem to suggest you or I can get rich quick. In reality, however, MrBeast started his YouTube channel when he was 13 years old – and has more-or-less worked tirelessly since then.

His success reminds us we create our own experience of the extraordinary.

The Conversation

Adrian R. Camilleri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The MrBeast effect: an expert explains why we’re drawn to videos of random people winning big – https://theconversation.com/the-mrbeast-effect-an-expert-explains-why-were-drawn-to-videos-of-random-people-winning-big-233443

Other countries have struggled to control how kids access the internet. What can Australia learn?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa M. Given, Professor of Information Sciences & Director, Social Change Enabling Impact Platform, RMIT University

Rawpixel/Shutterstock

Debate continues to rage in Australia over whether children should (or can) be banned from social media. Following politicians’ recent promises to ban those under 16 from the platforms, eSafety Commissioner Julie Inman Grant has raised concerns that imposing age restrictions could push children to use social media in secret and limit their access to critical social supports.

A recent analysis in the United Kingdom found a social media ban “would solve nothing”, citing evidence from an 18-year study across 168 countries that showed “no causal relationship” between internet access and young people’s wellbeing.

The Australian federal government is committed to trial age assurance technology to restrict children’s access. For now, it’s unclear what tech solutions currently exist that could effectively restrict access by age.

Other countries have tried, and mostly failed, to ban children from accessing online content for decades. Australia would be wise to heed the lessons learned from these experiences.

What has the United States tried?

The Children’s Online Privacy Protection Rule (COPPA) was introduced in the United States in 1998. It continues to influence how children – globally – access information online.

COPPA imposes several requirements on “operators of websites or online services” who gather personal information from children under 13. This includes the need to obtain parental consent.

To comply with this law, many companies (including social media platforms) imposed bans on children under 13 from accessing online services.

However, these bans have been heavily criticised for contributing to age fraud online. They also limit children’s rights to access information and rights to self-expression, as protected under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Another wide-reaching attempt to restrict children’s access to “obscene or harmful content over the internet” was introduced in the United States in 2000.

The Children’s Internet Protection Act (CIPA) required schools and libraries to control the content children could access online. This was typically achieved using internet filters which blocked searching for particular words.

However, these blunt instruments often blocked useful information. A blocked search for the word “breast” to limit access to pornographic content could also block information on breast cancer, for example.

Over many years, research has shown internet filtering is ineffective at shielding children from bad experiences online.

Unsuccessful age bans

Many other countries have imposed bans on children’s access to online content, with varying degrees of success.

South Korea imposed a “shutdown law” in 2011. It was designed to address online gaming addiction by limiting those under 16 from accessing gaming sites after midnight.

However, many children used accounts in their parents’ names to continue accessing gaming sites. The law also faced legal challenges, with parents concerned about restrictions on their rights to parent and educate their children. The law was abolished in 2021.

In 2015, the European Union introduced legislation that would ban children under 16 from accessing online services (including social media) without parental consent.

The proposed legislation was controversial. There was a significant outcry from technology companies and human rights organisations. They claimed the rules would violate children’s rights to expression and access to information.

The law was amended to allow individual countries to opt out of the new age ban, with the United Kingdom opting to keep limits only for those under age 13. This patchwork approach meant individual countries could set their own limits.

In 2023, for example, France enacted a law requiring social media platforms to restrict access for teens under 15 unless authorised by a parent or guardian.

Today, Europe leads the world in imposing significant online protections for children, with huge implications for tech companies.

In 2023 a new Digital Services Act was introduced, which forbids platforms like Instagram, Facebook, TikTok and Snapchat from targeting children with personalised advertisements.

Rather than banning children from online services, this legislation focuses on controlling how very large platforms engage with children. It’s meant to ensure protections are in place to manage harmful content and algorithmic influences on platform use.

What can Australia learn from these global attempts?

A critical message over the last two decades is that bans are not effective. While technological interventions (like filtering and age assurance technologies) continue to improve, there are many workarounds (such as using others’ accounts) that make it impossible to ban children outright.

One effective approach has focused on protecting children’s personal data. This has led to long-standing requirements for companies to comply with restrictions. India and Brazil have recently introduced similar data-focused protections for children.

However, for older children, significant restrictions can conflict with UN protections for children’s rights. Australia must carefully balance potential conflicts when attempting to limit or ban children’s online access.

Even if Australia did impose a ban for children under 16, it would be unlikely to reshape global approaches to such bans.

The US and EU are large markets, with significant influence on the actions of technology companies. As with COPPA’s influence on limiting social media access for children under 13 globally, it’s likely that American and European policy innovations will continue to play a primary role in shaping global approaches.

Australia should lead by aligning its approach to these international endeavours to bolster appropriate protections for young children. At the same time, we should help parents educate older children about appropriate social media use.

This strikes an appropriate balance between protecting children’s rights to access information and express themselves, while ensuring guardrails are in place to do so safely.

Lisa M. Given receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia and of the Association for Information Science and Technology.

ref. Other countries have struggled to control how kids access the internet. What can Australia learn? – https://theconversation.com/other-countries-have-struggled-to-control-how-kids-access-the-internet-what-can-australia-learn-233239

How former Greens MP Keith Locke often became a voice for the Pacific

OBITUARY: By Philip Cass of Kaniva Tonga

A New Zealand politician and human rights activist with a strong connection to Tonga’s Democracy movement and other Pacific activism has been farewelled after dying last week aged 80.

Keith Locke served as a former Green MP from 1999 to 2011.

While in Parliament, he was a notable critic of New Zealand’s involvement in the war in Afghanistan and the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002, and advocated for refugee rights.

He was appointed a Member of the NZ Order of Merit for services to human rights advocacy in 2021, received NZ Amnesty International’s Human Rights Defender award in 2012, and the Federation of Islamic Associations of New Zealand’s Harmony Award in 2013.

Locke was often a voice for the Pacific in the New Zealand Parliament.

In 2000, he spoke out on the plight of overstayers who were facing deportation under the National Party government.

As the Green Party’s then immigration spokesperson, he supported calls for a review of the overstayer legislation.

Links to Pohiva
“We are a Polynesian nation, and we increasingly celebrate the Samoan and Tongan part of our national identity,” Locke said at the time.

“How can we claim as our own the Jonah Lomus and Beatrice Faumuinas while we are prepared to toss their relations out of the country at a moment’s notice?”

Locke had links to Tonga through his relationship with Democracy campaigner and later Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pohiva, who died in 2019.

The late Tongan Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva … defended by Keith Locke in 1996 when Pohiva and two colleagues had been jailed for comments in their pro-democracy newspaper Kele’a. Image: Kalino Lātū/Kaniva News

Locke defended Pohiva in 1996 when he was a spokesperson for the Alliance Party. He said he was horrified that Pohiva and two colleagues had been jailed for comments in their pro-democracy newspaper Kele’a.

He criticised the New Zealand government for keeping silent about what he described as a “gross abuse of human rights.”

In 2004, Locke called on the New Zealand government to speak out about what he called the suppression of the press in Tonga.

Locke, who was then the Greens foreign affairs spokesman, said several publications had been denied licences, including an offshoot of the New Zealand-produced Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper.


Tribute by Asia Pacific Report editor David Robie.

‘Speak out as Pacific neighbour’
“We owe it to the Tongan people to support them in their hour of need.  We should speak out as a Pacific neighbour,” he said.

In 2007, ‘Akilisi was again charged with sedition, along with four other pro-democracy MPs, for allegedly being responsible for the rioting that took place following a mass pro-democracy march in Nuku’alofa.

Flags of the countries of some of the many causes Keith Locke supported at the memorial service in Mount Eden this week. Image: David Robie/APR

“As the Greens’ foreign affairs spokesperson I went up to Tonga to support ‘Akilisi and his colleagues fight these trumped-up charges. I was shocked to find that the New Zealand government was going along with these sedition charges against five sitting MPs,” Locke said in an interview.

“I was in Tonga not long before the 2010 elections with a cross-party group of New Zealand MPs. We were helping Tongan candidates understand the intricacies of a parliamentary system.

“At the time I remember ‘Akilisi being worried that the block of nine ‘noble’ MPs could frustrate the desires of what were to be 17 directly-elected MPs. And so it turned out.

“Despite winning 12 of the popularly-elected 17 seats in 2010, the pro-democracy MPs were outvoted 14 to 12 when the votes of the nine nobles MPs were put into the equation.

“However, in the two subsequent elections (2014 and 2017) the Democrats predominated and ‘Akilisi took over as Prime Minister. I am not qualified to judge his record on domestic issues, except to say it couldn’t have been an easy job because of the fractious nature of Tongan politics.

“And ‘Akilisi has been in poor health.

Political tee-shirts and mementoes from Keith Locke’s campaign issues at the memorial service in Mount Eden this week. Image: Del Abcede/APR

‘Admirable stand’
“As Prime Minister he took an admirable stand on some important international issues, such as climate change. At the Pacific Island Forum he criticised those countries which stayed silent on the plight of the West Papuans.”

Locke said that Tonga may not yet be fully democratic, but that great progress had been made under Pohiva’s “humble and self-sacrificing leadership.”

Keith Locke was also an outspoken advocate for democracy and independence causes in Fiji, Kanaky New Caledonia, Palestine, Philippines, Tahiti, Tibet, Timor-Leste and West Papua and in many other countries.

His remembrance service was held with whānau and supporters at a packed Mount Eden War memorial Hall on Tuesday.

Philip Cass is an editorial adviser for Kaniva Tonga. Republished as a collaboration between KT and Asia Pacific Report.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Can I take antihistamines everyday? More than the recommended dose? What if I’m pregnant? Here’s what the research says

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Davies, Respiratory Allergy Stream Co-chair, National Allergy Centre of Excellence; Professor and Head, Allergy Research Group, Queensland University of Technology

Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels

Allergies happen when your immune system overreacts to a normally harmless substance like dust or pollen. Hay fever, hives and anaphylaxis are all types of allergic reactions.

Many of those affected reach quickly for antihistamines to treat mild to moderate allergies (though adrenaline, not antihistamines, should always be used to treat anaphylaxis).

If you’re using oral antihistamines very often, you might have wondered if it’s OK to keep relying on antihistamines to control symptoms of allergies. The good news is there’s no research evidence to suggest regular, long-term use of modern antihistamines is a problem.

But while they’re good at targeting the early symptoms of a mild to moderate allergic reaction (sneezing, for example), oral antihistamines aren’t as effective as steroid nose sprays for managing hay fever. This is because nasal steroid sprays target the underlying inflammation of hay fever, not just the symptoms.

Here are the top six antihistamines myths – busted.

Myth 1. Oral antihistamines are the best way to control hay fever symptoms

Wrong. In fact, the recommended first line medical treatment for most patients with moderate to severe hay fever is intranasal steroids. This might include steroid nose sprays (ask your doctor or pharmacist if you’d like to know more).

Studies have shown intranasal steroids relieve hay fever symptoms better than antihistamine tablets or syrups.

To be effective, nasal steroids need to be used regularly, and importantly, with the correct technique.

In Australia, you can buy intranasal steroids without a doctor’s script at your pharmacy. They work well to relieve a blocked nose and itchy, watery eyes, as well as improve chronic nasal blockage (however, antihistamine tablets or syrups do not improve chronic nasal blockage).

Some newer nose sprays contain both steroids and antihistamines. These can provide more rapid and comprehensive relief from hay fever symptoms than just oral antihistamines or intranasal steroids alone. But patients need to keep using them regularly for between two and four weeks to yield the maximum effect.

For people with seasonal allergic rhinitis (hayfever), it may be best to start using intranasal steroids a few weeks before the pollen season in your regions hits. Taking an antihistamine tablet as well can help.

Antihistamine eye drops work better than oral antihistamines to relieve acutely itchy eyes (allergic conjunctivitis).

Myth 2. My body will ‘get used to’ antihistamines

Some believe this myth so strongly they may switch antihistamines. But there’s no scientific reason to swap antihistamines if the one you’re using is working for you. Studies show antihistamines continue to work even after six months of sustained use.

Myth 3. Long-term antihistamine use is dangerous

There are two main types of antihistamines – first-generation and second-generation.

First-generation antihistamines, such as chlorphenamine or promethazine, are short-acting. Side effects include drowsiness, dry mouth and blurred vision. You shouldn’t drive or operate machinery if you are taking them, or mix them with alcohol or other medications.

Most doctors no longer recommend first-generation antihistamines. The risks outweigh the benefits.

The newer second-generation antihistamines, such as cetirizine, fexofenadine, or loratadine, have been extensively studied in clinical trials. They are generally non-sedating and have very few side effects. Interactions with other medications appear to be uncommon and they don’t interact badly with alcohol. They are longer acting, so can be taken once a day.

Although rare, some side effects (such as photosensitivity or stomach upset) can happen. At higher doses, cetirizine can make some people feel drowsy. However, research conducted over a period of six months showed taking second-generation antihistamines is safe and effective. Talk to your doctor or pharmacist if you’re concerned.

Allergies can make it hard to focus.
Pexels/Edward Jenner

Myth 4. Antihistamines aren’t safe for children or pregnant people

As long as it’s the second-generation antihistamine, it’s fine. You can buy child versions of second-generation antihistamines as syrups for kids under 12.

Though still used, some studies have shown certain first-generation antihistamines can impair childrens’ ability to learn and retain information.

Studies on second-generation antihistamines for children have found them to be safer and better than the first-generation drugs. They may even improve academic performance (perhaps by allowing kids who would otherwise be distracted by their allergy symptoms to focus). There’s no good evidence they stop working in children, even after long-term use.

For all these reasons, doctors say it’s better for children to use second-generation than first-generation antihistimines.

What about using antihistimines while you’re pregnant? One meta analysis of combined study data including over 200,000 women found no increase in fetal abnormalities.

Many doctors recommend the second-generation antihistamines loratadine or cetirizine for pregnant people. They have not been associated with any adverse pregnancy outcomes. Both can be used during breastfeeding, too.

Myth 5. It is unsafe to use higher than the recommended dose of antihistamines

Higher than standard doses of antihistamines can be safely used over extended periods of time for adults, if required.

But speak to your doctor first. These higher doses are generally recommended for a skin condition called chronic urticaria (a kind of chronic hives).

Myth 6. You can use antihistamines instead of adrenaline for anaphylaxis

No. Adrenaline (delivered via an epipen, for example) is always the first choice. Antihistamines don’t work fast enough, nor address all the problems caused by anaphylaxis.

Antihistamines may be used later on to calm any hives and itching, once the very serious and acute phase of anaphylaxis has been resolved.

In general, oral antihistamines are not the best treatment to control hay fever – you’re better off with steroid nose sprays. That said, second-generation oral antihistamines can be used to treat mild to moderate allergy symptoms safely on a regular basis over the long term.

Janet Davies receives funding from the ARC, NHMRC, Department of Health and Aging, and MRFF. She has conducted research on diagnostics in collaboration with Abionic SA, Switzerland, supported by the National Foundation for Medical Research Innovation with co-contribution from Abionic. Her allergy research has been supported by in kind services or materials from Sullivan Nicolaides Pathology (Queensland), Abacus Dx (Australia), Stallergenes (France), Stallergenes Greer (Australia), Swisens (Switzerland), Kenelec (Australia), and ThermoFisher (Sweden), as well as cash or in kind contributions from Partner Organisations for the NHMRC AusPollen Partnership Project GNT1116107, Australasian Society Clinical Immunology Allergy, Asthma Australia; Stallergenes Australia; Bureau Meteorology, Commonwealth Scientific Industrial Research Organisation, Federal Office of Climate and Meteorology Switzerland. QUT owns patents relevant to grass pollen allergy diagnosis (US PTO 14/311944 issued, AU2008/316301 issued) for which Janet Davies is an inventor. She is the Executive Lead, Repository and Discovery Pillar, and Co-Chair Respiratory Allergy Stream for the National Allergy Centre of Excellence.

Connie Katelaris has received funding from the NHMRC for aerobiological research. Unrelated to this article, she has been a consultant on advisory boards or has received honoraria for presentations from Takeda, CSL Behring, GSK, Sanofi, Phavaris, Biocryst, KalVista, Astra Zeneca, Stallergenes, Novartis. She has had an unrestricted research grant from CSL Behring. None of the presentations for these companies was on any topic related to this article and did not involve discussions on intranasal steroid sprays or antihistamines.

Unrelated to this article, Joy Lee has received funding from the Centre of Research Excellence in Treatable traits in Asthma, Sanofi, Fondazione Menarini and GSK. This funding support was solely used for presenting at educational meetings in asthma and travel grants to attend international meetings and conferences in Asthma. She has been on advisory boards for Tezepelumab (Astra Zeneca). She is affiliated with the National Allergy Centre of Excellence as the co-chair of the Respiratory Allergy Leadership Group. A/Prof Lee declares she has not received any funding directly from any of the above pharmaceutical companies directly related to the selling, education or patient use of antihistamines or intranasal steroids. In this article we discuss antihistamines and intranasal steroids generically as classes of medications and do not specifically advocate for one particular brand over another.

ref. Can I take antihistamines everyday? More than the recommended dose? What if I’m pregnant? Here’s what the research says – https://theconversation.com/can-i-take-antihistamines-everyday-more-than-the-recommended-dose-what-if-im-pregnant-heres-what-the-research-says-228390

What’s really inside vapes? We pulled them apart to find out

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Miles Park, Senior Lecturer, Industrial Design, UNSW Sydney

Christopher Kidall Park

While vapes or e-cigarettes first appeared around 20 years ago as an alternative to smoking, their prevalence and use have increasingly become problematic.

Governments and regulators are now catching up to what is widely seen as an addictive and unsafe product. Australia has just passed a world-first bill that will ban all vapes from general retail later this year.

Currently, the most predominant vapes on the market are single-use, disposable products designed to appeal to younger people. Despite their short lifespan, vapes are complex products that contain several valuable resources.

However, there are no practical means to collect or recycle vapes. Most end up as electronic waste or e-waste in landfill. Some are simply thrown on the street as litter. So what’s really inside vapes?

How do vapes work?

Vapes can be categorised as either reusable or disposable (single use), the more prevalent option.

Reusable vapes have a rechargeable battery and cartridge or liquid refills offered in a bewildering selection of flavours. More elaborate vapes contain microprocessors that offer customisable features, coloured LEDs and even small coloured screens.

In their simplest configuration, single-use disposables have the common components found in all e-cigarette types. Vapes contain a battery, a pressure sensor (like a modified microphone), an LED light, a heating element and a reservoir with e-liquid (the “juice”).

When the sensor is activated by taking a drag on the device, the battery provides power to a heating element that vaporises or atomises the liquid.

Tearing down a single-use vape

Analogous to the study of anatomy, teardowns are a technique used by industrial designers and design engineers to systematically disassemble a product.

This allows us to identify and describe the internal components and their relationships within a product. It can provide useful information about materials, manufacturing processes, assembly and technology.

Equally, it can provide insights into repairability, upgradability and ease of disassembly for end-of-life recovery for potentially valuable or harmful materials.

We obtained a random selection of commonly found, depleted, single-use vapes to teardown, identify and describe what is inside.

A teardown of a vape.
A teardown of a vape.
Christopher Kidall Park

Housing

Disposable vapes are not designed to be disassembled. The main housing is made out of aluminium and covered in a paint finish and graphics, closed at the ends with plastic parts.

The vape housing is aluminium with plastic caps
Christopher Kidall Park

Once the housing end caps are removed, which is often not a straightforward task, the internal assembly slides out.

These internal parts are wedged or taped together within the main housing, and battery terminals are soldered to wires connecting to a pressure sensor and a heating element embedded in an e-liquid reservoir.

Battery

Despite disposable vapes being non-rechargeable, the ones we disassembled all contained a lithium battery. Although much smaller, they are not dissimilar to the bundles of batteries found in products like power drills and electric vehicles.

The 3.7V lithium battery. They should be recycled or disposed of in an electronics waste bin.
Christopher Kidall Park

These cells have high-power density: they can store lots of electrical energy in a relatively small package. This is needed to supply periodic bursts of energy to the heating element, and to outlast the supply of e-liquid in the reservoir.

All the batteries we tested during the teardown of depleted single-use vapes still maintained a charge that could power a test light bulb for at least an hour.

Pressure sensor

An air pressure sensor is a semiconductor switching device. Not unlike a microphone that converts vibrations into electrical energy, the pressure sensor detects a drop in pressure and closes an electronic switch.

The pressure sensor, with a small blue dust filter.
Christopher Kidall Park

This occurs during the action of taking a drag on the vape, which creates a partial vacuum within the device. When the switch is closed, a simple (short) circuit illuminates an LED and supplies current to the heating element.

Heating element: vaporiser

The heating element is embedded in a cap at one end of the e-liquid reservoir and connected to a wick. When the device is activated, an electrical current heats a metal strip that vaporises some of the volatile e-liquid.

The heating element, vaporiser.
Christopher Kidall Park

The e-liquid reservoir

Disposable vapes contain an absorbent foam material saturated with e-liquid and contained in a plastic tube with silicone endcaps.

In the centre of the reservoir is a wicking material that draws in the surrounding e-liquid to be in contact with the heating element.

The e-liquid itself contains a range of ingredients such as propylene glycol, nicotine and flavourings, many of them with unknown health impacts.

The heating element is embedded in the fluid cartridge. Different vape designs have larger or smaller cartridges.
Christopher Kidall Park

Designed for the dump

The consumption of vapes has been skyrocketing in recent years, and they now represent a significant proportion of an alarming new category of e-waste.

A bin full of vape parts

Christopher Kidall Park

Single-use e-waste results in a significant loss of valuable materials – notably aluminium and lithium.

Worse, when a disposable vape is thrown in the bin, the energy-dense lithium batteries pose a fire danger for waste management workers.

The materials in vapes also have toxic effects on the environment when released.

Having potentially valuable metals mixed with other, low-value materials such as plastic makes vapes difficult to separate and recycle. Overall, single-use vapes are clearly wasteful of resources and dangerous in the environment.

The Conversation

Miles Park does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What’s really inside vapes? We pulled them apart to find out – https://theconversation.com/whats-really-inside-vapes-we-pulled-them-apart-to-find-out-233334

Latest polling shows UK Labour likely to win landslide at next week’s election, while Biden gains on Trump across the pond

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

The United Kingdom general election will be held in a week, on July 4. Polls close at 7am AEST on July 5. The 650 members of the House of Commons are elected by first-past-the-post, in which the candidate with the most votes wins the seat.

In the UK, votes are not counted at individual polling places, but are instead transported to a central place for counting within that seat. This delays the results, so the vast majority of seats will be declared from late morning to mid-afternoon AEST on July 5.

The Guardian’s national poll tracker has Labour leading the Conservatives by just over 20 points. Vote shares are 41.3% Labour, 21.0% Conservatives, 15.5% for the far-right Reform, 11.1% Liberal Democrats and 5.8% Greens. Recent individual polls have Labour leading the Conservatives by 16 to 24 points.

In the last few weeks, there has been a surge for Reform and to a lesser extent the Lib Dems, at the expense of both Labour and the Conservatives. Labour’s lead over the Conservatives has been unchanged.

If these polls are replicated at the election, Labour will win a landslide, owing to the first-past-the-post system. The Guardian’s seat forecast is for Labour to win 424 of the 650 seats, the Conservatives 135, the Lib Dems 47 and the Scottish National Party (SNP) 19.

At the December 2019 election, Boris Johnson led the Conservatives to a thumping victory, as they won 365 of the 650 seats to 202 for Labour, on popular vote shares of 43.6% Conservative to 32.1% Labour. The Conservatives have governed in the UK since winning the 2010 election.

Under Johnson, the Conservatives led in the polls until late 2021, when there were many scandals about Johnson’s parties during COVID.

But it was not until Johnson was ousted as Conservative leader and PM, and replaced first by Liz Truss in September 2022 then Rishi Sunak in October 2022 that the Conservatives fell into a completely uncompetitive position that has them facing a landslide defeat next week. The Conservatives are likely to regret ousting Johnson.

In Scottish polls, Labour is ahead of the Scottish National Party by single-digit margins. In 2019, Labour won just one of 59 Scottish seats and the SNP took 48, after Labour finished third in vote shares behind the Conservatives and SNP. So, Labour will gain many seats from the SNP if these Scottish polls are correct.

In two seat polls of Clacton, Reform leader Nigel Farage has a double-digit lead over the Conservatives, so he should win Clacton.

US: Biden gains on Trump ahead of debate

The United States general election will be held on November 5. There will be a debate hosted by CNN on Thursday US time between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, which will occur at 11am AEST Friday. Trump is now 78 and Biden will be almost 82 by the election.

The FiveThirtyEight aggregate of national polls has Trump barely ahead of Biden by 41.0–40.9%, with 9.3% for independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Trump led by one point two weeks ago.

However, the latest high-profile polls from Siena College for The New York Times and Quinnipiac University have Trump leading by three to four percentage points head-to-head, and more when third-party candidates are included.

Presidents are not elected by the national vote, but by using a state-based system where each state has electoral college votes equal to its federal House seats (population-based) and senators (always two). With two minor exceptions, states award all their electoral votes to the state’s winner. There are 538 total electoral votes, so it takes 270 to win.

FiveThirtyEight suggests Trump has clear leads in three states Biden won in 2020: Georgia, Arizona and Nevada. In three other Biden-won states (Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania), it’s close to tied. If Biden wins these three states, and doesn’t lose any electoral votes other than where Trump has leads now, he wins the election by a 270–268 margin.

In economic data, May was a good month for US workers as real (inflation-adjusted) earnings rose 0.5% in hourly terms and 0.4% in weekly terms, after drops in April. In the 12 months to May, real hourly earnings rose 0.8% and real weekly earnings rose 0.5%.

There was no change to headline inflation in May, and this was the lowest monthly inflation since at least May 2023. Core inflation was up 0.2% in May, its lowest monthly rate since at least November 2023.

The US uses two surveys for its monthly employment situation that sometimes give contradictory numbers. In May, the establishment survey suggested 272,000 jobs had been created, but the household survey
suggested 408,000 jobs were lost. Financial markets and economists believe the establishment survey is more accurate.

Far-right likely to win most seats at snap French parliamentary election

After dire results for his Renaissance party at the European parliament election on June 9, French President Emmanuel Macron announced a snap election for the French lower house, two years into a five-year term.

The 577 seats are elected by a single-member system in two rounds, on Sunday and July 7. The top two candidates in a seat, plus any others who receive at least 12.5% of registered voters (a high barrier as it factors in turnout), advance to the July 7 runoffs, where first-past-the-post is used. A candidate can withdraw before the runoffs. The overwhelming majority of runoffs will be two-candidate contests.

Polls have the far-right National Rally (RN) in the mid-30s, an alliance of four left-wing parties (NFP) that will run one candidate per seat in the high-20s, Ensemble (a coalition that includes Renaissance and other parties) at about 20% and the conservative Republicans at about 7%.

If the first-round results this Sunday reflect the polls, Ensemble will finish third in the large majority of seats, with the final two RN vs NFP. Poll forecasts of the runoffs suggest RN will win the most seats, but be short of a majority (289 seats are needed for this).

Ensemble had 249 seats going into this election, the NFP 149, RN 89 and Republicans 54. Seat forecasts have Ensemble winning about 100 seats, so this election is likely to be a disaster for Macron.

I covered these elections for The Poll Bludger on June 17 and June 24. My June 17 article also covered the left landslide at June 2 Mexican presidential and legislative elections, and the formation of a South African government after the May 29 election. My June 24 article covered the final European parliament results from the June 6–9 election.

Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Latest polling shows UK Labour likely to win landslide at next week’s election, while Biden gains on Trump across the pond – https://theconversation.com/latest-polling-shows-uk-labour-likely-to-win-landslide-at-next-weeks-election-while-biden-gains-on-trump-across-the-pond-232834

A funding boost for NZ’s drug-buying agency Pharmac to pay for cancer drugs is welcome – but it won’t solve underlying issues

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paula Lorgelly, Professor of Health Economics, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

This week the coalition government made a significant investment in Pharmac, increasing funding by NZ$604 million over the next four years.

In doing so, it delivered on a National Party election promise to fund 13 cancer drugs. Specifically, it will fund seven of those named during the election, while the remaining six will be replaced with “as good as or better alternatives”. In total, this will fund up to 54 new drugs, including 26 cancer drugs.

This announcement finally delivers hope to many cancer patients, profits to the pharmaceutical industry, and a sigh of relief for MPs who had been accused of breaking an election promise.

It also reinforces the integrity of the Pharmac process, but it won’t change the fact that access to medicines in New Zealand lags behind other similar countries.

How does the Pharmac process work?

Pharmac is an independent agency that makes decisions about whether pharmaceuticals, vaccines and medical devices deliver value to the New Zealand taxpayer. But these value decisions have to be made within the budget Pharmac is allocated each year.

Pharmac was one of the first health technology assessment agencies. It is internationally held in high regard for the low prices it can negotiate, in part because it manages its own budget.

If Pharmac thinks a drug or device is cost-effective but can’t currently afford it, it puts it on an options for investment list. This is essentially a waiting list that Pharmac will get to if it finds cost savings elsewhere when negotiating prices, or gets more government funding (as has just happened).

The drugs and devices on this list are ranked in order of priority using Pharmac’s factors for consideration. This process is confidential to ensure Pharmac can negotiate the best prices, because if a pharmaceutical company knew it was high on the list, it wouldn’t engage as effectively in price negotiations.

Crohn's and colitis patients and supporters march on the offices of New Zealand's drug buying agency Pharmac
A bowel cancer drug on Pharmac’s waiting list since 2019 will now be funded.
Lynn Grieveson/Newsroom via Getty Images

Benefits beyond cancer patients

Pharmac’s waiting list is heavily criticised. Some drugs, including those it will now fund, were added many years ago.

Among these drugs, for example, Cetuximab for bowel cancer was first submitted to Pharmac in May 2018 and placed on the list in December 2019. An application for Axitinib for kidney cancer was received in September 2013 and ranked in March 2014, and subsequently reranked in 2019, 2021 and 2022.

National had promised to reinstate the $5 prescription charge to pay for its 13 new cancer drugs (which were available in Australia in 2021 but not in New Zealand). That was estimated to bring in $280 million. So why is the government now paying $604 million?

The investment isn’t just paying for these cancer drugs. It would appear Pharmac is holding steadfast that its prioritisation of drugs delivers the most health benefit. My guess is that one of those cancer drugs the government wanted to fund sits at number 54 on the list. To fund it, the investment covers everything listed above it in the options for investment list.

It appears that while the National Party and the Cancer Control Agency Te Aho o Te Kahu said it was important to fund this cancer drug, there were other drugs considered more important and higher priority. Hence cancer patients will benefit but also people with infections, respiratory problems, osteoporosis, sexual health concerns, skin conditions, inflammatory conditions and mental health problems – an estimated 175,000 people in total.

The price of political meddling

Even more patients could benefit if the government had simply promised more money with no strings attached. During the election, Labour promised to increase Pharmac’s funding by $1 billion over four years. National promised an extra $724 million plus ring-fenced cancer drug funding.

Because the National Party chose to name these drugs, the suppliers will be less likely to engage in price negotiations. Providing more money without naming the drugs would have allowed for Pharmac to negotiate better, get a better price and use the latest investment to fund more than 54 drugs.

Despite this uplift in funding, drug availability in New Zealand still lags behind other similar countries. This will likely remain the case because Pharmac can only spend within its budget.

If we wanted greater access to pharmaceuticals, Pharmac would need much more money or we could change the process. Pharmac could simply make decisions and Health New Zealand Te Whatu Ora could fund it.

This is the model used by the UK’s National Health Service (NHS) and National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE). NICE makes decisions that the NHS must fund from its health budget. Essentially, the opportunity cost falls on the wider health and care system.

An alternative to more drug funding

It is possible to improve population health by addressing the social determinants of health (80% of ill health is due to socioeconomic and environmental factors) or by improving access to primary and preventive care, so patients get diagnosed earlier, which is generally cheaper.

The goverment’s decision to repeal New Zealand’s smoke-free legislation and reduce funding for a new, more accessible cervical screening process will cause considerable harms and costs in terms of raising demand for lung and cervical cancer treatments. It is almost as if one coalition agreement giveth and another taketh away.

The discussion of how much funding Pharmac should get and how Pharmac makes decisions (including how long it takes) will continue. An educated guess suggests this latest investment means Aotearoa New Zealand now spends 6.5% of its health budget on pharmaceuticals and less than a third of this will be on oncology.

Isn’t it time to think about the 93% we spend in the rest of the health system and to make that more efficient and equitable?

The Conversation

Paula Lorgelly consults to Pharmac and has in the past consulted for the pharmaceutical industry. She receives funding from the Ministry of Health and the EuroQol Foundation. Paula is a member of the EuroQol Group which owns the EQ-5D instrument which is widely used in health technology assessments.

ref. A funding boost for NZ’s drug-buying agency Pharmac to pay for cancer drugs is welcome – but it won’t solve underlying issues – https://theconversation.com/a-funding-boost-for-nzs-drug-buying-agency-pharmac-to-pay-for-cancer-drugs-is-welcome-but-it-wont-solve-underlying-issues-233205

Achieving net zero with renewables or nuclear means rebuilding the hollowed-out public service after decades of cuts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Quiggin, Professor, School of Economics, The University of Queensland

Steve Tritton/Shutterstock

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s plan to build seven nuclear power plants in Australia has attracted plenty of critical attention. But there’s a striking feature which has received relatively little discussion or criticism: the nuclear plants would be publicly owned and operated, similar to the National Broadband Network (NBN).

On the contrary, it received enthusiastic endorsement from free-market advocates such as The Australian’s Judith Sloan, who observed: “It’s how the French nuclear plants were first constructed.” It is also the way Australia built its biggest single piece of energy infrastructure, the Snowy Mountains Scheme.

But there’s a fundamental problem here. Over the last three or four decades the federal public service has been hollowed out in the name of “new public management”. This became very clear during the COVID pandemic, when state governments – who have preserved their ability to act far better – ran most of the response. There is a very real question over whether we have the governmental capacity to achieve net zero.

snowy mountains hydro scheme
The Snowy scheme took concerted effort from federal and state governments over decades.
Lasse Jesper Pedersen/Shutterstock

From NBN to National Nuclear Network?

Dutton’s acknowledgement of the publicly owned NBN as a model worth using is a welcome advance on the view of Malcolm Turnbull, one of his predecessors as Liberal leader.

A decade ago, then-prime minister Turnbull embarked on a disastrous “mixed mode” redesign of the NBN. This reflected his belief – expressed publicly after leaving office – that a publicly owned broadband network should never have existed.

Labor is in no position to oppose Dutton’s calls for public ownership. State Labor governments in Victoria and New South Wales have re-established publicly owned electricity enterprises, while South Australia’s Labor government has floated the same idea.

Whatever technological choices we make, it is clear our days of relying on the private sector to provide vital infrastructure are coming to an end. The question now is whether the public sector can recover to take the lead.

The National Energy Market, for instance, was meant to promote competition and drive electricity prices down. It has failed to do so, resulting in a string of government interventions, some more successful than others.

Arguably the biggest failed intervention was the now-defunct Energy Security Board, a politically driven response to South Australia’s statewide blackout in 2016.

The board sought to patch up the National Energy Market with a capacity market, which was immediately dubbed “CoalKeeper” due to incentives for old coal plants to keep going, as well as new grid access charges, promptly dubbed “Solar Stopper” due to discouraging new investment in solar. Energy experts did not favour this approach.

What proved more successful as a response to South Australia’s big blackout was the decision by the state government to fund the Horndale big battery, which was, when built in 2017, the world’s largest utility-scale battery storage.

fiber optic internet cable outside home
The publicly-owned NBN became a political football.
STRINGER Image/Shutterstock

Should new power be private or publicly owned?

Both major parties are flagging more intervention. The federal government has stopped waiting for markets to provide clean energy in favour of seeking tenders for new renewables through a capacity investment scheme. The scheme received 40 gigawatts worth of bids from renewable developers, far beyond the goal of 6GW.

This shift has come in response to developments bogging down, hampered by inadequate regulation and local opposition driven by a combination of genuine concerns about environmental impacts and culture-war driven science denialism.

Labor’s current renewables-led strategy requires 10,000 kilometres of new publicly built transmission lines, to meet our net zero goals. We’d need even more transmission if we are to become a major exporter of clean energy, either as electricity or in products such as green hydrogen and ammonia.

On the Coalition side, no private firm is likely to accept the risks involved in creating a nuclear power industry from scratch. Government would have to lead.

As Nationals leader David Littleproud has now acknowledged in relation to finding sites for nuclear plants, the national need for clean energy is too important to allow “not in my backyard” opponents – some with only a tenuous connection to the area in question – to slow or stop government plans.

If government is to lead, it must have the capacity

What Dutton’s nuclear gambit shows us is that, surprisingly, Australia’s two major political parties are in strong alignment on the need to rebuild state capacity.

Whether it’s Labor working to get transmission lines and offshore wind up and running or the Coalition working to create a nuclear industry from scratch, it will take a strong government with the capacity to articulate a plan, and the legal, financial and human resources to make it a reality.

All of these requirements were met when we constructed the Snowy Mountains Scheme, a decades-long federal government initiative undertaken in cooperation with Victoria and NSW.

Are they still in place? Not yet. Government capacity to act has been eroded over decades of neoliberalism. Particularly at the national level, public service expertise has been hollowed out and replaced by reliance on private consulting firms.

To rebuild the federal government’s capacity to act will require recreating the public service as a career which attracts the best and brightest graduates – many of whom currently end up in the financial sector.

The private sector still plays a central role in the construction of infrastructure, as was the case with the Snowy Scheme. But it’s up to governments to take the lead in finance and planning.

This poses particular challenges for the Liberal Party, which has long favoured the interests of businesses small and large, and has been historically opposed to public ownership. But from the late 1990s until relatively recently, Labor was also keen on privatisation.

The French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau once observed that “war is too important to be left to generals”. As we are discovering to our cost, infrastructure investment is similarly too important to be left to private investors.

The Conversation

John Quiggin has undertaken consultancy work for unions and other groups supporting public ownership in the electricity industry.

ref. Achieving net zero with renewables or nuclear means rebuilding the hollowed-out public service after decades of cuts – https://theconversation.com/achieving-net-zero-with-renewables-or-nuclear-means-rebuilding-the-hollowed-out-public-service-after-decades-of-cuts-233107

Is drone delivery a modern miracle or a band-aid fix for poor urban planning? I went to Australia’s ‘drone zones’ to find out

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thao Phan, Research Fellow, Emerging Technologies Research Lab, Monash University

Wing

The chief executive of drone delivery company Wing says 2024 is “the year of drone delivery”. The company first went public in 2014 as a Google “moonshot” project and now operates in several cities in Australia, the United States and Finland, with plans to expand further.

Wing promises fast, cheap delivery of food and groceries at the touch of a button, with critics voicing concerns about personal intrusions such as noise and privacy. But what are the real challenges of having delivery drones in your neighbourhood?

To find out, I’ve been spending time in Australia’s “drone zones”, interviewing residents and local business operators in trial suburbs across Canberra and Logan in Queensland. It turns out noise and privacy aren’t their main problems.

Instead, people talked about larger, infrastructural issues – bad traffic, poor public transport, and other failures of urban planning – and how drone delivery is being proposed as a band-aid solution.

How does Wing work?

For customers, Wing works much like UberEats or Menulog: people place orders and pay via an app. On offer are lightweight, mundane items from various suppliers, such as takeaway coffees, sushi rolls and small supermarket goods.

What’s different is the delivery. A small autonomous drone with its own sensors and navigation system brings the package by air.

Photo of a man standing on a launchpad full of drones, attaching a box to a cord leading up
A package is loaded onto a hovering drone for delivery.
Wing

In community trials, delivery times have been incredibly fast. The average time is ten minutes, with the fastest-ever delivery – from order placement to arrival at the doorstep – taking 2 minutes and 47 seconds.

Wing conducted its first trials in the rural town of Royalla near the border of New South Wales and the Australian Capital Territory. Australia has been a test bed for its systems ever since.

In my research on drone delivery in Australia, I’ve been spending time in Canberra and Logan, observing the trials and interviewing locals about what life with drone delivery is actually like.

There were differing views on issues like noise and privacy. For instance, some people weren’t bothered by noise while others likened it to a “jumbo whipper snipper”. But of bigger concern was what Wing signalled for the future of urban planning and the viability of small business.

Sustainability that relies on cars and traffic

One of Wing’s strongest pitches to government and residents alike has been that its battery-powered drones offer a zero-emission, fast, sustainable solution to “last mile” delivery. In effect, Wing promises to take cars off the road by adding drones to the sky. However, its current business model relies on traffic congestion and poor urban planning.

The areas Wing has targeted have major infrastructural issues. While Wing may offer a quick fix for these problems in the short term, in the long term the company’s success relies on roads staying congested and neighbourhoods being unwalkable. This is a major red flag for these communities who would rather see a better transport system on the ground than more drone traffic in the sky.

From Wing’s perspective, according to a spokesperson:

Wing provides a useful service for people who live in areas that experience heavy traffic congestion […] We think drones are a better vehicle match for moving a small package when other efficient means aren’t available.

In my interviews with residents in Browns Plains (in Logan, south of Brisbane) and Gungahlin (in Canberra), our conversations would quickly turn from drones to poor public transport and roads:

Honestly, it’s terrible. We have buses that take an hour just to get to Woodridge. It’s literally a 13-minute drive down the road and it takes ages to get there. The traffic is always crap.

Parking was also a major complaint in these areas:

The planning of Gungahlin, it’s like things have just been added on. The huge growth in a lot of high-density buildings has made a huge difference to parking and things when people want to go shopping […] there’s not enough parking.

Abandoning small business in favour of big partnerships

In 2019, when Wing first landed in the city of Logan in Queensland, it partnered exclusively with local businesses. In theory, Wing would help these businesses reach new customers and “take [them] to new heights”.

This strategy was incredibly successful. Local hardware stores, coffee shops and grocery stores provided stock for Wing’s warehouses. In 2021, Wing declared Logan “the drone delivery capital of the world”.

But in 2022 Wing began to pivot to a model that was easier to scale up. Instead of stocking and supplying its own warehouses, or managing its own delivery app, Wing struck deals with big retail players including Coles and DoorDash.

Both customers and local businesses feel left in the lurch. As one resident told me:

The reason we started to go on there was, well, you can still support local. Get it delivered pretty cheap, and [there’s a] convenience factor. And then when they’ve taken everything off, like Boost [Juice] is probably the only one really that I use on there now, and that’s through DoorDash, not even through them direct.

Another business owner said he felt “ditched”:

They put an end date to it and said “We’re redoing the way we’re doing business.” […] They decided to cut their costs even though they’re owned by Google, they got a lot of money. They’re going to use the rooftop space from the big shopping centres and launch the drones from there and use the stock from Coles or whoever they were dealing with at the time.

Wing’s large partnerships also make it harder for small businesses to compete. A local neighbourhood shop cannot meet the expectation of ten-minute delivery, and delivery platform commissions of up to 15–20% will also cut into their margins.

A Wing spokesperson told The Conversation the company is offering delivery services to more small businesses than in the past, adding “68% of restaurants and merchants on the [Wing] marketplace are independent small businesses that aren’t affiliated with a national chain or brand”.

Long-term impacts

The picture emerging from my interviews shows drone delivery started out as a nice enough novelty, but potential long-term impacts on the liveability of neighbourhoods are becoming clear.

Wing’s innovations are not only technical – things like autonomous drones, physical infrastructure, and traffic management systems – but also social and regulatory. The partnerships with major retailers and property developers are no less significant, and the company is also involved in the development of new regulations and safety standards for drones. As a subsidiary of the multitrillion-dollar US tech conglomerate Alphabet (the parent company of Google), Wing has significant resources to throw at making sure its business succeeds.

Wing has said Australia represents the future for drone delivery. By listening to the stories of people who are already living with drone delivery, we can learn more about their risks and unexpected impacts.


Are delivery drones operating in your neighbourhood? Our team is collecting photos, videos and stories about what it’s like to live with drone delivery. Please make a contribution and help us understand what our future could be like.

The Conversation

Thao Phan is employed in the ARC Centre of Excellence on Automated Decision-Making & Society (ADM+S). Her research is funded by the ADM+S, the UKRI Bridging Responsible AI Divides Programme, and the Monash-Warwick Alliance Fund.

ref. Is drone delivery a modern miracle or a band-aid fix for poor urban planning? I went to Australia’s ‘drone zones’ to find out – https://theconversation.com/is-drone-delivery-a-modern-miracle-or-a-band-aid-fix-for-poor-urban-planning-i-went-to-australias-drone-zones-to-find-out-232977

Negotiating a new salary or a pay rise? Here’s what you need to know to succeed

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ray Fells, Professor of Negotiation, The University of Western Australia

Yuri A/Shutterstock

Almost half of all Australian workers are currently watching for or actively seeking a new job, according to a recent Gallup report.

High stress levels, murky work-life boundaries and the fact that pay packets don’t go as far as they used to can all become compelling reasons to look elsewhere. Many may be tempted by the promise of a higher salary.

Of course the grass isn’t always greener, and there may be ways to make your current job more fulfilling. This could include inviting your boss to have a discussion about increasing your pay.

But both landing a new job and chasing a raise internally can put you in the sometimes tricky position of negotiating how much you’re paid.

Fortunately, like many other kinds of negotiation, there are three key principles that will offer you a better chance of success.

Know what you want and why

First, it’s important to know exactly what you want and why you want it.

In the case of looking for a new job, your aspirations should be based on your future, not driven by what is wrong with the job you now have. In what way do you expect the jobs you are looking into to offer you more than your current position?

Researching the relevant levels of pay for similar roles in your industry can offer you a sense of what’s reasonable and suggest where to place the goalposts.

Close up of man gesturing with hands and work laptop screen
Preparation is key. Have a clear idea about exactly what you’re asking for and why.
Headway/Unsplash

Similarly, when seeking a pay rise, you shouldn’t just go in with vague hopes of being paid more.

It’s important to have a firm idea of how much more you’d like to be paid, and prepare a case for why – such as a recent improvement in performance or evidence of new responsibilities.

Step into the other person’s shoes

Important as your goals may be, any negotiation is two-sided. It is not only about what you want to achieve but what the other party wants, too.

This is the second principle of effective negotiation: other-directedness. Always negotiate from the perspective of the other party.

Imagine you are the other negotiator preparing to negotiate with you. Get to understand what they want, why they want it, what pressures might they be under and what constraints they might have to operate within.

Person seen facing away sitting in chair in front of another person
Considering the other party’s point of view can make you a stronger negotiator.
charlesdeluvio/Unsplash

Many organisations have a pretty firm salary and remuneration structure and it is unrealistic to think they are going to bust that structure wide open just to accommodate you. So be reasonable.

Just as importantly, you need to think ahead about what they are going to say in response to your request. What offer are they likely to put on the table – and what is then going to be your response? Plan for a range of different scenarios.

Focusing only on what you are initially going to ask for could see you lose control of the rest of the conversation.

Understanding the other party’s perspective puts you in a better position to present what you have to offer in a way that resonates with their goals. You may feel your extra effort should earn you a pay rise, but focus your request on the outcomes that have helped your employer achieve their goals.

Thinking about the other party also keeps your expectations more realistic. It’s important to set high goals, but if they are outside the other party’s ballpark, you might find yourself backing down or walking away empty-handed.

Have a solid backup plan

This leads us to the third principle of negotiation: knowing what you are going to do if you don’t get what you want.

A good alternative gives you confidence to restate your offer or claim even though the negotiator on the other side of the table has raised their eyebrows at it. Working out this alternative before you start negotiating is vital.

Depending on your circumstances, there may be a range of good alternatives when negotiating your salary for a new job. If you applied for multiple roles, you may be fielding other job offers. You’ll also often have the opportunity to just stay where you are.

Negotiating an internal pay rise might seem to have fewer tangible alternatives if it falls through. Disappointingly, you stay where you are and keep the salary you have.

But there are more ways to move yourself forward than just financially. For example, pursuing further accreditation, especially if subsidised or enabled by your employer, could help you stay motivated and improve your standing in future negotiations.

Closeup of hands working on laptop next to notepad
It’s important to plan out alternative options if things fall through.
Owlie Productions/Shutterstock

Remember, though, any negotiation is two-sided and the other party has alternatives, too.

In a job interview, if you have a rare set of skills and they have had a key employee suddenly leave, you could be well positioned to get a good outcome. Often, though, there will be someone else who can fill the vacancy and we might need the job more than they need us to fill it.

In that case, explore all the possibilities around salary – working arrangements, leave provisions and so on that will make the job more attractive to you. Before agreeing, always check that the prospect on offer is better than your alternative.

The Conversation

Ray Fells does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Negotiating a new salary or a pay rise? Here’s what you need to know to succeed – https://theconversation.com/negotiating-a-new-salary-or-a-pay-rise-heres-what-you-need-to-know-to-succeed-233324

A woman who blindly conformed or feisty creator of her own story? What we know about the real Lady Jane Grey

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Broomhall, Director, Gender and Women’s History Research Centre, Australian Catholic University

Prime Video

History remembers Jane as the ultimate damsel in distress – known for her death, rather than her life. Fuck that! What if history were different?

So says the promo for My Lady Jane, an alternative history about Lady Jane Grey who was Queen of England, France and Ireland for little more than a week in July 1553.

This avowedly “alt-universe of action, history, fantasy, comedy and steamy romance” series, as the press release calls it, takes all sorts of liberties, but in some ways, it may be closer to the mark than we might imagine. These fictional women are almost as feisty as the historical Jane and her cousin, Mary, who would become Queen Mary I.

Jane has often been portrayed as a tragic figure. In this, the French painter Paul Delaroche has a lot to answer for. His 1833 visual melodrama, The Execution of Lady Jane Grey, remains a powerful image attached to her history.

Delaroche’s romanticised vision seemed to capture the pathos of a young woman blindly following expectations and sacrificed to dynastic politics – establishing its own influential alt-history.

A blindfolded woman being led to the cutting block.
Paul Delaroche, The Execution of Lady Jane Grey, 1833.
Wikimedia Commons

So what do we know about Lady Jane Grey?

The great-granddaughter of Henry VII and great-niece of Henry VIII, Jane had access to an unusually rich humanist education for a woman of her time and demonstrated an exceptional ability to make use of it, writing letters in Latin and Greek and learning Hebrew. This made her the talk of Protestant Europe.

For Jane, studying seemed an escape from the pressures of her parents. She told one scholar she found studying with her tutor a relief from being in the presence of an exacting mother and father, time when “I think myself in hell”.

Jane’s commitment to Protestantism saw her writing to one of continental Europe’s leading reformer, Zurich-based Heinrich Bullinger, before she was 14.

But Protestantism in England was under threat. By mid 1553, 15-year-old King Edward VI was dying. Edward’s heir was his Catholic, older half-sister Mary, who, if she were to reign, looked set to undo the Protestant kingdom.

At stake for Mary and Jane, two strong-willed women, were competing visions of faith for the kingdom of England. Under Mary, England would return to the Catholic Church. Under Jane, England would continue along the course of Protestantism, launched by her great-uncle Henry VIII.

Edward’s solution was to disinherit his sisters, and to pass the crown to Jane and her future male heirs.

But Edward’s draft plan for his succession suggests there was some uncertainty about whether placing Jane as queen was the right idea. After all, England had no history of successful ruling queens. He had first written that the crown would go to “L Janes heires masles”, and then amended it to read “L Jane and her heires masles”.

Handwritten text with crossings out
Edward VI’s ‘devise for the Succession,’ c 1553, written in his own hand.
Wikimedia Commons

When Edward died on July 6 1553, the letters patent issued regarding his will bore the signatures of more than 100 of the kingdom’s leading men. Supporters of the Protestant vision for England held almost all key positions of power.

On July 9, Jane, aged only 15 or 16, was informed of Edward’s death and her new status. On July 10, she was proclaimed Queen, signing herself “Jane the Quene” on official documents.

Handwritten letter
Letter of Lady Jane Grey, signed by her as `Quene’ at the top of the page. July 1553.
Wikimedia Commons

But Mary was not giving up. She had been gathering supporters in the days before Edward’s death. On July 10 she wrote to the Privy Council, England’s leading body of men advising the monarch, informing them she was queen and expected their obedience. She had gathered a large army behind her, and what likely sealed her success was the work of a faction combining Catholics and conservatives in the Privy Council who flipped the council’s allegiance to Mary.

Jane’s support rapidly collapsed. The kingdom’s powerful men must have weighed their prospects in the two regimes, and most could likely find a place to operate in either.

Winner takes all

As she took the throne, Mary needed a way to explain away Jane. She was to be tried for high treason, but she was also a relative.

A Jane misguided by others was a convenient version of history.

Oil painting.
Portrait of a 16th-century noblewoman, labelled as Jane Grey.
Wikimedia Commons

At first, Mary spared the execution warranted by the guilty verdict for both Jane and her equally youthful husband, Guildford Dudley. But further attempts at rebellion in January 1554, led by Jane’s father, pushed Mary to carry out the sentences.

Even then, Mary postponed Jane’s execution date to allow her time to convert to Catholicism. Jane refused, expressing her resolve for the same beliefs that had guided her decisions and actions.

On February 12 1554, Jane stood on the scaffold. She gave a speech that claimed both her innocence and her guilt.

Perhaps, as she saw Mary’s version of history increasingly take root, she wanted to assert her own.

And so we are left with a story of the tragic teen queen vs bloody Mary. As the promo says: “there is always power, if you know how to play the game” – and this game didn’t end with Jane’s death.

The Conversation

Susan Broomhall receives funding from the Australian and Swedish Research Councils.

ref. A woman who blindly conformed or feisty creator of her own story? What we know about the real Lady Jane Grey – https://theconversation.com/a-woman-who-blindly-conformed-or-feisty-creator-of-her-own-story-what-we-know-about-the-real-lady-jane-grey-232831

Planning a country escape these school holidays? 4 ways to avoid clogging up the emergency department

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katherine Riley, Lecturer, School of Nursing, University of Wollongong

Jason Vanajek/Shutterstock

Winter school holidays are either here or coming up, depending on where in Australia you live. Maybe you’re
planning a rural escape.

Rural tourism is crucial for job growth and sustainability of small rural towns. However, for rural emergency departments, school holidays are often the busiest times.

No-one plans a trip to the emergency department on holidays. But if you need health care, there are often other ways of accessing it than turning up at a rural hospital.

Here’s why it’s so important to leave rural emergency departments for life-threatening illness or injuries, and some other options for seeking care.

We’re short of doctors and nurses

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare reports a significant shortfall of nurses and specialist doctors in rural towns compared with staffing levels in big cities.

This means many small rural emergency departments only have nurses on staff, with doctors on call or consulted remotely from a larger hospital.

In a study published earlier this year, my colleagues and I discovered this dynamic was especially challenging for rural emergency nurses when critically ill patients presented.

One nurse told us:

We need more staff. I mean, I look at these emergency TV shows, and you see them in Kings Cross at the big hospitals there or overseas, they get a phone call […] there’s a resus coming in. Everyone’s standing around the bed with all their signs on, the airway/circulation/team leader […] and here, we have two people. It’s just so different. It’s just a false sense of reality. It’s ridiculous.

So emergency departments should be used for emergencies only. These include:

  • sudden collapse
  • chest pain or pressure lasting more than ten minutes
  • breathing difficulty
  • serious mental health condition
  • uncontrollable bleeding.

When emergency departments are used responsibly, this can reduce the pressure on staff. It ensures the most seriously ill receive the care they need promptly.

What are my alternatives?

Here are four ways you and your family can be better prepared for your rural holiday and avoid an unnecessary visit to the emergency department.

1. Pack your scripts and medical history summary

Bring essential scripts and medications with you. This reduces the need to visit the local emergency department and ensures you have what you need during your stay.

Do you have a chronic condition or have had a recent illness or surgery? Make sure you speak to your GP before you go. They can provide a medical health summary that includes your recent treatments and medications. Alternatively, if you have access to My Health Record, ask your GP to prepare a shared health summary and upload it to your record. If you need medical care, this summary will assist in a timely assessment.

2. Call Healthdirect, NURSE-ON-CALL or 13HEALTH depending on where you are

Healthdirect is a 24-hour telephone health advice line (known as NURSE-ON-CALL in Victoria or 13HEALTH in Queensland). By calling the relevant number, you will be connected to a registered nurse who will ask a series of questions and provide evidence-based advice and guidance. The Healthdirect website also offers an interactive symptom checker to advise whether you should see a GP, go to an emergency department, or manage your symptoms at home (or in this case, on holidays):

3. Need a GP? How about GP telehealth services?

For minor health concerns or non-urgent issues, GP telehealth services are a remote-access option that can be used when away from home. Before you go away, check with your GP to see if they offer a telehealth service.

4. Go to an Urgent Care Clinic

The Australian government has funded the opening of Urgent Care Clinics across the country. These clinics provide medical assessment and care for urgent illnesses or injuries. They have been created as a solution to divert people away from busy emergency departments. But these Urgent Care Clinics are not suitable for people experiencing emergency or life-threatening conditions.

Urgent Care Clinics are ideal for illnesses and injuries that would require urgent treatment such as gastroenteritis, minor infections, lacerations and back pain. Check here to find your closest clinic.


Please keep the emergency department for life-threatening illnesses or injuries, and if needed, call 000 for an ambulance immediately.

Katherine Riley is affiliated with CRANAplus, the peak professional body for Australia’s remote and isolated health workforce.

Rebekkah Middleton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Planning a country escape these school holidays? 4 ways to avoid clogging up the emergency department – https://theconversation.com/planning-a-country-escape-these-school-holidays-4-ways-to-avoid-clogging-up-the-emergency-department-232262

Australians will soon only be able to buy vapes from pharmacies. Should New Zealand follow suit?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Hoek, Professor of Public Health, University of Otago

Getty Images

Australia will become the first country to restrict vape sales to pharmacies from next week. This new policy represents a very different approach to the path Aotearoa New Zealand is taking, and includes some important steps.

First, it recognises that to benefit population health, vaping products should not be treated as everyday consumer items.

Second, it introduces a distribution system that moves away from the commercial, profit-driven approach currently operating in New Zealand. Pharmacists are highly trained health professionals. Unlike general retailers who are not trained to understand addiction, pharmacists can advise people transitioning from smoking to vaping and support vaping cessation.

Third, pharmacists’ comprehensive code of ethics provides a further incentive to avoid supplying vaping products to underage people.

Should New Zealand follow Australia?

Our research with young people found they quickly identified “dodgy dairies” with lax age verification procedures. Unlike these outlets, pharmacists would face professional sanctions if caught supplying underage youth.

So, should New Zealand adopt Australia’s approach?

Limiting the supply of vaping products is a key measure in reducing uptake among young people. However, we are troubled that Australia will be regulating vaping products more stringently than smoked tobacco, which causes more serious physical harms.

New Zealand’s government has signalled stricter regulation of vaping products, yet it recently repealed a law regulating smoked tobacco products stringently.

We strongly support protecting young people from taking up vaping. However, policies should be both comprehensive and proportionate, and must greatly reduce the appeal, addictiveness and availability of smoked tobacco as well as vaping products.

History of inadequate nicotine product regulation

Although vaping offers people who smoke a less harmful alternative to tobacco, it is not harmless. Many people who have never smoked regularly now vape. Overall, nicotine use among young people has risen.

Rates of daily vaping among people aged 15–17 have increased from under 1% in 2017–18 to more than 15% in 2022–23. This increase is causing considerable concern among parents, teachers, health researchers, community workers, policy makers and young people themselves.

Young people vape more and use more nicotine.
Getty Images

New Zealand regulators initially responded by limiting the vape flavours general retailers could sell to tobacco, menthol and mint. However, the nicotine marketplace has evolved more rapidly than the policies regulating it.

The advent of “pod” vapes in 2019 and disposables in 2020 brought in very cheap, attractively packaged products with high nicotine concentrations. Specialist vape retailer numbers exploded. Not surprisingly, uptake in youth vaping quickly accelerated.

Vaping manufacturers rapidly circumvented recent efforts to limit availability of disposable vapes. Low-cost disposable vapes remain widely available, despite new requirements for removable batteries.

Measures restricting specialist vape stores from operating within 300 metres of schools failed to have a marked impact, likely because they neither applied retrospectively nor included general retailers in their ambit.

Additional measures to protect children from product marketing have limited the concentration of nicotine vapes may contain, restricted flavour descriptors and disallowed use of cartoons on packaging.

It is too early to assess what effect these changes have had. However, a recent mystery shopper test found variable compliance with these policies.

Despite Prime Minister Christopher Luxon declaring before the 2023 election that he was “up for” looking at a complete vaping ban, the coalition government has not extended all measures introduced by the previous Labour government. Exceptions include increasing penalties that may be imposed on retailers and committing to more intensive monitoring.

A call for proportionate policies

Before the government’s unpopular repeal of New Zealand’s smokefree generation law, New Zealand had adopted a proportionate approach to nicotine products.

Innovative regulation such as retailer reduction and denicotinisation was expected to lead to plummeting use of smoked tobacco, the most harmful product. At that point, moving vaping products from a commercial supply model to a health-promoting model would have been logical.

Hansard records associate health minister Casey Costello as stating that repealing the policy to limit the number of retailers was not an “end position”. She explained:

We’re removing this legislation because we’re repealing the legislation that’s in there. As I said, it’s not an end position.

While the minister’s meaning is not completely clear, her comment indicates she may consider legislation proportionate to product risk in the future.

In the interim, we recommend disallowing vaping product displays in all general retail outlets and ensuring specialist vape stores displays are not visible to the general public.

Establishing robust limits on proximity and density could drain vape store swamps and ensure vapes are not easily available near schools. Disallowing discounting and giveaways of all nicotine products and introducing plain packaging would also reduce these products’ availability and appeal to children, and bring vaping product regulation in line with tobacco policy.

Given the minister’s stated willingness to consider reducing the availability of smoked tobacco, we strongly recommend she reintroduce the evidence-based, proportionate measures she had no mandate to repeal.

Janet Hoek receives funding from the Heatlh Research Council and NZ Cancer Society; she has previously received funding from the Royal Society Marsden Fund. She is a member of several advisory committees, including the Health Coalition Aotearoa, and international government and NGO groups.

Jude Ball receives funding from the Health Research Council and has previously received funding from the Marsden Fund (Royal Society of New Zealand), the Health Promotion Agency and the Cancer Society. She is affiliated with ASPIRE Aotearoa and the Adolescent Health Research Group, and is an active member of the Public Health Association of New Zealand.

ref. Australians will soon only be able to buy vapes from pharmacies. Should New Zealand follow suit? – https://theconversation.com/australians-will-soon-only-be-able-to-buy-vapes-from-pharmacies-should-new-zealand-follow-suit-233204

Devastating coral bleaching will be more common, start earlier and last longer unless we cut emissions

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Camille Mellin, Senior Lecturer and ARC Future Fellow, School of Biological Sciences, University of Adelaide

Sarah_lewis/Shutterstock

Coral bleaching is becoming much more common as a result of increasingly severe and frequent marine heatwaves. Four global mass bleaching events have happened since 1998. Two of these were in the past decade.

Unless greenhouse gas emissions are cut to slow global warming, our new research shows that, by 2080, coral bleaching will start in spring, rather than late summer. Some events will last into autumn. The Great Barrier Reef’s maximum annual heat stress will double by 2050 if emissions do not slow.

Marine heatwaves stress corals, which then expel the symbiotic algae living in their tissue. These corals are left white and weakened. While not all bleached corals die immediately, prolonged heat stress harms their health and reproduction.

Our research used daily data on sea surface temperatures (instead of monthly data that models typically use) and supercomputing to produce high-resolution projections of marine heatwaves. We showed the risk of coral bleaching will be greatest along the equator. That’s also where the most biodiverse coral reefs are found.

Coral reefs cover only 1% of our oceans, but host at least 25% of all marine species. More than half a billion people worldwide depend on coral reefs for food.

So coral reefs are vital for the health of the ocean and people. They are also among the ecosystems most at risk from climate change.

Longer bleaching season will hit spawning

The US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration monitors marine heatwaves globally. Seasonal coral bleaching alerts are based on this data. Predicting coral bleaching risk over entire decades has proved much more challenging.

Recent improvements in climate modelling now allow marine heatwaves and coral bleaching risks to be predicted with high accuracy. Using daily projections of heat stress from many global climate models, we show the severity and duration of coral bleaching will soon reach uncharted territory.

By mid-century coral bleaching is expected to start in spring for most of Earth’s reefs, rather than late summer as is typical today. In equatorial regions, corals will be at high risk of bleaching all year round by the end of the century.

In many regions, corals spawn only once a year. These spectacular mass spawning events happen in a single week following a full moon in spring.

By 2040, this spawning event could coincide with severe bleaching risk. This would greatly reduce their reproductive success, causing large-scale coral loss.

Acropora coral spawning on Magnetic Island in Queensland, Australia.
Coral Brunner/Shutterstock

Equatorial regions most at risk

We show the future risk of severe coral bleaching is uneven globally.

The greatest risk is along the equator. Equatorial regions are home to the most biodiverse coral reefs, including conservation hotspots such as the Coral Triangle. To make matters worse, marine life in these regions is particularly vulnerable to accelerated climate change.

Many equatorial species are already living at temperatures near their upper tolerance. They also generally have low abilities to move to track shifting climates. This leaves them at high risk of extinction.

Future risk of coral bleaching under a high-emission scenario (top) and benefit from climate mitigation (bottom).
Adapted from Mellin et al. Science Advances 2024

Our research shows equatorial regions are set to benefit least from efforts to curb emissions. We expect significant emission cuts will reduce the annual duration of severe bleaching conditions in all areas except these regions.

The projected highest climate impacts coincide with highest social reliance on coral reefs. This will challenge human populations that rely heavily on their local reefs for their livelihoods and nutrition.

Improving coral reef management

Our research identifies Earth’s reef regions that are at lowest risk of increased bleaching. This will help conservation managers and policymakers prioritise efforts to limit loss of coral reef biodiversity.

We predict much less risk of coral bleaching in regions such as the northern coasts of Venezuela and Colombia, Socotra Island (opposite the Gulf of Aden) and Alor Kecil in Indonesia. Seasonal upwellings occur here, bringing cooler water to the surface that’s likely to limit the severity of heatwaves.

Identifying these future havens for coral reefs will help maximise the success of coral conservation strategies such as assisted evolution, coral restoration or transplantation.

These strategies can help maintain healthy coral populations at local scales, particularly if used on reefs where future climate impacts will be lower. By pinpointing these havens, our research will strengthen coral conservation.

Our research includes a user-friendly web-based tool for mapping future coral bleaching. It will help pinpoint locations for effective management interventions.

Curbing greenhouse gas emissions is the main solution to reduce future climate impacts on corals. However, other strategies are also vital to maximise coral reefs’ adaptation to climate change.

Camille Mellin receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the University of Adelaide’s Environment Institute.

Damien Fordham receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. Devastating coral bleaching will be more common, start earlier and last longer unless we cut emissions – https://theconversation.com/devastating-coral-bleaching-will-be-more-common-start-earlier-and-last-longer-unless-we-cut-emissions-232473

Our ‘frog saunas’ could help save endangered species from the devastating chytrid fungus

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Waddle, Schmidt Science Fellow in Conservation Biology, Macquarie University

Anthony Waddle

All over the world, frogs are being wiped out by the chytrid fungus. At least 500 species have declined, including as many as 90 species now presumed extinct.

This catastrophic and ongoing biodiversity loss surpasses the devastation wrought by other notorious invasive species such as cats, rats and even cane toads. Short of removing species from the wild and treating them in captivity, few strategies exist to deal with the chytrid threat.

Our new research, published today in the journal Nature, offers a promising option.

Outbreaks of chytrid (pronounced “KY-trid”) are more common in cold winter months – just like seasonal human flu. We found a way to combat these winter outbreaks using heat. Our purpose-built “frog saunas” allow affected amphibians to warm up and bake off their infections. They are so simple you can build a frog sauna using supplies from the hardware store.

Why should we care about frogs?

If frogs’ good looks are not enough for you to care about their welfare, perhaps learning how they contribute to the environment or human health will pique your interest.

Frogs eat insects that carry and spread human diseases. Their skin is also a rich source of new medicines that could help us combat antibiotic-resistant “superbugs” or curb the startling increase in opioid addiction.

The frogs themselves are food for many predators, including humans.

Often starting life as a tadpole eating algae, before morphing into a carnivorous adult, frogs carry energy from aquatic ecosystems onto land – where it can be transferred throughout the food web. So losing a single frog species can have serious flow-on effects.

The green and golden bell frog has declined from more than 90% of its former range since the chytrid fungus arrived in Australia.
Anthony Waddle

The origin and spread of chytrid

It’s likely the chytrid fungus originated in Asia, where the pathogen seems to coexist with native amphibians. But chytrid is deadly elsewhere, possibly because other frogs have no natural defences.

Chytrid harms frogs by disrupting the integrity of their skin, depleting electrolytes needed for heart function. Infected frogs can die of cardiac arrest.

Chytrid has spread worldwide through the trade of amphibians, becoming a seemingly permanent part of ecosystems. As eradicating chytrid from the wild is not possible, we need a way to help frogs battle infection.

Chytrid: the frog-killing fungus, featuring Associate Professor Lee Berger (Australian Academy of Science)

Introducing frog saunas

Research has shown chytrid is worse in winter. My colleagues and I wondered whether, if frogs had access to warmth during winter, could they fight off infection?

The fungus can’t tolerate high temperatures, so if we gave frogs a place to stay warm – even for a few hours a day – perhaps they could survive and recover.

We tested this idea, both in the laboratory and in outdoor experiments.

First we established that endangered green and golden bell frogs will select temperatures that reduce or eliminate chytrid infections, when given the opportunity.

Then we conducted experiments in the lab, with 66 infected frogs. The group given the option of choosing the temperature they liked best rapidly cleared their infection. The group placed in a set, warm temperature also cleared their infection, but it took longer. The low-temperature control group remained infected.

Next, we wanted to see what would happen if frogs that cured infections with heat would still get sick. Or were they immune? The group of 23 heat-cured frogs were 22 times more likely to survive the second infection than the 23 frogs that were heat-treated but not previously infected. So frogs cured with heat acquire resistance to future infections.

Finally, we wanted to see if this could work in a natural setting. We ran outdoor experiments with 239 frogs. Half were infected with chytrid one week before the experiment began. Then they were placed in enclosures with artificial structures that heat up in the sun, called “frog saunas”. But the frogs could choose from shaded and unshaded areas, with or without saunas.

We found frogs flocked to the sunny saunas, heated up their little bodies, and quickly fought off infection. Think of frog saunas as little factories that pump out healthy, chytrid-resistant frogs.

The frog saunas could be used on a wider scale. We believe they would be best suited to supporting populations of Australian green and golden bell frogs, but they could be useful for other species too.

The saunas are made of inexpensive materials that can be found at your local hardware store, making them accessible to the general public and wildlife managers alike.

We are already building shelters at Sydney Olympic Park, working with Macquarie University and the Sydney Olympic Park Authority. The park is home to one of the largest remaining populations of green and golden bell frogs.

Frog saunas have been set up to support a wild population of frogs in Sydney.
Anthony Waddle

Want to get involved?

You can become a citizen scientist and help save frogs from extinction. Start by downloading the FrogID app to learn how frogs are faring. Record frog calls with the app for scientists to identify them. This helps provide valuable data for frog conservation.

Build a frog sauna for your backyard, to help keep them healthy through winter.

It’s essentially a brick-filled greenhouse, warmed by sunlight. All you need is some common clay ten-hole masonry bricks, black paint and cable ties – and a little greenhouse to put the sauna inside.

Changing the fate of frogs

Since the discovery of chytrid more than 25 years ago, the pathogen has been a seemingly insurmountable challenge to endangered frog conservation. Now, we have developed a promising, inexpensive and widely applicable strategy to combat chytrid.

Amphibians are such a diverse group that no single approach will be suitable for all species. So this is no silver bullet. But a useful tool for even one threatened or endangered species is cause for optimism.

The concept could also be applied to other wildlife diseases, where differences between the physiology of the host and pathogen can be exploited.

Anthony Waddle received research funding from the Holsworth Wildlife Research Endowment, the Frog and Tadpole Study Group of New South Wales, the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales, the Australian Research Council, Macquarie University, the University of Melbourne, and CSIRO. Anthony was supported by scholarships from the University of Melbourne and the American Australian Assocation. He is currently supported by a fellowship from the Schmidt Science Fellows, in partnership with the Rhodes Trust.

ref. Our ‘frog saunas’ could help save endangered species from the devastating chytrid fungus – https://theconversation.com/our-frog-saunas-could-help-save-endangered-species-from-the-devastating-chytrid-fungus-231605

Why won’t my kids listen to me? A psychologist explains

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cher McGillivray, Assistant Professor Psychology Department, Bond University

Ketut Subiyanto/Pexels , CC BY

Have you ever asked your child to do something simple but no matter how many times you ask, they keep ignoring you?

For example, on a school morning you may call out, “Sarah, put your shoes on. We have to go!” as you are trying to finish an email, clean up breakfast dishes and make it to work on time yourself.

You get no answer and no signs of shoe wearing. So you repeat it, this time a little louder and then again. You finally get a frustrated response from your child: “but I can’t find my shoes!”. And so you yell back, “well you should have had them organised last night like I told you!” Yet again, you are all starting the day stressed.

You may find yourself wondering why it seems your kids listen to their teachers, coaches, friends’ parents … basically anyone else but you.

Why is this? And how can you talk to your child so they listen?

Your child’s development and their ability to listen

As a starting point, it may help to understand children don’t have the same capacity to listen as adult. Or the same capacity to care about what you are asking them.

Children between two and seven are naturally ego-centric.

This means they think mostly about themselves and their immediate needs. They are not are likely to to be able to take on other people’s perspectives. So they don’t care that if they muck around and don’t put their shoes you might miss your important 9 o’clock meeting.

Around 13, the brain starts to change. Research shows teenagers start to find voices that are not from their family more interesting. This is part of growing up, preparing them for life beyond their family.

This marks a significant shift from younger children, whose brains are primarily attuned to prioritise their parents’ voices. But it also means when you ask your adolescent to unpack the dishwasher before they leave for school, they are less likely to think it is important.

This situation can be made more complex if a child is neurodivergent and has issues with attention or taking on new information. Or if they have hearing issues.

Teenagers start to value other voices, away from their parents.
Karolina Grabowska/Pexels, CC BY

Why do they listen to their teacher but not me?

Kids also tend to be more comfortable with their parents than any other adults. So they know they can zone out from us and we will still love them.

This is not the same with a school teacher, netball coach or other adult they are less familiar with. There are extra factors working in a teacher’s favour (although teachers will tell you, students do not listen all the time).

Schools have a structured approach that naturally enforces rules and consistency. For examples, bells ring to signal the start of the day, the teacher stands at the front of the class to signal the start of a lesson. Teachers are also trained in how to teach as well as skills to manage classroom dynamics effectively.

Peer pressure – and the desire to fit in – can also work in a positive way here, too. If all the other kids in the class or soccer team are doing what they are told, other kids are likely to follow suit.

Communication is not just talking

So there are some things stacked against us as parents. But there are things we can do to approach this parent-child dynamic differently.

According to psychologist Albert Mehrabian’s model of communication, only 7% of our feelings and attitudes are conveyed through the words we use in spoken communications. He suggests 38% is via tone and voice and the remaining 55% is conveyed through body language.

So when our children are not speaking back, they are still communicating with us. They could be doing this via facial expressions, posture and hand gestures. These can all give us clues to help us connect and communicate with them.

For example, their silence may mean, “I can’t find my shoes. But I’m worried I might get in trouble” Or it could mean, “I don’t want to go to school today”. Or, “I am finding this drawing I am doing really fun and I don’t want to stop”.

Just because a child is not speaking does not mean they are not saying anything to you.
Pixabay/Pexels, CC BY

What can you do differently?

So if Sarah has not responded or appeared with her shoes on, instead of yelling out again, you could try going and finding where she is. Crouch down to her level, make eye contact and with a smile, ask if she has any ideas where her shoes are? Would she like some help?

Where you can, it is important to give children choice, so they feel like they have some control over their life.

You are also being what psychologists call a “trustful parent” here. You are signalling to your child they are competent and their opinion matters. You are supporting them to find their lost shoes (rather than fighting against them).

Tips for getting your child to listen

There are also some things we can do as parents to stack the odds in our favour:

  • try not to communicate when we are distracted or on the go. This is more likely to result in a calm and gentle instruction or request to your child. If children feel like they are “in trouble” they can go into a defensive mode and zone out

  • keep your instructions simple and achievable. Break things down if needs be

  • thank your child for doing things.

In the meantime, keep observing the world through their eyes. This may not always result in them doing what you ask, when you ask it. But hopefully it will mean less parental angst for you and your child will also feel heard.

Cher McGillivray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why won’t my kids listen to me? A psychologist explains – https://theconversation.com/why-wont-my-kids-listen-to-me-a-psychologist-explains-231831

Politics with Michelle Grattan: Chris Bowen on ‘calling out’ claims about the energy transition’s cost

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

The climate wars have been reignited with the Coalition’s release of its controversial plan for nuclear power, an option totally rejected by the government.

Meanwhile, a report this week from the Australian Energy Market Operator (AMEO) has indicated the government needs to speed up efforts in what has become a challenging energy transition.

Minister for Climate Change and Energy Chris Bowen joins the podcast to discuss the issues.

On the cost of the energy transition, which the opposition has claimed will be between $1.2 trillion and $1.5 trillion, Bowen says

Today the Energy Market Operator released their latest Integrated Systems plan. It has the updated cost – $122 billion. That’s the system-wide non-customer owned cost of renewable energy generation, transmission and storage.

Now let’s just call it out. The opposition goes around saying, oh it’s $1.2 trillion. They’re are utterly misquoting and misrepresenting a report which was about the cost of net zero across the entire economy, not just electricity, which is what we’re talking about, but industry, transport, agriculture, everything and that’s to get to net zero by 2050, which they allegedly sign up to.

If you’re asking what’s the cost of getting […] our electricity sector to 82% renewables by 2030 and then net zero by 2050, what we’re talking about is that figure in the Australian Energy Market report.

Labor has faced some criticism over mocking the Coalition’s nuclear plan.

Bowen says

the basis of a mature debate must be facts, and the opposition should be putting more facts out there about their policy.

The reason I’m so firmly against nuclear energy for our country is that it doesn’t stack up. It’s economically irrational and for the alleged party of free enterprise to admit that no private sector investment is going to come in to do nuclear, so therefore, they have to set up a government monstrosity to run it.

On Julian Assange’s return to Australia, Chris Bowen says

I think this is a very good outcome. I don’t support what he did all those years ago, but I think he should be free.

The prime minister’s been very modest about claiming any credit, and I understand why, but I just want to say, from the prime minister, the foreign minister, ambassador Rudd, and High Commissioner Smith – I think they played a blinder in working behind the scenes.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Chris Bowen on ‘calling out’ claims about the energy transition’s cost – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-chris-bowen-on-calling-out-claims-about-the-energy-transitions-cost-233357

Julian Assange is free, but curly legal questions about his case remain

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Holly Cullen, Adjunct Professor in Law, The University of Western Australia

Today Julian Assange walked out of the Federal Court Building in Saipan, North Marianas Islands, a free man. He pleaded guilty to one count of breaching the US Espionage Act.

With the court accepting his 62 months already spent in Belmarsh Prison as a sufficient sentence, he has no more case to answer, and no more sentence to serve.

However, this case leaves behind it a trail of unanswered legal questions and unresolved controversies. In particular, there are questions of fundamental human rights that can only now be addressed in future cases, if ever.

Can freedom of speech concerns stop extradition?

Once Assange had formally pleaded guilty, the US government’s lawyers announced they would immediately withdraw the request to extradite Assange from the UK.

That means the appeal that would have been heard later this year will not go ahead.

To recap, in May the UK High Court gave Assange the right to appeal the UK Home Secretary’s order for his extradition. This was granted on two grounds, both related to free speech.




Read more:
Julian Assange plea deal: what does it mean for the WikiLeaks founder, and what happens now?


The first ground of appeal accepted by the court was that extradition would be incompatible with Assange’s right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed in the European Convention on Human Rights.

The second ground, related to the first, is that he would be discriminated against on the basis of his nationality because he could, as a non-citizen of the US, be unable to rely on First Amendment freedom of speech rights.

But as this appeal is no longer proceeding, the issue of whether a threat to the accused’s freedom of expression can stop extradition will therefore not be argued or decided. The European Court of Human Rights and other human rights bodies have never addressed this point. It’s unlikely to arise again soon.

An espionage precedent?

Also on freedom of expression, the relationship between the US Espionage Act and the First Amendment of the US Constitution remains an open question.

In today’s pleadings, Assange and the US government took different views on whether the exercise of freedom of expression should constitute an exception to the offences under the Espionage Act. Nonetheless, Assange accepted that no existing US case law established such an exception.

This leads to the question of whether today’s guilty plea establishes a precedent for prosecuting journalists for espionage.

In the strict legal meaning of precedent in common law, which refers to a binding judicial interpretation, it does not.

The judge made no determination on whether Assange or the US government was legally correct. However, the US government can now point to this case as an example of securing a conviction against a journalist under the Espionage Act.

The question of how much a non-national of the US can rely on the First Amendment likewise continues to be on the table. This issue would also have been addressed in the extradition appeal, as a question of whether Assange would be discriminated against on the basis of his nationality.

Detention or confinement?

Finally, today’s hearing revived the question of whether the time Assange spent in the Ecuadorian embassy between 2012 and 2019 counts as detention.

As the judge moved to determine whether the sentence of “time served” was a sufficient penalty for his offence, the US government insisted the judge could only consider the 62 months in Belmarsh.

Assange’s lawyers argued he had been detained for 14 years, including the period claiming asylum in the Ecuadorian embassy. In 2016, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found Assange was arbitrarily detained in the embassy, largely because of the disproportionate length of time between his initial arrest and the date of the working group’s opinion, over five years.

The UK and Sweden both rejected the working group’s findings, which they do not regard as binding. Furthermore, the findings went beyond the established case law on arbitrary detention, which usually focus on issues of legality and fair process rather than duration. Only the dissenting member of the Working Group analysed the impact of Assange’s voluntary conduct on the length of his stay in the embassy.




Read more:
Julian Assange has been in the headlines for almost two decades. Here’s why he’s such a significant public figure


In today’s hearing, the judge referred to Assange’s “14-year ordeal” but accepted the time in Belmarsh alone was sufficient penalty. The judge considered this period, just over five years, comparable to the seven years served by Chelsea Manning, who had provided the documents to Assange.

It is also worth noting that Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles, speaking on ABC Radio National, described Assange as “confined” in the Ecuadorian embassy, avoiding the legally significant term “detained”.

The legal status of Assange’s period in the embassy therefore remains ambiguous, despite the UN Working Group’s 2016 findings.

Today, the main story is that Assange no longer faces prosecution for espionage and is now free to return to his family. However, some of the legal issues emerging from this case remain tantalisingly unresolved.

The Conversation

Holly Cullen receives funding from a Deakin University HDR scholarship. She has been a volunteer for the Australian Labor Party.

ref. Julian Assange is free, but curly legal questions about his case remain – https://theconversation.com/julian-assange-is-free-but-curly-legal-questions-about-his-case-remain-233339

French envoy hits back at Vanuatu’s Kanak solidarity march petition

By Nicholas Mwai in Port Vila

French Ambassador Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer to Vanuatu has hit back at criticism about French policy over Kanaky New Caledonia with an op-ed article published in the Vanuatu Daily Post.

His article addresses key concerns regarding New Caledonia’s indigenous recognition, the decolonisation process, discrimination, military operations, and calls for independence in response to a protest petition delivered by the president of the Malvatumauri Council of Chiefs (MCC), Chief Paul Robert Ravun, earlier this month.

At least nine people, including two gendarmes, have died in the unrest and rioting that followed protests against French constitutional changes starting on May 13 that critics say will further marginalise the indigenous people of the territory.

Damage from the rioting and arson is estimated to be 1 billion euros (about NZ$1.8 billion).

Eight arrested pro-independence leaders and charged over the riots were transferred to prisons in mainland France last weekend to await trial in a move heavily criticised across the Pacific.

Key points made by Ambassador Vilmer in his article in the Vanuatu Daily Post today were:

Recognition of indigenous people
Ambassador Vilmer reaffirmed France’s commitment to recognising the Kanak people as indigenous, emphasising their unique identity and cultural heritage, “the French government formally acknowledges the Kanaky people as indigenous, recognising their unique identity and cultural heritage”.

Highlighting the 1998 Nouméa Accord, Vilmer noted its acknowledgment of the dual legitimacy of both the Kanak people and other communities that have contributed to New Caledonia’s development, initiatives such as the inclusion of Kanak languages in the education system and the establishment of the Tjibaou Cultural Centre that underscores French support for promoting and defending Kanak culture.

Denouncing discrimination
Vilmer stressed France’s rejection of discrimination, saying “the French government denounces all forms of discrimination and is committed to promoting peace, justice, democracy, and respect for human rights”.

Measures aimed at improving access to employment, education, and public services for the Kanak population had been implemented, although Vilmer acknowledged that challenges remained and more work was needed to reduce inequalities and foster harmonious relations among all communities in New Caledonia.

Decolonisation of Kanaky
Regarding the decolonisation process, Vilmer highlighted France’s support for New Caledonia’s path towards self-determination, which began in 1988, “the process of decolonisation in New Caledonia has been ongoing since 1988, with the French government supporting a path towards self-determination”.

The Nouméa Accord of 1998, providing for substantial autonomy and the gradual transfer of powers to local authorities, had been praised by the United Nations Decolonisation Committee, despite three referendums in which a majority chose to remain part of France.

Vilmer underscored France’s commitment to ongoing dialogue and cooperation with regional partners to build a shared future.

Immediate cessation of military operations
Vilmer addressed concerns about military operations, clarifying that none were currently underway in New Caledonia, “there are no military operations currently taking place in New Caledonia”.

Law enforcement activities were being conducted by police and the gendarmerie to maintain public order and protect residents and infrastructure, adhering to the principle of proportionate use of force. The French government remained committed to ensuring safety and security while addressing unrest through dialogue and peaceful means.

Independent international investigations
On the issue of independent international investigations, Vilmer said there was “no necessity” for such measures as law enforcement actions were being supervised by independent courts following due legal process, “there is no need for independent international investigations”.

Reinforcements deployed by the French state were deemed necessary to prevent further violence and socioeconomic damage. Vilmer emphasised the government’s “transparency and openness” to dialogue concerning law enforcement operations.

Support for Kanaky independence
In response to calls for Kanak independence, Vilmer highlighted France’s engagement with regional partners and the structured process of self-determination provided by the Nouméa Accord, “the French government continues to engage with regional partners to support dialogue and cooperation”.

The Accord had facilitated multiple opportunities for the Kanak people and all New Caledonians to express their will.

Ambassador Vilmer reiterated France’s dedication to advancing an “inclusive and peaceful future” for New Caledonia through continued dialogue and partnership with regional partners.

Nicholas Mwai is a Vanuatu Daily Post reporter. This article is republished with permission.

Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Feminists can’t agree whether porn is harmful or liberating – and in this vacuum, image-based abuse continues

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natasha Szuhan, Lecturer, History and Sociology, Australian National University

This year, Australian news outlets have covered several highly concerning incidents of AI-generated deepfake porn being used to target women and girls.

In May, a Discord list created by Year 11 boys at Yarra Valley Grammar made headlines for its ranking of female students using terms such as “object”, “mid” and “unrapeable”.

That same month, a male student at Salesian College was expelled for spreading deepfake porn images of a female teacher. More recently, deepfake nudes depicting about 50 female students from Bacchus Marsh Grammar were circulated online.

These events have sparked outrage among parents, teachers, students and the broader public as we realise any girl or woman can now be targeted.

This kind of gender-based abuse doesn’t occur in a vacuum. So, is porn itself partly to blame for men’s exploitation of women via porn? It’s something feminists have debated for decades.

Despite the sexual revolution that spread across the Western world in the 1960s, Western feminists have been unable to reach a consensus on whether porn is a largely liberating force, or an oppressive one.

How harmful is porn? The jury is out

Contemporary feminists have a complicated relationship with porn. Some say it can be ethical, educational and empowering, while others say its many mental, physical and social harms far outweigh any benefits.

The research, too, is far from conclusive. While some studies shows an association between porn consumption and harmful real-world attitudes, there is little evidence as to if or how the viewing of porn itself could impact these attitudes.

In Australia, the average age of first porn exposure is 13.2 years for males and 14.1 years for females. But despite a more recent focus on young people, there remains a large blind spot in the research when it comes to the kinds of porn young people are viewing.

We know from research that people learn sexual norms while viewing explicit content. We also know exposure to porn impacts young people’s expectations of sexual encounters. As such, we should be open to the possibility of a link between young people’s porn consumption and sexual violence.

And while porn comes in many forms, ranging from romantic to very exploitative categories, these genres are generally hosted on the same domain, which can make it hard to avoid certain types. In Pornhub’s 2023 Year in Review, many of the most popular categories reflected the objectification, domination and degradation of women.

The start of the sex wars

In the 1980s, the “sex wars” were fought between two factions of women: “anti-porn” and “pro-sex” feminists. The former focused on the harms of porn while the latter’s emphasis was on sexually liberating women from social and gender norms.

The anti-porn feminists, most notably US activists
Andrea Dworkin and Catherine Mackinnon, argued the sexual culture that emerged after the sexual revolution actually undermined women’s sexual autonomy and power. They warned that porn was exacerbating this by romanticising sexual violence and the domination and dehumanisation of women.

They proposed addressing the issue by introducing civil rights ordinances based on the premise that pornography “constitutes discrimination on the basis of sex” since it naturalised female subordination to men. These laws would allow women who had been sexually discriminated against or harmed as a result of porn to sue pornographers civilly.

The counter group of pro-sex (or “sex-postive”) feminists came to the fore at a 1982 conference on sexuality at Barnard College, New York. When the ordinances were proposed, they baulked at the assertion that feminists could rely on the patriarchal political system to fix the problem – but offered no alternative.

While the pro-sex group agreed porn could be misogynistic, they opposed the anti-porn stance as it diverted attention away from their focus: women’s “own sexual desires”.

Eventually, the pro-sex position congealed around the idea of women’s sexual liberation and choice, while the anti-porn position increasingly became associated with prudishness and even alleged misandry (“man-hating”).

As the pro-sex feminists emerged victorious, legitimate concerns about the oppressive relationship between sex, violence and power were stifled – and sexual domination in porn was recast as being liberating. “Sex-positive” feminism continues to flourish today.

The ongoing division between feminists ultimately allowed for the porn industry to expand. Collectively, feminists were unable to reckon with the normalisation of female submission in sex and society.

Is there a solution?

The sex wars teach us two things. The first is that political solutions to cultural problems don’t work if they don’t address root issues. The second is that socio-sexual problems require a whole-of-community remedy.

We need to have a candid conversation about how to approach sexism more broadly, to ultimately find responses that support women in dealing with the social and interpersonal effects of porn. We might start, for instance, by taking the burden off individuals and holding the porn and social media industries accountable for helping to spread exploitative content.

As many experts have pointed out, the government’s proposed age verification legislation – which looks to restrict kids’ access to porn – is unlikely to address existing societal issues of abuse and misogyny. The solution, instead, will require integrating the pro-sex and anti-porn positions and concerns. Together, both groups must settle on a shared vision of liberal female sexuality in the digital age.

In 2024, the sexual liberation of women hasn’t prevented them from being abused, exploited and objectified via harmful forms of porn. Until we can all agree on the parameters of the root issues – misogyny, patriarchy and power – it’s unlikely this exploitation will stop.

Failing that, new generations will have to grapple with even more technologically extreme versions of these issues.

Natasha Szuhan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Feminists can’t agree whether porn is harmful or liberating – and in this vacuum, image-based abuse continues – https://theconversation.com/feminists-cant-agree-whether-porn-is-harmful-or-liberating-and-in-this-vacuum-image-based-abuse-continues-232494

Nuclear energy creates the most dangerous form of radioactive waste. Where does Peter Dutton plan to put it?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rosemary Hill, Adjunct Professor, James Cook University

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton’s pledge to build seven nuclear energy plants, if elected, has triggered heated political debate – mostly about the costs and timetable of the plan. But the concept of nuclear energy in Australia must overcome an arguably even bigger hurdle: how to dispose of high-level nuclear waste.

Nuclear power is only a viable alternative to fossil fuel burning if there is somewhere to store the waste – and only if this can be done safely, without exorbitant cost and with community support.

A CSIRO analysis last month showed there is no economic argument for nuclear energy in Australia, even without considering the substantial cost of waste disposal and storage. Include waste in the maths, and the Coalition’s proposal looks a whole lot worse.

What’s more, nuclear power stations produce high-level radioactive waste. It is dangerous for hundreds of thousands of years — and so far, the world has failed to deliver a safe, permanent storage method. Is this a problem Australia really wants to take on?

What is high-level nuclear waste?

Nuclear reactors work by using fission, or the splitting of uranium atoms, to produce energy. Once the uranium has been used to produce energy it is considered “spent”. Spent fuel can either be disposed of or reprocessed to recover and reuse some of its contents, such as plutonium. Both spent and reprocessed nuclear fuel must eventually be disposed of.

Nuclear waste is classed according to how much radiation it emits – either low, intermediate or high. Nuclear power plants produce high-level waste, which is radioactive for a very long time.

Negative health effects in humans from exposure to high-level radiation include birth defects, impaired tissue and organ functioning, and increased risk of cancer.

Nuclear waste only becomes safe after it decays. For high-level waste, this can take hundreds of thousands of years. That means the waste must be disposed of and stored for a very, very long time.

High-level nuclear waste can remain hazardous for thousands of centuries.
Shutterstock

How is high-level nuclear waste currently stored?

No permanent and safe storage for high-level nuclear waste is yet in operation.

The current temporary options are either “wet” or “dry” storage. Wet storage entails putting the waste in a pond and covering it with several metres of water to keep it cool. Dry storage involves putting the waste in containers made of concrete and steel.

These options are not a long-term solution. They are vulnerable to corrosion as well as natural disasters such as cyclones, tsunamis, earthquakes, fires and floods.

There are also risks from human-induced hazards such as war, terrorist attack, arson and accidents. For example, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has threatened the safety of Ukrainian nuclear facilities such as the Zaporizhzhya plant, where spent nuclear fuel rods are reportedly kept in metal casks inside concrete containers in an open-air yard.

Can we put it underground?

Each reactor – even the small ones – will produce several tonnes of high-level waste each year – far more than the Coke can-sized amount of waste Dutton claims. The Coalition says it would find a permanent solution for storing nuclear waste from the plants. This is easier said than done.

The only permanent storage solution on the cards around the world is to place it in a “deep geological repository”. This involves encasing the waste and lowering it into a chamber drilled far underground. There are many challenges associated with this storage method. They include:

  • cost: the construction, decommissioning, closure and monitoring of such a facility in South Australia has been estimated at A$41 billion

  • siting: the location must be geologically stable, to prevent waste from escaping over many thousands of years

  • transport: the further waste has to be moved, the greater the safety risks. This is relevant to the Coalition’s plan, under which seven nuclear sites would be distributed around Australia

  • preventing corrosion and leakage: the waste container must be sufficiently robust to corrosion and the invasion of microbes. The shaft to the underground storage also needs to be sealed

  • social acceptance: in a democratic country such as Australia, communities must agree to host a nuclear waste site and be satisfied it is safe. This includes securing “free, prior and informed consent” from Traditional Owners.

Finland is the country closest to realising this storage method. It has selected a site for a deep geological repository 500 metres underground, and begun construction. But the project has taken decades and suffered numerous technical problems.

Scientists have also raised safety concerns, such as how the project will perform over the very long term, including during freezing of rocks in the next ice age.

Neither the United Kingdom nor the United States has moved beyond temporary storage of high-level nuclear waste.



The Coalition must come clean

Other nations have struggled to find long-term solutions for nuclear waste storage. There is every reason to expect Australia would face the same problems.

Importantly, Australia has for decades failed to find a suitable place for the long-term storage of small quantities of low- and intermediate-level nuclear waste from medical isotopes and the Lucas Heights research reactor. Even though these wastes are comparatively benign, every proposal has faced strong local opposition.

Ahead of the next federal election, the Coalition must explain to Australians how and where it intends to store radioactive waste from its nuclear plants. Without that detail, voters cannot fairly assess the plan.

Rosemary Hill is affiliated with the International Union for the Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) Commission on Economic, Environmental and Social Policy, and the World Commission on Protected Areas.

Ian Lowe was President of the Australian Conservation Foundation from 2004 to 2014. His doctoral research was funded by the UK Atomic Energy Authority.

ref. Nuclear energy creates the most dangerous form of radioactive waste. Where does Peter Dutton plan to put it? – https://theconversation.com/nuclear-energy-creates-the-most-dangerous-form-of-radioactive-waste-where-does-peter-dutton-plan-to-put-it-233213

Social media platforms are blocked in Iran. Candidates in this week’s presidential election are embracing them anyway

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amin Naeni, PhD candidate in digital technologies in Iran, Deakin University

After Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi was killed in a helicopter crash on May 20, the Iranian government had to schedule an early election to choose a new president.

The regime has approved six presidential candidates to run in the election on June 28. The pool includes four hardliners, one centrist and one reformist.

The main competition is expected to be between two hardliners and the reformist candidate. One of the hardliners is Saeed Jalili, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council from 2007 to 2013. He is likely to receive support among ideologically similar segments of society.

The other hardliner, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the current speaker of parliament, is also hoping to secure the votes of pro-regime supporters. There is some speculation that one of these candidates may withdraw in favour of the other.

The sole reformist candidate, Masoud Pezeshkian, currently an MP, is seeking to revive the social capital of the so-called reformist camp. Under former President Hassan Rouhani administration’s from 2013 to 2021, reformists failed to fulfil their promises and gradually aligned themselves with the centre of power, where they remain.

All of the candidates, including Pezeshkian, have emphasised their commitment to adhering to the policies set forth by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. As a result, the question of who will win has lost any real significance.

The more pressing issue will be the voter turnout. Recent parliamentary and presidential elections have seen less than 50% voter turnout, the lowest it’s ever been since the 1979 revolution. Iran’s leaders have also faced multiple nationwide protests in recent years.

Thus, the clerical establishment’s primary objective is to encourage public participation in this week’s election and restore its legitimacy.

This might be a tall order. According to a survey conducted by the Iranian Students Polling Agency, 73% of participants reported not watching the first televised presidential debate on June 18. The agency has also noted that only 18.5% of respondents said they are seriously following election news.

This lack of engagement has created a strange situation in recent weeks. To boost voter turnout, the Iranian leadership and its approved candidates are using social media to try to engage with Iranians – despite the fact all major Western social media platforms have been blocked in the country.

So, how is this working?

The Iranian government has blocked Western platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, Facebook, WhatsApp and Telegram because of the potential they could be used during protests to fuel greater unrest.

However, around 80% of people use Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) to get around the restrictions.

Many Iranian officials themselves are also active on these restricted platforms. For instance, Hossein Dalirian, spokesman for Iran’s National Cyberspace Center, a body at the core of internet censorship in Iran, tweeted recently:

I suggest that all six candidates use this [cyber] space to present their plans.

Meanwhile, the official news agency, IRNA, has advocated for increased online activity, emphasising the fact there are “31 million active [Iranian] users” on Instagram. It also reported that “lethargy” has resulted in insufficient engagement with election news on social media, in particular Instagram.

What are the candidates saying?

Amid the growing government concerns over electoral engagement, some of the candidates have significantly boosted their presence on the blocked platforms to try to reach everyday Iranians. The table below shows how many posts the six candidates have put on X from June 10–23:



Most of these candidates have previously supported internet censorship, highlighting the paradox in their campaign strategies. For instance, in February, Jalili advocated for more stringent internet restrictions, warning that without bold action, “the country will face damage”.

Yet, the campaigns are now strategically using social media to highlight issues likely to resonate with younger voters.

For instance, all of them have voiced their opposition to the morality police’s enforcement of women wearing the hijab in public. They have also positioned themselves, hypocritically, as champions of internet freedom.

Jalili, for example, has tweeted his “admiration for active users of cyberspace” and has described online platforms as a “valuable opportunity that should not be left behind”.

The reformist candidate, Pezeshkian, has promised to “free the internet” and “stand against censorship”, while being mindful to toe the line and maintain allegiance to the Supreme Leader.

He has also condemned the use of “violence” against women without a hijab.

Similarly, Ghalibaf has been so bold as to state internet censorship is unjustifiable given that “VPN usage has reached 67%”. (It was not clear where his statistic came from.)

Is this online engagement working?

These statements reveal a calculated effort to appeal to the youth and the broader public’s growing demand for social and political change. Beyond the official accounts of the candidates, an extensive network of supporters are also promoting their narratives on X, Instagram and Telegram.

However, despite these efforts, public engagement has reportedly remained low. A Tehran-based data analytics company reported on June 23 that, less than a week before the election, online public engagement is “very far” from creating a vibrant electoral atmosphere.

This persistently low engagement suggests voter turnout will remain a significant challenge for the clerical establishment. Under these conditions, a reported high voter turnout on Friday would either be an astonishing development or a fabricated claim.

Amin Naeni does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Social media platforms are blocked in Iran. Candidates in this week’s presidential election are embracing them anyway – https://theconversation.com/social-media-platforms-are-blocked-in-iran-candidates-in-this-weeks-presidential-election-are-embracing-them-anyway-232717

Julian Assange was isolated for more than a decade. Here’s what that does to the body and mind

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carol Maher, Professor, Medical Research Future Fund Emerging Leader, University of South Australia

Anyone who lived through the COVID pandemic would likely understand that even a small period of isolation can cause physical and mental stress.

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange – who will return to Australia after reaching a plea deal with the US Department of Justice – is reported to have suffered various mental and physical challenges during his almost 15 years in some form of isolation.

Assange was first arrested in Britain in 2010 after Swedish authorities said they wanted to question him over sex crime allegations.

After exhausting legal avenues to stop an extradition to Sweden, in June 2012 he entered Ecuador’s embassy in London, where he remained for seven years.

In early 2019, he was jailed for skipping bail and held at London’s Belmarsh prison where he spent most of the following five years fighting extradition to the US. Now, he’s coming home.

While we have no idea how Assange is coping from being cooped up inside for so long with few visitors, we do know that isolation can have a severe negative impact on many people.

How physical inactivity impacts your body

Physical activity is vital for overall health. It keeps your heart strong, helps manage weight, and builds muscle and bone strength.

Regular exercise also lifts your mood, reducing symptoms of depression and anxiety, and sharpens your mind. Plus, it boosts your immune system, making you more resistant to infections and diseases.

When you don’t move enough, especially in isolation, your health can take a hit. Muscles weaken and joints stiffen, making you less strong and flexible.

Your heart health suffers, too, raising the risk of high blood pressure, heart attacks and strokes because your heart isn’t getting the workout it needs.

Metabolic issues such as obesity and type 2 diabetes become more common with inactivity, especially if you don’t have access to healthy food.

Isolation often means less fresh air and sunlight, both crucial for good health. Poor ventilation can lead to respiratory problems. Lack of sunlight can cause vitamin D deficiency, weakening bones and the immune system, and increasing the risk of fractures.

These effects fit with the reports that Assange suffered a mini-stroke in 2021 and a broken rib from persistent coughing fits while in isolation.

What about mental health?

Social disconnection comes in two main forms, both of which have serious consequences for our mental health.

The first is social isolation. The reasons for being isolated are many and varied, including geographical distance, lack of access to transport, or incarceration.

The end result is the same: you have few relationships, social roles or group memberships, and limited social interaction.

The second form of social disconnection is more invisible but just as harmful.

Loneliness is that subjective, unpleasant feeling of wanting but lacking satisfying relationships with others.

You can be isolated and not feel lonely, but the two are often unwelcome bedfellows.

Social connection is not a luxury. It’s a fundamental need, as essential to our health as food and water.

Just as hunger reminds us to eat, loneliness acts as a signal alerting us that our social relationships are weak and need to be improved if we are to remain healthy.

The science around the health impacts of social disconnection is clear, especially when it is prolonged. So much so, the World Health Organization recently launched a Commission on Social Connection to increase awareness of the impact of social isolation and loneliness on health and have it recognised as a global health priority.

Substantial evidence shows social isolation and loneliness are linked to poorer cognitive functioning and an increased risk of dementia, though possibly in different ways.

Among adults aged 50 years and over, chronic (meaning persistent and severe) loneliness and social isolation may increase the risk of dementia by around 50%.

A lack of cognitive stimulation that naturally occurs when interacting with others, whether it’s old friends or strangers, might explain the link between social isolation and cognitive difficulties (think “use it or lose it”).

On the other hand, loneliness may impact cognitive health through its effects on emotional wellbeing. It’s a well-known risk factor for developing depression, anxiety and suicidality.

For instance, studies show the chances of developing depression in adults is more than double in people who often feel lonely, compared with those who rarely or never feel lonely.

Other research examining 500,000 middle-aged adults over nine years showed living alone doubled the risk of dying by suicide for men, while loneliness increased the risk of hospitalisation for self-harm in both men and women.

In a 2023 report, the US Surgeon General’s advisory concluded:

Given the totality of the evidence, social connection may be one of the strongest protective factors against self-harm and suicide among people with and without serious underlying mental health challenges.

What about after release?

When a person leaves long-term isolation, they’ll face many challenges as they re-enter society.

The world will have changed. There’s a lot to catch up on, from technological advancements to shifts in social norms.

In addition to these broader changes, there’s a need to focus on rebuilding physical and mental health. Health issues that developed during isolation can persist or worsen. A weakened immune system might struggle with new infections in a post-COVID world.

To navigate this transition, it’s important to establish a routine that includes regular exercise, nutritious meals and comprehensive medical and psychological care.

Gradually increasing social interactions can also help in rebuilding relationships and social connections. These steps are supportive in restoring overall health and wellbeing in a changed world.

Carol Maher receives funding from the Medical Research Future Fund, the National Health and Medical Research Council, the National Heart Foundation, the Channel 7 Children’s Research Foundation, the SA Department for Education, the SA Office for Early Child Development, Preventive Health SA, the SA Department for Innovation and Skills, the SA Office for Recreation, Sport and Racing, Healthway, Hunter New England Local Health District, the Central Adelaide Local Health Network, LeapForward, EML, and the 15 Minute Challenge.

Johanna Badcock is a co-founder and board member of the Global Initiative on Loneliness and Connection. She receives consultancy fees from National Institutes of Health. She is affiliated with The University of Western Australia.

ref. Julian Assange was isolated for more than a decade. Here’s what that does to the body and mind – https://theconversation.com/julian-assange-was-isolated-for-more-than-a-decade-heres-what-that-does-to-the-body-and-mind-233214

Australia’s inflation rate jumps to 4%, putting an RBA rate rise back on the agenda

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Isaac Gross, Lecturer in Economics, Monash University

A key measure of inflation has jumped, climbing to 4% in May after edging up from a recent low of 3.4% in February.

The Bureau of Statistics monthly consumer price indicator produced an annual inflation rate of 3.6% in April. This was the same as the longer-established Bureau of Statistics quarterly measure, which produced 3.6% in March.

The upward turn suggests the Reserve Bank will have to revisit the case for an interest rate hike when it meets next in early August.

At that meeting, it will also have before it the monthly and the quarterly figures for June, which will be released in late July.



The most significant contributors to the annual increase were housing, food and non-alcoholic beverages, transport, and alcohol and tobacco.

These are the industries that have been grappling with elevated costs, reflecting broader global supply chain disruptions and domestic market dynamics, especially those related to housing.

The Reserve Bank has kept its cash rate on hold since November despite inflation remaining a good deal above its 2–3% target band.

Adding to pressure on the board to increase rates once again will be Australia’s resilient labour market, which continues to record historically low unemployment.

Is it as bad as it sounds?

The answer is no, and yes. While the annual headline inflation rate did jump to 4%, part of the jump was due to what economists call “base effects”.

When today’s figures for May 2024 arrived, the figure for May 2023 dropped out of the annual calculation. That figure was particularly low (prices fell by 0.42% that month), making an increase in the measured annual rate published today all but inevitable.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers noted today that the monthly index actually “edged down” in May, falling 0.1%.

But to get an accurate read, it is best to focus on an “underlying” measure that tries to adjust for noisy month-to-month jumps.

Andrew Lilley, an economist at Barrenjoey, believes the best underlying measure is one that adjusts for seasonal differences and excludes the price of travel and some other volatile purchases.

This underlying rate of inflation has remained consistently above 4% over the past year, well above the Reserve Bank’s inflation target.



But, ultimately, the most important word in the bureau’s description of its monthly consumer price index indicator is “indicator”.

The monthly indicator isn’t an official figure in the same way as the quarterly consumer price index, which is used in contracts and displayed in big print at the top of the Reserve Bank’s website.

The monthly indicator measures only about 70% of the prices used to produce the quarterly index.

It is the official quarterly index that will guide the Reserve Bank in its decision about whether or not to increase interest rates.

It’ll get it in the last week of July.

Isaac Gross does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Australia’s inflation rate jumps to 4%, putting an RBA rate rise back on the agenda – https://theconversation.com/australias-inflation-rate-jumps-to-4-putting-an-rba-rate-rise-back-on-the-agenda-233331

New drone imagery reveals 97% of coral dead at a Lizard Island reef after last summer’s mass bleaching

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jane Williamson, Professor in Marine Fisheries Ecology, Macquarie University

Author provided

Last summer, the Great Barrier Reef suffered its worst mass coral bleaching event. Our new data show the devastating damage the bleaching caused to a reef at Lizard Island – a finding that does not bode well for the rest of the natural wonder.

A colleague collected drone imagery from Lizard Island’s North Point Reef in March this year, and we replicated his image collection this month. The results show more than 97% of bleached corals on North Point Reef are now dead.

This is the first quantitative assessment of coral mortality from the last mass bleaching event. We don’t know how much coral died beyond this reef. But we do know that, according to other aerial surveys, almost one-third of the Great Barrier Reef experienced “very high” and “extreme” levels of coral bleaching last summer.

Clearly, if Australia wants to maintain the world-heritage status of the Great Barrier Reef – indeed, if it wants to preserve the reef at all – we must act now to prevent more coral deaths.

Two women in blue shorts watch a drone
The researchers flew drones low over a reef near Lizard Island.
Harriet Sparks/Grumpy Turtle Creative

Measuring the damage

Bleaching occurs when corals expel algae from their tissues into surrounding waters, usually due to heat stress. It leaves the coral white, starved and more susceptible to disease. Some coral die immediately. Others may recover if conditions become more benign.

The Great Barrier Reef has experienced five mass bleaching events in the last decade – the most recent in March this year. It was the most severe and widespread mass bleaching event ever recorded there. The tragedy was part of the world’s fourth global coral bleaching event. That declaration was based on significant bleaching in both hemispheres of each ocean basin due to extensive ocean heat stress.

Not all bleached coral will die – it can bounce back. We wanted to find out how many corals affected by the March bleaching event were still alive three months later.

In March, George Roff at the CSIRO documented North Point Reef at Lizard Island using drone imagery. We replicated his imagery in June by also flying drones over the reef. We then snorkelled over the area to observe the situation first-hand.

The drones flew at an altitude of about 20 metres altitude and collected imagery at set times. We then joined the images into two large maps of the reef – one for March and one for June.

The first map showed corals were bleached or “fluorescing” – appearing brightly coloured as they released algae. The June map showed more than 97% of the same corals had died.

Four experts independently assessed the state of each coral in set areas on North Point Reef. This allows us to present our results at North Point with high certainty.

Looking ahead

The Australian Institute of Marine Science will reportedly release its annual report on coral reef conditions later this year. This week, UNESCO expressed “utmost concern” at mass coral bleaching and called on Australia to make public the extent of coral death “as soon as possible”.

Our data suggest an immediate action plan is needed to assess the extent of coral mortality on the Great Barrier Reef. It should include using remote sensing technologies, such as aerial drones and underwater remotely operated vehicles, to efficiently survey large areas. Both methods can provide standardised data and images of reefs, from shallow to deeper areas, which provide baseline data for future research.

Importantly, these data must be made accessible to those who wish to use it. Many scientists, tourists and commercial operators also collect data on the reef, and making all data freely available will help improve and update our understanding of reef health. This will ultimately lead to better decision-making.

We currently have more data than ever before about the Great Barrier Reef – and we need better systems to support open science. And if we are serious about maintaining reef health, Australians must take out international climate commitments seriously, and move quickly to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The Conversation

Jane Williamson receives funding from The Great Barrier Reef Foundation for the Sea Cucumber Monitoring Project, as part of the Reef 2050 Integrated Monitoring and Report Program (RIMReP).

Karen Joyce receives funding from the Great Barrier Reef Foundation as part of the Reef 2050 Integrated Monitoring and Report Program (RIMReP). She is the co-founder of GeoNadir, where the drone mapping data have been processed, analyzed, and shared.

Vincent Raoult receives funding from the Great Barrier Reef Foundation as part of the Reef 2050 Integrated Monitoring and Report Program (RIMReP).

ref. New drone imagery reveals 97% of coral dead at a Lizard Island reef after last summer’s mass bleaching – https://theconversation.com/new-drone-imagery-reveals-97-of-coral-dead-at-a-lizard-island-reef-after-last-summers-mass-bleaching-233325

How fear of missing out can lead to you paying more when buying a home

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Park Thaichon, Associate Professor of Marketing, University of Southern Queensland

The property market is a competitive space where finding a nice home, in the area you want, at a price you can afford is a hard ask.

With buyers outnumbering available properties, the pressure is even greater causing some would-be buyers to develop a fear of missing out (FOMO) and to make irrational decisions.

FOMO might make you worry others are finding nicer homes and getting better deals, or that prices will rise to the point where you are priced out of the market altogether. This could cause you to pay too much or to buy a property in an area unsuitable for your needs.

Then there is fear of making a mistake (FOMM), which can also cause problems if you’re a home hunter. You might be reluctant to bid or to negotiate because you are afraid of choosing the wrong property or paying more than it’s worth.

Problems caused by FOMO and FOMM

The principles of contagion theory, crowd psychology and the scarcity principle we identified in our research on panic-buying during the pandemic, can be applied to any purchasing decisions. In this instance we applied them to buying properties in a competitive housing market.

Contagion theory applies when people act irrationally under the influence of a crowd. Crowd psychology is similar but relates to how a crowd behaves in certain circumstances, while scarcity principle is the idea if there are fewer items available, their value increases.

Each of these can increase the likelihood of several behaviours when purchasing a property. These include:

Underbidding and overbidding

Fearing other buyers might get the house, house hunters might get caught up in a bidding war and end up paying more than planned. Conversely, buyers with FOMM might fear spending too much so bid too low to start with and risk losing the house.

Following the crowd and peer pressure influence

Buyers might feel pressured to buy in a certain area because it’s popular, even if it is not best fit for them. This can lead to paying more for a house just because others are doing the same.

Delaying decisions

FOMM can lead to taking too long to decide. This delay can mean missing out on good deals or being forced to rush into a decision and end up overpaying.

Avoiding negotiation

Some buyers might avoid negotiating the price or special conditions such as building and pest inspections and finance approval because they fear the seller will reject their offer. This can result in paying more than they need to if there are problems later.

Excessive inspections and appraisals

While inspections and appraisals are important, too many can suggest indecisiveness driven by fear, resulting in wasted money on unnecessary assessments, and more importantly, wasted time and delayed decisions.

Removing fear from the buying process

Start with thorough research and preparation by learning about different neighbourhoods and house prices. The history of properties and suburbs can be found for free on property websites and is a good place to start.

Seek professional guidance from real estate agents or financial advisers to help you through the process.

Get insights on market trends from an agent from a selling company or bank to help find homes that meet your criteria. Keep in mind these agents will get some form of incentive from your purchase.

All the big banks or loan officers can provide free property reports on specific properties or suburbs.

Don’t forget to check council mapping and water authority documents to check for potential future road projects and other developments and for an area’s flood rating.

Perform due diligence by thoroughly inspecting properties and reviewing contracts to ensure they meet your needs and are a good investment.

Carefully check the contract before purchasing.
fizkes/Shutterstock

For example, it is a good idea to hire a home inspector to check for any hidden issues before making an offer.

Another common mistake made by most buyers is not asking their solicitor to check and give suggestions before signing a contract or offer.

A solicitor can check the sale contract before you sign, review the disclosure documents, give advice on your mortgage contract, carry out title searches and explain the results and explain how the purchase may affect your liability for land tax.

Do some contingency planning by preparing for unexpected price increases and for the presence of other strong bidders to reduce anxiety about making the wrong decision. Setting aside extra funds could help deal with higher than expected prices or unexpected repairs that need doing.

In the end, plan well and make decisions without letting emotions take over. Taking your time to find the right home that fits your budget and goals, rather than rushing into a purchase due to fear of missing out or making a mistake.

Park Thaichon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How fear of missing out can lead to you paying more when buying a home – https://theconversation.com/how-fear-of-missing-out-can-lead-to-you-paying-more-when-buying-a-home-233197

I’ve been diagnosed with cancer. How do I tell my children?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cassy Dittman, Senior Lecturer/Head of Course (Undergraduate Psychology), Research Fellow, Manna Institute, CQUniversity Australia

Benjamin Manley/Unsplash

With around one in 50 adults diagnosed with cancer each year, many people are faced with the difficult task of sharing the news of their diagnosis with their loved ones. Parents with cancer may be most worried about telling their children.

It’s best to give children factual and age-appropriate information, so children don’t create their own explanations or blame themselves. Over time, supportive family relationships and open communication help children adjust to their parent’s diagnosis and treatment.

It’s natural to feel you don’t have the skills or knowledge to talk with your children about cancer. But preparing for the conversation can improve your confidence.

Preparing for the conversation

Choose a suitable time and location in a place where your children feel comfortable. Turn off distractions such as screens and phones.

For teenagers, who can find face-to-face conversations confronting, think about talking while you are going for a walk.

Consider if you will tell all children at once or separately. Will you be the only adult present, or will having another adult close to your child be helpful? Another adult might give your children a person they can talk to later, especially to answer questions they might be worried about asking you.

Two sisters
Choose the time and location when your children feel comfortable.
Craig Adderley/Pexels

Finally, plan what to do after the conversation, like doing an activity with them that they enjoy. Older children and teenagers might want some time alone to digest the news, but you can suggest things you know they like to do to relax.

Also consider what you might need to support yourself.

Preparing the words

Parents might be worried about the best words or language to use to make sure the explanations are at a level their child understands. Make a plan for what you will say and take notes to stay on track.

The toughest part is likely to be saying to your children that you have cancer. It can help to practise saying those words out aloud.

Ask family and friends for their feedback on what you want to say. Make use of guides by the Cancer Council, which provide age-appropriate wording for explaining medical terms like “cancer”, “chemotherapy” and “tumour”.

Having the conversation

Being open, honest and factual is important. Consider the balance between being too vague, and providing too much information. The amount and type of information you give will be based on their age and previous experiences with illness.

Remember, if things don’t go as planned, you can always try again later.

Start by telling your children the news in a few short sentences, describing what you know about the diagnosis in language suitable for their age. Generally, this information will include the name of the cancer, the area of the body affected and what will be involved in treatment.

Let them know what to expect in the coming weeks and months. Balance hope with reality. For example:

The doctors will do everything they can to help me get well. But, it is going to be a long road and the treatments will make me quite sick.

Check what your child knows about cancer. Young children may not know much about cancer, while primary school-aged children are starting to understand that it is a serious illness. Young children may worry about becoming unwell themselves, or other loved ones becoming sick.

Child hiding in cushions
Young children might worry about other loved ones becoming sick.
Pixabay/Pexels

Older children and teenagers may have experiences with cancer through other family members, friends at school or social media.

This process allows you to correct any misconceptions and provides opportunities for them to ask questions. Regardless of their level of knowledge, it is important to reassure them that the cancer is not their fault.

Ask them if there is anything they want to know or say. Talk to them about what will stay the same as well as what may change. For example:

You can still do gymnastics, but sometimes Kate’s mum will have to pick you up if I am having treatment.

If you can’t answer their questions, be OK with saying “I’m not sure”, or “I will try to find out”.

Finally, tell children you love them and offer them comfort.

How might they respond?

Be prepared for a range of different responses. Some might be distressed and cry, others might be angry, and some might not seem upset at all. This might be due to shock, or a sign they need time to process the news. It also might mean they are trying to be brave because they don’t want to upset you.

Children’s reactions will change over time as they come to terms with the news and process the information. They might seem like they are happy and coping well, then be teary and clingy, or angry and irritable.

Older children and teenagers may ask if they can tell their friends and family about what is happening. It may be useful to come together as a family to discuss how to inform friends and family.

What’s next?

Consider the conversation the first of many ongoing discussions. Let children know they can talk to you and ask questions.

Resources might also help; for example, The Cancer Council’s app for children and teenagers and Redkite’s library of free books for families affected by cancer.

If you or other adults involved in the children’s lives are concerned about how they are coping, speak to your GP or treating specialist about options for psychological support.

The Conversation

Cassy Dittman receives funding from the Commonwealth-funded Manna Institute, which aims to improve place-based mental health research for regional, rural and remote Australia. She holds an Honorary Senior Research Fellowship with the Parenting and Family Support Centre, which is partly funded by royalties stemming from published resources of the Triple P – Positive Parenting Program, which is developed and owned by The University of Queensland (UQ). Royalties are also distributed to the Faculty of Health and Behavioral Sciences at UQ and contributory authors of published Triple P resources. Triple P International (TPI) Pty Ltd is a private company licensed by UniQuest Pty Ltd on behalf of UQ, to publish and disseminate Triple P worldwide. Cassy Dittman has no share or ownership of TPI, however as an author on Triple P Programs, she receives royalties from TPI.

Govind Krishnamoorthy receives funding from the Manna Institute, funded by a Commonwealth grant under the Regional Research Collaboration program. He has also received funding from Rotary Health Australia for research on mental health interventions for children in schools. Govind is a member of the Australian Psychological Society (MAPS) and a fellow of the APS College of Clinical Psychologists.

Marg Rogers receives research funding from the Manna Institute, funded by a Commonwealth grant under the Regional Research Collaboration program.

ref. I’ve been diagnosed with cancer. How do I tell my children? – https://theconversation.com/ive-been-diagnosed-with-cancer-how-do-i-tell-my-children-228012

NZ’s government wants to kick-start a mining boom – but they’re unlikely to hit paydirt

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Glenn Banks, Professor of Geography, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University

Minister of Resources and of Regional Development Shane Jones has been busy boosting the prospects of an expanded mining and oil industry in Aotearoa New Zealand. A new mining policy is “long overdue”, he has said, and will counter the country’s “excessive levels of environmental protection”.

Alongside his more colourful statements – that blind, endangered frogs might be sacrificed for exploration or mining developments – Jones has proposed amendments to the Crown Minerals Act and developed a new draft minerals strategy that is currently out for consultation.

The new strategy aims for ten significant new mining operations by 2045 and a doubling of export value (to NZ$2 billion). The strategy also calls for prioritising economic gain and regional development over environmental protections.

A list of “critical minerals” for exploration is being drafted, positioned as part of the “energy transition” made possible by green technologies. Given these bold claims, we need to be looking at what the evidence tells us is happening, and likely to happen in future.

The green transition conundrum

New Zealand’s ability to contribute to the green energy transition faces serious obstacles. According to the petroleum and minerals online database, only 15 out of 51 applications for new permits for mining or exploration in 2024 (to June) are not for gold.

Aside from permitting for aggregates such as roads and concrete, the few remaining applications are broadly speculative exploration and prospecting applications. These involve a long list of minerals (including gold), most of which are not critical to any green transition.

In fact, the minerals required in the largest volumes for this green transition are still iron ore, copper, nickel and bauxite – none of which we have in Aotearoa in significant quantities.

Costs and benefits

Leaving aside arguments in favour of mining for the greater good, then, what of the claims about generating jobs, business and taxes? Here the evidence that mining contributes to significant community gains or the national coffers is weak.

Ten years ago, when a previous National government proposed expanding mining access to conservation lands, economist Geoff Bertram showed the benefits were likely to be limited.

He argued that

the very high depreciation share in gold and silver [mining] implies low company income tax [and] income tax and royalties combined were only 4.4% of total output and 8.3% of value added for gold and silver mining, about 25% of net operating surplus.

Bertram also noted the sector was, as a whole, not a strong employment or income generator. Gold mining was the weakest on this score.

Part of the problem lies in the known variability and volatility of mineral commodity prices. This can either mean economic projections for new mining are too optimistic, or that returns will increase anyway due to market trends.

The price of gold has gone up by 81% (in New Zealand dollar terms) over the past five years, for example. If that continues, even current levels of gold production will double in value by 2035.

Furthermore, a mine of any kind is not an automatic panacea for a community’s economic woes. Waihi – a centre for gold mining in Aotearoa New Zealand for more than a century – lies in the Hauraki district which has some of the highest measures of socioeconomic deprivation in the Waikato region.

In this context, doubling of the value of exports by 2030 means little in an industry where commodity values fluctuate dramatically, and where the returns to local and national economies are typically a small fraction of the value of any mineral extracted.

Midas in Aotearoa

In 2022, to address what we saw as a disconnect between the rhetoric of the mining industry and the practices of many companies, a colleague and I proposed seven key behaviours a mining sector committed to sustainable development needs to adopt.

These included:

  • recognising limits to where they should operate

  • admitting rather than concealing faults

  • accepting and respecting external regulation

  • promoting transparency and independent monitoring

  • adopting cleaner production technologies and processes

  • embrace recycling

  • and paying its way as a sector.

The final point is directly relevant to the current debate. We noted that while there is no “consistent line on what constitutes a ‘fair’ level of taxation […] the global industry has acquired a bad reputation for its handling of tax, royalties and transfer pricing”.

There is no evidence of real corruption within New Zealand’s mining sector. But as Geoff Bertram’s work showed, the state capturing just 4.4% of the value of minerals extracted would not be regarded as “fair” by most people.

As we also made clear in our manifesto, society needs mining, and mining itself is not inherently or necessarily rapacious. There are responsible operators, including New Zealand’s largest gold producer, OceanaGold, which has generally operated to global standards of transparency and environmental management.

But globally, risk is inherent to the sector. And risk tends to attract “cowboys”.
Anyone seduced, Midas-like, by stories of huge resources and wealth under Aotearoa New Zealand’s soil risks ending up as unhappy as the allegorical king.

The Conversation

Glenn Banks was, for a period of time, on the short-lived OceanaGold Advisory Group.

ref. NZ’s government wants to kick-start a mining boom – but they’re unlikely to hit paydirt – https://theconversation.com/nzs-government-wants-to-kick-start-a-mining-boom-but-theyre-unlikely-to-hit-paydirt-232482