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ABC’s new comedy Austin grapples with autism stereotypes – with mixed success

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Beth Radulski, Manager, Neurodiversity Inclusion, La Trobe University

ABC

ABC’s new comedy series Austin follows its 28-year-old namesake (played by autistic actor Michael Theo, from the reality dating series Love on the Spectrum), an autistic man connecting for the first time with his biological father, Julian (Ben Miller).

Julian is married with his own family in London, while Austin lives in Canberra. When they connect, Austin must navigate his complex role as an extramarital child, while Julian’s family must adapt to having a young autistic man in their lives – all while Julian, a prominent author, battles a public relations scandal.

Austin is a unique show in its depiction of autism and neurodiversity. Its first season differs drastically between its first and second halves: challenging both Austin’s family, and the audience, to confront, and then reconsider their assumptions about autistic people.

The comedy in autism

In recent years, some stereotypical representations of autism in the media and pop culture have generated controversy.

The autistic community has often raised concerns about the predominance of autistic characters who are straight, white, cis-gendered, socially awkward men.

Austin possesses many traits frequently used in depictions of these white male autistic characters. He is extremely literal, often misses sarcasm, and is direct to the point of being brutally honest. He is so rule-bound that running three minutes late is considered a moral failing. His engagement with cultural norms is often mismatched with the context, wearing a full suit and tie to a dinner at home.

Julian, Ingrid and Austin at a cafe.
Austin is extremely literal, often misses sarcasm, and is direct to the point of being brutally honest.
ABC

These traits will undoubtedly resonate for many autistic people. In several scenes, autistic behaviours are used for comedic effect. But as an autistic viewer myself, at times I felt included in the joke, while others, I felt I was the joke.

In one scene that stands out as particularly infantilising, Austin attempts to assert his independence by telling his mother, Mel (Gia Carides), that their pet guinea pig is loose in the house. An (obviously) plush guinea pig then appears, pulled by a string. Austin picks up the toy and proudly exclaims:

I am perfectly able to deal with the situation […] without any outside assistance. I guess that’s where I am now in life: able to stand on my own two feet and deal with adversity alone.

While Austin is well into adulthood, his family often express concerns he is incapable of independence and requires constant adult oversight. Austin’s mother uses a phone app to track his whereabouts; when Austin joins his biological father on a trip to England, his mother and grandfather Bill (Roy Billing) secretly follow him.

Austin on a British street, writing in a notebook.
While Austin is well into adulthood, his family often express concerns he is incapable of independence.
ABC

Austin is repeatedly referred to as “vulnerable”, without context or examples of how social attitudes and inequities generate this vulnerability. Autistic people are at far greater risk of bullying, sexual assault and victimisation. Austin doesn’t fully explore these issues: they are often overlooked in service of the humour. The show could benefit from a deeper understanding.

Finding its stride

Austin’s primary limitation rests on its limited representation of the autistic community’s diversity and priorities in relation to advancing social inequity.

Issues like masking and camouflaging are depicted positively, but their complexity, and the difficulties which come along with these behaviours, are never discussed, unlike in shows like Heartbreak High.

Having said this, Austin has several strengths. By using stereotypes in early episodes, later episodes challenge both the family’s, and the audience’s, reliance upon these stereotypes.

Although Austin’s family presumes he will not cope well with surprises, Austin is thrilled to receive a last-minute ticket to England with his father. While Austin’s mother is convinced he cannot function independently, he successfully traverses the streets of London without a family member present. Throughout this journey, Austin meets a (presumably neurotypical) woman, Lucy (Boni Adeliyi), in London, and is successful in befriending her and developing a shared romantic interest.

Lucy and Austin walk down a London street.
By the second half of the season, the show begins to confront some stereotypes.
ABC

The show also avoids a common pitfall by avoiding the trope of an autistic person as a burden. This trope is acknowledged through a storyline where Julian is encouraged to participate in filming a documentary, pitched as an opportunity to recover from his public relations scandal. When Julian advises his manager and agent Austin is autistic, they both exchange looks of excitement: it is implied Julian will appear to be a heroic, selfless individual for connecting with his autistic son.

The humour is found not in autism itself, but in Julian’s saviour complex. This storyline not only problematises the representation of autism as a burden, but also pushes back against the neurotypical saviour trope, by openly portraying it as problematic.

While there is room to progress further in some areas, there are many steps in the right direction, and a great foundation laid for growth in season two.

Austin is now streaming on ABC iView.

The Conversation

Beth Radulski receives funding from La Trobe University.

ref. ABC’s new comedy Austin grapples with autism stereotypes – with mixed success – https://theconversation.com/abcs-new-comedy-austin-grapples-with-autism-stereotypes-with-mixed-success-231811

Three-quarters of Australian workers think now is a good time to change jobs. This is what managers can do better to keep them

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Libby (Elizabeth) Sander, MBA Director & Assistant Professor of Organisational Behaviour, Bond Business School, Bond University

Kaspars Grinvalds/Shutterstock

Australian workers are more likely than those elsewhere to be planning to change jobs, with 74% reporting now is a good time to look for a new position, compared to 52% globally.

In addition, only 25% of workers report feeling engaged or committed to their company’s goals, according to the Gallup State of the Global Workplace 2024 report released on Wednesday.

While engagement is up on the last report, 48% of Australian workers experienced a lot of stress, perhaps explaining the high numbers seeking new jobs.

High levels of bullying, harassment or discrimination, as reported by one in two workers in 2023, are also likely to be a contributing factor.

Why engagement matters

Engagement levels trended upward globally for several years, reaching a record high in 2021 before dropping in 2022 when the pandemic took hold.

When employees are engaged, they bring all aspects of themselves, cognitively, emotionally and physically to work. Engaged employees are likely to find work meaningful and to feel connected to their team, manager and employer.

Research has shown autonomy, work variety and significance, coaching and feedback, opportunities for growth, social support and supportive coworkers improve engagement.

These factors are valuable resources, which become even more important when job demands are high, such as during the pandemic when many employees reported longer hours, higher workloads and increased dissatisfaction.

Without these, engagement can suffer, which, the Gallup report warns, has the potential to cost Australian companies more than A$220 billion annually, equating to 9% of the nation’s GDP.

What can be done?

Gallup’s research found managers or team leaders alone account for 70% of the variance in team engagement.

This is why clear effective leadership is necessary to reduce job dissatisfaction, disengagement and burnout.

While how we work and where we work has changed dramatically since the pandemic, approaches to leadership have been slower to adapt.

Research shows this kind of outdated “zombie leadership” harms individuals, teams and organisations.

The idea that managers must be able to see their employees in the office to know they are working is an example of this.

Autonomy is important

Given autonomy is a key factor in job satisfaction and commitment, leaders need to be willing to update old leadership styles to get the best from workers.

Work follows us everywhere now, and with more people working from home some of the time, being able to switch off is vital for recovery. However, leaders need to model this behaviour.

Managers need to show workers the importance of switching off by setting an example.
MNStudio/Shutterstock

Recent research showed when leaders engaged in pleasurable post-work activities, their next day mood was significantly better. This resulted in better employee performance and creativity.

A separate survey showed 90% of employees said having their manager show more empathy would make a positive difference to their work life.

Wellbeing and mental health

In addition to 48% of Australian employees reporting significant stress, 15% reported feeling angry a lot of the day and 19% said they felt sadness for a prolonged period the previous day.

In a separate survey of more than 1,000 workers, 87% reported burnout in the past 12 months. This figure has not changed in the last three years.

The survey also found Australians wanted their company to create a better work-life balance (38%), for more people to be hired to get the team’s work done (28%) and for more flexible work arrangements (26%).

Organisations must also provide opportunities for growth and development, meaningful work, and fair pay and benefits.

And finally, company culture plays a key role in employee satisfaction and engagement. More than one in four workers (26%) indicated a toxic work culture hurt their mental health.

The impact of best-practice initiatives is significant. Companies practising best-practice consistently achieved employee engagement levels more than triple the global average.

The Conversation

Libby (Elizabeth) Sander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Three-quarters of Australian workers think now is a good time to change jobs. This is what managers can do better to keep them – https://theconversation.com/three-quarters-of-australian-workers-think-now-is-a-good-time-to-change-jobs-this-is-what-managers-can-do-better-to-keep-them-232003

Coles has imposed limits on egg purchases – but is there actually a crisis?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Flavio Macau, Associate Dean – School of Business and Law, Edith Cowan University

Lin Xiu Xiu/Shutterstock

Australians are no strangers to a supply crunch. During the pandemic and its aftermath, there were shortages of all kinds of products, from AdBlue diesel exhaust fluid to frozen chips.

This week, many of us were perhaps worried to find ourselves in an eerily familiar situation when Coles limited egg purchases to two cartons per customer in all stores across the country except Western Australia.

The culprit? An outbreak of avian influenza or “bird flu” in Victoria, leading to culls impacting production at five poultry farms. Importantly, this outbreak was not caused by the aggressive H5N1 strain making headlines globally.

On top of that, the production of free-range eggs fluctuates seasonally anyway, and during winter months it can fall by about 20%. The timing of this latest outbreak likely raised concerns that not enough eggs would reach the shelves.

Currently, there is no particular reason for alarm in Australia. The purchase limits are quite modest and restricted to Coles at this stage. But it is important to understand what is happening, and how it differs from similar crises in the past and others currently occurring around the world.




Read more:
With all this bird flu around, how safe are eggs, chicken or milk?


We’ve been here before

Australia has experienced a number of short-lived outbreaks of bird flu since records began in the 1970s. The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry (DAFF) closely monitors the situation and oversees actions taken by states and territories to limit the spread.

Recent outbreaks occurred in both New South Wales (2012-13) and Victoria (2020-21). Hundreds of thousands of hens had to be culled to control the damage, costing millions each time – not to mention further costs incurred through lost production.

But Australia’s outbreaks are a far cry from the sheer scale of the crisis that has afflicted the United States since 2022.

According to the US Department of Agriculture, almost 6 million birds were affected in the last month alone.

Falling levels of egg production in the US drove egg prices to record highs in 2022, and prices are now rising again despite the industry’s mitigation measures.

But the situation isn’t necessarily unsalvageable.

In 2021, the UK faced its largest-ever bird flu outbreak. Control measures were effective, however, and ultimately enabled the country to declare itself free of the disease by March this year.

Is Australian egg production in real danger?

Geography can help mitigate risk. Data from Australian Eggs, a member-owned not-for-profit company, shows that egg production in Australia is spread out across the states. While New South Wales leads with about 34% of the supply, Queensland and Victoria are not far behind.

Most supply chains are local with limited commercial interconnection.



But this silo-ing doesn’t eliminate all risk, especially as the industry trends away from using scattered, smaller farms to highly efficient supply chains that rely on industrial scale.

Choice of production method can create its own challenges. Most eggs currently sold in Australian supermarkets are free-range. Free-range production means hens can roam freely and interact, and practice a range of healthy natural behaviours.

But free-range production levels are more prone to fluctuate with climate conditions (typically falling in winter), and it’s harder to control biosecurity.

free-range egg-laying chickens walk in a field
Free-range production is good for animal welfare, but has greater fluctuations in output.
Dewald Kirsten/Shutterstock

For example, failure to adequately drain waterlogged areas or puddles can create the conditions for contamination. These open areas are not entirely under farmers’ control. Free range means more exposure to natural risks, including diseases.

The current outbreak in Victoria will see hundreds of thousands of birds culled. But that doesn’t mean that farmers in other regions will rise to the challenge and increase their own bird numbers.

The fact it takes three weeks for eggs to hatch, plus 17 weeks for hens to begin laying, means any actions taken now wouldn’t affect egg supply for about five months, when summer is about to start. By then, sunnier and warmer days will likely see free-range egg production rise anyway.

What next?

Since the first detection of bird flu in May, a nationally agreed response plan has been put in place. This plan includes restricting the movement of poultry, poultry products, equipment and vehicles across designated restricted areas.

So far, the measures have been relatively effective. Coles’ decision to limit egg purchases is a precautionary move that may be more related to its own specific supply chain than a widespread drop in egg production. It also serves as a deterrent against panic buying, often triggered by empty shelves.

By springtime, as has happened before (and will again), the situation should return to normal. And Australians will have learned more about managing the fluctuations that have become the norm for eggs and so many other products.

The Conversation

Flavio Macau is affiliated with the Project Management Institute (PMI).

ref. Coles has imposed limits on egg purchases – but is there actually a crisis? – https://theconversation.com/coles-has-imposed-limits-on-egg-purchases-but-is-there-actually-a-crisis-232148

Police are frustrated with mental health callouts – here’s how to reduce their involvement and improve support

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katey Thom, Associate Professor in Law, Auckland University of Technology

Getty Images

Jurisdictions around the world are struggling with the growing number of police callouts to respond to people in mental health distress. New Zealand is no exception.

In the past five years, police callouts to mental health incidents have increased by 64% to 77,043.

Despite additional funding for 500 frontline officers in the latest budget, the situation is unlikely to get better.

Calls are growing for a different approach that provides a health-led response to all mental health events. However, uncertainty remains about what this could look like in practice.

Our research shows a shift to a trauma-informed support system could be a game changer. It has the potential to greatly reduce police involvement while improving support for individuals in distress.

The research involved academics from various universities across New Zealand collaborating with NZ Police and people who had experienced a police response while in mental distress.

We spoke with 28 individuals to listen to their experiences of interacting with the police. A specific focus was how police officers either helped or hindered them during times of mental distress.

Officer trying to calm down a person – the image doesn't show their faces.
Police respond to a growing number of calls to help people in mental health distress.
Getty Images

To better understand the reality for police in this context, we joined them on 53 shifts and spoke to 73 police officers. We also analysed the content of 70 emergency 111 calls coded as related to mental health.

The synthesised findings help us to identify how change could – and should – be considered and applied in New Zealand.

Chronic underfunding creates tensions for police

We found police are immensely frustrated by the chronic underfunding of mental health services. One police officer described how this leads to a self-fulfilling prophecy.

I think as police, we’re go-getters. We like being out there, going to jobs and helping people. So, in some respects, we may do ourselves a disservice because we know that no one else is there to help them.

However, our analysis of 111 calls suggests mental health or social service providers could lead most responses without the need for police.

This shift would require rethinking emergency responses to a mental health crisis and welfare checks police do regularly by stopping by a person’s home to make sure they are okay.

No calls in our sample were transferred to the Earlier Mental Health Response 24/7 triage line managed by Whakarongorau, the national telehealth service.

The minister for mental health, Matt Doocey, has proposed creating an easily accessible national point of contact for mental health alongside fire or ambulance services when calling 111. Our research shows this is worth considering.

Alternative approaches must recognise trauma

Regardless of any proposals, those who shared their stories with us identified prior trauma as the cause of their mental distress. They emphasised the vital importance of police being equipped to recognise that.

One participant, Ana, provided a strong message about what this would mean for police:

Remember that when you are talking to someone in distress, you are talking to all their trauma. The trauma of their parents, of their ancestors. In particular, Māori are still experiencing the impacts of colonisation and their inter-generational trauma. Shift from asking what is wrong with this person, to what has happened to this person. In doing that, you remove the judgment and allow this person to express their hurt.

While police often felt they needed more specialist training, the research identified a basic humanistic response was most important to the people they serve.

When police officers tried to connect, understand, show respect and genuine concern, and explain how they were helping, people described feeling less distressed. Their relationship with the police improved.

Criminalising mental distress

But not all engagements with police were positive. All participants expressed concern over the criminalisation – the use of handcuffs, cells, cars and dogs – of unwell individuals who had not committed any crimes.

Kelly vividly remembers the embarrassment and cumulative distress when police approached her in public:

The police came and stormed this bus, or that’s how it felt from my position on the floor, curled up in a ball. They handcuffed me and dragged me off the bus. And this was on one of the busiest roads in the city.

Experiences of criminalisation were intermingled with examples of biased, racist and discriminatory responses, including by police:

Sometimes, they will hear the whānau name and pre-judge that person and family, rather than appreciate the why behind the offending.

Some participants feared police engagements, including reporting crimes. This is concerning, given individuals who experience mental distress are especially vulnerable to victimisation.

Change required inside and outside of police

When police use a trauma-informed approach that includes basic humanistic qualities, they can minimise experiences of criminalisation and reduce retraumatisation.

Annie explained what this kind of policing meant to her:

The lady talked to me and asked me what had happened. We sat and talked. I felt as if I was a person. It wasn’t like I was a criminal or a non-person. They treated me like a person – not even a person who was unwell.

Any alternative approaches will likely still involve the police, even if this entails minimal involvement to create safety. Police must be confident in using a trauma-informed approach that emphasises humanistic engagement across all frontline policing.

The Conversation

Katey Thom received funding from The Royal Society of New Zealand Marsden Fund for this research.

Sarah Gordon received funding from The Royal Society of New Zealand Marsden Fund for this research.

ref. Police are frustrated with mental health callouts – here’s how to reduce their involvement and improve support – https://theconversation.com/police-are-frustrated-with-mental-health-callouts-heres-how-to-reduce-their-involvement-and-improve-support-230662

Should I get my child a baseline concussion test before they start junior sports?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Hellewell, Research Fellow, Faculty of Health Sciences, Curtin University, and The Perron Institute for Neurological and Translational Science, Curtin University

shutterstock Dziurek/Shutterstock

Concussions can occur in many different ways, but they are more likely to occur when playing fast-paced team sports like Australian football, rugby, netball, hockey and soccer.

Unlike many other injuries, recovery from concussion can look different for everyone.

Factors like age, biological sex and medical history can mean some people take longer to recover from a concussion.

Because the effects of concussion can be subtle and symptoms vary day to day, it can be difficult to make assessments of recovery.

Research is also increasingly showing the brain is still healing after “clinical recovery”, or the time by which concussion symptoms resolve.

For these reasons, objective tests can be helpful to understand brain recovery and guide decisions on returning to sport.

Which brings us to baseline concussion tests.

What is a baseline concussion test?

Baseline concussion tests capture a snapshot of an athlete’s brain function at the beginning of a season of play.

When performed in children before commencing sport, baseline concussion assessments tell us what the child’s performance is like prior to any concussion or nonconcussive injuries.

These tests can be carried out in children as young as five.

The benefit of baseline testing is it allows us to compare brain functioning at different stages.

If a child is playing junior sports, a baseline assessment before the start of the season can be a useful tool – if the child sustains a concussion, repeating the same tests lets us compare post-concussion results to the baseline assessment.

If the results are similar, it suggests a child has recovered well. But any differences show there are problems with the way the brain is working that need further attention.

What is the process?

Baseline concussion tests can take several forms but most include tests of cognitive function. These examine our ability to pay attention, plan actions, control our impulses, and retain memory in the short and longer term.

Tests can be performed with paper and pencil, on a computer or tablet, or a mix of both.

Other types of baseline concussion tests may assess balance, motor coordination and eye movement. Cognitive tests often take the form of games which can’t be easily remembered or memorised, making them suitable for repeated testing.

Baseline concussion tests are routinely used in many elite sports to understand injury recovery.

This information can be used to determine whether a player is ready to return to the sports field.

A baseline concussion test can play a role in athletes’ brain health.

For professional athletes, these tests can also be used to guide medical decisions about whether a player should retire due to ongoing problems from past concussions.

In these cases, a player’s repeated tests after concussion may be persistently different from their baseline, indicating they are having trouble with some aspect of their thinking, planning or understanding, which may worsen if another concussion is sustained.

It is important to note that most children who experience concussion will recover well, and will not experience long-term symptoms from their injury.

For this reason, baseline testing is not necessary in all cases. However, it can be a worthwhile investment as an additional source of information which may be useful later on if a concussion is experienced.

A drawback of baseline concussion testing is it requires a professionally trained person to administer the tests and understand and interpret the results. This means they can be expensive and require appointments, which may be difficult to schedule.

When should testing be done?

For those who do want to pursue baseline concussion testing, parents should first find out whether they are offered by their sporting club or school, if playing school sports.

If not available in these contexts, these tests are offered by many physiotherapists and neuropsychologists.

Baseline tests should be conducted in the pre-season before commencing sport and should be repeated each year regardless of whether a concussion has occurred.

If a child is concussed during the sports season, concussion tests should be conducted at least a week or two after the injury, when symptoms have mostly or fully resolved.

Regardless of whether baseline concussion testing is performed or not, the best thing for concussion recovery is to immediately remove the child from the sports field and keep them out of play until well after their concussion symptoms have resolved.

Following the Australian Concussion Guidelines for Youth and Community Sport and returning to competitive sport a minimum of two weeks after symptoms have resolved will allow the brain proper time to heal and give children the best chance of a full recovery.

The Conversation

Sarah Hellewell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Should I get my child a baseline concussion test before they start junior sports? – https://theconversation.com/should-i-get-my-child-a-baseline-concussion-test-before-they-start-junior-sports-230859

To-do list got you down? Understanding the psychology of goals can help tick things off – and keep you on track

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kim M Caudwell, Senior Lecturer – Psychology | Chair, Researchers in Behavioural Addictions, Alcohol and Drugs (BAAD), Charles Darwin University

New Africa/Shutterstock

It feels like we are living in busy times.

According to the OECD Better Life Index, 12.5% of Australians report working at least 50 hours a week, higher than the OECD average. Many Australians are also working more than one job to buffer against cost-of-living pressures.

Psychology has long been interested in our goals – our mental representations of desirable outcomes. Much of this research is on how we form, pursue and attain goals, plus how goals make us feel. Across studies, we see a consistent pattern of successful goal pursuit and wellbeing. So, having time to work toward our goals is important.

With this in mind, what is the best way to get things done – and how can we get better at achieving our goals, especially when we feel time poor?

Make a list

Most of us approach multiple goals with the age-old “to-do” list. First, you write down everything you need to do. Then you “check” or tick things off as you do them.

One reason to-do lists are useful is because we are more likely to remember things we haven’t completed, rather than things we have. This is known as the Zeigarnik effect.

While to-do lists are easy to write, they don’t always work. There are however various approaches for to-do lists that may improve their effectiveness.

Another thing to consider is the wide range of apps, tools and platforms that can make tasks more fun and outsource mental load. Adding elements of game play like point scoring or competition – called “gamification” – can help people work toward goals in educational and work settings. Similarly, app-based reminders can help people reach physical rehabilitation goals and form good exercise habits.

Finding your why

Researchers have focused a lot on the psychology of why people pursue goals – and how this affects their approach to tasks.

For example, some people want to complete a university degree because they want to get a job. Others may be more interested in developing skills or knowledge. In both cases, there is a desired outcome – albeit with differing reasons.

Our goals can be differentiated by who or what is driving them. Goals that feel like our own, and for which we experience a sense of intrinsic motivation, are known as “self-concordant”. These goals represent enduring personal interests, are aligned with values and are positively linked to wellbeing.

Goal orientation theory offers a similar perspective. Using the same example, you may study so you score well on a test (a performance goal) or because you want to be sure you develop your knowledge (a mastery goal). Mastery goals tend to lead to better results and self-regulation.

person ticks off list items that are pictured floating in air over laptop
Mastery goals generally lead to better results and wellbeing.
Thapana_Studio/Shutterstock

Juggling goals – 4 to-do tips

So, what happens when we have multiple – perhaps even competing – goals, or goals that aren’t so enjoyable? We might want to finish writing a report or assignment, then read a few chapters of a textbook – but also go to the gym and binge a few episodes of our favourite TV show.

In such scenarios, psychological science offers some insights into how we might stay task-focused, and on track to tick more items off our to-do list.

1. Beware the planning fallacy. This happens when we underestimate the amount of resources (such as time) it will take to reach a goal. As writer and religious thinker William Penn put it: “Time is what we want most, but what we use worst”. Think through the all the steps and time required to complete your goal.

2. Monitor your progress. Incorporating goal monitoring into an activity can boost progress. And reviewing your estimations and expectations against your actual times and achievements can be used to calculate a “fudge ratio” to aid future planning. For instance, you could multiply your expected time on tasks by 1.5 to help buffer against the planning fallacy.

3. Focus on mastery. Self-concordant goals and tasks feel easier, and their underlying tasks may be less subject to forgetting. Tedious but necessary goals (such as doing the dishes or filling out forms) are less intrinsically motivating. This means planning, reminders and support become more important to goal progress.

4. Plan for derailments. People vary in their ability to plan and might forget to take a goal-directed action at an appropriate time (this could be one reason the average Australian streams 27 hours of video each week). Implementation intentions bring our attention back toward our goals by linking them to an environmental marker. These simple “if-then” plans are shown to help overcome issues with self-regulation. Such a statement might be “if I see the ‘next episode’ icon appear, I will get up and turn off the TV so I can read a chapter of my textbook”.

With time being frustratingly finite, it is inevitable we will run out of time to do all of the things on our to-do list. Finding an approach that works for us will take time and effort. But it’s probably a worthy goal in itself.

The Conversation

Kim M Caudwell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. To-do list got you down? Understanding the psychology of goals can help tick things off – and keep you on track – https://theconversation.com/to-do-list-got-you-down-understanding-the-psychology-of-goals-can-help-tick-things-off-and-keep-you-on-track-230399

Climate holdout Japan drove Australia’s LNG boom. Could the partnership go green?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Research Fellow, Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University

Sakarin Sawasdinaka/Shutterstock

Without funding from Japan, many of Australia’s gas projects wouldn’t have gone ahead. Massive public loans from Japanese taxpayers are propping up Australia’s now-enormous fossil gas industry. Japan is also becoming a major gas trader and today exports more gas to other countries than it imports from Australia.

Even as the world rapidly shifts to a clean energy future, Japan is emerging as a fossil fuel holdout. The world’s fourth biggest economy, Japan has long been dependent on foreign sources of fossil fuels. Even as China has filled its deserts with solar farms, Japan has focused on gas.

These projects make it harder for Australia to achieve its climate goals and undermine the shift to clean energy industries. New gas projects threaten to divert workforce and investment away from these export industries.

But this can change. As Australia spends big on green power, green manufacturing and green exports – as part of the government’s Future Made in Australia policies – the enduring partnership between the two nations could go green.

Developing new clean energy partnerships with energy-hungry Asian nations such as Japan, China and South Korea could boost climate cooperation, grow new clean energy exports and promote investment.

Japanese funding, Australian gas

Worried about energy security, Japan is subsidising new offshore gas projects in Australia which probably wouldn’t go ahead otherwise.

Japan is the world’s largest provider of international public finance for gas production. While other nations – including Australia – have pledged to end international finance for fossil fuels, Japan has kept the money flowing.



For example, last month, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation provided Australia’s biggest gas corporation, Woodside, with A$1.5 billion in loans to develop the Scarborough gas field offshore from Western Australia. Japanese power utility JERA also received $1.2billion from the Japanese bank to acquire a 15% stake in the project, gaining rights to a share of the liquefied natural gas (LNG) produced.

Without this kind of financial support, new gas projects would be less likely to proceed.

It is not certain other funders would step in. Gas production in Australia is relatively expensive, due to remote locations and high operating costs. Over the past decade, Australian gas projects have typically been delivered late and over budget and have delivered poor returns for investors.

In the years ahead, Australian gas projects will struggle to deliver gas at internationally competitive prices. In 2022, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered a surge in demand for LNG. Now, the world is facing a massive oversupply of gas.

In two years time, large new LNG volumes will come online from lower-cost producers in the Middle East – mainly Qatar – and in North America, just as demand for gas falls in key markets. The Australian government’s own analysis projects a much lower price of LNG from these producers than the cost of production in Australia.



If we left it up to the market, Australia’s increasingly uncompetitive gas exports would lose market share. But it’s not being left up to the market. Japan is underwriting new gas projects to make money-losing projects seem viable. And that makes it much harder for Australia to shift to a lucrative green economy.

Tokyo’s neon lights will keep glowing

Last year, Japanese ambassador Yamagami Shingo claimed Australian gas exports were crucial to keeping the neon lights of Tokyo glowing.

In reality, Japan is now reselling more LNG to other Asian nations than it imports from Australia. Japanese gas corporations are contracted to buy more gas over the next decade than Japan will use at home, and are planning to sell excess gas in other markets in Asia.



This is a direct result of official policy, which aims to create new demand for gas in Southeast Asia by offering financial support for gas import terminals and gas-fired power plants and supporting Japanese corporations to supply that demand.

This is not hidden. It’s an open goal. By 2030, the Japanese government wants its corporations to “handle” 100 million tonnes of LNG each year – far more than Japan will use to meet its own energy needs.

Why? Japan’s government sees maintaining influence in the region’s LNG market as important to its own energy security.

Renewables offer Japan true energy security

The gas industry has tried to brand gas as cleaner than coal or a transition fuel. In reality, gas is a dangerous fossil fuel. It’s largely methane, 80 times more potent in heating the planet than carbon dioxide. Methane has added almost a third (30%) of the extra heat building up since the industrial revolution.

Woodside chief Meg O’Neill claims Australian gas exports “can help Asia to decarbonise by replacing coal”. But gas can be just as polluting as coal. Methane leaks are very common across the gas supply chain. You only need a very low amount of leakage for gas to be on par with coal for pollution.

While Japan buys and resells Australian gas, it’s own power grid is greening. The government now plans to double the role of renewables – rising from 18% of power generation in 2019 to 37% by 2030 – while gas-fired power shrinks.

Japan’s demand for gas at home is already falling. It fell 18% in the decade to 2022. In 2023 alone, demand for gas fell by 8%.

Shifting to renewables even faster would improve Japan’s energy security by reducing dependence on imported gas. Recent analysis suggests Japan could achieve a 90% clean energy system by 2035.

Without Japanese funds, Australian gas would be dwindling

In the five years to 2017, Australia’s gas industry grew enormously. By 2019 Australia became the world’s largest LNG exporter. Analysis from the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis points out this is remarkable given how remote and relatively small Australia’s gas reserves are.

International subsidies – including Japan’s largesse – helped turn Australia into a fossil fuel giant. But these subsidies will not serve our interests long term. Continuing to allow subsidised investment in new gas projects diverts investment, workforce, and supply-chain capacity away from the green industries the government wants to grow for the future.

This doesn’t mean turning our back on Japan. Japan has a huge need for energy. But it can get it without resorting to fossil fuels. Japan could partner with Australia to supply critical minerals and green metals for batteries and renewables, green ammonia for fertilisers and industry, and green hydrogen for transport and industry.

Acknowledgements: Ben McLeod (Quantitative analyst, Climate Council) and Josh Runciman (Lead analyst, Australian Gas, IEEFA) provided data used in the article.

The Conversation

Wesley Morgan is a Senior Researcher with the Climate Council of Australia.

ref. Climate holdout Japan drove Australia’s LNG boom. Could the partnership go green? – https://theconversation.com/climate-holdout-japan-drove-australias-lng-boom-could-the-partnership-go-green-231816

The government is drafting anti-hate speech laws. Here are 4 things they should include

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dr Nicole Shackleton, Lecturer, Graduate School of Business and Law, RMIT University

Andre Hunter/Unsplash

In May, the federal government confirmed it’s working on new laws to prohibit hate speech, sometimes called vilification, based on sex, gender, sexuality, race or religion.

Many have welcomed the plan to introduce stronger laws as needed to tackle hate speech against Jewish, Palestinian and Muslim communities in the wake of growing antisemitism and Islamophobia in Australia.

Many people agree freedom of speech has its limits and the law has some role to play in prohibiting harmful speech. But what should these laws look like? Here are four things that should be addressed in the legislation.

1. Protection for specific attributes

Generally, hate speech can be seen as harmful speech or behaviour that attacks a person or a community simply because of who they are. People are targeted because of unchangeable characteristics such as their gender or sex, their sexuality, their race or religion, or whether they have a disability or HIV. Research by the eSafety Commissioner has found hate speech based on these characteristics is growing, particularly online.

Hate speech doesn’t occur in isolation. It’s connected to societal and political treatment of marginalised communities. As hate speech increases, so does discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups.

For example, my research established women are often targeted by hate speech. One participant spoke about receiving messages describing sexually assaulting her in graphic detail. Gendered hate speech, like this example, is used to harass women and silence their voices in public spaces. Hate speech against women is also known to contribute to violence against women.

This is why new laws need to prohibit hate speech against many different attributes and not just focus on one community.

2. Protection for multiple risk factors

When someone uses hate speech to abuse a person or a group of people, often they are not only attacking them because of one characteristic, but because they cross over multiple characteristics. This is known as “intersectionality”, a concept first created by Professor Kimberlé Crenshaw. It argues people who have multiple attributes often experience discrimination and violence more often and more severely.

These experiences extend to hate speech. The eSafety Commissioner has found LGBTIQ+ or First Nations people experienced online hate speech at double the national average. LGBTIQ+ women are significantly more likely than heterosexual cisgender women to experience online gender and sexuality-based harassment. Women of colour are also more likely to be targeted by anonymous users online.

In my research, a participant spoke about her experiences of hate speech as a Muslim woman:

I happen to be brown and Muslim. So, a minority within a minority within a minority […] Sometimes it’s really difficult to extract the gendered side of it from the other dimensions of it, the racist, xenophobic side […] they are intertwined. Like when I get told, “Get back in the kitchen and make me a ham sandwich”.

This is why the law needs to prohibit hate speech that occurs because of “one or more” protected attributes.

3. Criminal and civil penalties

The federal government’s announcement indicates new laws prohibiting hate speech will include criminal – not civil – penalties. These new laws would only target deliberate acts that seek to incite violence or cause harm. New criminal laws will send a strong message to the community that hate speech is unacceptable.

However, the track record for prosecution of criminal hate speech laws is not strong. In Victoria it took almost two decades before anyone was prosecuted for serious vilification under the Racial and Religious Tolerance Act.

Changes to current sedition laws in the Commonwealth criminal code, which is a possibility suggested by some commentators, are also unlikely to lead to better results for communities targeted by hate speech. Rather, such changes are more likely to confuse the issue as these laws were originally introduced to target terrorism.

To make sure hate speech laws are effective, civil penalties are also needed. Civil laws exist at a federal level prohibiting race-based hate speech and these laws allow for victims to make complaints and engage in mediation. These laws are “harm-based”, meaning they capture conduct that causes harm to the victim, rather than criminal laws which are focused on incitement of violence. These laws also take into account the perspective of the target when considering whether material or behaviour amounts to hate speech.

New laws to prohibit hate speech need to include such harm-based civil laws, which will cover more conduct and put the power in the hands of the victims to make complaints.

4. Protection against backlash

As with any attempt to limit speech, even when it causes harm, there is a chance of community and political backlash against these laws and complaints made by victims. Such backlash can result in hate speech laws being enforced in troubling or harmful ways.

These laws may be weaponised against the very communities they are designed to protect. There have been cases where complaints of hate speech have been made specifically to undermine legal protections. In 2016, former Senator David Leyonhjelm made a complaint of racial vilification to the Human Rights Commission as part of his ongoing attack on part of the Racial Discrimination Act.

Protecting against backlash is difficult and requires the government to think carefully about how laws are designed. The purpose of new hate speech laws – to protect marginalised communities – must be clearly set out and understood by those tasked with enforcement.

It is also important the public is educated about why some limitation of speech is necessary when it causes harm to marginalised communities. Robust protection for legitimate speech, such as conduct that is reasonable and done for genuine academic, artistic, religious or scientific purpose or is a fair and accurate report of something in the public interest, must also be included in any new laws.

Creating effective and robust laws to prohibit hate speech at the federal level may be challenging but given what’s at stake, it’s worth getting it right.

The Conversation

Dr Nicole Shackleton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The government is drafting anti-hate speech laws. Here are 4 things they should include – https://theconversation.com/the-government-is-drafting-anti-hate-speech-laws-here-are-4-things-they-should-include-231178

Extreme heat is a killer for outdoor sporting events – let’s plan properly to keep everyone safe

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hannah Mason, Research assistant in Public Health, Medical, and Veterinary Sciences, James Cook University

Attending outdoor sporting events can be life-threatening. Amid soaring temperatures, event organisers need to take extra care – not just for athletes, but also for officials, spectators and volunteers.

The consequences of extreme heat exposure range from dehydration to heatstroke and even death. National Rugby League player Keith Titmuss died in 2020 due to “exertional heat stroke” following an excessive pre-season training session. Scorching temperatures also disrupted the 2019 Australian Open and wreaked havoc during the 2023 Sydney Marathon.

In Paris, the 2024 Summer Olympics will proceed with no air conditioning in the athlete’s village. To reduce greenhouse gas emissions, organisers chose alternative cooling measures such as insulation, double-glazing, fans and pumping cool water through the floor. Unconvinced, the Australian Olympic Committee is buying portable air con units just in case. Athletes from poorer nations are expected to just keep their curtains shut.

In the lead-up to the Brisbane 2032 Summer Olympics and other major sporting events in Queensland, the state government wants to prepare for extreme heat.
Our new research explores this health hazard, the strategies recommended to reduce heat exposure at sporting events, and who is responsible for ensuring these strategies are put in place. Here we offer practical tips for all involved. We’re going to need them more than ever as the world warms.

Inside the 2024 Paris Olympics Athletes’ Village, where there’s no air conditioning (7 News Australia)

What we did and what we found

We conducted an international review of research published between 2010 and 2023 to determine the current state of knowledge in this area.

Our systematic approach honed in on 40 peer-reviewed articles about heat at major sporting events. These were events held in large venues that attracted local, domestic and international spectators. The recommendations fell into six themes: planning, mitigation strategies, medical, policy, education and research.

A consistent pattern of heat-related challenges emerged. The rate of heat-related illness increased along with the temperature. Certain groups of people were more vulnerable to heat. Athletes participating in endurance events such as long-distance running were at higher risk than those participating in short-duration sports involving throwing (javelin, discus) or jumping (high jump, long jump). The diverse needs of those with multiple medical conditions and differing abilities including Paralympic athletes also warrant special consideration.

We found the significant health risks of heat should be considered before, during and after major sporting events. Individuals, coaches, officials and organisers all have a role to play.

Our findings can inform evidence-based strategies to protect the health of those attending and competing in such events now and into the future.

It’s not just about athletes

While athletes may have prepared to compete in hot conditions, using technology such as cooling vests or cold-water immersion, spectators are less likely to deliberately prepare their bodies for extreme temperatures. But there are plenty of things we can all do.

We can drink plenty of fluids, seek shade and use sun protection. Ideally, venue management will have provided access to drinking water, shady spaces and cooling (misters, fans or air conditioning). All requires careful planning and thoughtful construction.

Organisers need to decide what time to run each event, what temperatures will trigger heat policies (such as pushing events to a cooler time slot), whether rules need to be changed in the event of extreme heat (such as more or earlier break times), and what measures need to be in place to protect officials, spectators and volunteers.

Top tips for spectators

Here are some practical tips you can use to reduce heat-related risks when extreme heat strikes:

  1. think about where your seat is located and whether there will be any shade, or whether you will be directly exposed to the elements

  2. find out whether you can come and go, or attend the event later in the day – where possible, avoid events timed for the hottest part of the day

  3. wear light-coloured, loose-fitting clothes and a hat

  4. see if you can bring your own water bottle into the event and refill it, and make sure you are well hydrated before, during and after the event

  5. avoid caffeine and alcohol as these drinks can make your more dehydrated

  6. check what event organisers have planned for extreme weather such as heatwaves.

A warning to event organisers

A great deal has changed since Australia hosted the Sydney Olympics at the turn of the century.

There are no excuses in 2024. All sports and sporting events should have a heat policy that addresses players, spectators and officials. Sports Medicine Australia’s Extreme Heat Policy is a good example.

For major sporting events, engaging with health services should be part of the planning process. Then they can prepare for the possibility of multiple people presenting with heat stroke.

At the event, medical teams should be skilled in recognising the warning signs of heat related illness, as well as diagnosis and treatment.

With extreme heat events becoming more common worldwide, sporting bodies must be prepared to alter scheduled events (including the time, location, scheduled breaks, and so on) as required.

Let’s ensure outdoor sporting events can continue in a warming climate.

By working together, we can provide safer, more enjoyable experiences for all involved.

The Conversation

Hannah Mason receives funding from the Queensland Department of Environment, Science and Innovation, and Queensland Fire and Emergency Services.

Amy Peden is an honorary Senior Research Fellow with Royal Life Saving Society – Australia and is the co-founder of the UNSW Beach Safety Research Group. She receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

Anthony Leicht receives funding from the Australian Department of Defence.

Jemma King receives funding from the Queensland Department of Environment, Science and Innovation. She is affiliated with the Australian Health Promotion Association as she holds an executive position with the Queensland Branch.

Richard Franklin receives funding from the Queensland Department of Environment, Science and Innovation, and Queensland Fire and Emergency Services. He is the President of Kidsafe Australia and the incoming President of the Australasian College of Tropical Medicine. He is a board member of the Royal Life Saving Society – Australia, Farmsafe Australia, and Auschem and a member of the World Association for Disaster and Emergency Medicine, the Public Health Association of Australia, the International Society of Agricultural Safety and Health, and the Australasian Epidemiological Association.

ref. Extreme heat is a killer for outdoor sporting events – let’s plan properly to keep everyone safe – https://theconversation.com/extreme-heat-is-a-killer-for-outdoor-sporting-events-lets-plan-properly-to-keep-everyone-safe-229998

Some online platforms are starting to measure ‘student engagement’ at school. Here’s what you need to know

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Zomer, Associate Research Fellow at the Centre of the Digital Child, Deakin University

Julia M Cameron/ Pexels , CC BY

There is increasing concern children are less focused in school. This is often blamed on smartphones and social media.

At the same time, there is significant pressure on schools to deliver academic results, with students’ performance on some major standarised tests dropping.

“Edtech” (education technology) companies are offering a potential solution to schools through engagement data. These data measure students’ engagement automatically and in real time.

As my new journal article explores, measuring engagement through digital programs may sound like a good idea, but we need to have a much clearer understanding of what these data are actually measuring and what kind of engagement they are promoting.

What is engagement technology?

Students in schools and universities will be familiar with “online learning platforms”. These are online spaces where learning content and resources are contained. It could be for any subject and for learning students need to do in class or at home.

“Engagement data” describes any sort of measurement on how students use these platforms (rather than results or learning). Teachers can then see their students’ data via dashboards.

Currently, engagement data are more common in tertiary education, where systems such as Moodle and Brightspace are used to deliver online content. These platforms often use a variety of metrics such as contributions to discussion forums, number of pages viewed, and assignments submitted.

But engagement data are also finding their way into schools. For example, Education Perfect is used by more than 2,000 schools throughout Australia. It offers online learning content from Year 5 to Year 12 for a range of different subjects.

At the same time it provides analytics on students’ engagement, including the time students have spent on activities and the total number of activities they have completed. It also shows the last time a student logged in.

The online library app Epic is mostly used in primary schools. It keeps track of how much time students have spent reading and how many books they have “finished”.

An example of student engagement data on the platform Education Perfect.
An example of student engagement data on the platform Education Perfect.

Academic theories of engagement

Through engagement data, online learning platforms promote the idea engagement is measurable and can be expressed in numbers and graphs.

This may fit with some teachers’ understanding of engagement as students being “on task”. But it is a very limited idea compared to most academic theories of engagement used by education researchers today.

Many of these theories link engagement to feelings and attitudes towards learning, rather than just time spent doing this or that.

For example, do students feel school is actually a place where they belong? Do students feel motivated to persevere when things are difficult? Do they feel like there is a point to what they are learning?

What is engagement data measuring?

We also have to question whether engagement data are measuring what digital platforms claim to measure. Platforms may measure the time a student is logged into a specific part of the platform, but not necessarily the time a student is actually involved in a learning task.

For example, students could have a task window open and not do the task, yet the clock keeps ticking, increasing the time they apparently spent on the platform.

Task completion might be a more valid way of measuring engagement, but the mere completion of tasks is also a very narrow conception of engagement. It measures quantity of learning but not necessarily quality.

A screenshot of student engagement data on the library platform Epic
An example of student engagement data on the library platform Epic.

Is this data useful?

It is also not clear why teachers need information on page views and the number of times a student has logged in.

From a teacher’s perspective, it might be useful to know if a student has not been active at all on the platform. But it could be argued knowing a student has logged in on Friday evening at 9.32pm is unnecessary surveillance.

Some of these measurements are also quite common on social media platforms where companies aim to quantify user engagement. Social media giants such as Meta use metrics such as page views to calculate the value of online content, which can then be sold to advertisers.

We need to guard against viewing students simply as “users” of a product, rather than as students who need to learn and grow.

Biometric data can also be measured

While it is not a feature in Australian schools, online learning platforms may use biometic data to measure students’ engagement.

This involves using headsets or cameras to track students’ brainwaves or eye movements to see if they are paying attention. Experiments with these technologies have been conducted in Chinese schools.

While this may seem far-fetched, influential organisations such as the OECD have begun seriously considering the benefits or “promising paths” of this technology.

How are engagement data used?

We now need more research to understand the extent to which teachers and schools are using these data and why. We also need to be asking whether this is useful information to collect at all.

Anecdotally, there is some pressure on teachers to use it. While working as a high school teacher in 2021, a senior teacher advised me to show parents engagement data in parent-teacher interviews. If a parent was upset about their child’s results, showing them how little time a student was putting into their online learning seemed an easy way to rebut any criticism of my teaching, “blaming” the student for their disengagement.

However this approach avoids any discussion about the real problem. This is not the lack of time a student spends on the learning platform, but why a student is not motivated or why the lessons are not working for them.

The task of defining student engagement should be up to educators and scholars, rather than edtech companies. Just because something is easily measurable does not mean this information is valuable or necessary.

The Conversation

Chris Zomer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Some online platforms are starting to measure ‘student engagement’ at school. Here’s what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/some-online-platforms-are-starting-to-measure-student-engagement-at-school-heres-what-you-need-to-know-231918

Shakespeare, Beowulf and Chaucer could be back in the NZ English curriculum – should they be?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Claudia Rozas, Lecturer, Faculty of Education and Social Work, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

For the second time in as many years, New Zealand’s secondary school English curriculum will be rewritten, a move which has generated disquiet from teachers and academics alike.

The revised year 7-13 English curriculum, to be released in July, is expected to include compulsory Shakespeare and grammar lessons, as well as a recommended reading list ranging from contemporary New Zealand authors to Chaucer and Beowulf.

Supporters say these changes will establish a “knowledge-rich” curriculum with a set of recommended texts. Currently, individual teachers have the autonomy to select what is taught in their classrooms.

But others have expressed concern about a seemingly secretive process. The New Zealand Association of Teachers of English, for example, learned of the curriculum changes from the media.

Teachers are also concerned about the emphasis on traditional literary texts, such as Shakespeare and other works. They worry many students might find these works inaccessible. As parents and teachers await the draft curriculum, it is worth considering what is changing and why.

A curriculum without content

The international push to develop knowledge economies over the past three decades has led to demands for “competency-based” education organised around achievement objectives.

For teachers this has meant outcomes-driven teaching, including planing their lessons around the knowledge and skills students are expected to have at the end of each unit. For students it has meant becoming “self-managing” learners who play an active role in setting the course of their education.

The principles of competency-based education are present in New Zealand’s national curriculum (which describes itself as a “framework rather than a detailed plan”, and national qualification standards (NCEA), which compartmentalise knowledge into separate achievement standards.

This does not mean there has been no literature in classrooms. But there has been a higher degree of curriculum variability between schools, as well as content driven by student interest rather than disciplinary merit. A pick-and-choose assessment framework has become the default curriculum for the final three years of secondary school.

Moving towards a knowledge-rich curriculum

Part of a wider international movement, a knowledge-rich curriculum seeks to infuse the “breadth and depth” of disciplinary knowledge into school subjects.

This approach differs from the changes made in 2023, which focused on “giving practical effect” to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Under the 2023 changes, schools had to ensure the curriculum reflected local tikanga Māori (Māori customary practices or behaviours), mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge) and te ao Māori (the Māori world).

The current rewrite will likely be informed by the curriculum design coherence model – a tool designed to link content with concepts and to make the internal logic of subjects visible.

How this will play out in an English curriculum remains to be seen. So far, it seems literary, popular and traditional texts will be categorised into year levels on recommended reading lists. Grammar will be prescribed from year 7 to year 13.

Culture, knowledge and secondary school English

The rewrite’s emphasis on a knowledge-rich curriculum raises questions about the balance between school-subject knowledge and the knowledge young people bring from home.

When the plans for the curriculum rewrite were revealed, one working group member told media:

Every child throughout the country has the right to the very best English language and literature.

But while all students should have access to the same high-quality texts, access in itself doesn’t address inequality across our education system.

Research clearly shows not all students have the same opportunities to fully engage with rich and complex content in secondary English classrooms. Providing access to certain knowledge is only one aspect of addressing educational disparities.

A wider conversation about English

Both the 2023 English refresh and the current rewrite are attempts to recalibrate the effects of New Zealand’s devolved curriculum. To achieve this, both rewrites have sought to identify and protect what the authors believe to be the knowledge that matters.

But culture cannot be prised from the curriculum. The working group needs to produce an English curriculum in keeping with Aotearoa New Zealand’s bicultural foundation and contemporary society.

English’s long history is more nuanced than a binary traditional versus progressive description. Now is a good time to clarify which models of English are most desirable to New Zealand as a country, and why.

There also needs to be a nationwide conversation about what a literary canon could look like for our country. How might recommended reading lists be curated to ensure all students have access to a broad range of traditional and contemporary literature?

The changes to secondary school English over the past two years are manifestations of enduring questions about the purposes of curriculum and the cultural artefacts that bring a subject like English to life. Now is a good opportunity to tackle these questions.

The Conversation

Claudia Rozas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Shakespeare, Beowulf and Chaucer could be back in the NZ English curriculum – should they be? – https://theconversation.com/shakespeare-beowulf-and-chaucer-could-be-back-in-the-nz-english-curriculum-should-they-be-231817

No, AI doesn’t mean human-made music is doomed. Here’s why

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Crooke, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Music Therapy, The University of Melbourne

Shutterstock

Recently we have seen the launch of artificial intelligence programs such as SOUNDRAW and Loudly that can create musical compositions in the style of almost any artist.

We’re also seeing big stars use AI in their own work, including to replicate others’ voices. Drake, for instance, landed in hot water in April after he released a diss track that used AI to mimic the voice of late rapper Tupac Shakur. And with the new ChatGPT model, GPT-4o, things are set to reach a whole new level. Fast.

So is human-made music doomed?

While it’s true AI will likely disrupt the music industry and even transform how we engage with music, there are some good reasons to suggest human music-making isn’t going anywhere.

Technology and music have a long history

One could argue AI is essentially a tool aimed at making our lives easier. Humans been been crafting such tools for a long time, both in music and nearly every other domain.

We’ve been using technology to play music since the invention of the gramophone. And arguments about human musicians versus machines are at least as old as the self-playing piano, which came into use in the early 20th century.

More recently, sampling, DJ-ing, autotune technology and AI-based mastering and production software have continued to fan debates over artistic originality.

But the new AI developments are different. Anyone can create a new track in any existing genre, with mininal effort. They can add instruments, change the music’s “vibe” and even choose a virtual singer to sing their lyrics.

Given the industry’s longstanding exploitation of artists – particularly with the rise of streaming (and Spotify’s chief executive claiming music is almost free to create) – its easy to see why the latest developments in AI are frightening some musicians.

Music is a very human thing

At the same time, these developments offer an opportunity to reflect on why people make music in the first place. We have long used music to tell our stories, to express ourselves and our humanity. These stories teach us, heal us, energise us and help shape our identities.

Can AI music do this? Maybe. But it’s unlikely to be able to speak to the human experience in the same way a human can – partly because it doesn’t understand it the way we do.

It’s also unlikely to be able to create new works outside of existing musical paradigms, as it relies on algorithms taking from existing material. So we’ll likely still need our imaginations to create new musical ideas.

It also helps to note that music being controlled by “algorithms” actually isn’t a new concept. Mainstream pop artists have long had their music written for them by industry “hit makers” who use specific formulas.

It’s usually the musicians on the fringes, rather than the more commercial artists and products, who retain connection to music as a cultural practice and therefore push the development of new styles.

Perhaps the bigger question isn’t how musicians will compete against AI, but how we as a society should value the musicians who help create our musical worlds, and our very cultures.

Is this a task we’re happy to hand over to AI to save money? Or should such an important role be supported with job security and a fair wage, as is afforded to doctors, dentists, politicians and teachers?

Drake has been criticised for using AI to mimic the late rapper Tupac in one of his tracks.
Shutterstock

Art for art’s sake

There’s another much more fundamental reason why AI will not spell the end of human-made music. That’s because, as most musicians will tell you, making music feels good. It doesn’t always matter if it’s going to be sold, recorded, or even heard.

Consider mountain climbing as an example. Although we now have chair lifts, gondolas, funiculars, helicopters, planes, trains and cars to take people to the top, people still love climbing mountains for the mental and physical benefits.

Similarly, playing music is a unique experience with benefits that extend far beyond making money. Ever since our ancestors first tapped rocks together in caves, music has connected us to others and to ourselves.

The health benefits are overwhelming (just look at the amount of evidence relating to choirs). The neurological benefits are also astounding, with no other activity lighting up as many parts of the brain.

No matter how good computers get at making music, active music engagement will always remain an important way to regulate our mood and nervous system.

Also, if our relationships with organic foods, vinyl records and sustainable fashion is anything to go by, we can assume there will always be a group of conscious consumers willing to pay more for human-made music.

AI as an opportunity

Further, while AI will likely disrupt the music industry as we know it, it also has amazing potential for boosting creative freedom for new generations of artists.

It may soften the separation between “musician” and “non-musician”, arguably allowing more people access to all the associated wellbeing benefits of music-making.

There’s also enormous potential for music education, since students could use AI to explore all aspects of the musical process in one classroom.

In a health context, personalised songs and albums could have significant implications for music therapy by letting therapists create tracks tailored to their clients’ needs. For instance, a therapist might want to produce a song a client has no prior association with, to avoid music-related triggers during therapy.

AI-assisted music is already being used in psychedelic therapy to create, curate and personalise people’s journeys.

Over the past 100 years, we’ve seen several innovations revolutionise the way we interact with music. AI ought to be understood as the next step in this process. And while change brings uncertainty, it also offers hope.

The Conversation

Alexander Crooke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. No, AI doesn’t mean human-made music is doomed. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/no-ai-doesnt-mean-human-made-music-is-doomed-heres-why-230865

Playful young male dolphins grow up to have more offspring

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kathryn Holmes, Staff Scientist, Sarasota Dolphin Research Program, Brookfield Zoo Chicago, and PhD Researcher, The University of Western Australia

Shark Bay Dolphin Research

As humans, we grow up playing with other children. Animals of many species likewise play with their peers. But why?

Play has its costs, especially for young animals. It uses energy that could help them grow, and it can make them more vulnerable to predators.

Of course, play is fun and highly rewarding. However, it’s not clear that these immediate benefits are worth the potentially great costs.

In a new study, my colleagues and I shed light on why play is so important – at least for the male Indo-Pacific bottlenose dolphins of Shark Bay in Western Australia. Among these famously frisky cetaceans, those who spend more time playing as juveniles end up siring more offspring as adults. The research is published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

What’s the point of play?

One possible explanation for juvenile play is that it serves as practice of adult behaviours, such as mating and fighting. If this is correct, we would expect it ultimately makes individuals better able to survive or reproduce as adults.

It’s not unusual for juvenile animals to engage in sexual or combat-like play behaviours. However, there is little evidence to link play to long-term reproductive benefits. In some species (such as yellow-bellied marmots) this kind of play may lead to having more offspring, but in others (such as meerkats) it appears to have no effect.

Dolphins have a reputation for being playful, but we know very little about how and why dolphins play.

How young dolphins play

Our study was conducted on dolphins in Shark Bay in WA. At this site, more than 40 years of research has revealed lifelong friendships among adult males, who repeatedly cooperate in alliances to find mates and compete for them against rival alliances. Two to three males work together to keep an individual female with them for hours to weeks using joint action, in which they synchronise their physical and vocal behaviour.

In Shark Bay, juvenile play resembles these adult events, termed consortships. In small same- or mixed-sex groups, juveniles take turns playing the adult “female” and “male” roles. As in adult mating, the “males” contact the “female’s” genital slit with their beaks or genitals. Sometimes, the “males” take turns, but other times they synchronise their actions.

We examined whether male juvenile play occurred in ways that make sense if playing together is practice for key adult reproductive behaviours. We also wanted to find out whether play is associated with greater success at siring offspring years later in adulthood.

Play roles, allies and pops

To study patterns of play, we observed specific juvenile males for hours at a time to record details of their behaviour and that of their groupmates. We observed each male several times over a period of two years, and also recorded the dolphins’ vocalisations using underwater microphones.

A photo of three people on a boat watching dolphins in the distance
The research team spotting dolphins and identifying individuals from dorsal fin features at Shark Bay.
Shark Bay Dolphin Research

We found juvenile males spent more time in the “male” role during play than females. Juvenile males with strong social bonds, who are likely to form an alliance as adults, were more likely to synchronise their play behaviour. If play is practice of synchronised adult behaviour, it makes sense for males to practice with their future allies.

During play, juvenile males also produced pops, a coercive vocal signal used by adult males to tell females to stay close. As in consortships, juvenile males specifically produced pops when females were present and both sexes were in their adult roles. Compared to the regular rhythm of adult male pops, juvenile male pops were erratic, suggesting they need practice to achieve the adult rhythm.

More time playing linked to siring more offspring

Juvenile male dolphins play in ways that appear to be practice of future adult mating behaviour. The final test of this was to see whether spending more time playing in the “male” role as juveniles led to siring more offspring in adulthood.

For this analysis, we leveraged past observations of juvenile male play from 1998 to 2003, along with up to 22 years of genetic paternity data for each male.

Dolphins in this population can live well into their 40s, and undergo an extended juvenile period where males do not sexually mature until between the ages of 12 and 15 years. We therefore needed decades of data on individual males to look at long-term benefits of social play.

Males who spent more time as juveniles playing at their future adult roles sired more offspring as adults.

This tells us social play is more than just fun. It’s an important behaviour for male dolphins that gives them time to practice critical reproductive skills several years before they are needed, and, it appears to make them more successful as adults.

As this practice is happening, the young males are also strengthening friendships that will mature into lifelong alliances. Does play also help them choose their friends? In future research, we plan to find out.

The Conversation

Portions of the study manuscript were developed from the doctoral thesis of Kathryn Holmes. Her PhD was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship at the University of Western Australia (UWA) and additional funding from UWA, a Branco Weiss Fellowship-Society in Science awarded to Stephanie L. King, and Swiss NSF grants awarded to Michael Krützen. This study was supported by Shark Bay Dolphin Research, with whom Holmes is a Research Associate and has previously published. Holmes is employed by the Sarasota Dolphin Research Program, Brookfield Zoo Chicago. This dolphin research was carried out on Gathaagudu, Malgana Sea Country, and we acknowledge the traditional custodians of the region.

ref. Playful young male dolphins grow up to have more offspring – https://theconversation.com/playful-young-male-dolphins-grow-up-to-have-more-offspring-231491

Too many Australians are waiting for a home care package. Here’s how to fix the delays

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hal Swerissen, Emeritus Professor of Public Health, La Trobe University

Davor Geber/Shutterstock

Waiting lists for older people who need home care have blown out again. Twice as many people are now waiting for a Commonwealth Home Care Package as last year.

Home care packages help older people with more significant needs to live independently at home and in the community.

Four levels of care are available. Level 1 provides up $10,000 per year for services such as allied health, social support and transport with limited assistance for housework and meals. Level 4 provides up to $60,000 per year for personal and social support and a range of health services for older people with complex health, personal and social needs living at home.

An aged care assessment is required to get a package. Packages are means tested and users are expected to contribute a daily fee, income tested fees and additional fees for services not covered by their package.

But the federal government caps the number of home care packages it provides. When demand exceeds supply, waiting times blow out.

Too few packages are available

In December 2023, 270,000 older people had a home care package – an increase of 14% since December 2022.

But demand for home care packages continued to grow much faster than the increase in the number of packages. The number of people on the waiting list increased from 30,000 to 51,000.

That would not be a problem if waiting times were acceptable. But they aren’t.

Once older people are assessed as eligible, it takes around one to three months to get a level 1 or 2 package, but more like 12 months to get a more intensive level 3 or 4 package. This doesn’t include the two to six weeks it takes to get an aged care assessment.

The problem continues to grow. The most recent estimate is that almost 70,000 older people are now waiting for a home care package.

What do older people do while they wait?

Often, people who need a package muddle along for long periods with help from family, friends and local community services.

Because of the shortage in home care packages, people are offered lower package levels or basic services provided by the Commonwealth Home Support Program while they wait for their approved package.

This has serious consequences. Long waiting periods for home care packages can lead to deterioration in health, increased pressure on families, hospital admissions, unnecessary entry to residential care and reduced quality of life.

Around 8,000 people died while waiting for a package in 2020-21 and a further 11,000 entered residential care instead.

Why is demand increasing?

The increase in demand for home and community care is partly due to demographic ageing. Australia is rapidly becoming older. In the 1970s around 8% of the population was aged over 65.

By 2026 it will be more than 22%. This will see a rapid increase in the number of people aged 80 and over (the highest users of home care) in the next ten years.

But other factors including increased living costs, reductions in the availability of informal care and older people’s preference for care at home rather than in an institution are also important.

Worker cleans a benchtop.
Demand for home care services grows as the proportion of Australians aged over 80 increases.
Daisy Daisy/Shutterstock

Serious problems with home care packages are not new. In addition to problems with long waiting times, getting access remains complex and cumbersome.

There has been a proliferation of home care providers without the development of a local or regional management structure to safeguard older people’s interests.

There are also concerns about value for money and low levels of training for home care staff.

Most of these issues were identified in the Royal Commission on Aged Care Quality and Safety, which concluded in 2021.

What did the commission recommend?

Most importantly, the commission recommended a timely, universal entitlement to aged care to guarantee access to the level of care and support each older person needs.

For home care, the commission recommended a streamlined assessment process to improve access via:

  • a single home care program that combined the current support and package programs to be introduced by this year
  • a new funding model consistent with the funding that would be available if the person entered residential care
  • a number of additional service improvements, including access to allied health.

The federal government has failed to meet the commission’s basic recommendation that older people get access to the level of care they need within one month.

The proposed new home care program has not been implemented, streamlined assessment is not in place, waiting lists and times continue to blow out and the new system design has not been settled.

Add to that the proliferation of home care providers, difficulties in attracting and retaining staff and little progress on requirements for training, supervision and staff development.

Overwhelmingly, older people want to live independently at home for as long as possible. In the short term, the federal government should match demand and supply for home care packages.

In the medium term, it needs to get on with implementing the recommendations of the royal commission with much greater urgency.

The Conversation

Hal Swerissen has received funding from NHMRC and ARC funding in relation to aged care, primary care and public health. He is Deputy Chair of the Bendigo Kangan Institute and a member of the Australian Institute for Primary Care and Ageing Advisory Committee at La Trobe University.

ref. Too many Australians are waiting for a home care package. Here’s how to fix the delays – https://theconversation.com/too-many-australians-are-waiting-for-a-home-care-package-heres-how-to-fix-the-delays-231932

The Coalition wants to dump our 2030 emissions target, yet somehow hit 2050’s. Behavioural economics has a name for that

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

Love Silhouette/Shutterstock

If you are anything like me, the nearer you get to a deadline, the more desperately you want to postpone it, no matter how much harder that makes things down the track.

It’s what the Coalition wants Australia to do about its 2030 emissions reduction target – the one signed into law in 2022 and registered with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

The Coalition says it remains “fully committed” to the more challenging target of net zero by 2050, but it wants to postpone some of the work needed to achieve it until later, nearer 2050.

It’s a human impulse that until the 1980s had economists baffled. That’s when they came up with a new name for it: “hyperbolic discounting”.

Most of us put things off

Before then, economists had no problem explaining people putting things off. We’d long had the concept of a “discount rate” to explain why we do it.

If I offered you a choice of finishing an unpleasant task this month in return for $100, or finishing it a year later for 5% less, you are pretty likely to opt for finishing it a year later in return for 5% less.

Economists would say that meant your “discount rate” (the rate at which you discount what happens in the future) was greater than 5% per year.

It’s an incredibly useful concept, and one of the reasons we want to be paid interest when we lend money or deposit money in a fixed-term account.

Yes, it will be nice to get our money back – but getting it back when the loan ends won’t feel as good as having it now. If our discount rate is 5% per year, getting the full amount back then will be worth 5% less to us per year, so we will want interest of 5% per year.

Voters and politicians discount the future

It’s also how governments and businesses decide whether to fund major projects. If their discount rates are 5% (they are usually higher) and the eventual payoff from the project works out at less than 5% per year, it isn’t worth it. As a species, we are more concerned about what happens now than what happens in the future.

At least that’s what was taught at universities in 1970s: everyone has their own personal discount rate. For patient people it is low, and for impatient people it is higher. If you can find out what it is, you can find out what they should do.

Except that many of us don’t behave like that at all. We appear to have a discount rate, but it changes – dramatically – the closer we get to a deadline.

Near deadlines, our behaviour becomes extreme

Remember when I asked about finishing an unpleasant task this month or a year later? You might well have given an answer that implied a discount rate near 5%.

You would have probably given a similar answer if I asked about finishing the task a year after that, in 2027 instead of 2026. Your discount rate would be near 5%.

Except for the week before the task is due. In that week, you might well be prepared to sacrifice almost anything – an awful lot – to put it off for another week or another month, or two months or a year. Your discount rate would be off the charts.

On a chart, it wouldn’t look like a straight line – 5% or so per year – it would like a hyperbola, a line that had suddenly climbed enormously high. That has also been used to describe the concept of hyperbolic discounting.

Graph of hyperbola
Hyperbolic discounting is a relatively new concept.
Linaimages/Shutterstock

Acting like a hyperbolic discounter – pushing out a deadline as it becomes imminent, even if it costs more to meet it later – as the Coalition now says it will do the 2030 emissions reduction target, is a way to never meet a deadline.

Of course, the Coalition says it won’t cost more to meet the final deadline of net-zero by 2050 because by then we will have nuclear power.

It’s a familiar argument to those of us who want to put things off. Something will come along that will make them easier to do later. If it doesn’t, maybe we will behave like a hyperbolic discounter again. Not that we expect to.

Nuclear power mightn’t make future choices easier

Except that the unexpected happens. Cost overruns are notorious in building nuclear power plants, even in countries that have lots of them and they are often delivered late.

And electricity is responsible for only one-third of Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions. Cutting electricity emissions to zero (a road we are already on, they’ve been falling since 2015) will leave another two-thirds of emissions untouched.

That’s unless we rapidly electrify other sources of emissions such as cars and trucks and the use of gas for heating, a transition the Coalition remains reluctant to embrace.

It’s hard to meet deadlines. Right now the government is on track to miss its 2030 emissions target of 43% below 2005 levels, although its officials say it is on track for 42% and it thinks it can make up the difference.

It’s tempting to put things off. If the Coalition persuades us, it’s because we are highly persuadable. Most of us don’t like hard choices now. We like them later.

The Conversation

Peter Martin is Economics Editor of The Conversation.

ref. The Coalition wants to dump our 2030 emissions target, yet somehow hit 2050’s. Behavioural economics has a name for that – https://theconversation.com/the-coalition-wants-to-dump-our-2030-emissions-target-yet-somehow-hit-2050s-behavioural-economics-has-a-name-for-that-232141

The states want a bigger say in skilled migration – but doing that actually leaves them worse off

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Coates, Program Director, Economic Policy, Grattan Institute

Magnifical Productions/Shutterstock

State and territory governments have long wanted a bigger say in Australia’s migration system. But our latest report shows states would actually be better off if the federal government no longer allowed them to nominate which skilled migrants they want.

Migrants selected by state governments for state and regional points-tested visas work in less-skilled jobs, and earn less over their lifetimes than other skilled migrants.

In the 2024–25 planned permanent intake, state and regional visas will account for 50% of all skilled visas.

State and territory governments say they use these visas to meet workforce needs and promote regional population growth, including by giving priority to international graduates from their local universities.

Some state and territory governments have created their own skilled occupation lists, and even operate their own points tests, to help select applicants for these visas.

But the system isn’t working well – and among the biggest losers are state governments themselves.

State governments select less-skilled migrants

State and territory governments routinely select less-skilled visa-holders, who score fewer points than skilled independent visa-holders.

For the skilled independent visa, the federal government typically selects the applicants with the most points.

But for state or regional points-tested visas, state and territory governments can nominate any applicant who scores more than 65 points.

And nominated applicants receive additional points – five points for a state visa, and 15 points for a regional visa. That means applicants can secure a state or regional points visa even if they score fewer than the minimum 65 points.

About 57% of successful recent applicants for a regional visa scored 65 points or fewer. That compares with 12% for independent points visas, and 30% for state points visas (after subtracting the points for a state or territory nomination).

State and regional points visa-holders earn less

Unsurprisingly, state and regional points visa-holders typically earn less. They generally work in lower-skilled jobs than other skilled migrants.

The typical regional points visa-holder earns A$24,000 less each year – and state points visa-holders A$6,500 less – than migrants selected via the skilled independent program.

State and especially regional points visa-holders also earn less, on average at each age, than skilled independent visa-holders who are also working in regional areas.

Many regional visa-holders struggle and few stay for long

For many years, governments have tried unsuccessfully to get migrants to remain in the regions by requiring them to live in regional areas when they arrive.

But pushing migrants to live in the regions for at least three years – a condition of the regional visa – often harms their long-term career prospects, and those of their families.

Spouses of primary regional visa-holders, in particular, earn less than spouses of other skilled visa-holders. They generally have worse employment outcomes.

And many regional points-tested visa-holders do not stay in the regions for long. One recent study found about 50% of migrants who settled in outer regional, remote, or very remote areas had left within five years.

Whatever the merits of regional development policies, pushing skilled visa-holders to the regions appears a very expensive way of achieving them.

A woman mops a floor in a school.
Spouses of primary regional visa-holders generally earn less than spouses of other skilled visa-holders.
Siyanight/Shutterstock

State governments are among the biggest losers

Ironically, state governments are among the biggest losers from a system that empowers them to select less-skilled migrants for permanent visas.

Skilled migrants typically provide a large boost to government budgets over their lifetimes because they pay more in taxes than they receive in government services. About one-third of that boost typically accrues to state governments.

But the size of that budgetary boost rises the more skilled the migrants are who are granted permanent visas, and the higher incomes they earn.

Each primary applicant for the state and regional points visa streams boosts Australian government budgets by A$363,000 (in today’s dollars) over their lifetimes in Australia. That compares to an average of $489,000 for skilled independent visa-holders.

If state and regional visas were allocated to skilled independent visa-holders, the lifetime fiscal dividend from each annual permanent skilled migrant intake would be A$7.3 billion higher in today’s dollars.

State and regional points-tested visas should be abolished

The federal government should abolish state and regional points visas and expand the number of skilled independent points visas granted each year.

This change would ensure all points visas were ranked, with those getting the most points being more likely to be selected.

Together with our recommended reforms to the points test, this would result in Australia selecting a more skilled migrant cohort for the limited number of permanent skilled visas offered each year.

State governments would be among the biggest winners from our proposed reforms. Abolishing the state and regional points visas and reallocating those places to the skilled independent program would boost Australian government budgets by a combined $87 billion over the next three decades.

These gains would be invaluable for state governments grappling with the debt overhang from the pandemic, and the long-term budgetary costs of an ageing population.

These reforms wouldn’t affect the supply of essential workers, including in regional Australia, since only a small share of health and education workforces recently held state or regional points visas, including 1.1% of doctors, 2.2% of nurses, and 0.7% of other health professionals.

And these reforms would enable state governments to redirect public servants currently employed to nominate and process state-sponsored migrants, assisting with employer sponsorship and attracting highly skilled prospective migrants to work in their state.

Our reforms would result in Australia selecting more-skilled migrants for the limited number of permanent visas available each year.

And state governments would be among the biggest winners.

The Conversation

Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the federal and Victorian governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute’s activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities, as disclosed on its website. We would also like to thank the Scanlon Foundation for its generous support of our migration research.

Trent Wiltshire does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The states want a bigger say in skilled migration – but doing that actually leaves them worse off – https://theconversation.com/the-states-want-a-bigger-say-in-skilled-migration-but-doing-that-actually-leaves-them-worse-off-231927

FestPAC 2024: ‘One body, one people, one ocean, one Pacific’

By Tiana Haxton, RNZ Pacific journalist in Hawai’i

“One body, one people, one ocean, one Pacific” was Samoa’s powerful statement during the parade of nations at the official opening of the 13th Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture (FestPAC).

It was a sentiment echoed loudly and proudly by all other parading nations.

Rapa Nui’s delegation exclaimed, “we are all brothers and sisters, we are a family!”

This strong spirit of unity connected the Pacific delegates who had all travelled across vast oceans to attend the 10-day festival hosted in Honolulu, Hawai’i.

“Ho’oulu Lahui, Regenerating Oceania” is the underlying theme of the event.

Festival director Dr Aaron Sala said the phrase is an ancient Hawai’ian motto from the reigning Monarch of Hawai’i in the 1870s, instructing the community to rekindle their cultural practices and rebuild the nation.

He saw how the theme could be embraced by the entire Pacific region for the festival.

‘Power of that phrase’
“The power of that phrase speaks to every level of who we are.”

He saw the phrase come to life at the official opening ceremony over the weekend.

Host nation dancers at FestPAC 2024
Host nation dancers at FestPAC 2024. Photo: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

Almost 30 Pacific Island nations paraded at the Stan Sheriff Center, flags waving high, and hearts full of pride for their indigenous heritage.

Indigenous people of all ages filled the arena with song and dance, previewing what festival goers could expect over the next two weeks.

Dr Sala was impressed by the mix of elders and young ones in the delegations.

“The goal of the festival in its inception was to create connections between elders and youth and to ensure that youth are connected in their culture.

“The festival has affected generations of youth who are now speaking their native languages, who are carving again and weaving again.”

‘It’s so surreal’
Speaking as she watched the opening ceremony, the festival’s operations director Makanani Sala said: “it’s so surreal, looking around you see all these beautiful cultures from around the world, it’s so humbling to have them here and an honor for Hawai’i to be the hosts this year.”

The Tuvalu flag bearer at FestPAC2024
The Tuvalu flag bearer at FestPAC 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

The doors to the festival village at the Hawai’i Convention Centre opened the following day.

Inside, dozens of “fale” allocated to each nation were filled with the traditional arts and crafts of the Pacific.

It is a space for delegates and event attendees to explore and learn about the unique cultural practices preserved by each nation.

The main stage is filled with contemporary and traditional performances, fashion shows, oratory and visual showcases, and much more.

The FestPAC village space invites the community to journey through the entire Pacific, and participate in an exchange of traditional knowledge, thus doing their part in “Ho’oulu Lahui – Regenerating Oceania.”

The Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture runs until June 16.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

American Samoa
The American Samoan delegation at FestPAC 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton
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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Pacific churches call at UN for France to drop ‘limbo law’ to restore peace in Kanaky

Asia Pacific Report

The Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) has called on France to drop the “limbo” proposed law on electoral changes in Kanaky New Caledonia opposed by the indigenous pro-independence movement and restore the path to peace and self-determination.

General secretary Reverend James Bhagwan made the call at the UN Committee of 24 meeting in New York as the future of the draft law, which has already been passed decisively by the Senate and National Assembly but not ratified by the combined Council, looked doubtful as a result of French President Emmanuel Macron’s decision to call a snap election.

Incomplete legislation is reportedly deemed as suspended once a general election is called.

Reverend Bhagwan referred to his role as a petitioner at C24 in June 2022 when he spoke on behalf of Pacific faith and civil society organisations against the moive by the French givernment to “fast track” legislative changes that would dilute the vote of the indigenous Kanaks, already a minority 41 percent of the 270,000 New Caledonian population.

Criticising France for having turned a “deaf ear” to the “untiring and peaceful calls of the indigenous people for a new political process following the 1998 Nouméa Accord, Reverend Bhagwan said Paris had not upheld “one of the most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter — the fundamental right of all peoples to be free, free from colonial rule”.

in his group statement on the “Question of New Caledonia” to the “Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence of Colonial Countries and Peoples” at the UN, he said:

The chair, members of this august committee, petitioners and observers.

Greetings from the Pasifika Household of God. May the grace and peace of God be upon you all.

In June, 2022, I was here as a petitioner on behalf of faith and civil society organisations of our Pacific region, home to the French colonised territories of Kanaky New Caledonia and Mā’ohi Nui French Polynesia, to raise our concerns on the failure of the referendum process.

In Kanaky, under the Nouméa Accord, through the actions of the French government to fast track the third referendum, despite local, regional and global pleas.

In the two years since, France has taken further actions that contradict its responsibilities as an administrating power, to uphold one of the most fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter — the fundamental right of all peoples to be free, free from colonial rule.

France has turned a deaf ear to untiring and peaceful calls of the indigenous people of Kanaky-New Caledonia and other pro-independence supporters for a new political process, founded on justice, peaceful dialogue and consensus and has demonstrated a continued inability and unwillingness to remain a neutral and trustworthy party under the Nouméa Accord.

Today, on behalf of Pacific Churches and Civil Society we reiterate our collective concerns that we have made in a number of statements on the current situation in Kanaky.

Recalling these statements and on behalf of the Église Protestante de Kanaky Nouvelle-Calédonie, and the Pacific Regional Non-Governmental Organisation Alliance, the Pacific Conference of Churches calls:

  1. For the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the draft constitutional law seeking to unfreeze the local electorate roll. Noting that the Presidents of four other French overseas territories have called for the withdrawal of the voting changes;
  2. On the French Government to reconsider, as an essential step to de-escalating tensions in the territory, any further deployment of armed forces to Kanaky;
  3. On the French Presidency to cease any further attempts to enforce externally designed and controlled pathways to determine the political future of Kanaky, including a possible referendum in France to unfreeze the territory’s electorate roll;
  4. On other parties to the Noumea Accord to heed the repeated and non-violent requests of the FLNKS and other pro-independence voices, over the last 2-3 years, to allow more conducive conditions for dialogue and negotiation for a better political agreement, and to give the process all the time necessary to do so;
  5. For the Pacific Islands Forum to establish an Eminent Persons Group, comprising of French, Pacific Islands and international personalities, in collaboration with the C24, as a matter of urgency to mediate between the parties and ensure the best conditions to enable a just and peaceful dialogue process for the territory’s political future; and finally,
  6. Beyond the political dialogue process, commitments to be made and kept for culturally appropriate community trauma healing for all communities in Kanaky and for community dialogue processes, particularly between Kanak and Caldoche for peacebuilding as well as nation building.

The very fact that Kanaky New Caledonia is an agenda item in this meeting and that of the 24th Committee is a reminder that their decolonisation is a matter of ‘WHEN’, not ‘if’ — and a ‘when’ that needs to be sooner rather than later.

May God’s blessings of justice, love and liberation be with all the people of Kanaky as they seek their own equality, liberty and fraternity.

Oleti Atrqatr (Thank you in the Kanak Drehu dialect).

Presented by
Reverend James Shri Bhagwan
General Secretary
Pacific Conference of Churches

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Dutton won’t announce medium term emissions targets before election – Albanese says that’s walking out of Paris

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Peter Dutton has taken a further controversial step in his climate change policy, indicating a Coalition government would only announce its medium term emission reduction targets after the election.

Dutton on Tuesday reaffirmed the opposition was committed to the net zero by 2050 target, and emphasised it had no intention of withdrawing from the Paris Climate Agreement.

But Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said “no 2020 target means  walking out of the Paris agreement. That is very clear.”

Recommitting to the 2050 target, Dutton told a news conference: “In terms of the targets otherwise, we’ll make those decisions when we’re in government.

“We are not going to do things that hurt Australians. […] We’ll look at the prevailing economic conditions after the next election, and we’ll make announcements in due course.” He said the progress to the 2050 target did not need to be linear.

Australia already has a 2030 target under the Paris agreement – set by the Albanese government – of reducing emissions by 43% (on 2005 levels). It has to submit a target for 2035 early next year.

Dutton last week said Australia’s 2030 target was unachievable, in  comments that prompted speculation that a Coalition government would seek to leave the Paris agreement. While scotching that, Dutton’s latest remarks put more doubt over what would be the Coalition’s policy.

Liberal, moderate senator Andrew Bragg danced around the issue when questioned on Sky about Dutton’s position. “Most people who look at this closely will look for two key points. Are you in Paris? And are you in for net zero 2050? And the answer to both questions is yes. The rest is noise,” Bragg said. He also said, “what we do for 2040 and the other years in between 2050 – that will be announced, I’m sure, before the election”.

Albanese said Dutton’s position would leave Australia standing with Libya, Yemen and Iran. “That is not the company that Australia should want to keep.

“We know that the consequences of that for our relationships in our region and around the world with our closest allies will be ones that are regrettable, to say the least.”

Pointing to Bragg’s rather different position, Albanese said it was clear there hadn’t been any proper process to determine the Coalition’s policy. He said instead of chasing new investment in new industries  with new opportunities and new jobs, Dutton was chasing them away. “Peter Dutton is afraid of the future,  and therefore he cannot seize the opportunities  which are there.”

The teal MPs continue to seize on Dutton’s hardening climate position to attack him.

Kylea Tink, MP for North Sydney, said Dutton’s plan to ditch Australia’s current 2030 target “is bordering on criminal”.

“The dangerous captain’s call […] would see a Coalition government effectively pull Australia out of the Paris Climate Agreement.

“Peter Dutton’s promise to renege on Australia’s 2030 climate targets is anti-science, anti-jobs and anti-climate action.

“Reneging on our 2030 target will leave Australia a pariah on the international stage, and will result in higher energy bills for Australian families and businesses, the loss of thousands of future-ready jobs, threaten our economy and ultimately lead to higher climate pollution,” Tink said.

Dutton was dismissive of the teals. “Some of the teals – Monique Ryan and Sophie Scamps – they will vote with Labor because they’re Greens, they’re not teals,” he said.

The Australian Industry Group on Tuesday cast doubt on whether the 2030 target would be met.

“We have supported Australia’s interim emissions targets as a guide path and glide path to meeting the global Paris Agreement goal to limit further climate change,” Ai’s CEO Innes Willox said.

“Australia’s current 2030 target is in the balance – we are tracking in broadly the right direction and we have the tools to get it done, but it’s looking more unlikely that Australia will build the new assets we need fast enough to meet the full 43% by 2030,” Willox said.

Tasmanian federal Liberal to bail out at election

Dutton has suffered a blow in Tasmania. Differences between the Liberals’ two Tasmanian federal MPs have ended with one, Gavin Pearce, the member for Braddon, carrying through his threat not to recontest his seat.

Last year Pearce was reported as telling colleagues he was withholding his nomination for the seat to force the party to block Bridget Archer from recontesting the adjoining seat of Bass.

Archer, a prominent and outspoken moderate, has been critical of a number of opposition positions and has frequently crossed the floor. But Dutton has given her licence, not wanting to risk her defecting to the crossbench.

Pearce said in a statement he had decided not to recontest “following much deliberation and consideration”. He made no mention of his political differences with Archer. Pearce has held Braddon since 2019. The seat is on an 8% margin and he received a substantial positive swing in 2022.

Meanwhile the Sydney Morning Herald reports New South Wales senator Hollie Hughes has lashed out at shadow treasurer Angus Taylor, blaming him for her loss in the recent Senate preselection, when she failed to secure a winnable place on the ticket.

Taylor, from the conservative faction, provided a reference for conservative candidate Jessica Collins. Andrew Bragg, a moderate, will head the ticket and Collins has a winnable spot.

“This is a message to colleagues that some people’s ambition is more focused on themselves rather than the betterment of the team,” Hughes said.

Premier Li Qiang’s arrives in Australia this weekend

Chinese Premier Li Qiang will visit Australia from Saturday to Tuesday, in the first visit by a Chinese premier since 2017.

Prime Minister Albanese and Premier Li will hold the Annual Leaders’ Meeting in Canberra; Premier Li will also go to Adelaide and Perth. The visit will include Albanese and Li meeting with Australian and Chinese business leaders, and a community event to mark the contribution of the more than one million members of the Chinese-Australian community.

Albanese visited China late last year.

Asked at his news conference what his message to Li would be about incidents involving the Australian military in the South China Sea and elsewhere, Albanese said the message would be that they were “inappropriate”. He said Li would be “very aware of Australia’s position, which is that Australia was engaged in legitimate international activity.”

Late last year, the Chinese used sonar against Australian navy divers. This year, flares were deployed in the path of an Australian navy helicopter.

The Conversation

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Dutton won’t announce medium term emissions targets before election – Albanese says that’s walking out of Paris – https://theconversation.com/dutton-wont-announce-medium-term-emissions-targets-before-election-albanese-says-thats-walking-out-of-paris-232153

There are ‘forever chemicals’ in our drinking water. Should standards change to protect our health?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian A. Wright, Associate Professor in Environmental Science, Western Sydney University

Today’s news coverage reports potentially unsafe levels of “forever chemicals” detected in drinking water supplies around Australia. These include human-made chemicals: perfluorooctane sulfonate (known as PFOS) and perflurooctanic acid (PFOA). They are classed under the broader category of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances or PFAS chemicals.

The contaminants found in our drinking water are the same ones United States authorities warn can cause cancer over a long period of time, with reports warning there is “no safe level of exposure”.

In April, the US Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) sent shock waves through the water industry around the world when it announced stricter advice on safe levels of PFOS/PFOA in drinking water. This reduced limits considered safe in supplies to zero and gave the water industry five years to meet legally enforceable limits of 4 parts per trillion.

So, should the same limits be enforced here in Australia? And how worried should we be that the drinking in many parts of Australia would fail the new US standards?

What are the health risks?

Medical knowledge about the human health effects of PFOS/PFOA is still emerging. An important factor is the bioaccumulation of these chemicals in different organs in the body over time.

Increased exposure of people to these chemicals has been associated with several adverse health effects. These include higher cholesterol, lower birth weights, modified immune responses, kidney and testicular cancer.

It has been very difficult to accurately track and measure effects of different levels of PFAS exposure on people. People may be exposed to PFAS chemicals in their everyday life through waterproofing of clothes, non-stick cookware coatings or through food and drinking water. PFAS can also be in pesticides, paints and cosmetics.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer (on behalf of the World Health Organization) regards PFOA as being carcinogenic to humans and PFOS as possibly carcinogenic to humans.




Read more:
PFAS ‘forever chemicals’: Why EPA set federal drinking water limits for these health-harming contaminants


child at water fountain outdoors
Is our drinking water safe? What about long-term risks?
Volodymyr TVERDOKHLIB/Shutterstock

Our guidelines

Australian drinking water supplies are assessed against national water quality standards. These Australian Drinking Water Guidelines are continuously reviewed by industry and health experts that scan the international literature and update them accordingly.

All city and town water supplies across Australia are subject to a wide range of physical and chemical water tests. The results are compared to Australian water guidelines.

Some tests relate to human health considerations, such as levels of lead or bacteria. Others relate to “aesthetic” considerations, such as the appearance or taste of water. Most water authorities across Australia make water quality information and compliance with Australian guidelines freely available.

What about Australian PFOS and PFOA standards?

These chemicals can enter our drinking water system from many potential sources, such as via their use in fire-fighting foams or pesticides.

According to the Australian Drinking Water Guidelines, PFOS should not exceed 0.07 micrograms per litre in drinking water. And PFOA should not exceed 0.056 micrograms per litre. One microgram is equivalent to one part per billion.

The concentration of these chemicals in water is incredibly small. And much of the advice on their concentration is provided in different units. Sometimes in micrograms or nannograms. The USEPA uses parts per trillion.

In parts per trillion (ppt) the Australian Guidelines for PFOS is 70 ppt and PFOA is 560 ppt. The USEPA’s new maximum contaminant levels (enforceable levels) are 4 ppt for both PFOS and also PFOA. Previous news reports have pointed out Australian guidelines for these chemicals in drinking water are up to 140 times higher than the USEPA permits.

Yikes! That seems like a lot

Today’s news report cites PFOS and PFOA water tests done at many different water supplies across Australia. Some water samples did not detect either chemicals. But most did, with the highest PFOS concentration 15.1–15.6 parts per trillion from Genunga, South Australia. The highest PFOA concentration was reported from a small water supply in western Sydney, where it was detected at 5.17–9.66 parts per trillion.

Australia and the US are not alone. This is an enormous global problem.

One of the obvious challenges for the Australian water industry is that current water treatment processes may not be effective at removing PFOS or PFOA. The Australian Drinking Water Guidelines provide this advice:

Standard water treatment technologies including coagulation followed by physical separation, aeration, chemical oxidation, UV irradiation, and disinfection have little or no effect on PFOS or PFOA concentrations.

Filtering with activated carbon and reverse osmosis may remove many PFAS chemicals. But no treatment systems appear to be completely effective at their removal.

Removing these contaminants might be particularly difficult for small regional water supplies already struggling to maintain their water infrastructure. The NSW Auditor General criticised the planning for, and funding of, town water infrastructure in regional NSW back in 2020.

Where to from here?

The Australian water industry likely has little choice but to follow the US lead and address PFOS/PFAS contamination in drinking water. Along with lower thresholds, the US committed US$1 billion to water infrastructure to improve detection and water treatment. They will also now require:

Public water systems must monitor for these PFAS and have three years to complete initial monitoring (by 2027) […]

As today’s report notes, it is very difficult to find any recent data on PFOS and PFOA in Australian drinking water supplies. Australian regulators should also require ongoing and widespread monitoring of our major city and regional water supplies for these “forever chemicals”.

The bottom line for drinking tap water is to keep watching this space. Buying bottled water might not be effective (2021 US research detected PFAS in 39 out of 100 bottled waters). The USEPA suggests people can reduce PFAS exposure with measures including avoiding fish from contaminated waters and considering home filtration systems.

The Conversation

Ian A. Wright has received research funding from industry, local, NSW and Commonwealth Government. He has previously worked for the water industry (Sydney Water) as a scientist and catchment officer.

ref. There are ‘forever chemicals’ in our drinking water. Should standards change to protect our health? – https://theconversation.com/there-are-forever-chemicals-in-our-drinking-water-should-standards-change-to-protect-our-health-232143

What’s new about the latest UN ceasefire resolution for Gaza, and will it have any better chance of success?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

The UN Security Council has passed yet another resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. This is the fourth such resolution adopted by the council since Hamas’ October 7 attack on southern Israel and the launching of Israel’s war in Gaza.

Little has come from the three previous resolutions, all of which have been legally binding since they were passed by the Security Council:

  • a resolution on March 25 calling for a ceasefire that was ignored by Israel

  • a resolution on December 22 calling for a “sustainable cessation of hostitilies”, which also had no immediate practical effect

  • a resolution on November 15 calling for “humanitarian pauses”, which did nothing to alleviate Palestinian suffering or secure the release of hostages.

So, what is new about this latest resolution? And can it bring a halt to the fighting?




Read more:
Why has an Israel-Hamas ceasefire been so elusive? A timeline of key moments in the search for peace


What is new

First, this most recent resolution, which was drafted by the United States and supported by a vote of 14-0 (with Russia abstaining), has much more specific terms. For example, it lays out a three-stage approach to achieving a “permanent end to hostilities”.

In this first stage, all fighting will stop and some of the remaining hostages will be returned in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. And if the negotiations take longer than six weeks, the ceasefire will continue.

The document also calls for the return of Palestinians to their homes and neighbourhoods, and for housing units to be delivered by the international community.

This staged approach and inclusion of housing units is new, perhaps with the realisation that over half of Gaza’s buildings have been destroyed and more than 80% of the population has been displaced, often multiple times.

The resolution is also explicitly linked to the ongoing negotiations being carried out by Qatar, with the help of Egypt and the US, to achieve a ceasefire.

This is a positive given Qatar successfully negotiated the only temporary pause in the fighting for seven days in November. This resulted in the release of around 100 hostages, in exchange for 240 Palestinian prisoners.

This current resolution also specifically rejects any territorial or demographic changes to the Gaza Strip, which is a welcome addition given that many fear the re-occupation of Gaza by Israel.

What is not new

Since the beginning of the war, the multiple resolutions passed by the UN Security Council and General Assembly have not led to any real action.

Hamas has previously signalled it is willing to accept the terms of a similar ceasefire negotiated by Qatar. The militant group is also now saying it will abide by the terms of the new UN resolution “that are consistent with the demands of our people and resistance”.

Despite the fact the current resolution specifically mentions Israel has “accepted” its terms, there has been no sign that Israel will, in fact, abide by its obligations under international law.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reportedly been sceptical about the plan, with his office saying any permanent ceasefire before the “destruction of Hamas military and governing capabilities” is achieved is a “non-starter”.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken was also apparently still trying to sell the resolution to Israel on Monday. This seems to negate Israel’s presumed acceptance of the ceasefire.

A better chance of success?

Arguably, some of the more specific and detailed terms of this resolution give it a better chance of success than previous UN resolutions.

This is because if parties to a ceasefire have invested time into negotiating and have agreed to specific terms, they know what needs to happen, when and how. There is also greater likelihood the two sides will abide by the terms because this level of specificity ensures some level of accountability from outside observers and the international community.

We saw this in the November temporary truce agreement, which had very specific terms that were followed by both Hamas and Israel.

Another example from a different conflict is the 2002 ceasefire agreement between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) militant group. This ceasefire, which lasted for several years, included references to freedom of troop and civilian movement in specific geographical locations. It also specified landmarks to be used as de-militarised zones.

Problematically, while the current Security Council resolution calls for the effective distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale, including housing units, aid access to Gaza has been stymied by Israel, which now controls all entry points.

Interestingly, the resolution also specifically rejects “any attempt at demographic or territorial change”. However, it omits wording from a previous draft that had included mention of a “buffer zone” Israel is currently building along the border inside Gaza.

And despite the welcome addition of more specific chronological phases in this resolution, the text has some of the same vagueness as previous resolutions, particularly around what exactly will happen in phases two and three.

Phase two seems to link the continuation of the ceasefire with the negotiations being led by Qatar. But, as we have already seen during the war, negotiations can easily be abandoned or dismissed by one or both sides of a conflict.

Likewise, phase three offers the chance for a “multi-year reconstruction plan for Gaza”, but offers no practical detail on how this would be accomplished.

Actions matter more than words

At this stage of this devastating conflict, any halt in fighting that alleviates the suffering of Palestinians is welcome.

However, I remain sceptical this resolution will be any more successful at halting the violence than its predecessors. Success will only come when both parties – but, in particular, Israel as the side with the greater military power – show they are willing to implement a ceasefire through their actions.

The Conversation

Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What’s new about the latest UN ceasefire resolution for Gaza, and will it have any better chance of success? – https://theconversation.com/whats-new-about-the-latest-un-ceasefire-resolution-for-gaza-and-will-it-have-any-better-chance-of-success-232151

Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emissions suggests our climate wars are far from over

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt McDonald, Professor of International Relations, The University of Queensland

Opposition leader Peter Dutton on Tuesday reiterated the Coalition’s support for the Paris climate agreement, following suggestions he might walk away from the deal. But he fuelled speculation the Coalition plans to scrap Australia’s current 2030 emissions target and confirmed he won’t annouce the Coalition’s proposed target before the election.

Dutton’s comments follow days of confusion about where the Coalition stands on Australia’s emissions reduction goals. Nationals MPs Barnaby Joyce and Keith Pitt reportedly want the Coalition to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement. And over the weekend, Dutton said the Albanese government “just have no hope of achieving the [2030] targets and there’s no sense signing up to targets you don’t have any prospect of achieving”.

Speaking on Tuesday, Dutton said of the Coalition’s climate policy:

we’re not going to send the economy into freefall, and families bankrupt, through an ideologically based approach, which is what Anthony Albanese is doing at the moment.

So what would happen if a Dutton government weakened Australia’s 2030 targets – a 43% cut on 2005 levels – or if the Coalition’s more conservative elements succeeded and the Coalition abandoned Australia’s Paris commitment altogether?

At this stage, it’s virtually impossible to imagine Australia walking away from the Paris deal. But even watering down our 2030 targets would have significant diplomatic and economic repercussions. Either way, climate policy is looming as a major issue heading into the next election.

The 2030 targets must stay

Let’s say a Coalition government decided to drop Australia’s 2030 targets, but remain signed up to the Paris agreement, and the broader goal of reaching net-zero emissions by 2050.

This would technically be possible. However, it is clearly inconsistent with the spirit of the Paris agreement, which asks that nations ratchet-up their emissions reduction commitments over time.

And abandoning the 2030 goal would make it incredibly difficult, if not impossible, for Australia to reach net-zero by 2050. As others have noted, the 43% target target already falls short of what is needed for Australia to do its share on emissions reduction under the Paris Agreement, and is less ambitious than the targets adopted by our international peers.

This brings us to Coalition suggestions that Australia has no prospect of meeting the 43% target, and so should not be signed up to it. This is a ridiculous argument.

First, the 43% target is not unachievable. The latest forecasts suggest Australia is on track to cutting emissions by 42% by 2030.

Emissions targets signal that a government is working towards something. They encourage aspiration and action. They incentivise investment in some areas – such as renewable energy – and disincentivise investment elsewhere, such as in fossil fuels. A target’s legitimacy isn’t determined by whether it is wholly met.

Having said that, the Coalition’s line of attack should be a wake-up call to the Albanese government to make sure the 43% target is achieved.

What about nuclear?

The Coalition’s climate and energy policy hinges, controversially, on the introduction of a nuclear power industry in Australia.

Nationals leader David Littleproud on Monday said the Coalition remains committed to the goal of net-zero by 2050, but most emissions reduction would occur towards the end of that period when nuclear power is up and running. He said the Coalition would have interim targets out to 2050 “but we won’t have a linear pathway” to net-zero.

The idea that nuclear could be part of the solution to Australia’s energy transition is nonsense. Evidence abounds to support this, including a report by the CSIRO last month which found a nuclear plant would cost at least A$8.6 billion, and electricity from nuclear power in Australia would be at least 50% more expensive than solar and wind.

Establishing a nuclear energy capacity in Australia would be prohibitively expensive and just not feasible. What’s more, the long-term economic costs would be huge. Not least are the eye-watering costs of dealing with the effects of climate change should the world, including Australia, not reduce emissions dramatically.

Australia on the global stage

Increasingly around the world, nations that fail to act on climate change risk being penalised economically in the form of carbon tariffs. There are taxes applied to imports, according to the volume of greenhouse gas emissions released in their production.

The policy is designed to ensure manufacturers operating in nations with strict emissions policies in place, such as a carbon price, are not undercut by manufacturers in higher-emitting countries. The European Union introduced such a policy in 2023. The US is also considering a version of the policy.

Australian exporters risk significant economic costs if our federal government does not adopt a serious emissions reduction strategy.

Then there is the question of Australia’s international reputation. Stepping back on climate change goals does not align with the image we have of ourselves: as a good international citizen that helps advance responses to challenging transnational problems.

More directly, it would badly undermine Australia’s relationships with its Pacific neighbours, for whom climate change is an existential threat – perhaps even pushing those countries closer to China.

The results of the next presidential election in the United States, however, pose a danger. There, conservatives have reportedly drafted a plan for a future Trump administration to leave the Paris agreement, as it did in 2020.

If a major global power, and Australia’s biggest ally, withdraws from the deal, it may provide cover for a future Australian government to do the same.

The climate wars continue

From a domestic political point of view, it’s unclear what the Coalition hopes to achieve by raising the prospect of a walk-back on climate action. Such a policy would, for example, make it acutely difficult for the Coalition to win back teal seats it lost at the last election.

A recent Lowy poll found 57% of Australians think global warming “is a serious and pressing problem and that we should begin taking steps now, even if it involves significant costs”.

Following the last election, hopes were high that Australia’s frustrating climate wars may be over. The results suggested the Coalition’s only pathway back to power would have to involve a legitimate climate policy. The Coalition’s latest rhetoric suggests it does not agree.

The Conversation

Matt McDonald has received funding from the Australian Research Council and the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council

ref. Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emissions suggests our climate wars are far from over – https://theconversation.com/peter-duttons-latest-salvo-on-australias-emissions-suggests-our-climate-wars-are-far-from-over-232144

Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emission goals suggests our climate wars are far from over

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt McDonald, Professor of International Relations, The University of Queensland

Opposition leader Peter Dutton on Tuesday reiterated the Coalition’s support for the Paris climate agreement, following suggestions he might walk away from the deal. But he fuelled speculation the Coalition plans to scrap Australia’s current 2030 emissions target and confirmed he won’t annouce the Coalition’s proposed target before the election.

Dutton’s comments follow days of confusion about where the Coalition stands on Australia’s emissions reduction goals. Nationals MPs Barnaby Joyce and Keith Pitt reportedly want the Coalition to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement. And over the weekend, Dutton said the Albanese government “just have no hope of achieving the [2030] targets and there’s no sense signing up to targets you don’t have any prospect of achieving”.

Speaking on Tuesday, Dutton said of the Coalition’s climate policy:

we’re not going to send the economy into freefall, and families bankrupt, through an ideologically based approach, which is what Anthony Albanese is doing at the moment.

So what would happen if a Dutton government weakened Australia’s 2030 targets – a 43% cut on 2005 levels – or if the Coalition’s more conservative elements succeeded and the Coalition abandoned Australia’s Paris commitment altogether?

At this stage, it’s virtually impossible to imagine Australia walking away from the Paris deal. But even watering down our 2030 targets would have significant diplomatic and economic repercussions. Either way, climate policy is looming as a major issue heading into the next election.

The 2030 targets must stay

Let’s say a Coalition government decided to drop Australia’s 2030 targets, but remain signed up to the Paris agreement, and the broader goal of reaching net-zero emissions by 2050.

This would technically be possible. However, it is clearly inconsistent with the spirit of the Paris agreement, which asks that nations ratchet-up their emissions reduction commitments over time.

And abandoning the 2030 goal would make it incredibly difficult, if not impossible, for Australia to reach net-zero by 2050. As others have noted, the 43% target target already falls short of what is needed for Australia to do its share on emissions reduction under the Paris Agreement, and is less ambitious than the targets adopted by our international peers.

This brings us to Coalition suggestions that Australia has no prospect of meeting the 43% target, and so should not be signed up to it. This is a ridiculous argument.

First, the 43% target is not unachievable. The latest forecasts suggest Australia is on track to cutting emissions by 42% by 2030.

Emissions targets signal that a government is working towards something. They encourage aspiration and action. They incentivise investment in some areas – such as renewable energy – and disincentivise investment elsewhere, such as in fossil fuels. A target’s legitimacy isn’t determined by whether it is wholly met.

Having said that, the Coalition’s line of attack should be a wake-up call to the Albanese government to make sure the 43% target is achieved.

What about nuclear?

The Coalition’s climate and energy policy hinges, controversially, on the introduction of a nuclear power industry in Australia.

Nationals leader David Littleproud on Monday said the Coalition remains committed to the goal of net-zero by 2050, but most emissions reduction would occur towards the end of that period when nuclear power is up and running. He said the Coalition would have interim targets out to 2050 “but we won’t have a linear pathway” to net-zero.

The idea that nuclear could be part of the solution to Australia’s energy transition is nonsense. Evidence abounds to support this, including a report by the CSIRO last month which found a nuclear plant would cost at least A$8.6 billion, and electricity from nuclear power in Australia would be at least 50% more expensive than solar and wind.

Establishing a nuclear energy capacity in Australia would be prohibitively expensive and just not feasible. What’s more, the long-term economic costs would be huge. Not least are the eye-watering costs of dealing with the effects of climate change should the world, including Australia, not reduce emissions dramatically.

Australia on the global stage

Increasingly around the world, nations that fail to act on climate change risk being penalised economically in the form of carbon tariffs. There are taxes applied to imports, according to the volume of greenhouse gas emissions released in their production.

The policy is designed to ensure manufacturers operating in nations with strict emissions policies in place, such as a carbon price, are not undercut by manufacturers in higher-emitting countries. The European Union introduced such a policy in 2023. The US is also considering a version of the policy.

Australian exporters risk significant economic costs if our federal government does not adopt a serious emissions reduction strategy.

Then there is the question of Australia’s international reputation. Stepping back on climate change goals does not align with the image we have of ourselves: as a good international citizen that helps advance responses to challenging transnational problems.

More directly, it would badly undermine Australia’s relationships with its Pacific neighbours, for whom climate change is an existential threat – perhaps even pushing those countries closer to China.

The results of the next presidential election in the United States, however, pose a danger. There, conservatives have reportedly drafted a plan for a future Trump administration to leave the Paris agreement, as it did in 2020.

If a major global power, and Australia’s biggest ally, withdraws from the deal, it may provide cover for a future Australian government to do the same.

The climate wars continue

From a domestic political point of view, it’s unclear what the Coalition hopes to achieve by raising the prospect of a walk-back on climate action. Such a policy would, for example, make it acutely difficult for the Coalition to win back teal seats it lost at the last election.

A recent Lowy poll found 57% of Australians think global warming “is a serious and pressing problem and that we should begin taking steps now, even if it involves significant costs”.

Following the last election, hopes were high that Australia’s frustrating climate wars may be over. The results suggested the Coalition’s only pathway back to power would have to involve a legitimate climate policy. The Coalition’s latest rhetoric suggests it does not agree.

The Conversation

Matt McDonald has received funding from the Australian Research Council and the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council

ref. Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emission goals suggests our climate wars are far from over – https://theconversation.com/peter-duttons-latest-salvo-on-australias-emission-goals-suggests-our-climate-wars-are-far-from-over-232144

Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emission goals suggest our climate wars are far from over

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt McDonald, Professor of International Relations, The University of Queensland

Opposition leader Peter Dutton on Tuesday reiterated the Coalition’s support for the Paris climate agreement, following suggestions he might walk away from the deal. But he fuelled speculation the Coalition plans to scrap Australia’s current 2030 emissions target and confirmed he won’t annouce the Coalition’s proposed target before the election.

Dutton’s comments follow days of confusion about where the Coalition stands on Australia’s emissions reduction goals. Nationals MPs Barnaby Joyce and Keith Pitt reportedly want the Coalition to walk away from the Paris climate agreement. And over the weekend, Dutton said the Albanese government “just have no hope of achieving the [2030] targets and there’s no sense signing up to targets you don’t have any prospect of achieving”.

Speaking on Tuesday, Dutton said of the Coalition’s climate policy:

we’re not going to send the economy into freefall, and families bankrupt, through an ideologically based approach, which is what Anthony Albanese is doing at the moment.

So what would happen if a Dutton government weakened Australia’s 2030 targets – a 43% cut on 2005 levels – or if the Coalition’s more conservative elements succeeded and the Coalition abandoned Australia’s Paris commitment altogether?

At this stage, it’s virtually impossible to imagine Australia walking away from the Paris deal. But even watering down our 2030 targets would have significant diplomatic and economic repercussions. Either way, climate policy is looming as a major issue heading into the next election.

The 2030 targets must stay

Let’s say a Coalition government decided to drop Australia’s 2030 targets, but remain signed up to the Paris agreement, and the broader goal of reaching net-zero emissions by 2050.

This would technically be possible. However, it is clearly inconsistent with the spirit of the Paris agreement, which asks that nations ratchet-up their emissions reduction commitments over time.

And abandoning the 2030 goal would make it incredibly difficult, if not impossible, for Australia to reach net-zero by 2050. As others have noted, the 43% target target already falls short of what is needed for Australia to do its share on emissions reduction under the Paris Agreement, and is less ambitious than the targets adopted by our international peers.

This brings us to Coalition suggestions that Australia has no prospect of meeting the 43% target, and so should not be signed up to it. This is a ridiculous argument.

First, the 43% target is not unachievable. The latest forecasts suggest Australia is on track to cutting emissions by 42% by 2030.

Emissions targets signal that a government is working towards something. They encourage aspiration and action. They incentivise investment in some areas – such as renewable energy – and disincentivise investment elsewhere, such as in fossil fuels. A target’s legitimacy isn’t determined by whether it is wholly met.

Having said that, the Coalition’s line of attack should be a wake-up call to the Albanese government to make sure the 43% target is achieved.

What about nuclear?

The Coalition’s climate and energy policy hinges, controversially, on the introduction of a nuclear power industry in Australia.

Nationals leader David Littleproud on Monday said the Coalition remains committed to the goal of net-zero by 2050, but most emissions reduction would occur towards the end of that period when nuclear power is up and running. He said the Coalition would have interim targets out to 2050 “but we won’t have a linear pathway” to net-zero.

The idea that nuclear could be part of the solution to Australia’s energy transition is nonsense. Evidence abounds to support this, including a report by the CSIRO last month which found a nuclear plant would cost at least A$8.6 billion, and electricity from nuclear power in Australia would be at least 50% more expensive than solar and wind.

Establishing a nuclear energy capacity in Australia would be prohibitively expensive and just not feasible. What’s more, the long-term economic costs would be huge. Not least are the eye-watering costs of dealing with the effects of climate change should the world, including Australia, not reduce emissions dramatically.

Australia on the global stage

Increasingly around the world, nations that fail to act on climate change risk being penalised economically in the form of carbon tariffs. There are taxes applied to imports, according to the volume of greenhouse gas emissions released in their production.

The policy is designed to ensure manufacturers operating in nations with strict emissions policies in place, such as a carbon price, are not undercut by manufacturers in higher-emitting countries. The European Union introduced such a policy in 2023. The US is also considering a version of the policy.

Australian exporters risk significant economic costs if our federal government does not adopt a serious emissions reduction strategy.

Then there is the question of Australia’s international reputation. Stepping back on climate change goals does not align with the image we have of ourselves: as a good international citizen that helps advance responses to challenging transnational problems.

More directly, it would badly undermine Australia’s relationships with its Pacific neighbours, for whom climate change is an existential threat – perhaps even pushing those countries closer to China.

The results of the next presidential election in the United States, however, pose a danger. There, conservatives have reportedly drafted a plan for a future Trump administration to leave the Paris agreement, as it did in 2020.

If a major global power, and Australia’s biggest ally, withdraws from the deal, it may provide cover for a future Australian government to do the same.

The climate wars continue

From a domestic political point of view, it’s unclear what the Coalition hopes to achieve by raising the prospect of a walk-back on climate action. Such a policy would, for example, make it acutely difficult for the Coalition to win back teal seats it lost at the last election.

A recent Lowy poll found 57% of Australians think global warming “is a serious and pressing problem and that we should begin taking steps now, even if it involves significant costs”.

Following the last election, hopes were high that Australia’s frustrating climate wars may be over. The results suggested the Coalition’s only pathway back to power would have to involve a legitimate climate policy. The Coalition’s latest rhetoric suggests it does not agree.

The Conversation

Matt McDonald has received funding from the Australian Research Council and the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council

ref. Peter Dutton’s latest salvo on Australia’s emission goals suggest our climate wars are far from over – https://theconversation.com/peter-duttons-latest-salvo-on-australias-emission-goals-suggest-our-climate-wars-are-far-from-over-232144

Tech solutions to limit kids’ access to social media are fraught with problems, including privacy risks

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa M. Given, Professor of Information Sciences & Director, Social Change Enabling Impact Platform, RMIT University

Ground Picture/Shutterstock

A campaign to block children’s access to social media to limit online harms and unhealthy internet use is picking up momentum in Australian politics. The current age limit for platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and TikTok is 13, but some state governments are calling to raise this age to 16.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has welcomed these efforts, and the federal opposition has committed to introducing laws that will bar under 16-year-olds from social media.

These calls are among the latest attempts to control how young people engage with culture. From banning children’s books, to limiting television screen time, and rating music, movies and videogames, society often turns to government regulation to address moral panics.

Yet, critics explain the desire to control children’s access is “not really backed by robust science”. They raise privacy concerns about uploading personal documents (like passports) and providing details unrelated to age (like credit card numbers) to technology companies. Critics also highlight the social and informational benefits of online engagement, which may be lost if young people are banned.

These criticisms are valid, as age assurance technologies have a long way to go to address these concerns.

Is age verification even possible?

Many online sites currently rely on age gating, where users self-report their age. This can easily fail.

Children under 13 can provide fake birthdates to create social media accounts. And teenagers can simply tap “yes” when asked to verify if they’re over the age of 18.

To prevent children from accessing inappropriate and harmful online content, the federal government is already funding a trial of “age assurance” technologies.

Self-reporting is actually a type of age assurance. Other methods, including more rigorous age verification processes, are also available. However, none of them are foolproof or risk free.

So how do age verification/assurance technologies work?

Several strategies are being used or tested to identify people’s potential age.

  • User-provided age verification. This asks users to upload “hard identifiers” (such as a passport or driver’s license) as proof of age. While this approach is reliable, it excludes anyone who lacks appropriate identification.

  • Verified parental consent. A parent verifies their age (via a hard identifier) and then confirms the age of a child user, and/or approves access on their behalf. This approach requires involvement of a responsible adult, but raises concerns for young people’s privacy.

  • Age estimation using behavioural data. Artificial intelligence tools can build users’ age profiles based on platform behaviours, such as analysing the accounts they follow, posts they like and content they post. But these numeric age estimates may not match an individual’s stage of development or literacy level, or even their actual age.

  • Age estimation using biometrics. A user’s age is estimated based on biometric data (for example, facial scanning). This is a challenging approach, as facial recognition technologies are known to be biased and prone to errors.

Unfortunately, many of these approaches raise significant privacy concerns for users, not least because a third party (such as the social media company) would be handling their ID documents and other personal data.

While government-issued digital IDs may offer secure alternatives for age verification, many people may not hold passports, driver’s licenses, or other types of “hard” documentation required for these services.

What do we lose by automating age verification?

While these technologies will improve over time, now is the time to decide whether age-based bans are what we need or want.

Society may agree that online adult content – such as pornography, gambling and alcohol sites – should be restricted by age. However, banning children from all social media may cause more harm than good.

Social media platforms provide vital pathways for young people to engage with peers and seek information for school, work and personal needs. For example, YouTube and LinkedIn are critical professional development and networking tools, often used in education. Would a social media ban only target specific tools, or apply to all platforms, regardless of purpose?

By enacting age-related bans and other restrictions across the board, without discretion or consideration for individual maturity, children’s right to access information will also be curtailed.

From climate change to the housing crisis, health concerns and career goals, young people need access to reliable information and community networks. Yes, they will also watch cat videos and learn about the latest fashions. And they may, inevitably, encounter inappropriate content, trolls and bullies.

Social media – as with television, internet and other media content – are best explored by children with the support of parents, teachers and other caregivers to guide their use.

While age assurance technologies may limit access to some adult content, these tools also restrict parental discretion to determine what is best for their children.

Appropriate social media use requires critical thinking and digital literacy skills – not only for children, but for parents and other caregivers. Government investment in educating parents and other caregivers on social media tools and safety practices would ensure families are well equipped to navigate our ever-changing social media landscape.

The Conversation

Lisa M. Given receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Lisa is Editor-in-Chief of the Annual Review for Information Science and Technology

ref. Tech solutions to limit kids’ access to social media are fraught with problems, including privacy risks – https://theconversation.com/tech-solutions-to-limit-kids-access-to-social-media-are-fraught-with-problems-including-privacy-risks-231696

NDIS fraud is more than ‘growing pains’ – how fundamental flaws in the scheme should be addressed

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mona Nikidehaghani, Senior Lecturer in Accounting, University of Wollongong

New estimates suggest nearly 5% of the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) is spent in error.

John Dardo, the integrity chief of the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA — the agency that runs the scheme), has warned around A$2 billion of the scheme’s spending was not on genuine needs, leading to the misuse of the NDIS’s $42 billion budget, including by organised crime syndicates.

Large-scale, publicly funded schemes, such as Medicare and childcare, have been targeted by criminals, with $1.5–$3 billion lost to Medicare fraud annually.

The NDIS is vital for the lives of around 650,000 people with disabilities, and the recent estimates expose errors in the NDIS design that must be addressed.

Types of fraud

Latest reports show criminals use different ways to target the NDIS.

The most concerning incidents show NDIS participants are being harassed by criminals to give up their NDIS budget or are encouraged to misuse their funds to buy luxury items.

There have been reports of some criminals posing as support coordinators. They then change participants’ contact details and bank accounts to redirect funds. This lets them take large amounts of money for fake services.

Another method is adding extra charges to invoices, making participants pay more than the services are worth, or for services that were never provided.

Some have also been creating fake businesses to divert NDIS funds.

Could registration stop the fraud?

Currently, the NDIS operates through a mix of registered and unregistered service providers.

Registered providers are approved to provide services to NDIA-managed participants and are subject to oversight. However, unregistered providers, who typically service participants receiving less than $100,000 per year, are not controlled by the NDIA.

Both types of providers must comply with the NDIS Code of Conduct and can have complaints filed against them.

There are more than 150,000 unregistered providers, making up around 87% of service providers. The recent NDIS review proposed registering all providers to safeguard the system. However, this has faced backlash as it could threaten the choice and control promised by the NDIS.

Selecting who provides support is important to NDIS participants, especially when it involves personal care, such as showering.

Registration is costly. Registered providers incur additional expenses, such as those related to regular audits, staff clearances, and quality and risk control. Forcing providers to register could lead some to stop offering NDIS services rather than undergo the registration process.

This could result in NDIS participants living in areas with few or only one provider and therefore receiving limited or no services.

New legislation

The recent Getting the NDIS Back on Track legislation aims to reduce the overall cost of the NDIS by $14.4 billion over the next four years.

One aspect is to control plan inflation — where participants spend all of their NDIS funding before the end of their plan and request more funds for supports. The legislation also introduces a new needs-based assessment along with clarifying what items and supports can be funded.

It also reinforces participant compliance. For example, the NDIA will be able to request extra information to reassess participants’ eligibility to access the scheme.

The NDIA can also decide if the agency must step in to manage the participants’ funding. If they believe participants are not complying with NDIA requirements, they might raise a debt against the participants. Although it is still unclear how this would operate, the government says it intends to co-design the new requirements with the disability community.




Read more:
Draft NDIS bill is the first step to reform – but some details have disability advocates worried


Fighting fraud must include prevention

Fraud against the NDIS is investigated by the Fraud Fusion Taskforce, a multi-agency partnership established in 2022 to combat fraud in the NDIS. The latest reports show the taskforce has 500 investigations of compliance matters under investigation. There are 20 prosecutions in the courts and another 12 on the way, according to NDIS Minister Bill Shorten.

This year, the government announced a joint taskforce with the Australian Consumer and Competition Commission (ACCC) to combat incidents of overcharging in which NDIS participants paid more than people outside the scheme for the same product or service.




Read more:
Choice and control: what can the ACCC do to stop NDIS price gouging and reduce costs?


While fraud detection is important, more work is needed to prevent fraud in a system designed to help some of society’s most vulnerable.

At the moment, the system does not check all invoices submitted daily. A payment system that keeps records of provider information, such as business name, ABN number, bank accounts and addresses, can allow for tracking provider activities. Such a system would also check invoices against participants’ plans and provider records. It could also identify and alert authorities of any irregularities or suspicious activities.

The government also needs to recruit more staff and invest in training them to detect red flags. Staff who are familiar with the circumstances of people with disabilities can be more effective in checking claims submitted daily and identifying irregularities.

Importantly, fraud can be fought by informing participants about possible ways criminals might abuse the system and how they can report these activities. This should extend beyond media releases and the information provided on the NDIS website. Here, disability advocates and community services can play an important role.

Participants might feel intimidated by criminals and fear that reporting fraudulent activities could impact the services they receive or even lead to a loss of NDIS funding. Disability advocacy groups could provide information and guide participants. But to do so effectively, they would need better government funding.

This year, the government announced an increase in the allocation of funding to some disability advocacy groups. This is a good start. However, to achieve the best outcomes, funding must be provided in a continuous and systematic way.

The Conversation

Mona Nikidehaghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. NDIS fraud is more than ‘growing pains’ – how fundamental flaws in the scheme should be addressed – https://theconversation.com/ndis-fraud-is-more-than-growing-pains-how-fundamental-flaws-in-the-scheme-should-be-addressed-231818

Beware of ‘tax hacks’ to maximise your return this year. The tax office is taking a close look at incorrect claims

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ann Kayis-Kumar, Associate Professor Ann Kayis-Kumar is the Founding Director of UNSW Tax and Business Advisory Clinic, UNSW Sydney

For many people a tax refund is a much-anticipated lump sum of money.

So, it is understandable Australians will be looking for ways to maximise their returns – particularly we are in a cost-of-living crisis.

But, whether you do your own return or use a tax agent, taking risks is not advised.

Be wary of tax hacks

But be wary of “tax hacks” you might hear about from online sources (I’m looking at you, TikTok). Two truisms spring to mind:

1. Don’t let the tax tail wag the dog

Many tax hacks suggest you spend considerable money on purchases up front to claim tax deductions. But a tax deduction isn’t actually worth the value amount of your spend.

For example: let’s say you’re on a taxable income of A$60,000 per year, which puts you roughly in the 50th percentile of income earners and means your marginal tax rate is 32.5 cents.

You might spend $1,000 on a purchase in the hope of getting a sweet $1,000 tax deduction. However, you’re going to be $675 out of pocket. This is because that $1,000 deduction is only worth $325 (because tax is calculated on your taxable income, which is assessable income less allowable deductions).

It will be worth even less next year because of the introduction of the revised Stage 3 tax cuts and that’s a good thing because you’ll be paying less tax overall.

2. If it’s too good to be true, it probably is

Even if you use a registered tax agent (and it’s important to check they are registered by checking the Tax Practitioners’ Board), it’s a common pitfall to think any aggressive deductions they might suggest are their responsibility if the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) comes knocking. That’s not the case.

Taxpayers are responsible for errors in returns made by their tax agents, so the ATO will hold you responsible.

Indeed, the ATO has announced it will be taking a close look at three common errors being made by taxpayers:

  • incorrectly claiming work-related expenses

  • inflating claims for rental properties

  • failing to include all income when lodging.

It might be tempting to think you’ve got away with over claiming deductions or under reporting income but the ATO has sophisticated systems to analyse your data) and track your claims.

You’ll need to substantiate your claims, so keep records. If the tax office finds mistakes, you could face financial penalties, even jail time.

Two months ago, a woman was sentenced to two years and six months jail and ordered to repay $39,600 after she lodged three fraudulent Business Activity Statements and received a GST refund to which she wasn’t entitled. While under investigation, she then sent eight false statements to the ATO and tried to claim more money.

This is one on many individuals named on the ATO’s website highlighting the results of regular crackdowns.

So, should I use a tax agent?

There are nearly 20.5 million active tax file numbers registered to individuals in Australia and last tax year the ATO received 13.7 million individual tax return lodgements. This was a 3% increase on the previous year. Of these lodgements more than 5.6 million were lodged by self-preparers and more than 8 million were lodged by tax agents.

It makes sense most Australians use agents to prepare and lodge their tax returns. It’s easier, less stressful, gives you confidence the job is being done right and saves time.

Having said that, it does come at a price (see above on the value of deductions), and previous research which finds that every extra dollar spent on a tax agent only yields an estimated tax savings of 20 cents), and if you have simple tax affairs then it’s relatively easy and quick to do it yourself.

How do I prepare my tax return?

Generally, everyone should be lodging an income tax return each year (or, if you don’t need to lodge a tax return, lodging a non-lodgement advice). The ATO has a “Do I need to lodge a tax return?” tool if you’re unsure.

It also has a useful two minute video which steps you through the process for lodging with their online system myTax.

For those of us with simple tax affairs, you just need to follow these steps:

  1. gather and prepare all your information regarding income from work, interest, dividends and any other income such as capital gains from crypto assets or sale of shares

  2. then gather and prepare all your information on deductions and work expenses to be claimed making sure you have the evidence to back up your claims. This can be in the form receipts, invoices, log books and diary entries

  3. if you are a self-preparer you can log onto your myGov or the ATO’s app to prepare and lodge your return. If you wait until late-July you’ll have the benefit of the ATO’s pre-filled data, too. This gives you plenty of time to make the October 31 deadline.

There’s also the option to use the ATO’s free, volunteer-run TaxHelp program (provided you meet the eligibility criteria), your local Tax Clinic (details here), or by seeking help from a registered tax agent. Just make sure you engage them before the October 31 deadline.

Where it might get tricky

But for others, for example if you have an ABN, it gets a bit more complicated. If you operate your business as a sole trader, you must lodge a tax return, even if your income is below the tax-free threshold.

Woman passing tray of coffees to a man
Businesses with a GST turnover of $75,000 must register for GST.
PaulaPhoto/Shutterstock

And if you have registered for GST – which you must do when your business or enterprise has a GST turnover of $75,000 or more, or if you are a taxi driver or Uber driver – then you will also need to submit quarterly BAS.

It gets even more complicated for partnerships, trusts and companies, so it is best to seek the guidance and professional expertise of a registered tax agent, if you aren’t already.

What if I can’t afford a tax agent?

This year, many Australians are doing it tough. Indeed, research by the ASIC’s Moneysmart program estimates more than five million Australians are in financial strife.

Many people will find it hard to prioritise paying a registered tax agent when they cannot afford basic necessities like food.

If you’re in this situation, you might find it useful to get in touch with a free financial counsellor via the National Debt Helpline or the Small Business Debt Helpline.

Don’t procrastinate

Don’t put off doing your tax. If you’re behind, it might seem daunting to get back on track, especially if you think you’ll have to pay extra tax this year instead of getting a refund. But not lodging your returns will backfire. Like avoiding a trip to the doctor to get a skin check, the longer you wait, the more the problem will grow.

Reaching out to the ATO is the key because they have tools to support you, including payment plans. It also shows the ATO that you are willing to comply. Ultimately, being up to date will save you fines, interest and penalties.

If you are one of the 80,000 Australians in serious hardship who need but can’t afford professional help to complete and lodge overdue returns, the government-funded National Tax Clinics Program can help with free tax advice.

The Conversation

Ann Kayis-Kumar receives funding from the Australian Government’s Australian Taxation Office National Tax Clinic Program and the Ecstra Foundation’s Financial Capability Program.

Tony Martins is the principal tax clinic supervisor at the UNSW Tax & Business Advisory Clinic.

ref. Beware of ‘tax hacks’ to maximise your return this year. The tax office is taking a close look at incorrect claims – https://theconversation.com/beware-of-tax-hacks-to-maximise-your-return-this-year-the-tax-office-is-taking-a-close-look-at-incorrect-claims-231693

How to buy a home: 7 tips for negotiating like a pro

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Park Thaichon, Associate Professor of Marketing, University of Southern Queensland

Dragon Images/Shutterstock

The main purpose of negotiation is to find a mutually acceptable solution for buyers and sellers. Good negotiations greatly improve relationships between buyers, sellers and agents. They also help avoid future problems and conflicts.

Negotiating skills become even more important for home buyers in a “seller’s market”, where demand from buyers exceeds supply from sellers. That’s currently the case in all Australian capital cities and major regional cities such as Gold Coast, Sunshine Coast and others.

Many home buyers mistakenly believe negotiation only occurs during the signing of the sale contract. However, it involves distinct stages: pre-negotiation and during negotiation.

So how can people maximise their chances of successfully negotiating a purchase in a seller’s market? I offer the following tips.

Be someone the seller’s agent wants to do business with

Buyers often communicate solely with the seller’s agent, rather than directly with the seller. It’s crucial to ensure the agent views the buyer positively. Ultimately, it’s the agent who presents offers to the seller for their decision.

It’s important, then, to understand what might motivate the seller’s agent to choose your offer. The key performance indicator for the agent often revolves around closing a property sale at a reasonable price within a certain time.

This means price is a crucial factor. However, other factors can influence the seller’s agent and seller.

For example, having pre-approved finance can increase the agent’s confidence in the buyer. If the buyer appears serious, can make quick decisions and makes a good impression, the agent may be more motivated to push for them, even if their offer is slightly lower than others without pre-approved finance.

Be a big fish (for the seller’s agent)

The next strategy is to give the seller’s agent extra incentive to favour you and your offer. Our research in customer behaviour suggests businesses value customers who make frequent purchases or engage them for long-term services.

For example, the agent would be pleased to learn that the buyer might be interested in buying another property in the near future or in using their rental service for the new property. You have an advantage if you can position yourself as someone who could provide them with extra business.

Point to competing options

In a positive manner, let the seller’s agent know you are considering two or three properties, and this specific property is among those you are inclined to make an offer on.

In certain situations, it may stimulate competitive pricing when multiple properties of similar quality are available in the same area. Make it clear to the agent you will choose the property that offers you the best overall value.

While this strategy might not necessarily lower the price in a seller’s market, it can prompt the agent to have a fuller discussion with you.

Think beyond price

The next set of tips focuses on the during negotiation stages. It can be challenging for buyers to negotiate a lower price in a market with low supply and high demand. You might have to “think outside the price box”.

Buyers often have a specific price range or fixed budget in mind when they start discussions with a seller. However, other factors besides price can influence a property’s overall value.

So if a seller won’t adjust the price, consider negotiating for other concessions that could reduce your expenses.

These may include:

Settlement period

Consider the expenses associated with the settlement period. A shorter settlement period could enable buyers to move into the property sooner and save on rent. For example, if a buyer is paying $600 per week in rent, an early settlement could save them around $2,400 per month.

Insurance costs after contract signing

In many states, buyers’ home insurance cover is required to begin from the date of contract signing. It’s reasonable for buyers to include a special condition requesting the seller to bear the insurance costs until settlement. On average, home insurance may amount to about $140 per month.

Cleaning expenses

Consider negotiating a condition stipulating that the seller must ensure the property is professionally cleaned by settlement. Failure to do so could result in a $500 adjustment in the buyer’s favour at settlement.

In some states, like Queensland, sellers are not obligated to deliver a clean property. Based on typical end-of-lease cleaning charges, internal cleaning of a four-bedroom property could cost $455 to $590.

Building and pest inspection costs

Buyers should always include a 14-day pre-purchase inspection clause for building and pest inspections in their offer. Although they may cost $300 to $600, these inspections provide a clear report that could lead to negotiations after contract signing if they find any issues with the property.

Be careful with your first offer

Don’t present the first offer in writing. It can be challenging to negotiate down the price once it has been written in an offer document.

Instead, the buyer should begin by testing the expected price of the property. As well as obtaining property reports from multiple banks, the buyer could talk with the seller’s agent in person about a price range that would be agreeable to the seller.

You could include phrases like “a price that will make the seller happy” or “a price that will make the seller accept the offer”. While the agent might not provide a specific price, this talk can provide a guideline for the buyer. All properties up for auction or private sale should have an expected price set, which may or may not be discussed with potential buyers.

It’s also advisable to consult a solicitor before submitting an offer or signing a contract. They can offer valuable suggestions to smooth the purchase process and identify any issues.

A couple talks with a real estate agent
Chat with the seller’s agent to clarify expectations before you think about making an offer.
fizkes/Shutterstock

Use the power of 900

Buyers often submit offers with round numbers, such as $700,000 or $750,000. In a competitive seller’s market, aim to submit an offer with a number that stands out from the rest, yet remains within your budget.

An example of such a number is $900. For instance, comparing $700,000 to $700,900, the extra $900 makes the offer feel closer to $710,000.

Write a personalised letter

It’s true the most important point of selling a house for many sellers is price. But they are human and have emotions. Finishing a purchasing offer with a personal letter to the seller can make a difference.

Often that $3,000 to $20,000 could be a lot of money for a buyer, but it may not be as much for someone selling a house for $700,000 or $1,000,000. Write the letter to express your feelings about the property in a way that makes it clear you will care for it. Most people selling their home would prefer to have someone look after it well.

The Conversation

Park Thaichon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How to buy a home: 7 tips for negotiating like a pro – https://theconversation.com/how-to-buy-a-home-7-tips-for-negotiating-like-a-pro-226237

Boot camps for young offenders are back – the psychological evidence they don’t work never went away

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Simon Davies, Lecturer in Forensic Psychology, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

“Boot camps” for young people who commit serious offending are coming back. The coalition government has promised to pilot “military-style academies” by the middle of the year – despite a wealth of international and New Zealand evidence that boot camps do not reduce reoffending.

It has been encouraging to see this evidence receive extensive media coverage and expert analysis. Less encouraging, however, has been the minister for children’s reported rejection of expert advice that the boot camp model is flawed and ineffective.

So, why do we keep returning to interventions that don’t work? For boot camps, there are at least three possible explanations.

First, they appeal to politicians who want to appear tough on crime, while also saying they are encouraging rehabilitation options.

Second, boot camps seem to have a strong appeal to common sense: people want to believe structure and military discipline can turn around young people’s lives, and this belief outweighs contradicting evidence.

Third, boot camps can take different forms, so evidence of their ineffectiveness can be avoided by claiming, as the minister has, that improvements will be made this time.

This seems unlikely, however, when the core features that characterise boot camps – strong discipline in particular – are a main reason they don’t work. To understand why, we need to look at the psychology of punishment and behaviour change.

The limits of punishment

As children, either through direct experience or observing others, we learn that if we touch a hot stove we get burned. People tend to assume punishment works in the same way: we change our behaviour following punishment.

In practice, and in the criminal justice system in particular, punishment rarely works that way.

It has long been argued that punishment which is immediate, certain and severe will deter crime. But most offending goes undetected initially, punishment is often delayed, and more severe sentences have not been shown to deter offending. Serious offending, in particular, appears not to be deterred by punishment.

Punishment also only tells someone what they should not do, not what they should be doing. In fact, punishment can have the opposite effect, leading to more of the behaviour you were trying to prevent. To learn new behaviours, young people need praise and encouragement.

When punishment meets trauma

Perhaps the main problem with the assumption that young people who offend seriously “just need some discipline” is that they have often already experienced more – and more severe – discipline than most. We might also call this “abuse”.

Recent New Zealand evidence found 95% of a sample of 63 young people involved in “ram raid” events had been exposed to family harm; 65% reported five or more such occasions.

Decades of research into the impacts of childhood maltreatment and trauma tell us these types of experiences have substantial effects on development. Children tend to develop a poor understanding of emotions, low self-value, problems forming healthy relationships, and hypervigilance to perceived threats.

When young people with these difficulties are subjected to harsh discipline in boot camps, they are likely to associate their treatment with the serious physical harm caused to them in the past, causing further anxiety and stress. Without healthy ways to manage those emotions, further disruptive behaviour, including aggression, is likely.

Just as young people tend to engage in behaviour (such as violence) shown to them by others, they also tend to adopt the attitudes of those around them. Often, these include negative views of society at large, particularly towards authority figures.

Because of the strong link between those attitudes and reoffending, interventions should focus on shifting those attitudes.

At best, however, research suggests boot camps have no impact on such attitudes. At worst, a focus on discipline may strengthen unhelpful attitudes and hinder the ability to form a therapeutic relationship.

A working therapeutic relationship is perhaps the single most important feature of effective interventions aimed at changing behaviour.

Focus on what we know works

Boot camps do not appear to be going away. They are seemingly popular with the public and will therefore likely remain popular with politicians.

But the evidence is clear: in the different forms tried to date, they do not reduce reoffending. Most likely, this is because of the limitations of punishment as a method of changing behaviour, and the backgrounds of the young people entering these camps.

That doesn’t mean these young people cannot be helped. There is good evidence that several different interventions – ones that have a therapeutic focus, involve relevant support people, and work on building skills for living “pro-socially” – can reduce reoffending and other antisocial behaviour.

Nor does it mean young people who seriously offend should be exempt from consequences. But we should be honest about the purpose and likely outcome of those consequences, and accept that punishment alone will not change behaviour.

One of the most telling findings from research into boot camps is that those with a rehabilitative component are more effective at reducing reoffending than other models. Some may cite this as evidence boot camps can be effective.

We disagree. If the reason some boot camps are effective is because they include a rehabilitative component, why bother with the boot camp aspect? Why not focus on what does work?

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Boot camps for young offenders are back – the psychological evidence they don’t work never went away – https://theconversation.com/boot-camps-for-young-offenders-are-back-the-psychological-evidence-they-dont-work-never-went-away-231262

Not quite an introvert or an extravert? Maybe you’re an ambivert

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peta Stapleton, Associate Professor in Psychology, Bond University

Los Muertos Crew/Pexels

Our personalities are generally thought to consists of five primary factors: openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism, with each of us ranking low to high for each.

Graphic
Extroversion is one of the Big Five personality traits.
Big 5 personality traits graphic

Those who rank high in extroversion, known as extroverts, typically focus on their external world. They tend to be more optimistic, recharge by socialising and enjoy social interaction.

On the other end of the spectrum, introverts are more likely to be quiet, deep thinkers, who recharge by being alone and learn by observing (but aren’t necessarily shy).

But what if you’re neither an introvert or extrovert – or you’re a bit of both? Another category might fit better: ambiverts. They’re the middle of the spectrum and are also called “social introverts”.

What exactly is an ambivert?

The term ambivert emerged in 1923. While it was not initially embraced as part of the introvert-extrovert spectrum, more recent research suggests ambiverts are a distinct category.

Ambiverts exhibit traits of both extroverts and introverts, adapting their behaviour based on the situation. It may be that they socialise well but need solitude and rest to recharge, and they intuitively know when to do this.

Ambiverts seems to have the following characteristics:

  • good communication skills, as a listener and speaker
  • ability to be a peacemaker if conflict occurs
  • leadership and negotiation skills, especially in teams
  • compassion and understanding for others.

Some research suggests ambiverts make up a significant portion of the population, with about two-thirds of people falling into this category.

What makes someone an ambivert?

Personality is thought to be 50% inherited, with the remaining being influenced by environmental factors and individual experiences.

Emerging research has found physical locations of genes on chromosomes closely aligned with extraversion-introversion traits.

So, chances are, if you are a blend of the two styles as an ambivert, one of your parents may be too.

What do ambiverts tend to be good at?

Man selling book to woman
Ambiverts are flexible with talking and also listening.
Cotton Bro Studios/Pexels

One area of research focus in recent decades has been personality type and job satisfaction. One study examined 340 introverts, extroverts and ambiverts in sales careers.

It has always been thought extraverts were more successful with sales. However, the author found ambiverts were more influential and successful.

They may have a sales advantage because of their ability to read the situation and modify their behaviour if they notice a customer is not interested, as they’re able to reflect and adapt.

Ambiverts stress less than introverts

Generally, people lower in extraversion have higher stress levels. One study found introverts experience more stress than both ambiverts and extraverts.

It may be that highly sensitive or introverted individuals are more susceptible to worry and stress due to being more perfectionistic.

Ambiverts are adept at knowing when to be outgoing and when to be reflective, showcasing a high degree of situational awareness. This may contribute to their overall wellbeing because of how they handle stress.

What do ambiverts tend to struggle with?

Ambiverts may overextend themselves attempting to conform or fit in with many social settings. This is termed “overadaptation” and may force ambiverts to feel uncomfortable and strained, ultimately resulting in stress or burnout.

Woman talks on the phone
Ambiverts tend to handle stress well but feel strained when overadapting.
Cottonbro Studios/Pexels

But personality traits aren’t fixed

Regardless of where you sit on the scale of introversion through to extraversion, the reality is it may not be fixed. Different situations may be more comfortable for introverts to be social, and extroverts may be content with quieter moments.

And there are also four other key personality traits – openness to experience, conscientiousness, agreeableness and neuroticism – which we all possess in varying levels, and are expressed in different ways, alongside our levels of extroversion.

There is also evidence our personality traits can change throughout our life spans are indeed open to change.

The Conversation

Peta Stapleton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Not quite an introvert or an extravert? Maybe you’re an ambivert – https://theconversation.com/not-quite-an-introvert-or-an-extravert-maybe-youre-an-ambivert-223344

Kanaky New Caledonia unrest: What happens to limbo law change with French snap election?

ANALYSIS: By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

French President Emmanuel Macron’s surprise dissolution of the National Assembly and call for snap general elections on June 30 and July 7 has implications for New Caledonia.

Grave civil unrest and rioting broke out on May 13 in reaction to a controversial constitutional amendment, directly affecting the voting system in local elections.

The National Assembly decisively voted for the change on May 14. A few weeks earlier, on April 2, the Senate (Upper House) had approved the same text.

However, the proposed constitutional change — which would open the list of eligible voters to an extra 25,000 citizens, mostly non-indigenous Kanaks — remains in limbo, as it needs to go through a final stage.

This final step is a vote in the French Congress, during a special sitting of both the Senate and National Assembly with a required 60 per cent majority.

Macron earlier indicated he would summon the Congress some time by the end of June.

During a quick visit to New Caledonia on May 23, he said he would agree to wait for some time to allow inclusive talks to take place between local leaders, concerning the long-term political future of New Caledonia — but the end of June deadline still remained.

There is also a technicality that would make the adopted text (still subject to the French Congress’s final approval) impossible to apply in its current form: with a now dissolved National Assembly and snap elections scheduled on June 30 (first round) and July 7 (second round), the French Congress (which includes the National Assembly) will definitely not be able to convene before mid-July.

Yet, the constitutional law, as endorsed in its present form by both Houses, is formulated in such a way that it “shall come into force on 1 July 2024” (article 2).

Since last month, there have been numerous calls from pro-independence and pro-France parties, as well as religious and civil society leaders, to scrap the text altogether, as a precondition to the return of some kind of civil peace and normalcy in the French Pacific archipelago.

Similar calls have been issued by former French prime ministers who had been directly in charge of New Caledonia’s affairs.

‘The end of life of this constitutional law’ – Mapou
New Caledonia’s President Louis Mapou, in a speech at the weekend, mentioned the controversial text before Macron’s dissolution announcement.

Mapou said the current unrest in New Caledonia, mostly by pro-independence parties, had de facto “signalled the end of life of this constitutional law”.

Macron [right] with New Caledonia’s President Louis Mapou [left] and Congress President Roch Wamytan [centre] – Photo supplied pool
French President Emmanuel Macron (right) with New Caledonia’s territorial President Louis Mapou (left) and Congress President Roch Wamytan during Macron’s brief visit to Nouméa last month. Image: RNZ/Pool

But he also called on Macron to clarify explicitly that he intended to withdraw the controversial text, perceived as the main cause for unrest in New Caledonia.

He said that the text, which he said had been “unilaterally decided” by France, had “reopened a wound that has taken so long to heal”.

The constitutional law, he said, was “against the current of New Caledonia’s recent history”, and was “useless because it has to be part of a global project”.

“In my humble opinion, this constitutional law, therefore, cannot continue to exist.

“By saying (last month in Nouméa) that it will not be forced through, the French President too, between the lines, has signified its death and its slow abandonment . . .

“It is difficult to imagine that the President would still want to table this constitutional bill (before the French Congress),” Mapou said.

Does the dissolution now mean the proposed voting system change is dead?
What the French Constitution says is that all pending bills left unvoted on by the Lower House are cancelled because the dissolution signifies the end of the legislature and therefore of the current ordinary session.

In the particular case of New Caledonia’s constitutional text, which has already been passed by both Houses, the general perception is that it would probably “die a beautiful death” after being given the dissolution final coup de grâce.

Obviously, now that the French National Assembly has been dissolved, the French Congress cannot sit.

“We’re now in caretaker mode and all outstanding bills are now cancelled,” outgoing National Assembly President Yaël Braun-Pivet said on French public television France 2 on Monday.

Local political reactions
On the local political scene, a few parties have been swift to react, with the pro-independence platform FLNKS (an umbrella group of pro-independence parties) saying it was now preparing to run for New Caledonia’s two constituencies in the French National Assembly.

FLNKS is holding its national congress next weekend 15 June 15.

New Caledonia’s two seats are held by two pro-France (loyalist) leaders, Nicolas Metzdorf and Philippe Dunoyer.

Daniel Goa, president of the Union Calédonienne (UC, the largest and one of the more radical components of the FLNKS), said the “mobilisation” at the heart of the current civil unrest would not stop.

But in order to allow movement during the snap general election campaign which is due to start shortly, he said there could be more flexibility in the roadblocks.

The barricades still remain in many parts of New Caledonia, and especially the capital Nouméa and its suburbs.

“We will reinforce our representation at (French) national level,” Goa said, anticipating the results of the forthcoming snap general election.

But there are also concerns regarding the way New Caledonia’s current crisis will be handled during the “caretaker” period, and who will be in charge of the sensitive issue in the next French government.

A “dialogue mission” consisting of three high-level public servants stayed in New Caledonia from May 23 to last week.

It was tasked to restore some kind of talks with all local parties and economic, civil society stakeholders.

Last week, it returned to Paris to provide a report on the situation and the advancement of talks aimed at finding a consensus on New Caledonia’s political future.

When they left last week, they said they would return to New Caledonia.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

Investors have bid against each other to buy Australia’s first green bond. Here’s why that’s a great sign

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gordon Noble, Research Director, Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology Sydney

Greg Brave/Shutterstock

You might think government debt is bad, but it actually plays a crucial role in modern finance.

Back when he was treasurer, Peter Costello famously declared that April 21 2006 would be known as Australia’s “Debt Free Day”. On this day, he proclaimed, the Commonwealth would eliminate its net debt and “pay off the mortgage”.

The problem – as financial markets were quick to point out – was that government bonds (used to issue debt) were critical for all lending decisions in the Australian economy. A government that didn’t borrow at all would create different problems.

As Costello himself later reflected:

Government or sovereign bonds are the lifeblood of the financial system […] Although their primary purpose is to allow a government to borrow, trading in the bonds establishes the yield curve. It becomes the benchmark for other borrowers – state governments and institutions as well as the private sector.

The financial markets were unnerved at the prospect that there might be no Australian government securities on issue to underpin and price the debt market.

Instead of ceasing to issue bonds, the Australian government decided to use its surpluses to establish the Future Fund.

Leveraging debt for green goals

Almost 20 years later, Australian financial markets have reached a new milestone. Government debt is now being issued to drive bold action on the environment.

This month, the federal government issued Australia’s first sovereign green bond to back projects supporting the net-zero transition.

Vast array of solar panels in arid landscape in Australia
Green treasury bonds will help support the transition to net zero emissions.
Taras Vyshnya/Shutterstock

The A$7 billion bond issue was heavily over‑subscribed. More than $22 billion in bids came from 105 investor institutions across Australia, Asia, Europe and North America.

But it isn’t a new idea. The first green bond was issued by the World Bank in 2008, following interest from Swedish pension funds who wanted to support investments tackling climate change but had struggled to find projects.

This then led to a flurry of activity, including the 2009 founding of the Climate Bonds Initiative by Sean Kidney, an Australian expat who has been a driving force behind green bond markets globally.

As green bonds gained traction, the International Capital Markets Association established the Green Bond Principles to “support issuers in financing environmentally sound and sustainable projects that foster a net-zero emissions economy and protect the environment”.

In 2023, about A$1.4 trillion of impact bonds were issued globally, including green, social, sustainability and sustainability-linked bonds.

A watershed moment

Sustainable finance is now at a critical juncture. The World Bank says financial markets are transitioning to a more holistic approach to sustainability and disclosure:

The data and transparency that were the foundations of labelled bonds could become the norm market-wide, providing the insights necessary to understand the true environmental and social impact of investments on people and our planet.

Australia’s green sovereign bond is not itself that remarkable. Many green sovereign and corporate bonds have already been issued into what is now a fairly mature market.

But as sustainable finance moves further into the mainstream, using green treasury bonds to establish a “risk-free rate of return” could help integrate sustainability into all forms of lending.

The risk-free rate of return represents what an investor can expect to earn on an investment that theoretically carries zero risk. Government bonds are typically used as a proxy for zero risk, which is then translated by banks into the interest rates that households and businesses pay.

A typical business, for instance, will have an interest rate for borrowing that reflects the risk-free rate, plus a margin that reflects the bank’s assessment of the risk of lending to the business.

This is why green treasury bonds are important. They will set the risk-free rate of return that will flow through to all forms of green finance, ultimately making it easier for households and businesses to access finance that can accelerate progress towards a more sustainable economy and society.

Making all finance more sustainable

There are many further opportunities Australia could leverage in this space.

The government has already used the Affordable Housing Bond Aggregator – which issues long-term social and sustainability bonds – to provide cheap finance for social and affordable housing projects.

A similar mechanism could help local governments finance community infrastructure projects, such as sustainably retrofitting municipal swimming pools. Sustainable bonds could be further incorporated into housing finance options to help Australians sustainably retrofit their homes.

Green “asset-backed securities” are secured by green loans and can be used to finance the development of solar and battery industries at scale.

Sheep near windmill in dry outback Australia
Green bonds could help finance Australia’s climate-change preparedness.
Marc Witte/Shutterstock

And there are also opportunities to build new nature-related financial markets, supporting farmers to make investments aligned with the government’s Nature Repair Market Act. This would centre on preparing for climate extremes, for example, by investing in water infrastructure.

To unlock these and other opportunities, the Australian government needs to move beyond issuing individual green bonds and support the establishment of markets. The Reserve Bank of Australia and Australian Prudential Regulation Authority can help drive regulatory settings to support this.

Issuing green treasury bonds addresses a major missing piece in the sustainable finance jigsaw. As climate risk is integrated into finance, the real opportunity lies in using a risk-free rate for green bonds to integrate sustainability into all forms of finance.

The Conversation

Gordon Noble has worked on research projects for the Institute for Sustainable Futures that have been funded through grants.

ref. Investors have bid against each other to buy Australia’s first green bond. Here’s why that’s a great sign – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/231807

No matter who wins, both Biden and Trump can likely agree on one thing: doing less in the Middle East

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jared Mondschein, Director of Research, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

Prior to the October 7 Hamas attacks on Israel, US national security adviser Jake Sullivan posited that the Middle East had been “quieter than it has been for decades”.

This is obviously no longer the case. On the contrary, the heart-wrenching state of the region has inflamed tensions and inspired generation-defining protests across the world.

This unrest has led many to wonder if the Biden administration’s Middle East policies will ultimately undermine the president’s re-election campaign against former president Donald Trump in November.

It ultimately may. But even if the occupant of the White House changes, US policy toward the region largely will not. This is because Biden and Trump will both do everything possible to attain what Sullivan had hoped for: an ultimately quieter Middle East.

Bipartisan support for coalition-building

No single US initiative will be more crucial to securing a quieter Middle East than the boosting of ties between regional partners. The groundwork has already been laid through the Abraham Accords, the Arab-Israeli normalisation agreements initiated by the Trump administration and embraced by the Biden administration.

The fruits of such efforts became apparent when a diverse coalition – featuring the US, France, the United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel — worked together to down 300 Iranian projectiles launched at Israel on April 13. It was the first direct attack by Tehran against Israel in their decades-long shadow war.

The coalition’s joint response marked dramatic progress towards a long-term and bipartisan US goal for the Middle East: a level of regional co-operation and stabilisation that will finally allow for a decreased US footprint.

As much as Trump may not have appreciated certain US alliances as much as his predecessors, it is safe to assume that whoever occupies the White House next year will likely seek to build on these regional alliances. There are a number of reasons for this.

Iran’s actions remain unchanged

First, the scope and severity of Iran’s destabilising conduct in the region has only increased.

Iranian proxy militant groups across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Gaza have displayed unprecedented levels of aggression in recent years. It’s debatable whether Iran was fully aware of Hamas’ attack on October 7, but Tehran undeniably continues to financially support the group.

Iran has been no less aggressive in its own conduct. In addition to its unprecedented attack on Israel in April, this has included:

Israeli-Arab ties persist

Second, Iran’s conduct has undoubtedly contributed to stronger ties between Israel and the Arab world. Such ties have persisted – albeit more quietly since the start of the war in Gaza.

Jordan’s King Hussein, who rules over a mostly Palestinian population, may be a vociferous critic of Israel’s conduct in Gaza, but he nonetheless benefits from record levels of Israeli gas and desalinised water going to his energy-poor and water-scarce country.

The Egyptian economy is so reliant on Israeli energy that Egyptians endured rolling blackouts when Israel briefly cut gas exports at the start of the war.

The UAE and Israel have only deepened their commercial, political and military links after their new Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement went into effect last year.

While the UAE has repeatedly condemned Israel for its actions in Gaza, bilateral trade actually increased by 7% in the first quarter of 2024.

Both Trump and Biden want out of the Middle East

Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, both Republicans and Democrats agree on the need to shift US attention and resources to the Indo-Pacific region. This is not lost on US partners in the Middle East.

This is why the Biden administration both endorsed and continued two of the Trump administration’s top diplomatic initiatives in the region — the Abraham Accords and the US troop withdrawal from Afghanistan.

The reason is the longstanding, bipartisan sentiment that the US should not expend further resources — or, even worse, lose more US lives — in the Middle East.

On Gaza, Trump has urged Israel to wrap up its operations, saying:

Israel has to be very careful, because you’re losing a lot of the world, you’re losing a lot of support.

The Biden administration’s public and private urgings for Israeli restraint in Gaza make clear it also has little interest in being further enmeshed in the Middle East.

No matter who wins in November, both Trump and Biden would be vexed if Israel and Hamas’ war continued in January 2025. They would also be equally concerned if Hamas resumed attacks on Israel. But neither wants to expend any more than the bare minimum of political capital to resolve the situation.

In an era in which the US is producing more of its own energy and US fears of terrorism are decreasing, American citizens and politicians alike would much prefer its allies in the Middle East take care of their own security.

The US role in the region remains integral

Despite this desire for the US to pull back from the region, the next president still has a critical role to play.

The normalisation of Saudi-Israeli relations, for example, is undoubtedly the most important goal of the Abraham Accords. And this will prove challenging without a binding US security guarantee for Saudi Arabia, a Saudi-US civil nuclear agreement, and increased US support for an independent Palestinian state.

The US military presence in the region will also continue to prove integral to uniting the diverse coalition of countries countering Iran’s increasing influence. After all, it was the US Central Command’s extensive co-ordination that enabled the international response to Iran’s April 13 attack on Israel.

A future US role in the region could perhaps best be described as “leading from behind” – though no US president has said or likely ever will say that explicitly.

Instead, the winner of November’s election will publicly champion regional “stability”. And on this front, bolstering a regional coalition will remain the primary strategy – and could, ultimately, be the foundation for peace.


This essay is based on an excerpt from the US Studies Centre’s recent publication, Red Book | Blue Book: A guide to the next US administration.

The Conversation

Jared Mondschein does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. No matter who wins, both Biden and Trump can likely agree on one thing: doing less in the Middle East – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/231604

Age verification for pornography access? Our research shows it fails on many levels

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Zahra Stardust, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Centre of Excellence in Automated Decision-Making and Society, Queensland University of Technology

The Australian government has announced a A$6.5 million trial of “age assurance” technology to restrict minors’ access to pornography. It’s part of a $1 billion package to address gendered violence. And it now comes alongside a proposal to ban people under 16 from social media.

The government will consider various types of “age assurance” methods, such as matching drivers’ licences, credit cards or passports against government databases. It may also explore analysing biometric information (such as faces, fingerprints or voices), and profiling online behaviour (like username, browsing history and cookie data). Each has different privacy risks.

While the government refers to these tools as “age assurance”, many of them are more accurately called “age estimation”.

Published in Big Data and Society, our new study into one common facial age estimation tool shows such technologies are unreliable, and have a racial and gender bias.

They are also undesirable – they make pornography a political scapegoat for gendered violence and divert resources from evidence-based strategies that can actually help.

Framing pornography as the problem

The link between pornography and sexual violence is tenuous. In part, this is because existing research often conflates kink with violence and assumes porn causes misogyny.

Pornography is not a homogeneous category. It includes horror, comedy, romance and documentary, and porn creators are highly diverse.

Sexually explicit media can play a role in affirming bodies and desires of people excluded from mainstream media.

Despite this, various narratives are used to justify the increasing regulation of pornography. This includes construing porn as a public health crisis. The idea of “porn addiction” has also been shown to lack methodological rigour.

The idea to “face scan people watching porn” was first raised by then-Minister for Home Affairs Peter Dutton in 2019, the same year the government tried to introduce a national facial recognition scheme to match people’s identities across government agencies.

Furthermore, research into pornography consumption shows that young adults are media literate, critical consumers. Pornography can be a source of arousal, laughter, bonding or stress relief.

The technical limits of age estimation

Civil society groups have cited privacy and feasibility concerns about age estimation tech. These include:

  • accessibility issues for people without identity documents
  • the potential burden on small, low-income websites
  • queries about what data could be collected, sold or exploited
  • and the likelihood of circumvention.

In the eSafety Commission’s own research, young people “expressed their right to safe, autonomous sexual development and exploration”. They were concerned age assurance is of limited efficacy, and comes with privacy and security issues.

Age estimation software that uses facial recognition relies on stereotypical indicators of age, such as hair, wrinkles and jawlines. These are highly variable – for example, wrinkles can be altered by cosmetics or injectables.

Studies also indicate that facial recognition software often has a significant racial and gender bias.

In our research, our colleague Abdul Obeid used a neural network to analyse a data set of 10,139 images. He found the model was most accurate in estimating age in the “Caucasian” category and least accurate in the “African” category.

Boys were more likely to be misclassified than girls, especially in the 0–12 age bracket. People aged 26 and over were generally misclassified as younger, sometimes by as much as 40 years.

Age estimation is already a fraught task when done by humans, who regularly misjudge age. It is no better when done by machines.

Supporting healthy sexual development

Overall, age-based restrictions on access are unlikely to stop people from viewing porn. Teenagers can easily avoid age verification and may even get around age checks using the dark web, putting them at greater risk of encountering child abuse images.

Young people often think about harm very differently from their parents. Sometimes, blurry understandings of “harm” from the media and angry responses from parents bother young people more than the actual porn they encounter.

The best approach to supporting healthy sexual development for young people is to “talk soon, talk often” with them about sex, especially if they can do so openly with trusted adults.

Part of healthy sexual development is understanding how sexual representations are shaped through media and culture. Porn literacy – a subset of media literacy – is about reading porn well rather than taking an abstinence-based approach.

Evidence-based alternatives

Restricted-access approaches make a crude distinction between people over or under 18. But the various age groups under 18 have very different needs in relation to sex and relationships. Importantly, this includes 16- to 17-year-olds who can legally consent to sex.

For pre-pubescents, the biggest risk factor involving pornography is when adults use these materials to commit sexual assault. This shows governments must invest in community-led prevention and frontline services.

Meanwhile, post-pubescents need comprehensive sex and relationship education appropriate for their development. Its focus should be on providing the information they actually want, including about consent, communication, gender diversity, non-monogamy, sexual experimentation and sexual autonomy.

Instead of barring under-18s from all porn, a more impactful approach would be to facilitate access to diverse sexual representations. This includes measures such as preventing media monopolies from dominating the pornography market and supporting worker-owned platform cooperatives to flourish. It includes ending financial discrimination against sex workers and decriminalising porn production.

Importantly, addressing gendered violence requires actioning the recommendations of First Nations women, who remain the most affected by family, police and carceral violence.

Age estimation for pornography access is not an easy fix for gendered violence. It will not support young people to contextualise the sexual media they come across. It will not address structural factors behind gendered homicide and sexual violence, including racism and misogyny. In reality, it will only introduce more problems, and at great cost – political and financial.

The Conversation

Zahra Stardust receives funding from the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society as part of a project on Big Data and Sexual Surveillance. She is also the recipient of a grant from Forte, the Swedish Research Council for Health and Working Life on Digital Sexual Health: Designing for Safety, Pleasure and Wellbeing in LGBTQ+ Communities, and unrestricted Google Asia Pacific grant on AI generated intimate imagery. She is an individual member of Scarlet Alliance, Australian Sex Workers Association.

Alan McKee receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a member of the Society of Australian Sexologists.

ref. Age verification for pornography access? Our research shows it fails on many levels – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/229614

What’s the difference between Alzheimer’s and dementia?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nikki-Anne Wilson, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Neuroscience Research Australia (NeuRA), UNSW Sydney

Lightspring/Shutterstock

What’s the difference? is a new editorial product that explains the similarities and differences between commonly confused health and medical terms, and why they matter.


Changes in thinking and memory as we age can occur for a variety of reasons. These changes are not always cause for concern. But when they begin to disrupt daily life, it could indicate the first signs of dementia.

Another term that can crop up when we’re talking about dementia is Alzheimer’s disease, or Alzheimer’s for short.

So what’s the difference?

What is dementia?

Dementia is an umbrella term used to describe a range of syndromes that result in changes in memory, thinking and/or behaviour due to degeneration in the brain.

To meet the criteria for dementia these changes must be sufficiently pronounced to interfere with usual activities and are present in at least two different aspects of thinking or memory.

For example, someone might have trouble remembering to pay bills and become lost in previously familiar areas.

It’s less-well known that dementia can also occur in children. This is due to progressive brain damage associated with more than 100 rare genetic disorders. This can result in similar cognitive changes as we see in adults.

So what’s Alzheimer’s then?

Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, accounting for about 60-80% of cases.

So it’s not surprising many people use the terms dementia and Alzheimer’s interchangeably.

Changes in memory are the most common sign of Alzheimer’s and it’s what the public most often associates with it. For instance, someone with Alzheimer’s may have trouble recalling recent events or keeping track of what day or month it is.

Elderly woman looking at calendar
People with dementia may have trouble keeping track of dates.
Daisy Daisy/Shutterstock

We still don’t know exactly what causes Alzheimer’s. However, we do know it is associated with a build-up in the brain of two types of protein called amyloid-β and tau.

While we all have some amyloid-β, when too much builds up in the brain it clumps together, forming plaques in the spaces between cells. These plaques cause damage (inflammation) to surrounding brain cells and leads to disruption in tau. Tau forms part of the structure of brain cells but in Alzheimer’s tau proteins become “tangled”. This is toxic to the cells, causing them to die. A feedback loop is then thought to occur, triggering production of more amyloid-β and more abnormal tau, perpetuating damage to brain cells.

Alzheimer’s can also occur with other forms of dementia, such as vascular dementia. This combination is the most common example of a mixed dementia.

Vascular dementia

The second most common type of dementia is vascular dementia. This results from disrupted blood flow to the brain.

Because the changes in blood flow can occur throughout the brain, signs of vascular dementia can be more varied than the memory changes typically seen in Alzheimer’s.

For example, vascular dementia may present as general confusion, slowed thinking, or difficulty organising thoughts and actions.

Your risk of vascular dementia is greater if you have heart disease or high blood pressure.

Frontotemporal dementia

Some people may not realise that dementia can also affect behaviour and/or language. We see this in different forms of frontotemporal dementia.

The behavioural variant of frontotemporal dementia is the second most common form (after Alzheimer’s disease) of younger onset dementia (dementia in people under 65).

People living with this may have difficulties in interpreting and appropriately responding to social situations. For example, they may make uncharacteristically rude or offensive comments or invade people’s personal space.

Semantic dementia is also a type of frontotemporal dementia and results in difficulty with understanding the meaning of words and naming everyday objects.

Dementia with Lewy bodies

Dementia with Lewy bodies results from dysregulation of a different type of protein known as α-synuclein. We often see this in people with Parkinson’s disease.

So people with this type of dementia may have altered movement, such as a stooped posture, shuffling walk, and changes in handwriting. Other symptoms include changes in alertness, visual hallucinations and significant disruption to sleep.

Do I have dementia and if so, which type?

If you or someone close to you is concerned, the first thing to do is to speak to your GP. They will likely ask you some questions about your medical history and what changes you have noticed.

Sometimes it might not be clear if you have dementia when you first speak to your doctor. They may suggest you watch for changes or they may refer you to a specialist for further tests.

There is no single test to clearly show if you have dementia, or the type of dementia. A diagnosis comes after multiple tests, including brain scans, tests of memory and thinking, and consideration of how these changes impact your daily life.

Not knowing what is happening can be a challenging time so it is important to speak to someone about how you are feeling or to reach out to support services.

Dementia is diverse

As well as the different forms of dementia, everyone experiences dementia in different ways. For example, the speed dementia progresses varies a lot from person to person. Some people will continue to live well with dementia for some time while others may decline more quickly.

There is still significant stigma surrounding dementia. So by learning more about the various types of dementia and understanding differences in how dementia progresses we can all do our part to create a more dementia-friendly community.


The National Dementia Helpline (1800 100 500) provides information and support for people living with dementia and their carers. To learn more about dementia, you can take this free online course.

The Conversation

Nikki-Anne Wilson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What’s the difference between Alzheimer’s and dementia? – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/225271

We have a moral responsibility to help low-income nations restore coral reefs

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Gibbs, Lead – Pilot Deployments Program (AIMS); Professor (Queensland University of Technology; Adjunct), Australian Institute of Marine Science

AIMS | Saskia Jurriaans, CC BY-NC-ND

The fourth global coral bleaching event is underway. It won’t be the last.

Even if we reduce the greenhouse gas emissions driving climate change, excess heat will remain in the ocean.

I believe high-income nations such as Australia have a moral responsibility to help coral reefs build resilience to heat stress, wherever they are in the world. That includes making sure these methods are accessible to everyone.

High-income nations are largely responsible for climate change. They are also better equipped and resourced to manage adverse events on coral reefs. Australian scientists are leading research and development in this area, selecting heat-tolerant corals for intensive breeding programs in aquaculture facilities. These corals are then planted back into the wild, building reef resilience.

What is driving mass coral bleaching?

Greenhouse emissions are building up in the atmosphere, trapping more of the Sun’s heat before it can radiate back into space.

Globally, oceans are warming and the rate of warming is increasing, with serious consequences for marine life.

Heat stress is widely acknowledged as the biggest threat to coral reefs worldwide. One of the main symptoms is coral bleaching, which can lead to mass mortality events.

Unfortunately, there is now so much heat in the oceans that coral reefs will continue to suffer heat stress for decades even if global emissions cease.

Efforts to reduce carbon emissions have been too slow to avoid damage to coral reefs. But every fraction of a degree matters.

We need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions as fast as possible to “flatten the curve” of exponential heat stress. The survival of the world’s coral reefs depend on it.

Underwater image of bleached coral on the Great Barrier Reef dated March 2024
The Great Barrier Reef experienced a major coral bleaching event this year.
AIMS | Grace Frank | Pelorus & Orpheus Islands

Why are low-income nations more dependent on coral reefs?

Coral reefs support entire communities in low-income nations. Many people rely on the reef for food and income, from fishing and tourism.

Even in high-income nations such as Australia, remote Indigenous coastal communities rely on coral reefs. The reef is an essential part of their culture and way of life.

Reefs also offer coastal protection for low-lying communities, dampening wave energy. Many of these communities cannot afford to build and maintain large-scale coastal protection infrastructure such as sea walls. They are also unable to relocate to higher land.

Aerial image of a tropical landscape surrounded by coral reef
Coral reefs provide coastal protection, like a natural sea wall.
AIMS | Neal Cantin | South Direction Island

Why do we need to help coral reefs?

Coral reefs are found in more than 100 countries around the world. They are hotspots of biodiversity. While they cover less than 1% of the seafloor, they support at least 25% of all marine species.

Climate change is killing corals and eroding the capacity of these reef systems to provide essential ecosystem services.

Mass coral bleaching is also driving social inequality because low-income nations often rely on coral reefs for their food and livelihoods. But high-income nations have the greatest capacity to intervene and potentially improve reef resilience.

Countries such as Australia and the United States are increasingly investing in coral reef restoration projects, while low-income nations are mostly unable to do so without assistance.

That’s why high-income nations have a duty to intervene. We must develop ways to improve reef resilience and facilitate the application of these approaches across low-income nations and First Nations communities.

The effort required should not be underestimated. Developing ways to improve regional reef resilience is an enormous challenge.

These new approaches must be made available to communities with the greatest need. Protecting and restoring remote coral reefs could make all the difference, ensuring the future of coral reefs.

Artist's impression of 'ReefSeed', a portable coral factory used to produce corals for reef restoration purposes. Banks of aquaria are set up on tray tables with shade sails over the top.
Portable coral factories (ReefSeed) can be set up in remote locations to produce large volumes of young corals for targeted reef restoration.
AIMS

How can we help reefs in low-income nations?

Many coral reef restoration projects are underway across the world’s tropics. These are small in scale and not designed to halt large-scale biodiversity loss from mass bleaching events. A global review of restoration methods found most focused on rearing and transplanting fast-growing branching corals.

High-income nations such as Australia are pioneering methods to produce and deploy large numbers of young corals that are more heat-resistant.

These new approaches draw on industrial mass production techniques such as those used in large-scale aquaculture operations. Applying process engineering principles such as lean manufacturing and adaptive supply chain management dramatically increases the rate of coral production.

After identifying naturally-occurring heat-tolerant corals in the wild, we have been propogating these varieties in aquaculture facilities. Then we put their offspring back on the same reefs to improve tolerance to bleaching events.

These processes are being developed in programs such as Australia’s Reef Restoration and Adaptation Program and the United Nations’ Coral Research & Development Accelerator Platform program.

Reef managers can then focus on maintaining crucial source reefs that supply neighbouring reefs through natural larval dispersal. During major spawning events these corals produce millions of eggs and sperm. The fertilised eggs are then transported on ocean currents to settle and grow on other reefs.

Coral restoration capacity building

These new approaches to coral restoration are similar to successful evidence-based conservation programs on land, for the recovery of threatened animal populations.

The main challenge now is how to implement these approaches in low-income nations. But this challenge is nothing new. Many development and aid programs face struggle to translate methods developed in high-income nations to low-income nations.

Successful implementation requires careful consideration of the methods and equipment required. Low-income nations and communities can be early adopters of new technology as long as it is reliable and user-friendly. If solutions are not fit for purpose, we risk “ecological imperialism”.

Coral restoration capacity building requires significant time and investment. But this investment is crucial for the survival of the worlds’ coral reefs.

The Conversation

Professor Mark Gibbs works for the Australian Institute of Marine Science, a publicly funded research agency that receives funding from the Australian government, state government departments, foundations and private industry. Professor Gibbs holds adjunct positions at the Queensland University of Technology, Griffith University and James Cook University and serves on the board of a number of relevant organizations including Reef Check Australia, The Moreton Bay Foundation and the Gold Coast Waterways Authority.

ref. We have a moral responsibility to help low-income nations restore coral reefs – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/228998

Weakening or collapse of a major Atlantic current has disrupted NZ’s climate in the past – and could do so again

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shaun Eaves, Senior Lecturer in Physical Geography, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Shaun Eaves, CC BY-SA

Recent assessments suggest the ocean current known as Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) is slowing down, with collapse a real possibility this century.

The AMOC is a globally important current in the Atlantic Ocean, where surface water moves northward as part of the Gulf Stream and transports warm water towards the Arctic. There it cools and sinks to return southward as a deep ocean current.

Map of sea surface temperatures in the North Atlantic with a schematic diagram of ocean currents.
The Atlantic meridional overturning current (AMOC) transfers heat to the North Atlantic. Recent trends indicate this current may be slowing.
Ruijian Gou, CC BY-ND

Collapse of the AMOC would have a devastating effect on climate in Europe. Temperatures in the UK and Scandinavia could drop by 5–15°C in a matter of decades.

However, because Earth’s climate system is interconnected, these impacts could have a global reach. Our new research shows past changes in AMOC have had significant impact on temperatures in New Zealand and across the southern hemisphere. These results imply that future collapse of AMOC may accelerate ongoing warming trends.

Lessons from the past

Between 20,000 and 10,000 years ago, Earth transitioned from peak ice-age conditions to a climate more like today’s. This interval featured rising global temperatures, melting ice sheets and climbing sea levels – all phenomena associated with present-day climate change.

Evidence from ice cores in Greenland and marine sediments in the North Atlantic suggests this natural warming event featured several abrupt changes associated with AMOC variability.

Using this interval as a natural experiment, we have undertaken research to learn more about how AMOC variability can affect climate in New Zealand.

Two merged photographs show a glacial basin and people among snow-covered rocks.
Evidence preserved in the landscape shows cooling and glacier growth in New Zealand coincided with a strengthening AMOC 14,500 years ago.
Huw Horgan, Shaun Eaves, CC BY-ND

To reconstruct how air temperature changed in New Zealand, we examined the past extent of mountain glaciers using evidence preserved in the landscape. Glaciers grow and shrink primarily in response to changing air temperature, which affects the annual balance of snowfall and snow or ice melt. As glaciers change in size, they deposit moraines (rock debris) in the landscape, which can persist for tens of thousands of years.

A female scientist wearing a hard hat inspects mud layers in a sediment core.
The analysis of microfossils in marine sediment cores allows scientists to reconstruct past changes in sea-surface temperature.
Jenni Hopkins, CC BY-ND

We combined these land-based observations with reconstructions of sea-surface temperature in the Tasman Sea, which we derived from microfossils (smaller than one millimetre in size) known as foraminifera. These microfossils come in a wide range of species and each has a preferred water temperature.

We quantified changes in foraminifera species in a core of marine sediment to trace how local temperature in the Tasman Sea has varied through time.

Global climate connections

Our results show that changes in air and sea-surface temperature followed a similar pattern in the New Zealand region as Earth warmed following the last ice age.

Warming began in both air and sea at about 18,000 years ago, followed by a cooling event at about 14,500 years ago – the Antarctic Cold Reversal. The timing of these changes matches past changes in the AMOC, as recorded in geological climate records from the North Atlantic region.

We examined computer simulations to test the physical connection between changes in the AMOC and New Zealand’s climate. These simulations used a physics-based climate model that captures atmospheric and ocean circulation and their interaction.

Outputs from climate models show southern hemisphere temperature changes due to AMOC variability.
Climate model experiments show the impact of past AMOC variability on surface temperature in the Southern Hemisphere.
Shaun Eaves, CC BY-ND

The model simulations support our geological evidence, showing air and sea surface temperatures in New Zealand respond sensitively to changes in AMOC intensity. When the AMOC weakens and Europe cools, New Zealand and the southern mid-latitudes undergo warming, and vice versa.

The models also indicate changes in the AMOC are transported rapidly, within decades, to New Zealand via shifting global wind systems. Changes in the AMOC disrupt the temperature gradient between the hemispheres, which is a key control on the strength of westerly wind belts in the southern hemisphere, between the latitudes of 40°S and 60°S where New Zealand is.

The westerly winds are important for New Zealand’s climate. They control the path of atmospheric storms and regional ocean currents.

Stronger winds over New Zealand bring regional cooling, as more storms track over the country and warm ocean currents are diverted away from the Tasman Sea into the south Pacific. In contrast, when the AMOC weakens, New Zealand has clearer skies and the Tasman Sea receives more tropical water masses, causing regional warming.

Future implications

Scientists have identified several “tipping points” in Earth’s climate system that may be triggered by human-caused climate change. Once these thresholds are crossed, the consequences cannot be easily undone.

Climbing greenhouse gas concentrations have raised air temperatures in New Zealand, and globally, by about 1.1°C since the late 19th century. Projections suggest New Zealand may end this century 1°C to 3°C warmer than now. However, these estimates do not include the potential impacts of a future AMOC collapse.

Our insights from the recent geological past show this AMOC tipping point has global reach, and could accelerate future warming in New Zealand.

The Conversation

Shaun Eaves receives funding from Royal Society of New Zealand Marsden Fund.

Andrew Mackintosh received funding from the Australian Research Council.

Joel Pedro received funding from the Carlsberg Chrono-Climate project and from the Australian government.

Helen Bostock does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Weakening or collapse of a major Atlantic current has disrupted NZ’s climate in the past – and could do so again – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/231266

‘Screaming, chanting, struggling teenagers’: the enduring legacy of the Beatles tour of Australia, 60 years on

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Arrow, Professor of History, Macquarie University

The Beatles began their first and only tour of Australia 60 years ago this week. It remains a landmark event in our social and cultural history.

The Beatles spent almost three weeks in Australia and New Zealand. Touching down in a wet and cold Sydney on Thursday June 11 1964, they played 32 concerts in eight cities: first Adelaide (where drummer Ringo Starr, suffering from tonsillitis and pharyngitis, was replaced by Jimmie Nicol), then Melbourne (with Starr again), Sydney, Wellington, Auckland, Dunedin, Christchurch and two final shows in Brisbane on June 29 and 30.

Charming and irreverent as they were, The Beatles themselves were only part of the reason the tour was so memorable.

It was the hordes of screaming fans who followed their every move that astonished onlookers.

The rise of Beatlemania

By 1964, Australian teenagers had access to a global youth culture. As the feminist author Anne Summers, then an Adelaide teenager, recalled in her memoir Ducks on the Pond:

It was rare for world-famous pop stars to come to Adelaide and unheard of for a group at the height of their celebrity.

That Australian teenagers had the opportunity to see The Beatles in person in 1964 was due to a stroke of luck for tour promoter Kenn Brodziak. In late 1963, Brodziak secured the then up-and-coming Beatles for a three-week tour of Australia at a bargain rate.

By the time the tour took place, the Beatles were the biggest band in the world.

Their popularity had skyrocketed throughout 1964. I Want To Hold Your Hand went to number one on the Australian charts in mid-January and the top six singles that year were all by The Beatles.

So when the band arrived here, Beatlemania was the predictable result: crowds of surging, screaming young people, who turned out in massive numbers wherever the Beatles appeared.

While the earliest rock ‘n’ roll fans (and even performers) in the late 1950s were often labelled juvenile delinquents, there were too many teenagers swept up in Beatlemania for them to be dismissed in the same way. The crowds became a spectacle in themselves.

‘A chanting mass of humanity’

Beatlemaniacs were loud and unruly. The Daily Telegraph reported:

50,000 screaming, chanting, struggling teenagers crowded outside Melbourne’s Southern Cross Hotel this afternoon to give the Beatles the wildest reception of their careers.

It was a similar story in Adelaide. The Advertiser described:

police, their arms locked together and forming a tight circle around the car carrying the Beatles, had to force a path through the surging, screaming crowd […] Police said they had never seen anything like it.

The crowds overwhelmed observers with their sheer size – a “solid, swaying, chanting mass of humanity”, according to The Age – and noise. The Daily Telegraph consulted an acoustics expert to conclude “Beatles fans scream like [a] jet in flight”.

Beatlemania was visible (and noisy) evidence of a growing teenage consumer market and the assimilation of rock music, dancing and youth culture into the leisure practices of middle-class youth. It was proof (if anyone still needed it) the youth market was highly developed and extremely lucrative.

The speed with which companies found a ready audience for Beatles merchandise (wigs, souvenirs, magazines) demonstrated the relative affluence of the youthful consumer in mid-1960s Australia. This market would continue to grow throughout the decade.

A new idea of youth

Perhaps the most remarkable characteristic of Beatlemania was its femaleness. While not all Beatles fans were girls, it was the crying, screaming girls who attracted the most media comment.

The Daily Telegraph described them this way:

It was the girls, the nymphets of 1964 in their uniform of black slacks and duffle coats and purple sweaters – who showed the orgiastic devotion due to the young men from the damp and foggy dead end of England […] the girls wept, screamed, grimaced, fainted, fell over, threw things, stamped, jumped and shouted […] [The Beatles] were the high priests of pop culture, taking due homage from a captive, hypnotised hysterical congregation.

The references to “nymphets” with their “orgiastic devotion” tells us many Australians thought these young women were transgressing the norms expected for their era. Young women in the early 1960s were still expected to be demure and responsible. Beatles fans were breaking these rules, and helping to rewrite the meanings of youth and gender in 1960s Australia.

Beatlemania was an expression of female desire. The Beatles were powerful objects of fantasy for many fans in a world where sexual mores were slowly changing but where women were still expected to police male desire, stopping young men from “going too far”. A fantasy relationship with a Beatle became a way for young women to dream about their ideal relationship.

Screaming, chasing a Beatle down the street: these were acts of rebellion and joy that prefigured the rise of women’s liberation, with its embrace of rebellious femininity.

Beatlemania reminds us that, even if women were not always behind the microphone or playing the guitar, they have been important to the history of rock ‘n’ roll music as fans and audience members.

Beatlemania marked the ascendancy of a new idea of youth: these young people weren’t mere replicas of their parents, but they were not juvenile delinquents, either. The Beatles tour drew young Australians more closely into a transnational youth culture, fostering the development of a distinctively Australian variant here.

Beatlemania also demonstrated the massed power of youth. By the end of the 1960s, many Australian teenagers were gathering on the streets to protest, rather than celebrate, and to make political demands, rather than to scream.

The Conversation

Michelle Arrow receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. ‘Screaming, chanting, struggling teenagers’: the enduring legacy of the Beatles tour of Australia, 60 years on – tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/227680

History ‘replaying itself’ in Kanaky but growing Pacific solidarity, says Tau

French President Emmanuel Macron, who visited Kanaky New Caledonia last month in a largely failed bid to solve the French Pacific territory’s political deadlock, has called a snap election following the decisive victory of the rightwing bloc among French members of the European Parliament. Don Wiseman reports.

By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

A group of 32 civil society organisations is writing to the French President Emmanuel Macron calling on him to change his stance toward the indigenous people of New Caledonia.

The group said it strongly supported the call by the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) and other pro-independence groups that only a non-violent response to the crisis will lead to a viable solution.

And it said President Macron must heed the call for an Eminent Persons Group to ensure the current crisis is resolved peacefully and impartiality is restored to the decolonisation process.

Don Wiseman spoke with Joey Tau, of the Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG), one of the civil society bodies involved.

Joey Tau: Don, I just want to thank you for this opportunity, but also it is to really highlight France’s and, in this case, the Macron administration’s inability of fulfilling the Nouméa Accord in our statements, in our numerous statements, and you would have seen statements from around the region — there have been numerous events or incidents that have led to where Kanaky New Caledonia is at in its present state, with the Kanaks themselves not happy with where they’re headed to, in terms of negotiating a pathway with Paris.

You understand the referendums — three votes went ahead, or rather, the third vote went ahead, during a time when the world was going through a global pandemic. And the Kanaks had clearly, prior to the third referendum, called on Paris to halt, but yet France went ahead and imposed a third referendum.

Thus, the Kanaks boycotted the third referendum. All of these have just led up to where the current tension is right now.

The recent electoral proposal by France is a slap for Kanaks, who have been negotiating, trying to find a path. So in general, the concern that Pacific regional NGOs and civil societies not only in the Pacific, but at the national level in the Pacific, are concerned about France’s ongoing attempt to administer Kanaky New Caledonia [and] its inability to fulfill the Nouméa Accord.

Don Wiseman: In terms of stopping the violence and opening the dialogue, the problem I suppose a lot of people in New Caledonia and the French government itself might argue is that Kanaks have been heavily involved in quite a lot of violence that’s gone down in the last few weeks. So how do you square that?

JT: It has been growing, it has been a growing tension, Don, that this is not to ignore the growing military presence and the security personnel build up. You had roughly about 3000 military personnel or security personnel deployed in Nouméa on in Kanaky within two weeks, I think . . .

DW: Yes, but businesses were being burned down, houses were being burned down.

JT: Well as regional civil societies we condemn all forms of violence, and thus we have been calling for peaceful means of restoring peace talks, but this is not to ignore the fact that there is a growing military buildup. The ongoing military buildup needs to be also carefully looked at as it continues to instigate tension on the ground, limiting people, limiting the indigenous peoples movements.

And it just brings you back to, you know, the similar riots that had [in the 1980s] before New Caledonia came to an accord, as per the Nouméa Accord. It’s history replaying itself. So like I said earlier on, it generally highlights France’s inability to hold peace talks for the pathway forward for Kanaky/New Caledonia.

In this PR statement we’ve been calling on that we need neutral parties — we need a high eminence group of neutral people to facilitate the peace talks between Kanaks and France.

DW: So this eminent persons to be drawn from who and where?

JT: Well the UNC 24 committee meets [this] week. We are calling on the UN to initiate a high eminence persons but this is to facilitate these together with the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. Have independent Pacific leaders intervene and facilitate peace talks between both the Kanak pro=independence leaders and of course Macron and his administration.

DW: So you will be looking for the Eminent Persons group perhaps to be centrally involved in drawing up a new accord to replace the Nouméa Accord?

JT: Well, I think as per the Nouméa Accord the Kanaks have been trying to negotiate the next phase, post the referendum. And I think this has sparked the current situation. So the civil societies’ call very much supports concerns on the ground who are willing, who are asking for experts or neutral persons from the region and internationally to intervene.

And this could help facilitate a path forward between both parties. Should it be an accord or should it be the next phase? But we also have to remember New Caledonia Kanaky is on the list of the Committee of 24 which is the UN committee that is listed for decolonisation.

So how do we progress a territory? I guess the question for France is how do they progress the territory that is listed to be decolonised, post these recent events, post the referendum and it has to be now.

DW: Joey, you are currently at the Pacific Arts Festival in Hawai’i. There’s a lot of the Pacific there. Have issues like New Caledonia come up?

JT: The opening ceremony, which launches [the] two-week long festival saw a different turn to it, where we had flags representing Kanaky New Caledonia, West Papua, flying so high at this opening ceremony. You had the delegation of Guam, who, in their grand entrance brought the Kanaky flag with them — a sense of solidarity.

And when Fiji took the podium, it acknowledged countries and Pacific peoples that are not there to celebrate, rightfully.

Fiji had acknowledged West Papua, New Caledonia, among others, and you can see a sense of regional solidarity and this growing consciousness as to the wider Pacific family when it comes to arts, culture and our way of being.

So yeah, the opening ceremony was interesting, but it will be interesting to see how the festival pans out and how issues of the territories that are still under colonial administration get featured or get acknowledged within the festival — be it fashion, arts, dance, music, it’s going to be a really interesting feeling.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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FijiFirst party founders Voreqe Bainimarama, Sayed-Khaiyum and others resign in shock move

RNZ Pacific

The founding members of the FijiFirst party, including former prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama and ex-attorney-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, have resigned.

Sayed-Khaiyum confimed that party president Ratu Joji Satalaka, vice-president Selai Adimaitoga, acting general-secretary Faiyaz Koya and treasurer Hem Chand have also resigned from the party, according to local media reports.

Sayed-Khaiyum said the other vice-president Ravindran Nair and founding member Salesh Kumar have also resigned.

He said the resignation letters were given to the Registrar of Political Parties last Friday, June 7.

One FijiFirst MP, Ketal Lal, posted on Facebook: “Sad day for Fiji” after the news was made public.

Dialogue Fiji executive director Nilesh Lal said the “mass resignation of founding members and senior officials is probably one of the most ill-conceived moves on the part of the founding members of the FijiFirst party”.

Lal said the move will “severely weaken” the position of the two minor parties — Sodelpa and NFP — in the coalition government.

Minor parties losing ‘bargaining chip’
“It was always in the interests of NFP and Sodelpa that FijiFirst remained a strong, united and viable party, and with this latest development, this is clearly not the case any longer. Both Sodelpa and NFP lose their bargaining chip, with the demise of FijiFirst.”

RNZ Pacific has contacted the Registrar of Political Parties, Ana Mataiciwa, for comment.

Last week, FijiFirst confirmed that it had sacked 17 MPs after they voted for a pay rise — going against a party directive.

However, the expelled Fijifirst MPs said they were going to contest the decision and would remain parliamentary opposition, highlighting divisions within the largest single party in the Fijian Parliament.

Mataiciwa, who was also the Supervisor of Elections, said FijiFirst needed to amend its consitution by June 28 or risk deregistration.

She told local media the party’s constitution did not have guidelines on how internal party disputes were resolved, which was in breach of the Political Parties (Registration, Conduct, Funding and Disclosures) Act 2013.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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