But does this really mean no Tasmanians are being bulk-billed at the GP?
No – as federal health minister Mark Butler was quick to point out after the report’s release, the company asked 6,925 GP clinics only whether they had standard, weekday consultations available to be bulk-billed for adults with no concessions.
A range of people do have concessions – children under 16, pensioners and people with a health care card – meaning the actual bulk-billing rate is much higher, although Butler said he’d like it to be higher still.
How high should we be aiming? Many Australians may assume universal health care means it should be free to see a GP, regardless of your age, income or postcode.
So we asked five experts: should we be aiming to bulk-bill everyone?
Conservation managers recognise the need for new ways to help species and ecosystems adapt to climate change. But dreaming up new tactics and testing them out requires lots of time, effort and – often – money.
So we decided to gather examples of new tactics from Australia and around the world and offer them up in one place. Our free new online tool is full of fresh ideas to help Australian conservation groups find out about what might be worth trying on their patch.
The catalogue contains more than 400 interventions such as purpose-built shelters and cooling systems, or relocation programs moving species to areas where the future climate may be more suitable. Having a ready-made toolkit means we can respond more rapidly and effectively to the changing environment, helping preserve Australia’s unique biodiversity.
Replacing lost habitat: from cod logs to frog bogs
Our project team searched through academic papers, reports and plans, and connected with dozens of different organisations undertaking climate change adaptation in Australia.
We found many new tactics are being tested to help wildlife adapt to climate change. We fed this information into the new Adaptation Catalogue for Conservation we call “AdaptLog” – a searchable public repository of conservation interventions for climate adaptation. We also invited conservation groups to add to the database.
Here are just a few of the inspiring success stories.
These logs are made from local, hollowed-out timber. They are then placed in the river to provide shelter and nesting habitat for the endangered Mary River cod.
Early results have been encouraging, with researchers monitoring large male cod using the logs as nesting sites, protecting their brood of eggs.
Tailor-made frog habitat is being recreated after fires, or during dry times.
More than half of East Gippsland in Victoria burned during the 2019–20 Black Summer Bushfires, forcing many frogs into urban areas. In response, the East Gippsland Catchment Management Authority urged people to build temporary habitats for frogs in their backyards.
A “frog hotel” can be built using a large container or pot, soil, native plants and PVC pipes. They allow frogs to take refuge during the heat of the day. They also provide protection from predators such as kookaburras, dogs and cats.
Frog hotels come in many shapes and sizes. East Gippsland Catchment Management Authority
The West Gippsland Catchment Management Authority worked with the conservation group Greening Australia to create another type of tailor-made frog habitat they call “frog bogs”. Frog bogs look deceptively simple, just like ordinary farm dams, but they contain multiple chambers at various depths, allowing tadpoles to grow, shelter and safely feed. Native vegetation is planted around the edges, water plants are added and rocks allows frogs to bask.
Martin Potts from Greening Australia has been busy creating frog bogs like the one shown here, providing refuge for the green and golden bell frog and growling grass frog as conditions change. Martin Potts
Many groups around Australia are testing atmospheric cooling systems for keeping heat-sensitive flying foxes cool after mass deaths during heatwaves. One of these trials, jointly funded by WWF-Australia, the City of Greater Bendigo and the Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning, was a success in Bendigo’s Rosalind Park. Hundreds of flying foxes had died in a record-breaking heatwave in the previous year, but despite temperatures climbing above 40°C during the trial, no deaths were recorded.
These systems need more testing and are a far cry from the scale needed to support functioning ecosystems and populations. But it is heartening to see lots of passionate people working so hard to support nature in these challenging times.
The Turtle Cooling Project – a partnership between WWF-Australia, The University of Queensland and the Conflict Islands Conservation Initiative, with funding support from furniture company Koala – tested ways to cool turtle nests on the beach, so more males would hatch. Further testing promises to identify which beaches need these interventions most, and how communities can get involved around Australia and the world.
Sharing is caring
By sharing these strategies, we can help conservation managers act quickly and decisively, drawing on evidence of what has worked elsewhere. We can also provide more opportunities for communities to get involved as volunteers helping out with different kinds of adaptation actions.
Conservation managers in Australia and globally can now use this tool to share and find new ideas. They can also add more examples and tactics to the tool, to help with testing and learning what works in different settings.
It is very early days for this field of climate adaptation research and practice, so there is still a long way to go to build an evidence base. But by collating what is happening already, we hope to encourage the development and dissemination of more innovative approaches to give wildlife a fighting chance.
We would like to acknowledge the following people for their contributions to the development of AdaptLog: Jason Hartog, Alistair Hobday, Sarah Boulter, Ingrid van Putten, Jenny Styger, the Project 2.7 Steering Committee, AdaptLog beta testers and CS2.7 case study participants. This work was funded through the National Environmental Science Program (NESP) Climate Systems Hub.
Jess Melbourne-Thomas receives funding for this work from the Australian Commonwealth Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water via the National Environmental Science Program (NESP).
Claire Mason receives funding for this work from the Australian Commonwealth Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water via the National Environmental Science Program (NESP).
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Talia Fell, PhD Candidate, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland
The Los Angeles wildfires are causing the devastating loss of people’s homes.
From A-list celebrities such as Paris Hilton to an Australian family living in LA, thousands of houses have been destroyed, leaving their owners shocked and grieving. And climate science points towards figures that suggest more such events are waiting.
These events strip away precious memories created over many years, and sometimes over lifetimes. They prompt us to ask: what does it mean to lose the place I care most deeply about?
Philosophy explains how our personal losses connect to a broader, more profound loss of home rooted in our dependence on the ecosystems we live in.
The concept of ‘home’
In her 1949 text The Second Sex, philosopher Simone de Beauvoir writes that, for many cultures, the home has represented values of tradition, safety and family. Inside its walls we preserve the past in furniture, knick knacks and photographs, and we associate these objects with memories created with loved ones.
The home also represents separation from the people and events of the outside. It is “refuge, retreat, grotto, womb, it protects against outside dangers”, Beauvoir writes.
But she explains how this understanding of home is culturally specific to civilisations founded on landed property, which contain intersecting structures of patriarchy and capitalism.
After all, patriarchy sees women as the caretakers of the home, providing for the physical and emotional needs of its inhabitants. Meanwhile, the functioning of the home also relies on the income of those who work outside it.
At the same time, many of us, Beauvoir writes, have a more instrumental understanding of home. It is where we rest, sleep, eat and store the objects we own and use.
Barriers to having a sense of ‘home’
The traditional understanding of home as a protective structure is complicated when you realise certain people do not have the privilege of calling one particular place “home”.
For many, the home exists as a point of inequality, instability and unsafety.
Australian philosopher Val Plumwood puts these issues into perspective when she argues the expression of “one’s place” or “homeplace” often represents a privileged and exclusionary sense of place. She writes:
Those who are most vulnerable and powerless are at most risk of losing control over their ability to remain in a home place or place of attachment.
She further argues that, under capitalism, the idea of personal belonging to a particular place or dwelling is often framed as being more important than many other vital attachments to place, such as connection to land.
She uses the term “shadow places” to describe the ecosystems we exclude and exploit – including our forests and waterways – even though they are fundamental to our existence. These places provide essential labour, nourishment and the conditions we need to survive and flourish.
Ironically, our detachment from these places is what props up our limited understanding of the “home” as a fixed, four-walled dwelling.
For Plumwood, an expanded sense of “home” would encompass the broader ecological context we exist within.
Our sense of ‘home’ in the climate crisis
In her 1998 article, Indigenous Australian law scholar Irene Watson emphasises the issue of colonialism in detachment from the land.
Watson explains colonisers were already alienated from a sense of connection to land when they came to “Australia”. This disconnection led them to plunder the land, treating it as a commodity rather than a living, complex ecosystem that nurtures and is nurtured by First Nations peoples.
As philosopher Teresa Brennan puts it, to commodify a living thing is to turn it into something that can be bought and owned. Once commodified, nature can no longer reproduce itself, nor decompose to nourish other life forms.
Brennan explains how the tendency to commodify (and therefore exploit) nature represents a denial of nature’s reproductive capacity.
And this denial is not sustainable, as it drives the exploitation of every available natural resource. Under capitalism, a stop to exploitation means a stop to profits.
Turning to philosophy to rethink our values
Many people fail to see the rich complexity of nature: its unique intelligence and age-old memories that extend beyond our personal lifetimes.
Brennan argues nature is valuable beyond its profitability for the most powerful individuals. Perhaps, then, our sense of “home” should extend beyond the bounds of a dwelling filled with sentimental objects to include the wider lands and ecosystems we are part of.
In doing so, we can accelerate the shift towards social, political and economic systems that acknowledge that what is good for our planet is good for each of us, too.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The voter turnout at the last election was less than 50 percent but Malessas is optimistic participation today will be high.
He urged voters to go and exercise their democratic right.
“This country — we own it, it’s ours. If we just sit and complain that, this, that and the other thing aren’t good but then don’t contribute to making decisions then we will never change,” Malessas said.
Not everybody convinced But not everybody is convinced that proceeding with the election was the right decision.
The president of the Port Vila Council of Women, Jane Iatika, said many families were still grieving, traumatised and struggling to put food on the table.
“If they were thinking about the people they would have [postponed] the election and dealt with the disaster first,” she said.
“Like right now if a mother goes and lines up to vote in the election — when they come back home what are they going to eat?”
This is the second consecutive time Vanuatu’s Parliament has been dissolved in the face of political instability.
And the country has had four prime ministerial changes in as many years.
The chairman of the Seaside Tongoa community, Paul Fred Tariliu,. said people were starting to lose faith in leadership, not just in Parliament but at the community level as well.
Urging candidates to ‘be humble’ He said they had been urging their candidates to be humble and concede defeat if they found themselves short of the numbers needed to rule.
“Instead of just going [into Parliament] for a short time [then] finding out they don’t have the numbers and dissolving Parliament,” Tariliu said.
“We are wasting money.
“When we continue with this kind of attitude people lose their trust in us [community] leaders and our national leaders.”
The official results of the last election in 2022 show a low voter turnout of just over 44 percent with the lowest participation in the country, just 34 percent, registered here in the capital Port Vila.
The Owen Hall polling station in Port Vila, Vanuatu. Image: Koroi Hawkins/RNZ Pacific
Conducting the election itself is a complicated logistical exercise with 352 polling stations spread out over the 12,000-sq km archipelago manned by 1700 polling officials and an additional one in Nouméa for citizens residing in New Caledonia.
Proxy voting is also being facilitated for workers overseas.
360 police for security Deputy Police Commissioner Operations Kalo Willie Ben said more than 360 police officers had been deployed to provide security for the election process.
He said there were no active security threats for the election, but he said they were prepared to deploy more resources to any part of the country should the need arise.
“My advice [to the public] is that we conduct ourselves peacefully and raise any issues through the election dispute process,” Kalo Willie Ben said.
The head of the government Recovery Unit, Peter Korisa, said according to their initial estimates it would cost just over US$230 million to fully rebuild the capital after the earthquake.
Korisa said they were getting backlash for the indefinite closure of the CBD but continued to work diligently to ensure that, whatever government comes to power this month, it would be presented with a clear recovery plan.
“We still have a bit of funding but there is a greater challenge because we need to have a government in place so that we can trigger the bigger funding,” Korisa said.
Polling stations close at 4:30pm local time.
Unofficial check count Principal electoral officer Malessas said an unofficial count would be conducted at all polling station venues before ballot boxes were transported back to the capital Port Vila for the official tally.
According to parliamentary standing orders, the first sitting of the new Parliament must be called within 21 days of the official election results being declared.
A spokesperson for the caretaker government has confirmed to RNZ Pacific that constitutional amendments aimed at curbing political instability would apply after the snap election.
The most immediate impact of these amendments will be that all independent MPs, and MPs who are the only member of their party or custom movement, must affiliate themselves with a larger political party for the full term of Parliament.
They also lock MPs into political parties with any defection or removal from a party resulting in the MP concerned losing their seat in Parliament.
However, the amendments do not prohibit entire parties from crossing the floor to either side so long as they do it as a united group.
It remains to be seen how effective the amendments will be in curbing instability.
The only real certainty provided by the constitution after this snap election is that the option to dissolve Parliament will not be available for the next 12 months.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Māori politicians across the political spectrum in Aotearoa New Zealand have called for immediate aid to enter Gaza following a temporary ceasefire agreement between Hamas and Israel.
The ceasefire, agreed yesterday, comes into effect on Sunday, January 19.
Foreign Minister Winston Peters said New Zealand welcomed the deal and called for humanitarian aid for the strip.
Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer … “This ceasefire must be accompanied by a global effort to rebuild Gaza.” Image: Te Pāti Māori
“There now needs to be a massive, rapid, unimpeded flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza.“
Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer echoed similar sentiments on behalf of her party, saying, “the destruction of vital infrastructure — homes, schools, hospitals — has decimated communities”.
“This ceasefire must be accompanied by a global effort to rebuild Gaza,” she said.
Teanau Tuiono, Green Party spokesperson for Foreign Affairs, specifically called on Aotearoa to increase its aid to Palestine.
‘Brutal, illegal Israeli occupation’ “[We must] support the reconstruction of Gaza as determined by Palestinians. We owe it to Palestinians who for many years have lived under brutal and illegal occupation by Israeli forces, and are now entrenched in a humanitarian crisis of horrific proportions,” he said.
“The genocide in Gaza, and the complicity of many governments in Israel’s campaign of merciless violence against the Palestinian people on their own land, has exposed serious flaws in the international community’s ability to uphold international law.
“This means our country and others have work to do to rebuild trust in the international system that is meant to uphold human rights and prioritise peace,” said the Green MP.
With tens of thousands of Palestinians killed in the 15 month war, negotiators reached a ceasefire deal yesterday in Gaza for six-weeks, after Hamas agreed to release hostages from the 7 October 2023 attacks in exchange for Palestinian prisoners — many held without charge — held in Israel.
“The terms of the deal must now be implemented fully. Protection of civilians and the release of hostages must be at the forefront of effort.
“To achieve a durable and lasting peace, we call on the parties to take meaningful steps towards a two-state solution. Political will is the key to ensuring history does not repeat itself,” Peters said in a statement.
Tuiono called it a victory for Palestinians and those within the solidarity movement.
“However, it must be followed by efforts to establish justice and self-determination for Palestinians, and bring an end to Israeli apartheid and the illegal occupation of Palestine.
“We must divest public funds from illegal settlements, recognise the State of Palestine, and join South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, just as we joined Ukraine’s case against Russia.”
Ngawera-Packer added that the ceasefire deal did not equal a free Palestine anytime soon.
“We must not forget the larger reality of the ongoing conflict, which is rooted in decades of displacement, violence, and oppression.
“Although the annihilation may be over for now, the apartheid continues. We will continue to call out our government who have done nothing to end the violence, and to end the apartheid.
“We must also be vigilant over these next three days to ensure that Israel will not exploit this window to create more carnage,” Ngarewa-Packer said.
Australian-owned brand UGG Since 1974 has announced it will change its name to “Since 74” for sales outside Australia and New Zealand.
There has been a long-running battle over the rights to use the name “ugg” to sell the iconic sheepskin boots worldwide.
This latest development follows years of legal challenges between small Australian manufacturers and American footwear giant Deckers Brands.
While courts in the United States have ruled “ugg” can be used by brands in Australia and New Zealand, where it has become a generic name for sheepskin boots, Deckers own the rights to use ugg internationally. They are now pursuing UGG Since 1974 for using the name.
UGG Since 1974 is an established maker of the boots, predating establishment of the Deckers brand. But locally, uggs are made – and advertised as uggs – by many small Australian manufacturers.
They made their first documented appearances on surfers’ feet in the 1950s.
By the 1970s, they were commonplace across Australia. In 1981, ug (with one “g”) made its way into the Macquarie Dictionary as a generic term for sheepskin boots.
Over the years, they have become an internationally recognised Australian icon.
In late 1970s, Australian entrepreneur Brian Smith took the style to California before registering the name as a brand in the United States.
Deckers later bought the rights from Smith and trademarked it as “UGG Australia” in 1995. The company has since dropped the “Australia”, and has aggressively pursued Australian makers who attempt to use the term “ugg” when selling overseas.
What’s in a (brand) name?
In a successful 2019 infringement case against Australian manufacturer Eddie Oygur, Deckers argued Americans did not recognise “ugg” as a descriptive term but only as a brand name.
When a brand name enters everyday language as a generic term, companies often fight hard to protect their trademark rights. A trademark can lose its protection when the name becomes generic. Examples include thermos, aspirin and sellotape, which were once protected brand names but became general terms.
The lengths brands will go to prevent their trademarks becoming generic can be quite extreme. A notable example is French fashion house Chanel, which took out a full-page advertisement in Women’s Wear Daily in 2010 that threatened legal action against journalists who used terms like “Chanel-issime, Chanel-ed, Chanels, and Chanel-ized” to describe other designers’ work.
The image of a brand
What makes Deckers’ aggressive trademark defence particularly interesting is that they are claiming global trademark rights over a term that was already generic in its country of origin. This has caused some to question whether the rights should have been granted in the first place.
Their actions against smaller Australian brands also appear to contradict their carefully cultivated brand image.
The company’s website and code of ethics promote values like authenticity and cultural engagement, stating they exist to “positively impact the world by uniting purposeful brands with diverse people”.
In many senses Deckers do maintain impressive standards of corporate social responsibility and hold themselves to high standards. Yet here they are attempting to monopolise a term that has become deeply embedded in Australian culture.
The company’s actions have sparked significant backlash, with the UGG Since 1974’s TikTok announcement receiving 1.1 million likes and 79,000 shares in only two days. Social media users have said they will now be boycotting Deckers Brands in favour of Australian makers.
The controversy highlights a growing tension between intellectual property rights and cultural sustainability. While environmental sustainability is becoming a priority for brands and the media, cultural sustainability – which includes preserving heritage, cultural diversity and local practices – often takes a back seat.
Cultural legacy
For Todd Watts, grandson of UGG Since 1974’s founders, the decision to rebrand as “Since 74” outside Australia represents both a legal necessity and a statement of authenticity.
His company continues to handcraft boots in Australia using local materials and labour, maintaining a tradition that predates Deckers’ involvement with the product by decades.
And even if they will no longer be called “UGG Since 74”, it is likely the use of ugg as a generic name will stick.
While Deckers won the legal right to the ugg name, Australian manufacturers like Watts continue to defend their cultural legitimacy through local production and connection to the product’s heritage.
Alexandra Sherlock does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, to come into effect on Sunday, has understandably been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of Israelis and Palestinians.
Israelis are relieved that a process for freeing 33 more hostages in Hamas custody is to begin, with more to come in future phases.
Palestinians can now hope the daily bombing that has killed nearly 50,000 Gazans over the past 15 months will finally end, and that desperately needed humanitarian assistance will start to flow into the strip.
But once the euphoria subsides, hard issues will emerge. Here are six key questions arising from this new agreement. The answers, as yet unclear, will shape the region and the lives of those who live in it.
As US President Joe Biden said in announcing the agreement, the deal now reached was initially proposed by him in May last year.
Why, then, has it taken nearly eight months to be accepted by both sides?
Palestinian civilians in Gaza, who have borne the pain and suffering of the Israeli onslaught, can rightly ask whether Hamas could have made concessions to enable a ceasefire earlier.
Israelis are already asking if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu deliberately held back his government’s agreement to a ceasefire to safeguard his political position and keep his government in office.
Even more darkly, did Netanyahu choose to prolong the war until President-elect Donald Trump could be in a position to claim credit for achieving the release of the remaining hostages? Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff was reportedly involved in discussions with Netanyahu in the final phase of the negotiations in Qatar.
2. How will aid get into Gaza?
An important part of the ceasefire is the urgent provision of humanitarian aid. Some 600 trucks of provisions are reportedly ready to begin entering Gaza on a daily basis.
But how will the aid be distributed?
In November last year, the Israeli Knesset passed a law banning official Israeli dealings with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the UN body responsible for helping Palestinian refugees.
That means Israeli visas cannot be issued to UNRWA foreign staff, so they cannot operate within Israel or Israeli-controlled territory.
The ban was imposed because Israel believes some 13 UNRWA staff were involved in the October 7 2023 attack that ignited the war.
However, the UN says no other body is currently equipped to administer aid distribution inside the strip.
3. What will happen in the next phases?
The second and third phases of the Biden plan still have to be negotiated. That involves a long-term end to the conflict, the release of remaining hostages – those still alive and the remains of those who have died – and the start of the reconstruction of Gaza.
Those two phases will be much harder to finalise than the initial ceasefire.
Israel-Hamas ceasefire plan, partly based on the May 27 2024 agreement. The Conversation, CC BY-SA
Hamas is demanding all Israeli forces leave Gaza. Israel is refusing.
Israel is also demanding Hamas have no part in governance of Gaza. But if that point is conceded, it raises the question of who or what will take over Hamas’s governing role.
The Palestinian Authority, which oversees Palestinian affairs in the West Bank, is unpopular in Gaza.
Without a viable alternative, what are the chances of Gaza descending into administrative lawlessness, with the strip divided into rule by rival gangs? Unfortunately, quite high.
4. How is Israeli domestic politics affected?
Netanyahu has spent the conflict trying to appease right-wing elements of his party, particularly National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.
Both strongly oppose the ceasefire agreement and have threatened to quit the government.
The deal is reported to have enough support to pass. But whether and how they might have been placated in the final internal negotiations remains to be seen.
Have they been offered broader scope on settlements, or even annexation of the West Bank, to ensure they don’t scuttle the ceasefire by withdrawing from the government and forcing new elections?
5. Will Hamas survive?
Hamas is degraded, but not destroyed. It is now more like a guerilla band than an organised military force.
But despite the fact that total elimination of Hamas was one of Netanyahu’s war aims, it’s still standing.
Netanyahu can point to his other successes in the war, such as the killing of Hamas’s top leadership structure.
Israel also neutralised Hamas’s ally, Lebanese Hizballah (also spelt Hezbollah), through the extraordinary exploding pagers and walkie-talkies and killing of Hizballah leader Hassan Nasrallah.
But critics will claim Netanyahu has fallen short of his war aims. As long as Hamas is still active, many Israelis will fear it will have the capacity to rebuild and threaten Israel again.
6. What does the future hold for Netanyahu?
Netanyahu is one of Israel’s great political survivors. But he has been badly damaged by the war.
The Hamas attack of October 7 2023 happened on his watch. It traumatised Israelis deeply and they won’t easily forgive or forget.
Moreover, he is now subject to an International Criminal Court arrest warrant on charges that he breached international humanitarian law in his conduct of the war.
And the International Court of Justice has said there is a “plausible” case that Israel’s retaliation for the Hamas attacks has been genocidal. This is not good for Israel’s international image.
On top of all that, his trial over three corruption charges is proceeding. There are now serious doubts his government would survive if it were forced to elections before the end of next year, when they are formally due.
The next six weeks, as the first phase of the ceasefire takes effect, will provide answers to some of these questions – but probably not all.
Ian Parmeter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Over the past several days, the world has watched on in shock as wildfires have devastated large parts of Los Angeles.
Beyond the obvious destruction – to landscapes, homes, businesses and more – fires at this scale have far-reaching effects on communities. A number of these concern human health.
We know fire can harm directly, causing injuries and death. Tragically, the death toll in LA is now at least 24.
But wildfires, or bushfires, can also have indirect consequences for human health. In particular, they can promote the incidence and spread of a range of infections.
Effects on the immune system
Most people appreciate that fires can cause burns and smoke inhalation, both of which can be life-threatening in their own right.
What’s perhaps less well known is that both burns and smoke inhalation can cause acute and chronic changes in the immune system. This can leave those affected vulnerable to infections at the time of the injury, and for years to come.
Burns induce profound changes in the immune system. Some parts go into overdrive, becoming too reactive and leading to hyper-inflammation. In the immediate aftermath of serious burns, this can contribute to sepsis and organ failure.
Other parts of the immune system appear to be suppressed. Our ability to recognise and fight off bugs can be compromised after sustaining burns. Research shows people who have experienced serious burns have an increased risk of influenza, pneumonia and other types of respiratory infections for at least the first five years after injury compared to people who haven’t experienced burns.
Wildfire smoke is a complex mixture containing particulate matter, volatile organic compounds, ozone, toxic gases, and microbes. When people inhale smoke during wildfires, each of these elements can play a role in increasing inflammation in the airways, which can lead to increased susceptibility to respiratory infections and asthma.
Research published after Australia’s Black Summer of 2019–20 found a higher risk of COVID infections in areas of New South Wales where bushfires had occurred weeks earlier.
We need more research to understand the magnitude of these increased risks, how long they persist after exposure, and the mechanisms. But these effects are thought to be due to sustained changes to the immune response.
Microbes travel in smoky air
Another opportunity for infection arises from the fire-induced movement of microbes from niches they usually occupy in soils and plants in natural areas, into densely populated urban areas.
Recent evidence from forest fires in Utah shows microbes, such as bacteria and fungal spores, can be transported in smoke. These microbes are associated with particles from the source, such as burned vegetation and soil.
There are thousands of different species of microbes in smoke, many of which are not common in background, non-smoky air.
Only a small number of studies on this have been published so far, but researchers have shown the majority of microbes in smoke are still alive and remain alive in smoke long enough to colonise the places where they eventually land.
How far specific microbes can be transported remains an open question, but fungi associated with smoke particles have been detected hundreds of miles downwind from wildfires, even weeks after the fire.
Scientists are probing records of human fungal infections in relation to wildfire smoke exposure. In particular, they’re looking at soil-borne infectious agents such as the fungi Coccidioides immitis and Coccidioides posadasii which thrive in dry soils that can be picked up in dust and smoke plumes.
A study of wildland firefighters in California showed high rates of valley fever infections, which spurred occupational health warnings including recommended use of respirators when in endemic regions.
A California-based study of the wider population showed a 20% increase in hospital admissions for valley fever following any amount of exposure to wildfire smoke.
However, another found only limited evidence of excess cases after smoke exposure in wildfire-adjacent populations in California’s San Joaquin Valley.
These contrasting results show more research is needed to evaluate the infectious potential of wildfire smoke from this and other fungal and bacterial causes.
Staying safe
Much remains to be learned about the links between wildfires and infections, and the multiple pathways by which wildfires can increase the risk of certain infections.
There’s also a risk people gathering together after a disaster like this, such as in potentially overcrowded shelters, can increase the transmission of infections. We’ve seen this happen after previous natural disasters.
Despite the gaps in our knowledge, public health responses to wildfires should encompass infection prevention (such as through the provision of effective masks) and surveillance to enable early detection and effective management of any outbreaks.
Leda Kobziar receives funding from the US National Science Foundation, the United States Department of Agriculture, the W. M. Keck Foundation, the Murdock Charitable Trust, the US Joint Fire Science Program, and she is affiliated with the Association for Fire Ecology and The Stewardship Project.
Christine Carson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
TikTok and Instagram influencers have been peddling the “Barbie drug” to help you tan.
But melanotan-II, as it’s called officially, is a solution that’s too good to be true. Just like tanning, this unapproved drug has a dark side.
Doctors, researchers and Australia’s drug regulator have been warning about its side effects – from nausea and vomiting to brain swelling and erection problems.
There are also safer ways of getting the tanned look, if that’s what you’re after.
What is melanotan-II?
No, it’s not a typo. Melanotan-II is very different from melatonin, which is a hormonal supplement used for insomnia and jet lag.
Melanotan-II is a synthetic version of the naturally ocurring hormone α-melanocyte stimulating hormone. This means the drug mimics the body’s hormone that stimulates production of the pigment melanin. This is what promotes skin darkening or tanning, even in people with little melanin.
Although the drug is promoted as a way of getting a “sunless tan”, it is usually promoted for use with UV exposure, to enhance the effect of UV and kickstart the tanning process.
Melanotan-II is not registered for use with Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA). It is illegal to advertise it to the public or to provide it without a prescription.
There are many black market suppliers of melanotan-II injections, tablets and creams. More recently, nasal sprays have become more popular.
What are the risks?
Just like any drug, melanotan-II comes with the risk of side effects, many of which we’ve known about for more than a decade. These include changes in the size and pigmentation of moles, rapid appearance of new moles, flushing to the face, abdominal cramps, nausea, vomiting, chest pain and brain swelling.
It can also cause rhabdomyolysis, a dangerous syndrome where muscle breaks down and releases proteins into the bloodstream that damage the kidneys.
For men, the drug can cause priapism – a painful erection that does not go away and can damage the penis, requiring emergency treatment.
Its use has been linked with melanoma developing from existing moles either during or shortly after using the drug. This is thought to be due to stimulating pigment cells and causing the proliferation of abnormal cells.
Despite reports of melanoma, according to a study of social media posts the drug is often marketed as protecting against skin cancer. In fact, there’s no evidence to show it does this.
There are no studies on long-term safety of melanotan-II use.
Then there’s the issue of the drug not held to the high safety standards as TGA-approved products. This could result in variability in dose, undeclared ingredients and potential microbial contamination.
Thinking about melanotan-II? The drug can cause a long-lasting painful erection needing urgent medical care. Eugenio Marongiu/Shutterstock
The TGA has previously warned consumers to steer clear of the drug due to its “serious side effects that can be very damaging to your health”.
According to an ABC article published earlier this week, the TGA is cracking down on the illegal promotion of the drug on various websites. However, we know banned sellers can pop back up under a different name.
TikTok has banned the hashtags #tanningnasalspray, #melanotan and #melanotan2, but these products continue to be promoted with more generic hashtags, such as #tanning.
However, the image of a bronzed beach body remains a beauty standard, especially among some young people.
Disturbingly, tan lines are trending on TikTok as a sought after summer accessory and the hashtag #sunburnttanlines has millions of views. We’ve also seen a backlash against sunscreen among some young people, again promoted on TikTok.
The Cancer Council is so concerned about the trend towards normalising tanning it has launched the campaign End the Trend.
You have other options
There are options beyond spraying an illegal, unregulated product up your nose, or risking unprotected sun exposure: fake tan.
Fake tan tends to be much safer than melanotan-II and there’s more long-term safety data. It also comes with potential side effects, albeit rare ones, including breathing issues (with spray products) and skin inflammation in some people.
Better still, you can embrace your natural skin tone.
Rose Cairns does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A series of wildfires in Los Angeles County have caused widespread devastation in California, including at least 24 deaths and the destruction of more than 12,000 homes and structures. Thousands of residents have been evacuated, and the danger isn’t over yet.
Some estimates have put the cost of the damage and economic loss at between A$400 billion and A$450 billion, of which only A$32 billion is insured.
This is a stark illustration of the insurance protection gap – the difference between insured and uninsured losses. As California rebuilds, it means the bill for uninsured losses will fall on the property owners themselves and public funds.
These catastrophic fires should ring alarm bells in Australia, where global ripple effects are likely to force up our own insurance premiums. Most importantly, we must grapple with and prepare for the grim prospect of our own similar disaster.
In response to growing risk, escalating insurance claims, and rising reinsurance and construction costs, at least a dozen of the largest property insurers, making up 80% of the Californian market, have withdrawn from offering wildfire coverage or have restricted new policies.
In March 2024, State Farm, the United States’ largest property insurer, announced it would not be renewing about 72,000 policies in selected California postcodes deemed too risky to insure for wildfire.
For insurers, it’s simply becoming too expensive to do business in California.
What are the other options?
This has led to surging demand for alternative protection options. One, the California FAIR Plan, is a state-legislated collaboration between insurers.
The FAIR plan exists to provide a wildfire policy for those who have had policies refused by other insurance companies. But it’s a deliberately “bare-bones” policy.
Homeowners who want cover for additional structures, for theft and liability, or for other perils need to buy an additional top-up.
Residential payouts are capped at US$3 million (A$4.8 million), leaving many people underinsured.
Demand for the California FAIR Plan has skyrocketed since 2019, up 164%.
This increased demand for protection and the billions of dollars in loss we’ve just seen have raised concerns these wildfires may bankrupt California’s insurer of last resort.
The insurance protection gap is not unique to California. Some 15% of Australian households already face extreme insurance stress – a situation in which it costs four weeks or more of pretax income to buy an insurance policy.
Insurance for insurers
Premiums in Australia may soar even higher after the LA wildfires. Here’s why.
To cover large-scale losses like the 2022 floods in Australia, insurance companies buy a reinsurance policy in the global market. Essentially, they take out their own large insurance policies to help pay out the mass claims after a disaster.
The cost of global reinsurance capital goes up around the world as risk rises, losses increase, and the costs of reconstruction rise. Reinsurance payments for wildfire in California will therefore create a ripple effect in all insurance markets.
The global reinsurance market isn’t the only thing likely to push premiums higher in Australia. There’s also our own climate uncertainty and increasing risk of disaster.
Future extreme weather and the losses it may cause are becoming harder to predict. Where uncertainty rises, so do premiums, as insurers and reinsurers increase their capital reserving for potential losses.
Alarmingly, California’s crisis is a reminder that wildfires are not just a problem in rural areas or on the fringes of cities. Furthermore, these losses can even occur in winter, not just during the “wildfire season”.
A timely warning
Australia may have been fortunate enough to avoid a catastrophic citywide fire so far. But the intensification of bushfire seasons could ultimately create a similar insurance crisis here.
In 2019, the Gospers Mountain mega-blaze came dangerously close to advancing on Sydney’s urban heart. A timely southerly wind change held it back.
It pays to check your coverage
What are the implications of this disaster for Australian insurance policyholders? Are there any meaningful actions we can take?
First, insured Australians should check what their policy covers and what is excluded. Greater clarification over exclusions was recommended in a recent parliamentary inquiry into the 2022 floods.
Meanwhile, policyholders should review the terms and conditions in their product disclosure statement (PDS). If you’re unsure about what a particular policy covers, contact your insurer prior to renewal.
Beyond checking or upgrading coverage, Australians can take steps to make their homes more bushfire resilient.
Last year, the Resilient Building Council partnered with the federal government to launch a free app homeowners can use to assess their fire resilience and earn premium reductions from participating insurers by making improvements.
Paula Jarzabkowski receives research funding from Natural Hazards Research Australia and from Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation. She is a member of: the OECD High-Level Advisory Board for the Financial Management of Catastrophic Risk, Lloyd’s of London Futureset Technical Advisory Group; and the Pool Reinsurance Company Advisory Council
Katie Meissner receives funding from Natural Hazards Research Australia and from Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation.
Tyler Riordan receives funding from Natural Hazards Research Australia.
Rosie Gallagher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chelsea Watego, Professor of Indigenous Health, Executive Director, Carumba Institute, Queensland University of Technology
The timing of the report’s release resulted in little news coverage.
That’s in contrast to the release of other racism investigations in recent years from the ABC and the AFL and its clubs Hawthorn and Collingwood. These all received considerable and sustained media attention.
Questions were raised around her worth as a scholar and recipient of a prestigious research fellowship. Her research was represented through racist stereotypes as a threat to the safety of students at her university.
A structural understanding of racism demands an analysis of power and a willingness to stand up to it. It’s here that the commission’s report falls short and ends up reinforcing the problem it’s trying to solve.
Dangerous conflations
In May, the government tasked the Human Rights Commission with investigating antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism and the experiences of First Nations people at Australian universities.
It came as the Liberal–National Coalition (which is not usually at the forefront of anti-racist activism) expressed outrage about antisemitism on campus.
Antisemitism is real, yet initiatives such as the Coalition’s Private Members Bill seeking to establish a Commission of Inquiry into antisemitism in universities, conflate antisemitism with political criticism of Israel.
As a result, the language of anti-racism is being used to shut down those opposing the most horrific expression of racism that exists – genocide.
The Australian Human Rights Commission report could have explored these contradictions. However, they refused to name genocide, instead referring to “world events” since October 7 2023 involving Israel and Hamas.
This is despite a United Nations Special Committee finding last year that Israel’s warfare methods in Gaza were “consistent with genocide”.
The 132-page report from the Australian Human Rights Commission expresses vague concerns for “Muslim, Arab and Palestinian staff and students”. But it too fails to distinguish anti-Zionism from antisemitism.
The commission cannot have it both ways. It cannot express concern for Palestinian safety while glossing over a crucial factor that makes Palestinians unsafe.
Racism is structural
The commission acknowledges feedback from academics who are negatively affected by racism. These academics say “conversations about racism are shut down” and that there’s “reluctance to discuss institutional and structural racism”.
Unfortunately, the study reproduces the problem that it briefly recognises.
For instance, a survey quantifying experiences of racism does not explain the role structures play.
As we have noted elsewhere, this type of research is designed to document what First Nations, Black and Brown people already know: they experience racism.
Studies like these do not explore how and why universities and other institutions generate these racist hierarchies.
A structural understanding of racism moves beyond racism as isolated incidents located within an organisation. It connects them to the deeper systems of racial dominance embedded in social, legal and political systems of society.
Understanding racism as a collection of quantifiable experiences rather than a deeply embedded set of practices, values and knowledge reduces racism to an isolated behaviour.
It’s then seen as an anomaly to be treated on the individual level through education or awareness-raising.
This approach makes racism a problem of those negatively affected by it, rather than those perpetrating it. The proposed solutions tend to involve tinkering with complaints processes, promoting counselling services and installing diversity targets.
This approach treats the symptoms, rather than tackle the root cause of the problem.
The dilemma of diversity and “racial literacy”
The commission uses the language of “diversity” of lived experience to avoid both naming racial violence and providing conceptual clarity for its study. The commission says it is “not rushing to settle on definitions” of racism.
Yet they did invent their own racial categories to organise experiences of racism into one of five groups. The diverse Australian population is defined as “First Nations”, “Jewish”, “Muslim, Arab and Palestinian”, “African” and “International”. Significantly, these categories are allocated very different word counts.
What results is a collapsing of the diverse experiences of racism into crude race categories that exclude and erase any number of negatively racialised staff and students in Australian universities.
For instance, it excludes the racism experienced by anti-Zionist Jewish scholars and students.
There is no category for the racism experienced by staff and students of south Asian descent or even our Polynesian, Melanesian and Māori neighbours.
The catch-all category of “international” refers only to the international students.
In its “initial insights”, the commission draws on the supposed problem of “racial literacy”. It defines this as the “ability to name, understand and confront racism”. It also suggests that those experiencing racism might not recognise it as such.
This is odd. Typically, people who experience racism have an clear understanding of it. What prevents effective anti-racist action is a society that denies the reality of racism.
The idea of racial literacy can frame racialised people as incapable of understanding their experience without expert assistance. It also affords an innocence to those who benefit from racism.
A flawed attempt
The Racism at Universities study should have been based on a robust structural understanding of race and racism. This would have been possible had it drawn on, rather than ignored, the intellectual work of scholars at the forefront of anti-racist research and practice.
It is ironic that a study of racism in Australian universities is not informed by the scholarship produced within them.
But this reveals the clear political position of this research. The performance of neutrality is a political position – one for which the Australian Human Rights Commission has been criticised in relation to Palestine.
In trying to appear objective, the commission is unable or unwilling to address the racism experienced by racialised scholars undertaking anti-racist research, such as Abdel-Fattah.
An analysis of racism divorced from the socio-political environment entrenches rather than eliminates racism. All claims to racial harm might appear equal until power is examined.
To properly understand how racism is working, reports like this must go beyond collating individual feelings and experiences as though all perspectives are equal, and examine the institutions and political systems that distribute racial violence and racist harm.
We must ask who is being displaced and structurally excluded? Who’s being incarcerated, dehumanised and overpoliced? Who commands sympathies, whilst others do not? Who’s being pushed out of employment, framed as violent and denied sovereignty? Who’s being killed?
Who has access to state militaries, land, weapons, media, political influence, government support, international recognition and money?
In avoiding an understanding of racism in a structural sense, anti-racism efforts wherever they are situated become useless, or worse – violent.
Queensland University of Technology’s Carumba Institute is convening The Greatest Race Debate on Wednesday 22 January 2025 at Garden’s Point Theatre in Brisbane.
Chelsea Watego receives funding from the Australian Research Council and National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research and Inala Wangarra.
Alissa Macoun is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research
David Singh receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research.
Elizabeth Strakosch is affiliated with the Institute for Collaborative Race Research, the Institute for Postcolonial Studies and the Jewish Council of Australia.
Kevin Yow Yeh receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council and is a Director of the Institute for Collaborative Race Research.
The lack of women representation in parliaments across the world remains a vexed and contentious issue.
In Fiji, this problem has again surfaced for debate in response to Deputy Prime Minister Manoa Kamikamica’s call for a quota system to increase women’s representation in Parliament.
USP postgraduate student in sociology, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke . . . she advocates a holistic approach encompassing financial assistance and specific legislation to address violence against women in politics. Image: Wansolwara
The workshop was organised by Suva-based civil society organisation, Dialogue Fiji, in collaboration with Emily’s List Australia and funded by Misereor.
Kamikamica noted that women’s representation in Fiji’s Parliament peaked at 20 percent in 2018, only to drop to 14 percent after the 2022 elections.
He highlighted what he saw as an anomaly — 238,389 women voted in the 2022 election, surpassing men’s turnout.
However, women candidates garnered only 37,252 votes, accounting for just 8 percent of the total votes cast. This saw only six out of 54 female candidates elected to Parliament.
Reducing financial barriers He said implementing supportive policies and initiatives, such as reducing financial barriers to running for office and providing childcare support could address some of the structural challenges faced by aspiring female leaders.
While agreeing with Kamikamica’s supportive remarks, Suva-based lawyer and former journalist Sainiana Radrodro called for urgent and concrete actions to empower aspiring women candidates besides just discussions.
She identified finance, societal norms and more recently, bullying on social media, as major obstacles for women aspiring for political careers. She said measures to address these problems were either insufficient, or non-existent.
Radrodro, who participated in the 2024 Women’s “Mock Parliament”, supports a quota system, but only as a temporary special measure (TSM). TSM is designed to advance gender equality by addressing structural, social, and cultural barriers, correcting past and present discrimination, and compensating for harm and inequalities.
The lawyer said that TSM could be a useful tool if applied in a measured way, noting that countries that rushed into implementing it faced a backlash due to poor advocacy and public understanding.
She recommends TSM based on prior and proper dialogue and awareness to ensure that women elected through such measures are not marginalised or stereotyped as having “ridden on the back of government policies”.
She said with women comprising half of the national population, it was sensible to have proportional representation in Parliament.
Social media attacks While she agreed with Kamikamica that finance remained a significant obstacle for Fijian women seeking public office, she stated that non-financial barriers, such as attacks on social media, should not be overlooked.
To level the playing field, Radrodro’s suggestions include government subsidies for women candidates, similar to the support provided to farmers and small businesses.
“This would signal a genuine commitment by the government to foster women’s participation in the legislature,” she said.
Radrodro’s views were echoed by the University of the South Pacific postgraduate student in sociology, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke.
She advocates a holistic approach encompassing financial assistance, specific legislation to address violence against women in political contexts; capacity-building programs to equip women with leadership, campaigning, and public speaking skills; and measures to ensure fair and equitable media coverage, rather than stereotyped and discriminatory coverage.
Giva-Tuke emphasised that society as a whole stand to benefit from a gender balanced political establishment. This was also highlighted by Kamikamica in his address. He cited research showing that women leaders tended to prioritise healthcare, education, and social welfare.
While there is no disagreement about the problem, and the needs to address it, Giva-Tuke, like Radrodro, believes that discussions and ideas must translate into action.
“As a nation, we can and must do more to create an inclusive political landscape that values women’s contributions at every level,” she said.
Protection another hurdle For Radrodro, one of the most urgent and unaddressed problems is the targeting of women with harmful social media content, which is rampant and unchecked in Fiji.
“There is a very high level of attacks against women on social media even from women against other women. These raises reservations in potential women candidates who now have another hurdle to cross.”
Radrodro said a lot of women were simply terrified of being abused online and having their lives splashed across social media, which was also harmful for their children and families.
She said it was disheartening to see the lack of consistent support from leaders when women politicians faced personal attacks.
She called for stronger policies and enforcement to curb online harassment, urging national leaders to take a stand against such behavior.
Another female rights campaigner, the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement executive director Nalini Singh, called for stronger and more effective collaboration between stakeholders — communal groups, women’s groups, local government departments, political parties and the Fijian Elections Office.
Singh highlighted the need for a major educational campaign to change the mindsets with gender sensitisation programs targeting communities. She also recommended increased civic education and awareness of government structures and electoral systems.
Temporary law changes While she supported reserved parliamentary seats for women, Singh said temporary changes in laws or regulations to eliminate systemic barriers and promote gender equality were also needed.
Singh also highlighted the importance of bridging the generational gaps between older women who have worked in local government, and young women with an interest in joining the political space by establishment of mentoring programmes.
She said mandating specific changes or participation levels within a defined timeframe and advocacy and awareness campaigns targeted at changing societal attitudes and promoting the inclusion of underrepresented groups were other options.
“These are just some ways or strategies to help increase representation of women in leadership spaces, especially their participation in politics,” said Singh.
The views of women such as Sainiana Radrodro, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke and Nalini Singh indicate not just what needs to be done to address this problem, but also how little has actually been done.
On his part, Kamikamica has said all the right things, demonstrating a good understanding of the weaknesses in the system. What is lacking is the application of these ideas and sentiments in a real and practical sense.
Unless this is done, the ideas will remain just that — ideas.
Monika Singh is a teaching assistant with The University of the South Pacific’s Journalism Programme and the supervising editor of the student newspaper Wansolwara. This article is first published by The Fiji Times and is republished here as part of a collaboration between USP Journalism and Asia Pacific Report.
Social media giant TikTok is preparing to shut down its app in the United States this Sunday – the day that legislation signed by President Joe Biden last year banning the app takes effect.
There is a slim chance this dramatic development might not happen if the US Supreme Court accepts a last minute legal argument from TikTok’s Chinese owner, ByteDance, that the ban is unconstitutional – or if ByteDance divests its US operations.
But the 170 million users of TikTok in the US aren’t taking any chances. Many self-described “TikTok refugees” have begun to flee to alternative social media sites, mocking the alleged security concerns on TikTok in the process. “Goodbye to my Chinese spy” has become a new TikTok trend.
The most popular alternative that has emerged is the Chinese social media app Xiaohongshu (known as RedNote in English). On January 13, the app surged to number one in the US Apple App Store, attracting more than 700,000 new users.
This mass digital migration of social media users marks a new phase in the ongoing digital cold war between the US and China. But there are many questions about whether RedNote – or any other alternative platform – will be a viable, long-term refuge for US TikTok users if the ban goes ahead.
What is RedNote?
Owned by Shanghai-based Xingyin Information Technology and established in 2013, RedNote is a Chinese-language lifestyle, social networking and e-commerce platform. It has a hybrid style of Instagram-meets-Pinterest and approximately 300 million monthly active users – the majority of whom are in China.
RedNote stores its users’ personal data in China, in compliance with China’s data protection and cybersecurity laws and other regulatory policies.
But RedNote isn’t the only alternative platform users are migrating to. Another is Lemon8, also owned by ByteDance, which bills itself as a “lifestyle community”. First launched in Japan in 2020, it had the second top spot in the Apple App Store – after RedNote – earlier this week. The app allows existing TikTok users to migrate their account handles and data.
Like TikTok, Lemon8 stores data of users outside China, including in the US and Singapore. However, if the US government does ban TikTok it could easily use the same rationale to ban Lemon8.
Many see RedNote as the best alternative given its similar content style and algorithms to TikTok and community-driven appeal. More importantly, the platform is beyond the control of the US government and cannot be directly banned.
since the US government is worried about our personal data being taken by China, let’s just hand it directly over to the Chinese government. Are you going to take away my mobile?
A ‘Western awakening movement’
Chinese users of RedNote are enthusiastically embracing TikTok refugees from the US.
For example, they are producing tutorial videos to teach new users how to navigate the app. This hospitality is summed up by one popular comment from a Chinese user on the platform who said: “friends who come over from TikTok, I want to say, you are not refugees, you are brave explorers.”
The new migration to RedNote has also intensified national pride of Chinese internet users.
They vividly refer to the migration as a “Western awakening movement”, which allows US citizens to open their eyes to see the world outside the centre of the west.
This phrase was coined in reference to the “self-strengthening movement” in China in the late 19th century – a reform effort aimed at modernising China by adopting Western technologies, knowledge and values.
The unexpected migration has seen some RedNote-related stocks surge by as much as 20% earlier this week.
People-to-people diplomacy
The positive interactions between American and Chinese internet users help promote the Communist Party of China’s idea of “people-to-people diplomacy”. This idea is best summed up by Chinese President Xi Jinping, who in July 2024 said
the hope of the China-US relationship lies in the people, its foundation is in the two societies, its future depends on the youth, and its vitality comes from exchanges at subnational levels.
However, RedNote might not be a viable, long-term refuge for US TikTok users.
Their sudden migration to RedNote could be more like a flash mob protest against the TikTok ban. It may not be easy for them to get used to a very different digital ecosystem – and make a decision to permanently reside on the Chinese app.
RedNote has already posted a job ad to urgently recruit content moderators who understand English to cope with the dramatic growth of English-speaking users.
It’s also worth nothing that the migration to RedNote is still very small, and only a fraction of the 170 million people in the US who use TikTok.
The US government also has the authority to pressure Apple to remove RedNote from the US App Store if it thinks the migration poses a national security threat.
Regardless of whether this happens, the mass migration of TikTok refugees to RedNote – even if it is temporary – shows the US’s regulation of digital technologies, driven by geopolitical competition, has significantly fractured the global internet. Fortunately, we have witnessed the spirit of optimism and humanitarianism among US and Chinese internet users amid the tension of the digital cold war.
Jian Xu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kath Albury, Professor of Media and Communication and Associate Investigator, ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making + Society, Swinburne University of Technology
Last week, social media giant Meta announced major changes to its content moderation practices. This includes an end to its fact-checking program, starting with the United States.
Meta’s platforms – which include Facebook, Instagram and Threads – will no longer employ human fact-checkers and moderation teams, relying instead on a user-sourced “community notes” model. This is a similar method to current content moderation on X (formerly Twitter).
Meta’s hateful conduct policy also changed last week to allow more “free speech”. Advocate groups and experts warn this could lead to an increase in abusive and demeaning statements about Indigenous people, migrants and refugees, women and LGBTQIA+ people.
Health content has been a focus of concern about online misinformation, particularly in relation to COVID. There has been less discussion of the potential impact of Meta’s new policies on sexual and reproductive health info online – but the impacts could be profound.
For good or ill, Meta’s platforms are spaces where public health information can reach diverse audiences. This can be especially helpful for people in rural and regional areas, young people, and anyone not already connected with reliable health services.
Facebook and Instagram serve as “town squares” for many health service providers. But what happens when the community members most in need of contraception or sexual health information and services no longer feel safe in this town square?
Meta has claimed community notes will be compiled from multiple sources to avoid bias. Some online sex educators were initially optimistic that the policy changes might make it easier to share sexual and reproductive health content.
Internal training materials leaked from Meta reportedly show that comments like “gays are freaks” or “transgender people are mentally ill” are now permissible. This would create significant risks for users and for the healthcare services sharing info online.
From too much censorship to targeted attacks
Meta’s own Oversight Board has acknowledged that the platform has over-censored content related to nudity, sexuality and gender in the past. This has resulted in sexual and reproductive health content being blocked or “shadow-banned” (when the content is hidden from other users without the poster’s knowledge).
The community notes process replaces human moderators with crowd-sourcing. Information is gathered from multiple users with a diverse range of political views. A note is then added to flag misinformation. Meta is currently recruiting users on Threads, Facebook and Instagram for the US community notes rollout.
What’s more, the process itself can be weaponised. Research into what has been termed “user-generated warfare” has found that politically motivated users are already manipulating community guidelines to attack content creators on Instagram and TikTok.
This includes targeted attacks on women’s health organisations and LGBTQIA+ organisations as part of an “anti-rights pushback”. Globally, government and non-government groups have led organised campaigns opposing both reproductive freedom and trans rights.
Malicious tactics include false reporting of images for violating community guidelines. They can also involve coordinated pile-ons of hate speech in the comments under a social media post.
Women, trans people and other LGBTQIA+ people are disproportionately affected by these forms of social media manipulation. Sexual and reproductive health content creators have responded by self-censoring health information or removing themselves from social platforms.
Where to from here?
Evidence suggests the move to community notes has already led many LGBTQIA+ and women’s health organisations to close their X accounts.
Health service users are leaving Meta platforms, too. Some health outreach organisations are encouraging community members to stay connected through private newsletters and mailing lists.
But not everyone is comfortable sharing their email address. Social media platforms offer privacy and anonymity for vulnerable people who may not have access to other sources of reliable sexual and reproductive information.
There is no perfect solution. Social media users are exploring new platforms, such as Bluesky. This means sexual and reproductive health service providers will need to be open to experimenting with untested platforms, too.
This may be hard for organisations that have already invested time and money in health promotion on Meta platforms. But in a rapidly evolving global political environment, business as usual is not an option.
Kath Albury receives funding from the Australian Research Council and FORTE: the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare. She has previously received funding from the Office of the eSafety Commissioner.
Joanna Williams received funding from Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) scholarship.
Journalist Simon Townsend has died aged 79 only a few months after being diagnosed with an aggressive form of cancer. A statement released by his family reported “In his final days, Simon was surrounded by his family and a mix of journalists, writers, actors, political activists and Italians”.
Townsend is best remembered for hosting the Logie-winning children’s show Wonder World from 1979 until 1987.
But it is equally important to focus on his time as a political activist and conscientious objector during the Vietnam War. When Townsend was a fledgling journalist in his early 20s, he fought fearlessly against the draft and was imprisoned twice for his pacifist beliefs.
Conscientious objection
On November 24 1964, Liberal prime minister Robert Menzies re-introduced conscription through the National Service Act. It became mandatory for men turning 20 to register for national service.
Of the more than 800,000 who registered, 64,000 eventually served.
Approximately 14,000 refused to register for a variety of reasons. Refusal was a crime punishable by up to two years in prison, unless an exemption was granted on the grounds of conscientious objection, generally connected to religious belief.
Others registered, but claimed conscientious objection before they attended their standard military medical examination. Townsend registered as required by law in 1965 and immediately attempted to claim conscientious objector status on the grounds of pacifism.
This was refused by a judge in 1966 who said he was “not sincere”. The judge ordered Townsend to attend his medical examination. Townsend refused. He was sent to serve a one month prison sentence at Sydney’s Long Bay Gaol in early 1967.
On his release, Townsend again applied for an exemption. Again, he was unsuccessful. In February 1968, he refused to attend his next medical. In March, Townsend disobeyed an order to report for military duty. He was charged in the Special Federal Court in Sydney on May 15 and imprisoned again.
The Abolish Conscription Campaign
Four days later, Townsend wrote a letter to the Sydney protest group Abolish Conscription Campaign, reporting eight prison guards constantly watched over him and woke him up every two hours for his “wellbeing”.
He said he was “pretty miserable”, but his brother had sought help from Labor politicians Gough Whitlam and Len Devine, who paid Townsend a visit in support.
On June 10 1968 the Abolish Conscription Campaign organised a “major protest” to “demonstrate for the release of all conscientious objectors and the abolition of conscription”. Activists marched from Liverpool Station to Ingleburn Military Camp, where Townsend was being held ahead of his June 14 court date.
On this date, Townsend’s application for conscientious objector status was accepted – the court no doubt influenced by the increasing public attention his case had attracted.
Townsend approached his legal difficulties with courage and generosity. Between his two stints in prison, he formed Sydney’s Conscientious Objectors’ Group. Townsend, along with fellow activists including Quakers, feminists and pacifists, used their time and energy providing information to conscientious objectors facing court.
‘The Unconscriptables’
After Townsend’s release, he continued to fight against the National Service Act.
In August 1968 he joined the Caravan Against Conscription, which saw Sydney activists travel through rural New South Wales to spread the anti-war message.
In the next month Townsend helped to form a group called The Unconscriptables, “open to all those young men who face civil gaol because of a responsible and conscientious decision not to comply with the National Service Act”.
Townsend later supported Unconscriptable Geoff Mullen when he unsuccessfully stood for the federal seat of Wentworth in the October 1969 election. In an act of resistance, Mullen was running against Liberal minister for labour and national service, Leslie Bury.
Selfless action
During my State Library of New South Wales Fellowship research into quiet protest during the Vietnam War, I came across a court summons addressed to teacher, activist and former NSW Teachers Federation President Samuel Phineas Lewis, signed by Simon Townsend.
I became fascinated not only by Townsend’s personal story, but also his willingness to selflessly act on behalf of other young men impelled to fight in a war they did not believe in.
This court summons represents one of many protest actions performed by Townsend as Secretary of the Committee in Defiance of the National Service Act, formed in July 1969.
At their first meeting in Sydney Town Hall, Townsend, along with Committee leader Ken Thomas (an activist and businessman who, in 1946, established KW Thomas Transport, later known as Thomas Nationwide Transport or TNT), and 70 others including barristers, academics, unionists, housewives and clergymen, publicly signed a Statement of Defiance proclaiming their ongoing support for men who evaded conscription.
In encouraging others to break the law, they intentionally contravened the Crimes Act in the hope the time taken to prosecute them in court would delay any legal action towards young conscientious objectors.
Eventually 8,000 Australians made Statements of Defiance, were reported by Committee members to authorities and were fined or summonsed to appear in court. The Liberal Government soon became wise to the Committee’s scheme and ceased reacting.
These relatively quiet protest acts were hugely impactful and incredibly brave.
Townsend continued to fight against the National Service Act until Prime Minister Gough Whitlam abolished conscription as his first order of business following his December 2 1972 election win. This was while working as a reporter for This Day Tonight, a position he held from 1970 until the launch of Wonder World.
The loss of Simon Townsend is deeply felt in this country, not only for his journalism but also for his fearless activism. Vale.
Effie Karageorgos received funding from the State Library of New South Wales for this research.
They say a picture is worth a thousand words. But in the world of legal contracts, pictures can be worth even more by making complicated concepts more accessible to people without expertise.
Traditional contracts are often dense and filled with complex legal language, known as “legalese”. This can be difficult for individuals without legal training to understand.
Visual contracts break away from this norm by integrating diagrams, illustrations, symbols and even comic strips to convey essential information.
In public procurement — the purchase of goods, services and works by public authorities using public funds — this approach could be transformative, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises.
By simplifying intricate legal documents, visual contracts can encourage greater participation and enhance competition. Using images can ultimately improve the quality of public services for taxpayers.
In our new research, we looked at the benefits and potential difficulties of visual contracts. We also examined how they have been used overseas and develop a road map to simplify procurement law.
Visual contracts in public procurement
Public procurement is notoriously complex. The process is governed by strict legal frameworks to ensure transparency, competition, integrity and fairness.
While these rules are essential, their complexity often discourages small and medium-sized businesses and community organisations from participating. These groups may lack the resources to navigate the intricate legal systems.
Visual contracts offer a fresh perspective. By simplifying procurement documents, visual formats could make public procurement more accessible, transparent and inclusive.
For example, using visuals to explain timelines, roles and expectations can demystify the process for those who have never participated in public procurement before.
This means visual contracting could level the playing field and create opportunities for a broader range of participants.
Accessible contracts also benefit everyone involved, including contract managers and suppliers. Clear contracts reduce misunderstandings, improve compliance and foster trust.
This is particularly crucial in public procurement, where effective collaboration between public authorities and suppliers ensures better outcomes for taxpayers and communities.
Learning from Denmark and Australia
Various groups in Denmark and Australia have been exploring the use of visual contracting, providing valuable insights into its potential.
In Denmark, visual contracts have been used in the construction industry to clarify obligations and dispute resolution processes.
The Danish Construction Association, for example, developed visual tools to outline key milestones and responsibilities. These tools not only improved understanding but also reduced conflicts and delays.
In Australia, the University of Western Australia’s Comic Book Contracts project has demonstrated the practical benefits of visual contracting.
One example is a non-disclosure agreement (NDA) designed for engineering students participating in the UWA Makers Lab. Presented in comic strip format, this visual NDA clearly outlines confidentiality obligations. This makes it easier for students to understand and comply with the terms.
Users said these agreements were much easier to understand compared to traditional contracts.
While these examples showcase the versatility of visual contracting across sectors, applying it to public procurement represents a new and untested frontier.
The potential to simplify procurement documents and contracts through visualisation could transform how governments and suppliers engage with one another.
Bumps in the road ahead
Despite its potential, visual contracting faces challenges that could potentially slow widespread adoption.
Ensuring legal enforceability is one concern. While visual contracts are recognised in many jurisdictions, uncertainties persist regarding court interpretations of images and symbols.
In disputes, it’s crucial that all parties consistently understand the visuals to uphold the contract’s validity.
Additionally, the cost of designing effective visual contracts can pose a barrier. Developing these agreements demands collaboration among lawyers, designers and sometimes psychologists to ensure clarity and accuracy.
Although initial expenses might be offset by long-term savings from reduced disputes and improved compliance, they remain a hurdle to widespread implementation.
Gaining broad acceptance is also essential. Introducing visual contracts into procurement processes requires buy-in from policymakers, procurement officers and legal experts.
Comprehensive training and education are necessary to help everyone involved understand and embrace this innovative approach.
Addressing these challenges is vital for the successful integration of visual contracting into mainstream legal and procurement practices.
Refining the use of visual contracts
Visual contracting has the potential to improve public procurement by making it more transparent, inclusive and efficient.
By simplifying procurement documents and contracts through visual formats, governments could attract more diverse suppliers, foster innovation, and improve outcomes for taxpayers.
Although visual contracting has been successfully applied in sectors such as construction and service agreements, its use in public procurement remains largely unexplored.
As visual contracts become a reality in public procurement, it’s important to address concerns such as legal enforceability, cost and stakeholder adoption. But as examples from Denmark and Australia show, visual contracts can make a real difference for everyone involved.
Marta Andhov received funding from the Carlsberg Foundation for the research project Purchase Power—Sustainable Public Procurement Through Private Law Enforcement (PurpLE). This article was developed as part of the PurpLE project.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has called on Egyptian, Palestinian and Israeli authorities to allow foreign journalists into Gaza in the wake of the three-phase ceasefire agreement set to to begin on Sunday.
The New York-based global media watchdog urged the international community “to independently investigate the deliberate targeting of journalists that has been widely documented” since the 15-month genocidal war began in October 2023.
“Journalists have been paying the highest price — with their lives — to provide the world some insight into the horrors that have been taking place in Gaza during this prolonged war, which has decimated a generation of Palestinian reporters and newsrooms,” the group’s CEO Jodie Ginsberg said in a statement.
According to a CPJ tally, at least 165 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since the conflict began. However, according to the Gaza Media Office, the death toll is much higher — 210.
CPJ welcomes the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas in #Gaza and calls on authorities to grant unconditional access to journalists and independent human rights experts to investigate crimes committed against the media during the 15-month long war.https://t.co/9zloRVYhSf
Israel and the Palestinian resistance group Hamas have agreed to a ceasefire deal with Israel after more than 460 days of a war that has devastated Gaza, Qatar and the United States announced.
After the ceasefire comes into effect on Sunday, Palestinians in Gaza will be left with tens of thousands of people dead and missing and many more with no homes to return to.
The war has killed at least 46,707 Palestinians, according to the Health Ministry in Gaza. Among the “horrifying numbers” released by the Gaza Government Media Office last week:
1600 families wiped off of the civil registry
17,841 children killed
44 people killed by malnutrition
Qatar’s Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani said that the ceasefire deal would come into effect on Sunday, but added that work on implementation steps with Israel and Hamas was continuing.
How the Gaza ceasefire deal was reported by the Middle East-based Al Jazeera news channel on its website. Image: AJ screenshot APR
Israel said that some final details remained, and an Israeli government vote is expected today.
Gazans celebrate but braced for attacks However, Al Jazeera’s Hani Mahmoud reported from al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Gaza that while Gazans celebrated the ceasefire news, they were braced for more Israeli attacks until the Sunday deadline.
“This courtyard of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, which has seen many funerals and bodies laid on the ground, turned into a stage of celebration and happiness and excitement,” he said.
“But it’s relatively quiet in the courtyard of the hospital now.
“At this time, people are back to their tents, where they are sheltering because the ceasefire agreement does not take effect until Sunday.”
That left time for the Israeli military to continue with the attacks, Mahmoud said.
“As people were celebrating here from Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, we could clearly hear the sound of heavy artillery and bombardment on the Bureij refugee camp and Nuseirat.
“So these coming days until Sunday are very critical times, and people here expect a surge in Israeli attacks.”
Gaza ceasefire a ‘start’ Sheikh Mohammed said the Gaza deal came after extensive diplomatic efforts, but the ceasefire was a “start”, and now mediators and the international community should work to achieve lasting peace.
“I want to tell our brothers in the Gaza Strip that the State of Qatar will always continue to support our Palestinian brothers,” the Qatari prime minister said.
Welcoming the ceasefire deal, a Hamas official said Palestinians would not forget the Israeli atrocities.
The resistance movement’s Gaza chief Khalil al-Hayya said Palestinians would remember who carried out mass killings against them, who justified the atrocities in the media and who provided the bombs that were dropped on their homes.
“The barbaric war of extermination . . . that the Israeli occupation and its backers have carried out over 467 days will forever be engraved in the memory of our people and the world as the worst genocide in modern history,” al-Hayya said.
United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said it was “imperative” that the ceasefire removed obstacles to aid deliveries as he welcomed the deal that includes a prisoner and captive exchange.
“It is imperative that this ceasefire removes the significant security and political obstacles to delivering aid across Gaza so that we can support a major increase in urgent life-saving humanitarian support,” Guterres said.
After 467 days of violence, a ceasefire agreement between Hamas and Israel has been reached and will come into effect on Sunday, pending Israeli government approval.
This agreement will not end the war or bring about peace. Ceasefires are not a panacea for the war, trauma, displacement, hunger and death Israelis and Palestinians have borne before and since October 7, and will no doubt continue to bear, long after.
While this is not the end of the story, this ceasefire does mark the start of a new chapter for Palestinians, particularly those in Gaza, and Israelis.
What do we know about the deal?
The terms of this ceasefire, at least for the first phase, are detailed, setting the stage for its effective implementation.
In structure and content, this ceasefire closely resembles numerous others that have been proposed over the past year, including the 7+2 day truce agreed in November 2023.
Unlike that truce, however, this agreement is envisaged to last longer, having three distinct phases, each lasting 42 days (6 weeks).
As US President Joe Biden said, this agreement “is the exact framework of the deal I proposed in May”.
During the first phase, there will be a temporary suspension of military operations by Israel and Hamas, as well as the withdrawal of Israeli forces east towards the border between Israel and Gaza and away from densely populated areas.
There will also be a temporary suspension of air activity (for military and reconnaissance purposes) in the Gaza Strip, particularly when hostages are released.
This happened during the November 2023 truce too, offering Palestinians much-needed respite from bombardment as well as assurances to Hamas that Israel is not using drones to surveil and intuit how many hostages it might still hold, where it is keeping hostages, and how and where it is moving them to.
Also, from the first day the agreement comes into effect, large quantities of humanitarian aid, relief materials and fuel will be allowed to enter Gaza.
The fuel is necessary for the operation of Gaza’s power plant and sanitation systems, and for heavy machinery to clear and remove rubble.
This will begin the long task of rebuilding the strip’s decimated infrastructure, including hospitals, clinics and bakeries (the main food source for Gazans).
A type of ‘strangle contract’
Arguably, the power dynamics between Israel and Hamas when this agreement was negotiated were highly asymmetrical. Over the past 15 months, Israel has shown it has far superior military strength to Hamas.
Also, until now, Israel was arguably largely prepared to ignore the one political card Hamas held: the release of the hostages the group took on October 7.
As such, the terms of the agreement can potentially be seen as a type of strangle contract that one party, (in this case Israel) has forced on the other because of the immense power imbalance.
Over the past 12 months, Hamas has agreed to the text of a ceasefire a numberoftimes only to have the terms altered by Israel and no agreement reached.
Hamas has tried to alter the ceasefire’s terms too.
But because of the power differential, it has been relatively unsuccessful in pressuring Israel to agree to its demands.
To reach a deal, Hamas has forsaken its two main demands: full withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Gaza Strip and a permanent ceasefire.
This agreement has three phases. In the first phase, Israel will potentially release thousands of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for 33 hostages. Fewer than 60 hostages are thought to be left alive.
But it is telling that in the past, Israel has simply arrested other Palestinians or re-arrested many of those released under similar deals.
These type of strangle contracts happened during the Syrian civil war too. There, they were branded as reconciliation agreements.
These were effectively ceasefire agreements forced on rebel-held communities by the Assad regime and Russia after they had besieged, bombarded and starved them, sometimes for many years. The asymmetrical power relations of the parties to these agreements left communities with little to no bargaining power regarding their terms and implementation.
What we don’t know
On the 16th day after the agreement comes into force, indirect negotiations between the two sides will begin regarding the next phase of the agreement. This new phase is envisaged to include the release of more hostages and prisoners and the continuation of the ceasefire.
However, there are currently no written assurances the ceasefire will continue beyond the first phase if there is no agreement reached for the second phase.
For similar deals that were previously on the table, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear he would continue the war to destroy Hamas after the initial phase.
Further, the ceasefire agreement specifies that Israeli troops will withdraw east towards the border between Gaza and Israel. One of Hamas’s original demands for a ceasefire with Israel was that Israeli troops withdraw from Gaza completely.
While it has since jettisoned that requirement, the ceasefire terms suggest that Israeli forces will remain in a buffer zone along the border more permanently. They may potentially also stay longer in the Philadelphi Corridor and along the Netzarim Axis.
In a territory only 40 kilometres long and between five and 13 kilometres wide, any continuing Israeli military presence on this Palestinian land means it cannot be used for civilian life, including for homes or farmland. This makes an already densely populated Gaza Strip even more so, as well as negating the rights of Palestinian land holders in these areas.
We also do not know how this ceasefire will affect Israel’s calculus in the West Bank, or in Lebanon and its fragile ceasefire with Hezbollah. In Lebanon, attacks continue to happen daily with both sides accusing each other of violating the agreement. The first phase of that ceasefire agreement, lasting 60 days, is scheduled to end on 26 January 2025.
What comes next?
While ceasefires are not technically legally binding, they can perhaps best be thought of as a type of contract between warring parties.
This ceasefire, at least for the first phase, has detailed terms, including maps, that the parties have taken time (some would say too much time) to agree on.
This makes the agreement more likely to be implemented as both sides can more easily be held to what they have agreed by external parties, including the ceasefire’s guarantors, Qatar, Egypt and the US.
Vaguer terms, like those we have seen in the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, the 2016 Cessation of Hostilities in Syria or with the Taliban in Pakistan give the parties more room to manoeuvre and potentially the ability to blame the other side for violating the agreement.
The war between Hamas and Israel is of course not over. This ceasefire simply marks the start of a new phase.
It’s a welcome relief and the least-worst option humans have so far devised to stop the violence of war for a period of time.
But with more than 1,000 Israelis and 46,000 Palestinians dead, many more homeless, the Gaza Strip decimated and potentially millions with some sort of trauma, even if there is a halt in the violence, this is certainly not peace.
Palestinians and Israelis, if not the world, will be living with the implications of the past 467 days for many years to come.
Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Australia is considered a nation of beach lovers. But with all this water surrounding us, drownings remain tragically common. At least 55 people have drowned in waterways in Australia so far this summer, most of whom drowned at the beach. And the season’s not over.
Every drowning is a tragedy, and Australia is nowhere near the federal-government supported goal of zero drownings.
Public health agencies are concerned about the drowning numbers. So how do we fix it? An important factor to consider is how beach safety messages are communicated.
Their public safety campaigns aim to raise awareness of drowning and risks around the water. Australians are undoubtedly safer because of the work and advocacy of these organisations – but drowning numbers remain stubbornly high.
Surf Life Saving Australia is running a new campaign this summer – Stop, Look, Stay Alive – featuring Australian-born actor and filmmaker Angus Sampson.
This campaign is one of many in recent years urging Australians to stay safe near the water. Others include:
But the tragic number of drownings, particularly during summer, suggests not everyone is heeding the message. In fact, Australian researchers in 2022 found no evidence to suggest beach drowning deaths in Australia have reduced over the long term. This, the researchers said:
rais[es] questions regarding the effectiveness of existing strategies designed to communicate messages and information about beach safety and hazards to the public.
appealing to more Aussies, in particular men who continue to swim at unpatrolled locations and take unnecessary risks.
As the organisation notes, 86% of all drowning deaths on Australia’s coast last year were men.
The campaign involves ads on television and online, as well as outdoor advertising. The decision to use a mix of platforms is wise.
But the use of a TV and movie celebrity may not be effective. A review looking at road safety campaigns, for example, found limited evidence of celebrity effectiveness in improving safety outcomes.
Could it be more effective to, for example, use a TikTok star who is hugely popular among young males?
Research suggests using the right platform and “voices that matter” offer benefits when delivering safety messages. This is in part due to the emotional connection people form with these social media stars, which can result in behaviour change.
When asked for evidence to show the current public messaging campaigns are working, Surf Life Saving Australia (SLSA) told The Conversation:
SLSA is committed to preventing drowning through holistic, evidence-based approaches, combining awareness programs like Stop Look Stay Alive with lifesaving services, in-person programs, and education. This summer alone, lifesavers have performed over 2,500 rescues and 700,000 preventative actions.
Despite population growth, coastal drowning has remained stable. This summer, 32 coastal drownings have been reported, fewer than the same period last year. SLSA focuses on behaviour change through initiatives like beachpassport.org.au (with 21,000+ “passports” issued already!), and on-beach programs that have provided active community learning opportunities.
It’s too early to comment on the broader effectiveness of Stop Look Stay Alive, however preliminary campaign results show positive impact and an evaluation will be conducted by UNSW Beach Safety Research Group later this year.
But many beaches don’t have flags. And not everyone stops or looks for flags, signs, or even the conditions before they go into the water.
And studies show while most domestic beachgoers know to swim between the flags, many choose not to because, for example, people are located closer to beaches without flags or lifeguard patrols.
What’s more, research suggests overseas visitors to Australia do not always understand what “swim between the flags” means or terms often used on common beach safety signage such as “shore dump” and “shore break”. One 2021 study found 21% of international students perceived “always swim between the flags” to mean that beachgoers who don’t or can’t swim need to stay outside the flags.
This shows that current strategies aren’t resonating with all beach users, and there’s a need to reassess beach safety messaging.
Overseas visitors to Australia do not always understand what ‘swim between the flags’ means. sljones/Shutterstock
Research also suggests teaching beachgoers about coastal science can improve beach safety behaviour. For example, people can be taught about how rip currents work, using images of dye released into the water.
Messaging on beach safety to date has surely prevented drowning. But the stubborn drowning toll highlights the need to evaluate what is not working. Clear and consistent messaging, using modern platforms and engaging influencers may help us to get to zero drownings sooner.
Samuel Cornell receives funding from Meta Platforms, Inc. His research is supported by a University of New South Wales Sydney, University Postgraduate Award. His research is supported by Royal Life Saving Society – Australia to aid in the
prevention of drowning. Research at Royal Life Saving Society – Australia is supported by the Australian government. He has been affiliated with Surf Life Saving Australia and Surf Life Saving NSW in a paid and voluntary capacity.
Over the past two years, generative artificial intelligence (AI) has captivated public attention. This year signals the beginning of a new phase: the rise of AI agents.
AI agents are autonomous systems that can make decisions and take actions on our behalf without direct human input. The vision is that these agents will redefine work and daily life by handling complex tasks for us. They could negotiate contracts, manage our finances, or book our travel.
Salesforce chief executive Marc Benioff has said he aims to deploy a billion AI agents within a year. Meanwhile Meta chief Mark Zuckerberg predicts AI agents will soon outnumber the global human population.
As companies race to deploy AI agents, questions about their societal impact, ethical boundaries and long-term consequences grow more urgent. We stand on the edge of a technological frontier with the power to redefine the fabric of our lives.
How will these systems transform our work and our decision-making? And what safeguards do we need to ensure they serve humanity’s best interests?
AI agents take the control away
Current generative AI systems react to user input, such as prompts. By contrast, AI agents act autonomously within broad parameters. They operate with unprecedented levels of freedom – they can negotiate, make judgement calls, and orchestrate complex interactions with other systems. This goes far beyond simple command–response exchanges like those you might have with ChatGPT.
For instance, imagine using a personal “AI financial advisor” agent to buy life insurance. The agent would analyse your financial situation, health data and family needs while simultaneously negotiating with multiple insurance companies’ AI agents.
It would also need to coordinate with several other AI systems: your medical records’ AI for health information, and your bank’s AI systems for making payments.
The use of such an agent promises to reduce manual effort for you, but it also introduces significant risks.
The AI might be outmanoeuvred by more advanced insurance company AI agents during negotiations, leading to higher premiums. Privacy concerns arise as your sensitive medical and financial information flows between multiple systems.
The complexity of these interactions can also result in opaque decisions. It might be difficult to trace how various AI agents influence the final insurance policy recommendation. And if errors occur, it could be hard to know which part of the system to hold accountable.
Perhaps most crucially, this system risks diminishing human agency. When AI interactions grow too complex to comprehend or control, individuals may struggle to intervene in or even fully understand their insurance arrangements.
A tangle of ethical and practical challenges
The insurance agent scenario above is not yet fully realised. But sophisticated AI agents are rapidly coming onto the market.
Salesforce and Microsoft have already incorporated AI agents into some of their corporate products, such as Copilot Actions. Google has been gearing up for the release of personal AI agents since announcing its latest AI model, Gemini 2.0. OpenAI is also expected to release a personal AI agent in 2025.
The prospect of billions of AI agents operating simultaneously raises profound ethical and practical challenges.
These agents will be created by competing companies with different technical architectures, ethical frameworks and business incentives. Some will prioritise user privacy, others speed and efficiency.
They will interact across national borders where regulations governing AI autonomy, data privacy and consumer protection vary dramatically.
This could create a fragmented landscape where AI agents operate under conflicting rules and standards, potentially leading to systemic risks.
What happens when AI agents optimised for different objectives – say, profit maximisation versus environmental sustainability – clash in automated negotiations? Or when agents trained on Western ethical frameworks make decisions that affect users in cultural contexts for which they were not designed?
The emergence of this complex, interconnected ecosystem of AI agents demands new approaches to governance, accountability, and the preservation of human agency in an increasingly automated world.
How do we shape a future with AI agents in it?
AI agents promise to be helpful, to save us time. To navigate the challenges outlined above, we will need to coordinate action across multiple fronts.
International bodies and national governments must develop harmonised regulatory frameworks that address the cross-border nature of AI agent interactions.
These frameworks should establish clear standards for transparency and accountability, particularly in scenarios where multiple agents interact in ways that affect human interests.
Technology companies developing AI agents need to prioritise safety and ethical considerations from the earliest stages of development. This means building in robust safeguards that prevent abuse – such as manipulating users or making discriminatory decisions.
They must ensure agents remain aligned with human values. All decisions and actions made by an AI agent should be logged in an “audit trail” that’s easy to access and follow.
Importantly, companies must develop standardised protocols for agent-to-agent communication. Conflict resolution between AI agents should happen in a way that protects the interests of users.
Any organisation that deploys AI agents should also have comprehensive oversight of them. Humans should still be involved in any crucial decisions, with a clear process in place to do so. The organisation should also systematically assess the outcomes to ensure agents truly serve their intended purpose.
As consumers, we all have a crucial role to play, too. Before entrusting tasks to AI agents, you should demand clear explanations of how these systems operate, what data they share, and how decisions are made.
This includes understanding the limits of agent autonomy. You should have the ability to override agents’ decisions when necessary.
We shouldn’t surrender human agency as we transition to a world of AI agents. But it’s a powerful technology, and now is the time to actively shape what that world will look like.
Uri Gal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Norris, Associate Professor of Practice Health Technology Assessment, Leeder Centre for Health Policy, Economics and Data, School of Public Health, University of Sydney
The aim of this newborn bloodspot screening is to detect babies at risk of health conditions and to intervene early. These are conditions that could cause the baby serious harm if not treated in the first days or weeks of life.
About one in 1,000 babies (or about 300 a year) are found to have one of these conditions that would otherwise go undetected.
Australia’s screening program – which reaches about 99% of newborn babies – mainly uses tests that measure the levels of specific biochemicals in a baby’s blood. There is limited use of genetic testing (sequencing a small amount of DNA) as part of the program.
But as genetic technologies improve, researchers are discussing options for updating the screening program. This might include sequencing the DNA of every baby born.
It’s early days and we don’t yet know what an updated screening program might look like. But in a few months, we’ll ask Australians for their say.
The recommendations from this research project will be presented to all health ministers, and will be used to directly inform how we might use genomics in newborn screening in Australia.
Why are we talking about this?
Advances in genomics (the methods we use to sequence some or all of our DNA) and reductions in the time and cost of sequencing mean it may now be possible to use genomics in newborn bloodspot screening.
We don’t know exactly how this might happen. But one approach is to use genomics as well as existing biochemical testing.
Using genomics to detect additional conditions could mean earlier diagnosis and treatment for more babies and their families. It could also prompt relatives to be tested to see if they too are at risk or whether they might pass the condition on to future children.
While genomics in newborns has not yet been implemented in any country, many research projects around the world and in Australia are exploring different approaches to using it.
There are challenges ahead. We need to balance the potential benefits for the less than 1% of Australian babies who receive an early diagnosis from newborn screening, and their families, with potential risks for all screened newborns and their families.
Using genomics in newborns raises significant economic, ethical, legal and equity concerns.
Sequencing a baby’s DNA can reveal more about the newborn and their relatives than traditional biochemical screening.
For instance, genomics could reveal conditions for which there is no treatment, conditions the baby might develop as an adult, or conditions the baby won’t develop but could pass on to their children.
Genomics could detect less-serious conditions, and genetic changes where we can’t tell how serious the condition will be or how old the child will be when they show symptoms.
Genomics could detect genetic changes that do not end up causing disease, meaning a child would be treated or monitored unnecessarily.
Genomics also provides an enormous amount of information we don’t yet fully understand, so it cannot be used to help the baby.
Using genomics could lead to a lot more testing, genetic counselling and treatment. This would require significant additional health-care resources, perhaps more than the health system currently has available.
We will also need to make sure all the health professionals caring for newborns and their families understand the benefits and limitations of genomics and the information it generates.
Will all the extra information genomic testing generates help the baby? And will it lead to unnecessary tests and worry? Lolostock – Apex Studios/Shutterstock
Questions we need to answer
Genomics could change how newborn bloodspot screening works in Australia. But there are some big questions to answer first, including:
1. How much DNA should we sequence? All of the DNA (referred to as whole genome sequencing) or only part of the DNA (for example, specific genes)?
2. What results should we give parents? Should we report everything we find or only results that can help treat the baby?
3. Are the required health services available for all newborns? Conditions identified via newborn screening require specialised health care that may not be available everywhere. Some families may also have difficulty accessing care due to where they live, language barriers or socioeconomic factors.
4. What if there is no intervention for a specific health condition? Fewer than 10% of rare conditions currently have an effective treatment.
5. What data will be stored? How do we keep the genomic sequence data, or screening results, private and secure while allowing appropriate access to guide clinical care?
6. Will the information be used for other purposes? The information could be used for many other purposes, such as predicting the likelihood the child will develop specific health conditions as an adult, for medical research, or for legal investigations about blood relatives.
7. How should we engage with families to help them make the right decision for them? How should families be engaged about this screening? How can we balance the fact that newborn bloodspot screening is typically encouraged with the inherent uncertainty of many genomic results?
8. How much will it cost? Is the extra cost of using genomics in newborn bloodspot screening a good use of taxpayers’ money?
You could have your say
As well as asking “how do we use genomics in newborns?” we need to ask “should we use genomics in newborns?”
As part of an Australian research project, this year we will be running a national Australian citizens’ jury on genomics in newborn bloodspot screening.
Some 6,000 households across Australia will be chosen at random from the Australia Post database. They will be invited by mail in late January to participate in the jury. You could be invited, so watch your letterbox.
Of those who respond, 30 people will be chosen to represent the diversity of Australians in terms of gender, age, ancestry, education, place of residence and parenting status. In March 2025, via online sessions and a face-to-face meeting in Canberra, they will learn about the issues we’ve described and develop recommendations about what we should do.
Using genomics in newborn screening is relevant to everyone. Even if you don’t plan to have children, the Australian health system will have to cover any future health care costs of the screening program, its implementation and its outcomes.
This is why it’s important we understand the views of the general public as well as the views of scientists, health professionals and policy makers.
Sarah Norris has received funding from the Medical Research Future Fund to undertake research that may inform future assessments of conditions for newborn bloodspot screening. She also receives renumeration from the Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care for her role as Co-Deputy Chair of the Medical Services Advisory Committee.
Ainsley Newson has undertaken sub-contracted consultancy work regarding newborn screening for the Commonwealth Department of Health. She also declares research funding from the Medical Research Futures Fund and the Australian Research Council. Ainsley is a member of the NSW Newborn Screening Expert Advisory Group.
Stacy Carter has received funding from the Medical Research Future Fund to lead the National Australian Citizens’ Jury on Using Genomics in Newborn Bloodspot Screening in 2025.
Lisa Dive does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A wide range of voices in the Australian media have been sounding the alarm about the phenomenon of “forever-renting”.
This describes a situation in which individuals or families are unable to transition from renting to home ownership, due to rising property values and wages that can’t keep up.
Forever-renting is often framed as a terrible condition that should be avoided at all costs – that renting is only acceptable in the short term, as an individual or family saves for a down-payment.
The underlying implication is that the ultimate goal in life for just about every Australian should be to own a house – or at least a condominium unit.
This only serves to stigmatise renters, who currently make up nearly a third of Australian households. Demographic research indicates about 15% of Australia’s population changes address every year. Many of these moves require rental accommodation.
Clearly, we need to change our thinking around renting to bring it into step with reality. We must accept that the proportion of renters may never go down – or may even increase – and that that’s not necessarily a bad thing.
Where did this attitude come from?
The Australian tradition of home ownership was established in the early decades of European settlement. To make what we now call the “Australian dream” happen, the continent had to be treated as a tabula rasa, or blank slate. A mass of Indigenous people were dispossessed.
Migration to Australia offered impoverished Britons an opportunity to own a house and plenty of land. In the old country, in contrast, real estate ownership had been a privilege of the gentry. Postwar waves of immigrants from southern Europe and East Asia were also intent on home ownership.
In a low-density nation with smallish cities and cheap land, owning a home made sense. Now, urban land is no longer cheap and our cities have sprawled beyond what’s sustainable.
The first step towards rethinking renting as a norm is acknowledging it can have some significant and often overlooked advantages. For some, renting is a lifestyle preference.
Ownership comes with burdens such as house and garden maintenance. This makes renting much more convenient and carefree for some demographics, including young people and older adults.
Another key advantage of renting is the employment flexibility it can provide. Renters can look for work outside their commute range and are less tied to particular employers.
There’s some evidence that high levels of home ownership could even damage the overall labour market.
Being a renter can reduce the friction of changing jobs, making it easier to relocate for work. blvdone/Shutterstock
Previous research by the US National Bureau of Economic Research has shown that increasing home ownership leads to less labour mobility, longer commutes, and fewer new businesses because homeowners are less likely to move.
Safe as houses?
One common argument against renting is that investing in your own home is a “safe bet”. But we perhaps need to rethink this unquestioned reliance on housing as a store of wealth. Those who enter the housing market for investment purposes should be aware of several issues.
Over the long term, housing prices have historically shown a general upward trajectory, driven by population growth and limited land supply in desirable areas.
In the short term, however, housing prices can be quite volatile. They may move up, down, or stay the same. This depends on broader economic cycles, market conditions and interest rates.
Think of the housing bubble in the United States, which led to a global recession in 2008, or the current downturn in China.
The cycles in property prices are often worsened by psychological biases that can lead to overoptimism during booms or panic during busts. Investors may win or lose.
Compounded by climate change
In the contemporary era, we also need to factor in climate change. Areas that are currently desirable may become unappealing before too long – due to heatwaves, floods or fires.
Natural disasters, or even just growing disaster risks, can prompt large drops in property prices and massive population movements.
To illustrate: during the pandemic, South East Queensland began to draw many domestic migrants as other states struggled to contain the virus.
People from cooler southern states were also attracted by the region’s mild winter climate. In 2024, Brisbane became Australia’s second-most expensive city for property values.
That might appear to bode well for property buyers who’ve invested millions of dollars. But one 2019 study has predicted that temperature rises could make Brisbane “unbearably hot” by 2050.
In this context, renters may be more adaptable than owners.
A more renter-friendly Australia
None of this is to argue that everyone should be a renter, or that renters should be left to the whims of the market.
In Australia, current rent increases are outpacing both wage growth and inflation (CPI). The rental affordability crisis has driven a recent surge in homelessness.
More vulnerable renters, including people with disabilities, single parents, victims of domestic abuse, those on low incomes, and older retirees, need extra protections.
The supply of rental units should also be increased, through build-to-rent and granny flat construction, for example.
Landlords should not be vilified either. In an unregulated market, they are often cast as “robber barons” and “social parasites”.
If tenants were protected from excessive rent increases and evictions, landlordism could also be recast as an essential service that yields reasonable profits to providers.
Dorina Pojani has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Urban Research Infrastructure Network, and the Queensland Department of Transport and Main Roads.
Originally known as 2JJ, or Double Jay, when it launched in Sydney at 11am on January 19 1975, Triple J has since become the national youth network. The station now encompasses broadcast radio, live events, social media and a huge digital and cultural influence. It’s been the beating heart (or beating drum, as its logo depicts) of generations of young Australians.
With a target audience of 18–24-year-olds (ish), what does it mean when the national youth broadcaster hits middle age?
A station for young Australians
Triple J was born out of the Whitlam government’s commitment to young Australians. In addition to lowering the voting age from 21 to 18, the introduction of a dedicated space for young people provided by the national broadcaster allowed for greater cultural and civic participation.
The first song played on air was You Just Like Me ‘Cos I’m Good in Bed by Skyhooks. Banned by commercial networks for its explicit sex and drug themes, the ABC – not beholden to advertisers – pushed boundaries by starting with this song.
The station became known as Triple J in 1981 when it shifted to FM radio, and the move to become a national network started in 1990, rolling out across the decade.
A station for Australian talent
People like Mark Colvin, Wil Anderson, Zan Rowe, Myf Warhurst, Judith Lucy, Roy and HG and Dr Karl all got their start at Triple J, often moving beyond the right “look or sound” for the commercial networks.
Triple J’s influence on Australian musical culture is almost impossible to understate.
Playlists for Australian music have been consistently and significantly higher than commercial competition.
The station has long run programs designed to support local artists. Cooking with George, a new Australian music show in the early 1980s hosted by George Wayne, created a platform for new artists to connect with audiences.
The new talent competition Unearthed began in 1995 and now counts among its alumni Missy Higgins, Flume and Grinspoon.
One Night Stand is a semi-regular festival the station takes to different regional or rural Australian towns. The station’s coverage of festivals like Big Day Out and Splendour in the Grass provided a way for audiences who couldn’t afford to attend to still listen along.
A station for chaos, and youth politics
The appeal has always been the energy, if not occasional chaos, of having young people in charge and on air.
Clashes with ABC management have been inevitable. A memo distributed internally in 1976, and redistributed in 1979, gave “a very stroppy reminder to all staff of our self-imposed rule – NO DOPE IN THE OFFICE OR STUDIO!!”
In 1989, presenters protested the censorship of N.W.A.’s Fuck Tha Police. To show their objections, staff played N.W.A’s Express Yourself – a song rallying against censorship, and also the only song on the album without swear words – repeatedly for an entire day.
This again played out in the early 2000s when the presenters played The Herd’s 77% in full, complete with explicit lyrics which target the government and commercial broadcasters, saying “these cunts need a shake up”. ABC management argued that the language was unacceptable. But announcer Steve Cannane instead used the song to spark a 90 minute talkback special.
Overwhelmingly, Triple J presenters felt the strength of the language reflected the strength of the artists’ activist feelings.
Tracing the station’s approach to social issues is a way to trace the priorities of many young people in Australia. In 2017 the Hottest 100 countdown was moved away from January 26, following a listener petition and survey.
Over the years the station has promoted activists standing up against racism and homophobia. In 2023 after the Voice referendum, announcer Nooky gave an impassioned personal statement, followed by Yothu Yindi’s Treaty on repeat for the rest of the show.
A station for audiences
As I found studying Triple J’s impact during COVID, providing listeners with a range of listening options remains vital.
In May 2020 listeners across the country took over the program grid and requested songs – literally anything – as part of a week-long “Requestival”.
Hilariously the audience trolled the broadcaster, requesting everything from The Antiques Roadshow theme to Beethoven, as well as local artists and international pop.
There were rumours Triple J was on its last legs even before it completed its first year on air.
While general and music outlets seem to periodically publish “is Triple J still relevant?” opinion pieces, most often these pieces are written by people who have aged out of the station’s target.
But commentators past the target demographic, judging it from their nostalgic perspective, aren’t the right people to decide if Australians 18–25 are getting what they feel they need.
Generational battles over the role and importance of Triple J continue to rage.
This is not to say older audiences should stop caring about Triple J. Nostalgia is powerful and important, shown by audiences who attended the sold out 20 year anniversary show by former breakfast hosts Adam Spencer and Wil Anderson.
Since 2015, the digital station Double J has served the “former” Triple J audience, complete with former Triple J presenters, music specials and music aimed at an older demographic.
Triple J is etched in the memories and forms a legacy for older Australians. Those who remember that first broadcast in 1975 will even get to relive it this weekend on Digital Double J, but Triple J is still a vital resource for its target audience.
Liz Giuffre does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Artist’s impression of ASKAP J1839-0756.James Josephides
When some of the biggest stars reach the end of their lives, they explode in spectacular supernovas and leave behind incredibly dense cores called neutron stars. Some of these remnants emit powerful radio beams from their magnetic poles.
As the star spins, these beams sweep past Earth and produce periodic pulses of radio waves, much like a cosmic lighthouse. This behaviour has earned them the name “pulsars”.
Pulsars typically spin incredibly fast, often completing a full rotation in just seconds – or even less. Over the last three years, some mysterious objects have emerged that emit periodic radio pulses at much slower intervals, which is hard to explain with our current understanding of neutron stars.
In new research, we have found the slowest cosmic lighthouse yet – one that spins once every 6.5 hours. This discovery, published in Nature Astronomy, pushes the boundaries of what we thought possible.
Our slow lighthouse also happens to be aligned with Earth in a way that lets us see radio pulses from both its magnetic poles. This rare phenomenon is a first for objects spinning this slowly and offers a new window into how these stars work.
An object that shouldn’t exist?
We discovered the object, named ASKAP J1839-0756, using CSIRO’s ASKAP radio telescope, located in Wajarri Yamaji country in Western Australia.
During a routine observation, ASKAP J1839-0756 stood out because no previously known object had been identified at its position. Its radio emission appeared as a fading burst, with its brightness plummeting by 95% in just 15 minutes.
At first, we had no idea the source was emitting periodic radio pulses. Only a single burst had been detected during the initial observation.
To uncover more, we conducted more observations with ASKAP as well as CSIRO’s Australia Telescope Compact Array on Kamilaroi country in Narrabri, NSW, and the highly sensitive MeerKAT radio telescope in South Africa. A long ASKAP observation eventually revealed two pulses separated by 6.5 hours, confirming the periodic nature of the source.
But here is the real surprise: according to what we know about neutron stars, ASKAP J1839-0756 shouldn’t even exist.
Neutron stars emit radio pulses by converting their rotational energy into radiation. Over time, they lose energy and slow down.
Standard theory says that once a neutron star’s spin slows beyond a certain point (about one rotation per minute), it should stop emitting radio pulses altogether. Yet here is ASKAP J1839-0756, lighting up the cosmos at a leisurely pace of one rotation every 6.5 hours.
A tale of two poles
Most pulsars, the faster-spinning cousins of ASKAP J1839-0756, are like one-sided flashlights. The axis they spin around is closely aligned to the axis of their magnetic field, which means we only see flashes from one magnetic pole.
But in about 3% of pulsars, the rotational and magnetic axes are almost at right angles to one another, which lets us see pulses from both poles. These rare double flashes, called interpulses, provide a unique window into the star’s geometry and magnetic field.
Whether a pulsar’s magnetic and rotational axes become more aligned or less aligned as it slows down is still an open question.
The interpulse from ASKAP J1839-0756 could provide clues to this question. About 3.2 hours after its main pulse, it emits a weaker pulse with different properties, strongly suggesting we’re seeing radio light from the opposite magnetic pole.
This discovery makes ASKAP J1839-0756 the first slowpoke in its class to emit interpulses, and it raises big questions about how such objects work.
Magnetar or something new?
So, what is powering this cosmic anomaly? One possibility is that it is a magnetar — a neutron star with a powerful magnetic field that makes Earth’s most powerful magnets look like featherweights.
Magnetars generate radio pulses through a different mechanism, which might allow them to keep shining even at slower spin rates. But even magnetars have limits, and their periods are usually measured in seconds, not hours.
The only exception is a magnetar named 1E 161348-5055, which has a period of 6.67 hours. However, it only emits X-ray and no radio pulses.
Could ASKAP J1839-0756 be something else entirely? Some astronomers wonder if similar objects might be white dwarfs – the leftover cores of less massive stars.
White dwarfs spin much more slowly than neutron stars, but no individual isolated white dwarfs have been observed to emit radio pulses. And so far, no observations in other wavelengths have found evidence of a white dwarf at this location in the sky.
A cosmic puzzle
Whatever ASKAP J1839-0756 turns out to be, it is clear that this object is rewriting the rulebook. Its strange combination of slow rotation, radio pulses and interpulses is forcing astronomers to rethink the limits of neutron star behaviour and explore new possibilities for what lies at the heart of this enigma.
The discovery of ASKAP J1839-0756 is a reminder that the universe loves to surprise us, especially when we think we have got it all figured out. As we continue to monitor this mysterious object, we’re bound to uncover more secrets.
Manisha Caleb acknowledges support of an Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Research Award (project number DE220100819) funded by the Australian Government. Parts of this research were conducted by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav), project number CE170100004.
Yu Wing Joshua Lee acknowledges funding from the Australian Research Council Discovery Project (project number DP 220102305) and the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Gravitational Wave Discovery (OzGrav) (project number CE230100016).
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.
We turn now to Gaza, where Israel’s assault on the besieged strip continues despite ongoing talks over a possible ceasefire. Palestinian authorities say 5000 people are missing or have been killed in this first 100 days of Israel’s siege of north Gaza.
Since Monday morning, 33 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, Al Jazeera Arabic reports, including five people who died in an Israeli attack on a school sheltering displaced people in Gaza City.
On Friday, Saed Abu Nabhan, a Palestinian journalist for the Cairo-based Al-Ghad TV, was killed by Israeli forces while reporting in the Nuseirat refugee camp, his funeral was held on Saturday. This is his colleague Mohammed Abu Namous:
MOHAMMED ABU NAMOUS: [translated] It is clear that the Israeli occupation wants to target the journalist body that exposes its crimes, while the occupation had utiliSed its media to say that they only target the resistance and their weapons, until the Palestinian journalists have exposed the truth to the world, saying that this occupation targets children, women and unarmed civilians.
AMY GOODMAN: The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate reports more than 200 journalists have been killed in Israeli attacks since October 7, 2023. More than 400 others have been wounded or arrested.
On Thursday, Palestinian journalists held a news conference outside Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, where they decried the hypocrisy and neglect of international media organisations. This is reporter Abubaker Abed:
ABUBAKER ABED: We are just documenting a genocide against us. It’s enough, after almost a year and a half. We want you to stand foot by foot with us, because we are like any other journalists, reporters and media workers all across the globe, no matter the origin, the color or the race.
Journalism is not a crime. We are not a target.
AMY GOODMAN: For more, journalist Abubaker Abed joins us now from Gaza. He used to be a football — a soccer — commentator, but now he calls himself an “accidental” war correspondent. His new piece for Drop Site News is headlined “What It’s Truly Like to Sleep in a Damp, Frigid Tent: A Report From Gaza.”
He’s joining us from Deir al-Balah, where that news conference was held.
Abubaker Abed, thank you for joining us again. You’re 22 years old. You didn’t expect to be a war correspondent, but that’s what you are now. Talk more about what you were demanding on Thursday, surrounded by other Palestinian journalists, demanding of the Western media, of all international journalists.
‘Journalism is not a crime.’ Video: Democracy Now!
ABUBAKER ABED: Yeah, thank you so much for having me.
So, what I demanded was very simple: just the basic human rights as any other people across the globe, particularly for journalists here, who have been subjected to sheer violence, brutality and barbarism over the past almost year and a half — particularly if we talk about, if we have a bit of a comparison between us and any other journalist across the globe.
As I said in this press briefing, that we are working in makeshift tented camps and workplaces. I personally talk about myself here.
I just spent long hours just trying to finalise a story, or finalise a report, just to tell people the truth, and sometimes we don’t have the internet connection.
We have been through starvation. We have been through freezing temperatures. We have been taking shelter in dilapidated tents. We haven’t been given any sort of a human right at all.
So, this is what I really demanded, because what I’ve been seeing for the past 14 months from international media outlets is absolutely enraging.
Like, I do have the same rights. What if we were in another spot in the world? The world would absolutely be standing with us and giving us everything we wanted.
But why, when it comes to Palestinians, it’s a completely different story? We understand, and we’ve been taught as a young man, I’ve been always taught, that the world cares about the human rights of every single person in the world.
But I haven’t seen any of those human rights as a Palestinian. What have I got to do with this war so I was subjected to this scale of barbarism and this starvation and this cold and just all of these diseases?
Right now while I’m talking you, Amy, I’ve been diagnosed with bronchitis. I’m still recovering from it. There are no proper medications inside any of the pharmacies here in Deir al-Balah, where more than a million people are taking shelter.
Even if we’re talking about it in detail, the lack of medical supplies and aid inside the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital here, which serves more than 1.5 million people in central Gaza, — apart from the everyday casualties — is literally insane.
When we talk about that, when we talk about the Palestinian journalists, we’ve lost around 210. And even after the press briefing, another journalist was killed.
So, you talk to an absolutely dead conscience of the world. You’re talking about — like … the world just keeps turning a blind eye and deaf ear to what is happening, as if we are talking to ourselves.
It’s completely enraging and unacceptable, because, again, we are like any other reporters, media workers and journalists across the globe, and we have the right to be given access to all media equipment, access to the world, and our voices must be amplified, because, again, we are not any party to this war.
And we must be protected by all international laws, because that’s what has been enshrined in international laws and human rights that have always been taught to the entire world.
AMY GOODMAN: We should make clear that all media has access to journalists on the ground in Gaza.
Our Democracy Now! viewers and listeners know we go regularly to Gaza, almost unheard of in the rest of the American corporate media. Yes, they are banned. And that should be raised every time they report on Israel and Gaza, that they are not allowed there.
Abubaker Abed, what would it mean if there was more attention brought to the journalists on the ground in Gaza? According to a number of reports, well over 150 — nearly 250 — journalists have been killed, most recently this weekend in Nuseirat, is that right, Abubaker?
ABUBAKER ABED: Yes. I mean, like, the reports are always horrific. Even when we go to a particular place to report on a specific event in the continuously deteriorating humanitarian situation, we know that this might be the end.
We know that even everything we’re doing right now to report on or anything we’re trying to tell, any story that we are trying to relate to the outside world, is going to cost our lives.
But we want to tell the world. We want to live in dignity. We want to live in peace, in calm, because that’s what we really deserve, as any other people across the globe. You said it in the beginning, that I shouldn’t have been an accidental war correspondent, but that’s what I’ve evolved into, because this is my homeland, and this is something that I have to defend wholeheartedly.
But, yes, even when I’m trying to do this, I’m not given the basic things. I’m not given the basic human rights.
So, every journalist here, that is working tirelessly, that has been working relentlessly since the outbreak of this genocidal assault on Gaza, has faced unimaginable horrors. We have — I, myself, lost my very dearest friend, lost family members and lost many of my friends and many of my loved ones.
But I still continue to hope. I still continue to endure the harsh, stark realities of living inside Gaza, because Gaza is now a hellscape. Absolutely, it’s the apocalyptic hellscape of the world. It’s not livable at all.
Children particularly, because I’ve been talking to many children and reporting on them, we can see the children are painful, are barefoot. They are traumatised. Their clothes are ripped apart.
And they are desperately needing just a sip of water and a bite of food, but that is not available because Israel continues, continues applying the collective punishment on all people of the Gaza Strip.
And again, I just want to reaffirm that half of the Gaza population is children. So, what have these children got to do with such a genocidal assault on Gaza?
They should have the right to educate because they have been deprived of their education for the past year and a half almost. They have been deprived of every basic right, even their their necessities and their childhood and everything about them.
The same for us as young men. I should have completed my studies. Unfortunately, my university has been reduced to rubble. Everything about Gaza, everything about my dreams, my memories has also been razed to the ground and has also been reduced to ashes.
Amid the growing news of a possible ceasefire on the line, on the horizon, I can tell you that from here, that we are very hopeful. There is a state of optimism in the anticipation for a ceasefire, because people, including me, want to heal, want to lick our wounds or stitch our wounds — heal up.
And we want to really have one moment, only one moment, of not hearing the buzzing sounds of the drones and the hovering of warplanes, particularly during the night hours, because the tones are every single day, we are very much traumatised.
We really need rehabilitation, to really get to our lives, to get to who we were before this war started.
So, it’s a very much-needed thing, because people are really crying for it. People are really hopeful about it.
And I hope that this will not dash their hopes, the continuous attacks on Gaza. And I hope that they will have their dreams coming true very, very soon, in the coming days.
AMY GOODMAN: Abubaker Abed, we want to thank you so much for being with us, a 22-year-old journalist, speaking to us from Deir al-Balah, Gaza. He used to be a soccer commentator, now as he calls himself, an “accidental” war correspondent.
Comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) passing close to the Sun.NASA/SOHO
Hot on the heels of a spectacular comet late last year, another celestial visitor is set to put on a show. And Southern Hemisphere observers have a ringside seat.
Comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) has just experienced a very close encounter with the Sun, and will become visible low in the western sky after sunset in the coming days. With luck, it will prove to be a spectacular sight.
It is often said that comets are like cats – their behaviour is notoriously hard to predict. So while astronomers have been awaiting the arrival of C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) for several months, they have been cautious of raising expectations too high.
Over the past couple of days, the comet has swung past the Sun, and survived its close encounter intact. The time has come for it to emerge to our evening skies.
A Sun-skirting snowball
At the heart of comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) is a dirty snowball or “cometary nucleus” only a few hundred metres to a couple of kilometres across. When it was discovered, in April 2024, it was still more than 600 million kilometres from Earth and the Sun.
In the days following the comet’s discovery, astronomers worked out its orbit – and it turned out to be a “Sun-skirter” that would pass less than 14 million kilometres from our star on January 13.
As a comet approaches the Sun, it begins to heat up. The ice on and near the surface “sublimes”, causing jets of gas and dust to erupt from the nucleus’ surface. This shrouds the nucleus in a vast cloud of gas and dust, which is then blown away from the Sun, creating the comet’s tails.
Comets that get particularly close to the Sun can become spectacular. This is what happened with comet C/2006 P1 (McNaught), which put on an incredible show for observers in the Southern Hemisphere in early 2007.
For that reason, astronomers often get excited when a new comet is found that will pass particularly close to the Sun. However, comets are also notoriously fragile and friable. Many small comets on Sun-skirting orbits simply fall apart in a puff of dust and disappointment.
When comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) was discovered it was very faint, which suggested its nucleus is relatively small. As a result, it seemed likely to fall apart during its close approach to the Sun.
One piece of evidence gave astronomers hope. The comet’s orbit indicated it had passed this way at least once before – and survived.
Comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) putting on a show as it passes through the field of view of NASA’s SOHO spacecraft’s LASCO/C3 camera. NASA/SOHO
Comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) will begin to appear in the evening sky, low to the west-southwest. For observers in the Northern Hemisphere, it will remain lost in the Sun’s glare. But for those south of the equator, it has the potential to be easily visible for the next few evenings, as the sky darkens after the Sun sets.
Unfortunately, the comet’s orbit is also taking it away from Earth, so it will fade relatively quickly. At its closest to the Sun, the comet was almost as bright as the planet Venus (currently a spectacular sight in the western evening sky). Within a couple of weeks, the comet will cease to be visible to the naked eye.
What does that mean? If you want to get the best possible view, you need to seize your chance in the next few days. Each evening, the comet will set later, and be farther from the Sun in the sky. But it will also be fainter from one night to the next.
So when, and where, should I look?
If you want to see comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS), you’re going to need to find somewhere with a clear, unobstructed view of the horizon slightly to the south of due west. Using a planetarium app or website like Stellarium will allow you to work out what time the Sun and the comet will set from your location, so you can plan your observations.
The videos below show the comet’s location a little after sunset at three different latitudes (around Cairns, Brisbane and Melbourne/Auckland) over the evenings from January 16 to 23.
Note the position of the comet in these videos is just the location of the comet’s head. The tail will rise upwards from the comet into the sky, leaning a bit to the right. The videos also don’t give a real feel for how bright the comet will be – you’ll just have to go out and see.
The location of comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) 35 minutes after sunset for observers at a latitude of 17 degrees S (equivalent to Cairns, Australia).The location of comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) 35 minutes after sunset for observers at a latitude of 27 degrees S (equivalent to Brisbane, Australia).The location of comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) 40 minutes after sunset for observers at a latitude of 37 degrees S (equivalent to Melbourne, Australia or Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand).
Get to your chosen viewing location around sunset, to maximise your chances of spotting the comet. As soon as the Sun is below the horizon, you can start scanning for the comet with binoculars, your camera, or the naked eye.
At first, the sky will be too bright, but the comet should eventually reveal itself, low to the horizon, before it sets.
From my own experience with comet C/2023 A3 (Tsuchinshan-ATLAS) last year, seeing a comet low in the twilight sky can be challenging. I found it was easy to spot the comet through my camera. Once found, I could find it with the unaided eye.
The time-lapse video I shot, below, shows that comet rising in the morning sky in early October 2024. You can see how the comet gets easier to see the darker the sky becomes. For the new comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS), imagine the video running backwards, with the comet setting as the sky becomes darker, to get a feel for how the comet might look.
Comet C/2023 A3 (Tsuchinshan-ATLAS) rising in the east from south-east Queensland, in October 2024.
Of course it is hard to say just how bright and easy to spot comet C/2024 G3 (ATLAS) will be.
With each night that passes, the comet will get higher in the sky, and so in theory be easier to spot. It will be dimming, however, so the best view will be had during the next week.
Jonti Horner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Elon Musk is no stranger to news headlines. His purchase of Twitter and subsequent decision to rebrand the platform as X has seen it called “a true black mirror of the most worrying parts of human nature”. Tesla’s incredibly flawed Cybertruck remains an ongoing source of Internet jokes and memes. It has even been suggested that Musk might buy the US arm of social media giant TikTok, after TikTok lost its appeal to overturn an impending ban in the United States.
Musk has also been a major player in US politics. His unpopular decision to reverse X’s ban on President-elect Donald Trump was just the start. Musk endorsed Trump in the lead-up to the US elections, and spearheaded part of Trump’s re-election campaign. He is now co-lead of the incoming administration’s so-called “department of government efficiency”, which is dedicated to slashing “wasteful” spending.
And Musk hasn’t stopped his interventions at the US border. He has inflamed tensions in the United Kingdom by reviving a decades-old sex scandal and criticising Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer.
He has also urged German voters to vote for political party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), despite sections of that party having been classed as “right-wing extremist” by German authorities.
And just last week, the prime ministers of Spain and France criticised Musk for “interfering” in politics in the European Union.
Albanese weighs in on foreign interference
Some political analysts have warned that Musk will turn his attention to Australia, with a federal election due by the end of May 2025. In response, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese cautioned that “we have foreign interference laws in this country and Australian elections are a matter for Australians”.
Albanese certainly seems on strong footing. Australia amended its criminal code to outlaw foreign interference in 2018. The legislation is extremely complex, but it effectively outlaws any act that is performed, directed, funded or supervised on behalf of a “foreign principal” (usually a foreign government or one of its entities) if that act could:
influence a political or governmental process, or an Australian democratic or political right or duty, such as an election
support foreign intelligence activities
prejudice Australia’s national security.
In other words, if Musk does anything that “influences” the outcome of an election – whether it is aimed at our politicians or our voting public – he could be breaking the law.
That’s not all. Musk, his companies, and any employee he directs in that endeavour would need to register with the Australian government, not just as lobbyists but also under the “Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme” (FITS).
“Registrable activities” performed for a foreign principal must be recorded on the FITS public register. This covers everything from parliamentary or general lobbying, through to “communications activities” (publishing or disseminating information for political or governmental influence) or “disbursement activities” (distributing money or things for political or government influence).
The FITS legislation is particularly harsh for non-compliance – a failure to register before engaging in registrable activities is a crime, punishable by fines and up to five years’ imprisonment.
Could Musk actually be prosecuted?
That’s a hard question, but the answer is likely to be no. The problem is the foreign interference provisions were designed to protect Australian democracy from interference by foreign governments – and their spies, secret agents and saboteurs – not massive social media super-corporations, or the world’s richest man.
First, a prosecution would have to prove that Musk or X is working on behalf of, directed, funded or supervised by “foreign principal”. One argument could be that Musk/X is acting on behalf of the US government or Trump, but that’s not an easy thing to prove – Musk could just say he is doing it by himself (which is fairly likely given his propensity for controversial and edgy statements).
Otherwise, prosecutors would need to prove X is a “foreign public enterprise”, which is even more complicated. Briefly, given the US government does not own 50% of X’s shares, voting power, or board of directors, prosecutors would have to prove X is under an “obligation” to act on the US government’s behalf, or “enjoys special legal rights or a special legal status” in the US.
Ironically, if Musk actually does buy the US arm of TikTok, X might become a “foreign public enterprise” because of China’s ownership of TikTok’s parent company, ByteDance.
Second, Musk would have to be extradited from the US to Australia to face a criminal trial. This would require the US government to be satisfied that the offence is recognised under US law, which does not have the same offences for foreign interference as Australia does. Musk’s comments could also be covered by the First Amendment to the US Constitution, which protects free speech.
Extraditions can also take many months or even years to effect. No doubt any extradition would be fought tooth and nail by Musk in court, if his multimillion-dollar battle against the e-Safety Commissioner is anything to go by.
Third, prosecutors would need to prove that Musk “intended” to interfere with an Australian election. At the very least, they would have to show he was “reckless” as to that outcome – that is, he didn’t really care what the outcome could be. That’s certainly possible, but could it be proven in court?
Finally, all it would take is for Trump, as president, to pardon Musk for any US-based crime he might have committed, and there would arguably be no basis for his extradition to Australia.
Unsurprisingly, these provisions were deemed controversial in 2018, and are still being criticised now.
In the seven years since the laws were passed, only three people have ever been charged, with only one conviction secured.
Further, the FITS was reviewed by the Parliamentary Committee on Intelligence and Security late last year. It labelled the scheme an “abject failure”.
So, it seems that unless Australia looks to change its foreign interference laws urgently, it is unlikely there would be much stopping Musk interfering in the Australian election, should he choose to do so.
Brendan Walker-Munro works as a Senior Lecturer with Southern Cross University, and is also an Adjunct Expert Associate for the National Security College of the Australian National University. The views expressed in the article are his own personal views.
The electoral commission in Vanuatu is trying its best to clear up some confusion with the voting process for tomorrow’s snap election.
Principal Electoral Officer Guilain Malessas said this is due to the tight turnaround to deliver this election after Parliament was dissolved last year.
But Malessas said against all odds, preparations were almost complete.
The final ballot boxes are being deployed to the farthest polling stations in the country and final checks are being carried out.
He said the premature dissolution of parliament last year forced them to have to deliver an election a year early, and within a two-month timeframe, as required in the constitution.
“The final challenge that remains is for us to make sure all the ballot boxes that we have deployed have reached all the polling stations safely,” he said.
“Also, there is the challenge of a new ballot structure which we have not had enough awareness on.”
He said they had not had enough time to conduct community awareness about the new system, and there was also new electoral legislation, which was passed in preparation for 2026 — the original date for the next election.
“With the new ballot structure you just have a single page with all the candidates and their symbols on it and you just have to tick the one you want,” Malessas said.
“We have not had enough awareness.
“We have used all existing social media platforms but lots of people in rural areas do not have access to these things.”
Extra training Malessas said they had had extra training for polling station officials to help voters on Thursday, and had printed lots of informational material to be posted up at polling stations.
He said election candidates had also been conducting awareness during their political campaigns.
With the December 17 earthquake forcing the relocation of many polling stations, they were also anticipating people turning up with national ID cards at the wrong polling stations.
To manage this, they plan to verify that the person is a resident of the constituency and that their ID card was issued before the close of voter registrations for this election on 3 December 2024.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma King, Senior Lecturer in French Studies, ARC DECRA Fellow in Screen Studies, Australian National University
Universal Pictures
In two of the biggest films released this summer, Gladiator II and Nosferatu, most actors seem to be speaking like they’re in a Shakespeare play – even though their characters are based in Ancient Rome and 1830s Germany. Where does this false British accent come from?
Hollywood has long resorted to this posh-but-unspecific English accent when telling stories set in European spaces where English isn’t the native language. This imperial accent appears in countless major productions including Schindler’s List (1993), The Pianist (2002), 300 (2006) and HBO’s 2019 miniseries Chernobyl.
Yet it’s possible to incorporate authentic accents without sacrificing audience interest. Inglourious Basterds (2009) is one example of how a blockbuster can be authentically multilingual, so much so that a crucial plot point revolves around the delicate nuances between native and near-native German.
There’s also Sofia Coppola’s approach in the 2006 film Marie Antoinette. Here, actor Kirsten Dunst’s valley girl accent is deliberately jarring, as are the purple Converses in her wardrobe and the soundtrack playing classical music alongside The Strokes. Coppola reminds us this film is a confection made from our modern fantasies of the ill-fated French queen.
But Gladiator II and Nosferatu contain no such insight.
Ancient Rome according to Ridley Scott
Paul Mescal plays Hanno in Gladiator II. Hanno is a Hercules lookalike living in Numidia, an African city invaded by the Roman army in the film’s opening scenes.
His whiteness among a black population will later be explained, but his accent will not. Although Paul Mescal is a native English speaker, his actual Irish accent is replaced with an English one in the film.
Similarly, Pedro Pascal’s General Acacius and Connie Neilsen’s Lucilla speak in an amorphous attempt at the imperial accent that oscillates between British and American. The only exception is Macrinus, played by Denzel Washington, who keeps his original American voice.
Gladiator II is far from Ridley Scott’s first foray into the use of the imperial accent. Of course, the original Gladiator film used it (though Russell Crowe’s Australian accent slipped through), as did Scott’s historical biopic Napoleon (2023).
The latter featured almost entirely French and Corsican characters, with no French or Corsican accents to be heard. Lead actor Joaquin Phoenix kept his American accent throughout his portrayal of Napoleon Bonaparte, to the confusion of critics and audiences alike.
French critics were particularly appalled by the film, with one reviewer describing it as “Barbie and Ken under the Empire.”
A German horror … set in London?
The imperial accent isn’t just confined to popular blockbusters. Filmmaker Robert Eggers has developed an auteur reputation for his arthouse horror films The Witch (2015) and The Lighthouse (2019). His recent release, Nosferatu, is a darkly funny and disturbing adaptation of the 1922 horror classic directed by F.W. Murnau.
Murnau’s German Expressionist masterpiece was a famously unlicensed adaptation of Bram Stoker’s Dracula. Murnau copied the original story but changed the names and switched the British characters to German ones.
Eggers’ adaptation is also set in 1830s Germany. Yet its British, American and French cast speak in English accents, to confusing effect. Viewers might assume the film is using the original London setting of Stoker’s story, before learning that the main characters Ellen (Lily-Rose Depp) and Thomas Hutter (Nicholas Hoult) are from Wirsberg, Bavaria.
The origins of the imperial accent
Professional actors should be as capable of learning a German accent as an English one. So why do so many productions return to the imperial accent of English-language cinema?
The answer may lie with film scholar Richard Dyer, whose 2017 book White critiques how Anglo-Western societies position whiteness as a default identity – the baseline from which all other identities differ. Whiteness, Dyer writes, is treated as a state “without properties, unmarked, universal, just human”.
The dominance of English – the language of history’s largest colonial empire and the modern lingua franca – is an extension of this. And Hollywood’s imperial accent may be part of the same impulse.
Even when representing other white groups, the English accent dominates onscreen. Be it 2nd century Rome, 19th century Wirsberg or 20th century Minsk, English is treated as a universal language, and a delocalised English accent is treated as though not an accent at all.
A default white voice
The imperial accent operates as a universal “white voice” that erases all other cultural specificities. This might also explain why it’s not extended to most characters of colour.
In Gladiator II, with the exception of Denzel Washingston and Peter Mensah (whose character Jugurtha retains Mensah’s sub-Saharan African accent), all the non-white speaking roles are delivered in an ambiguous blend of Mediterranean accents.
This homogenises their identities in a subjugated and racialised form. Romans are positioned as the centre of power, while everyone else is peripheral and speaks “exotic”, accordingly.
Eggers’ Nosferatu does the same. Only the Romanian villagers and the mysterious Count Orlok speak in “accented” English – their Eastern European accents a sign of their foreignness and strangeness. Dracula has always been a thinly-veiled portrayal of xenophobia and antisemitism. The use of accent perpetuates this in Nosferatu as well.
Vocal training is part of actors’ repertoire. Most actors are putting on an accent when they adopt the imperial one anyway, so why can’t they speak in the accent that reflects their character’s true background? Perhaps they could even speak in their languages.
The choice lies with filmmakers such as Scott and Eggers, who must confront what is bound up in the imperial accent and question why, for so long, they have treated it as unquestionable.
Gemma King receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
After last year’s budget cuts to social services, including a NZ$14 million cut to early home visits, social services providers in New Zealand raised concerns about what the move would mean for children and families needing support.
But in-depth interviews with nine social and family workers completed in 2023 reveal a sector that has struggled under successive Labour and National governments to protect children facing neglect and violence in the home.
In the 12 months to March 2023, New Zealand’s protection services agency, Oranga Tamariki, received notifications of concern for 51,600 individual children and young people, yet only 780 children entered out-of-home care.
The vast majority of these children remained within their families. This means that children’s wellbeing relied on their families receiving adequate support to meet their needs.
While there is some evidence parenting interventions can reduce harm, there is little understanding about what actually works.
Our research looks at the experiences of social and family workers themselves to understand the role they play in protecting children and young people. We asked them what they do, what they viewed as essential for effectiveness and what works with whānau Māori. Another study with parents, asking similar questions, is currently underway.
Parents can struggle with mental health problems, disabilities and addiction. Trauma-related difficulties can repeat through generations.
When Oranga Tamariki receives a notification about a child, they often refer parents to a non-governmental agency such as Family Start for help.
Social or family workers usually provide this at home. It can include education, coaching, modelling and even live skills practice directly with children and their parents.
What social workers told us
Our research participants said they valued being able to work with these families in their home, with one saying,
they’ve welcomed us into their home and that’s actually a privilege to be invited into someone’s home, into their physical home and into their parenting world.
All referenced Te Whare Tapa Whā (the house of four walls), a Māori health model, to help frame a shared understanding of families’ needs and wellbeing.
Te Whare Tapa Whā views an individual’s wellbeing as being made up of four aspects, all of which need to be in balance. This includes whānau (family – both kin and non-kin), hinengaro (psychological wellbeing, including cognitive and emotional health), tinana (physical health and resources) and wairua (spirituality, connection with ancestors).
Our research participants believed being effective required strong relationships, being non-judgemental, reciprocity, and directness regarding child protection concerns.
As one explained,
It comes down to whanaungatanga [relationships], and so that relationship is built well at the beginning and as expectations are built, so that this is a safe place where we’re really going to work together on some really hard stuff.
Having a meaningful relationship with parents, where change could occur, included being direct about parenting behaviours that were harmful to children.
When working with whānau Māori, trusting, reciprocal relationships and ensuring self-determination and autonomy were essential.
Pākehā social workers described trying to be responsive to the needs of Māori rather than determining for them what was best.
As one of our research participants explained,
[Culturally-responsive intervention] looks different for each [family]. I think the biggest thing I’ve learned is that it’s not up to me to tell them, it’s actually up to them to lead it.
Trust was seen as essential, but it takes time and investment to build trust for Māori parents working with non-Māori practitioners and agencies.
Worryingly, practitioners described knowing of ongoing harm to children, despite their efforts. They were often not able to work on parenting skills, because of bigger problems such as housing or family violence, and parents could not engage.
Another research participant said,
There’s also neglect of the children, and attachment with the kids, and it’s really hard to work on that, because we’re just kind of managing the family harm situation and the mental health.
Participants expressed discomfort in knowing about the harm to children yet feeling helpless to get Oranga Tamariki to respond in more active ways as the mandated agency.
As one social worker from a non-governmental agency providing contracted services for Oranga Tamariki said,
It was just awful, awful, awful to see the way these children were being treated in this home. So fighting with [Oranga Tamariki] all the time, trying to get them around, get support, nothing, nothing, nothing.
Despite the honesty and collaboration, the social workers were also well aware of parents seeing them as having a monitoring role for Oranga Tamariki – and inadvertently becoming part of the government’s surveillance.
For those working with Māori families, this discomfort in complicity is deepened by the history of colonisation and inequity in New Zealand.
Protecting children who fall through the cracks
The shared model of responsibility across government and non-government organisations seems like a good approach. But the reality is that children can and do fall through the gaps.
Oranga Tamariki, for example, has a high threshold for harm before they will intervene.
The ability of social services to keep children safe within their homes is increasingly limited due to a lack of resourcing.
It is thus even more important that communities look out for and care for children who are at risk of harm and to better understand what works in addressing family violence, and what doesn’t.
Sarah Whitcombe-Dobbs has received funding from Health Research Council and the Canterbury Medical Research Foundation. She is a member of the New Zealand Labour Party, volunteering on the Health and Wellbeing Policy Committee. She has also worked for Oranga Tamariki as a child psychologist.
Aotearoa New Zealand’s coalition government has introduced a bill to criminalise “improper conduct for or on behalf of a foreign power” or foreign interference that echoes earlier Cold War times, and could capture critics of New Zealand’s foreign and defence policy, especially if they liaise with a “foreign country”.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kristine Crous, Senior Lecturer, School of Science and Hawkesbury Institute for the Environment, Western Sydney University
Researchers study leaves in the Daintree rainforest in North Queensland, Australia, using a canopy crane. Alexander Cheesman
On the east coast of Australia, in tropical North Queensland, lies the Daintree rainforest – a place where the density of trees forms an almost impenetrable mass of green.
Stepping into the forest can feel like stepping back in time. It contains many ancient plant families dating back to the ancient supercontinent of Gondwana. The air is warm and thick with humidity, carrying the earthy scent of wet leaves and soil. Sunlight filters through the dense canopy in scattered beams, while ferns and seedlings carpet the forest floor.
The Daintree and other tropical rainforests, including those in the Amazon, the Congo Basin and Southeast Asia, have been called the “lungs” of our Earth. They absorb carbon dioxide from the air while releasing water vapour and oxygen via photosynthesis – the process by which plants take in carbon dioxide and fix energy.
Because of this, their leafy canopies play a crucial role in regulating the global climate – and mitigating global warming.
But our recent research shows that rising temperatures will severely affect the ability of tropical forests to photosynthesise. This will hinder their capacity to absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, reducing their role in mitigating global warming and exacerbating climate change.
Coping with a rapidly changing climate
The ability of plants to adjust to different environments (also known as acclimating) is an important strategy for them to cope with a changing world.
Plants can dynamically acclimate to their environment. When warmed, they can adjust their photosynthesis to perform more efficiently at moderately higher temperatures. This allows them to maintain or even increase their carbon uptake under these new conditions.
However, tropical trees may have a limited capacity to acclimate to warming, because they have evolved under relatively stable climatic conditions. As a result, they are already near the upper limit of temperatures they can tolerate without suffering damage.
Tropical rainforests absorb carbon dioxide from the air while releasing water vapour and oxygen via photosynthesis. Kristine Crous
Warming the leaves of tropical rainforest trees
To test this theory, we set up an experiment in the Daintree rainforest focusing on tropical trees between 15 and 30 metres tall.
Using a canopy crane to access the treetops, we installed custom-made leaf-heater boxes to warm leaves from four mature tree species by 4°C – a temperature rise predicted for tropical systems by 2100.
Boxes were made from plastic takeaway containers with fishing wire to hold the leaf in place and a heating wire to heat the leaves. Leaf temperatures were measured throughout the experiment and a feedback control algorithm was used to maintain consistent heating.
The experiment lasted eight months, making it one of the longest running in-situ leaf warming experiments in a mature tropical forest.
By comparing the physiological responses of warmed leaves to the responses of non-warmed leaves, we were able to capture a realistic picture of how tropical tree leaves might respond to future climate warming.
Scientists used custom-made leaf-heater boxes to warm leaves from four mature tree species. Kristine Crous
Warming reduces photosynthesis across all species
Our study found warming reduced photosynthesis across all species.
Photosynthetic rates dropped by an average of 35% in warmed leaves compared to non-warmed controls. This decline was driven by two key factors.
First, the leaf pores, called stomata, which allow carbon dioxide to enter and water to escape, became less open in response to the drier air around the warmed leaves.
Second, the warmer temperatures interfered with the enzymes essential for photosynthesis, reducing their ability to fix carbon.
Even after eight months of warming, the trees showed little ability to adjust to the higher temperatures. They did not improve their capacity to photosynthesise effectively at the elevated temperatures, nor did they shift the maximum temperature at which photosynthesis could be maintained.
This supports the idea that these trees may already be operating close to their thermal limits.
At 4°C of warming, the leaves of slow-growing rainforest trees had a significantly reduced ability to photosynthesise. Kali Middleby
Significant implications for the global water cycle
Our findings of reduced carbon uptake and decreased water loss due to stomatal closure under warmer temperatures align with the concept of a “weakened pulse” of water exchange in tropical systems.
This has significant implications for the global water cycle.
While stomatal closure can limit water released to the atmosphere, a drier atmosphere simultaneously extracts more moisture from trees, creating a complex dynamic.
The response of tropical forests to warming will undoubtedly affect the water cycle, but the overall impact remains uncertain.
Little room to adapt
Other studies have also pointed to detrimental effects of climate change on tropical ecosystems, including a warmer and drier atmosphere.
Lowland tropical environments are already near the physiological limits for photosynthesis. This leaves little room for trees to adapt to rising temperatures and drier conditions.
Combined with predictions of warming and drying from climate models, these studies point to less resilient tropical forests under climate change, weakening their role as the lungs of the Earth.
There is little room for tropical rainforests to adapt to rising temperatures and drier conditions caused by climate change. Michel Arnault/Shutterstock
Protecting rainforest biodiversity offers hope
However, the biodiversity of tropical rainforests offers some hope, as not all species are equally vulnerable.
Recent research shows fast-growing species are less affected by warming compared to slow-growing ones. While this is promising, it’s important to remember that species that live longer play the most significant role in long-term carbon storage.
These findings highlight the urgency of protecting tropical forests and limiting the magnitude of global warming by carbon dioxide emissions.
Conservation strategies should focus on maintaining biodiversity to enhance resilience, and identifying species that have a greater potential to acclimate in a warming world.
Kristine Crous received funding from The Australian Research Council to investigate how Australian rainforests will cope with climate warming (DE160101484). She is currently funded by the Hermon Slade Foundation to examine how rainforests recover after fires.
Kali Middleby has received funding from James Cook University, the Holsworth Wildlife Research Endowment, and Skyrail Rainforest Foundation.
Obesity is linked to many common diseases, such as type 2 diabetes, heart disease, fatty liver disease and knee osteoarthritis.
Obesity is currently defined using a person’s body mass index, or BMI. This is calculated as weight (in kilograms) divided by the square of height (in metres). In people of European descent, the BMI for obesity is 30 kg/m² and over.
But the risk to health and wellbeing is not determined by weight – and therefore BMI – alone. We’ve been part of a global collaboration that has spent the past two years discussing how this should change. Today we publish how we think obesity should be defined and why.
As we outline in The Lancet, having a larger body shouldn’t mean you’re diagnosed with “clinical obesity”. Such a diagnosis should depend on the level and location of body fat – and whether there are associated health problems.
What’s wrong with BMI?
The risk of ill health depends on the relative percentage of fat, bone and muscle making up a person’s body weight, as well as where the fat is distributed.
Athletes with a relatively high muscle mass, for example, may have a higher BMI. Even when that athlete has a BMI over 30 kg/m², their higher weight is due to excess muscle rather than excess fatty tissue.
People who carry their excess fatty tissue around their waist are at greatest risk of the health problems associated with obesity.
Fat stored deep in the abdomen and around the internal organs can release damaging molecules into the blood. These can then cause problems in other parts of the body.
But BMI alone does not tell us whether a person has health problems related to excess body fat. People with excess body fat don’t always have a BMI over 30, meaning they are not investigated for health problems associated with excess body fat. This might occur in a very tall person or in someone who tends to store body fat in the abdomen but who is of a “healthy” weight.
On the other hand, others who aren’t athletes but have excess fat may have a high BMI but no associated health problems.
BMI is therefore an imperfect tool to help us diagnose obesity.
The commission’s definition and new diagnostic criteria shifts the focus from BMI alone. It incorporates other measurements, such as waist circumference, to confirm an excess or unhealthy distribution of body fat.
We define two categories of obesity based on objective signs and symptoms of poor health due to excess body fat.
1. Clinical obesity
A person with clinical obesity has signs and symptoms of ongoing organ dysfunction and/or difficulty with day-to-day activities of daily living (such as bathing, going to the toilet or dressing).
There are 18 diagnostic criteria for clinical obesity in adults and 13 in children and adolescents. These include:
breathlessness caused by the effect of obesity on the lungs
obesity-induced heart failure
raised blood pressure
fatty liver disease
abnormalities in bones and joints that limit movement in children.
2. Pre-clinical obesity
A person with pre-clinical obesity has high levels of body fat that are not causing any illness.
People with pre-clinical obesity do not have any evidence of reduced tissue or organ function due to obesity and can complete day-to-day activities unhindered.
However, people with pre-clinical obesity are generally at higher risk of developing diseases such as heart disease, some cancers and type 2 diabetes.
What does this mean for obesity treatment?
Clinical obesity is a disease requiring access to effective health care.
For those with clinical obesity, the focus of health care should be on improving the health problems caused by obesity. People should be offered evidence-based treatment options after discussion with their health-care practitioner.
Treatment will include management of obesity-associated complications and may include specific obesity treatment aiming at decreasing fat mass, such as:
obesity-management medications to reduce appetite, lower weight and improve health outcomes such as blood glucose (sugar) and blood pressure
metabolic bariatric surgery to treat obesity or reduce weight-related health complications.
Treatment for clinical obesity may include support for behaviour change. Shutterstock/shurkin_son
Should pre-clinical obesity be treated?
For those with pre-clinical obesity, health care should be about risk-reduction and prevention of health problems related to obesity.
This may require health counselling, including support for health behaviour change, and monitoring over time.
Depending on the person’s individual risk – such as a family history of disease, level of body fat and changes over time – they may opt for one of the obesity treatments above.
Distinguishing people who don’t have illness from those who already have ongoing illness will enable personalised approaches to obesity prevention, management and treatment with more appropriate and cost-effective allocation of resources.
What happens next?
These new criteria for the diagnosis of clinical obesity will need to be adopted into national and international clinical practice guidelines and a range of obesity strategies.
Once adopted, training health professionals and health service managers, and educating the general public, will be vital.
Reframing the narrative of obesity may help eradicate misconceptions that contribute to stigma, including making false assumptions about the health status of people in larger bodies. A better understanding of the biology and health effects of obesity should also mean people in larger bodies are not blamed for their condition.
People with obesity or who have larger bodies should expect personalised, evidence-based assessments and advice, free of stigma and blame.
Louise Baur receives funding from the National Health & Medical Research Council in the form of competitive research grants on projects related to child and adolescent obesity; these funds are administered by The University of Sydney. She has also received honoraria from Novo Nordisk and Lilly for speaking on topics related to adolescent obesity; these funds have been directed to her institutional research cost centre. Louise Baur was also on the Steering Committee of the ACTION Teens study, sponsored by Novo Nordisk, and has been on an Advisory Committee for Lilly. She is also a consultant paediatrician in Weight Management Services at The Children’s Hospital at Westmead.
John Dixon has received honoraria from Reshape Lifesciences and Nestle Health Science Australia for consultancy, advisory board, and speaker engagements. He has also received personal honoraria from Novo Nordisk, Eli Lilly, iNova, and Eurodrug Laboratories for advisory boards and speaker engagements. He has also received Personal Honoraria for educational presentations for HealthED. Past research funding from NHMRC grants and fellowships, was paid to Monash University and the Baker Heart and Diabetes Institute. Currently, John is Vice President of the National Association of Clinical Obesity Services (unpaid).
Priya Sumithran receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council paid to her institution. She is was a council member of the Australian and New Zealand Obesity Society (ANZOS) 2017-2022 and is a member of The Obesity Collective leadership group. She has been a co-author on manuscripts with a medical writer provided by Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly, and received payment to her institution from Eli Lilly for participation in advisory boards.
Wendy A. Brown has received honoraria from Johnson and Johnson, GORE, Novo Nordisc, Pfizer, Medtronic, Eli Lilly and Merck Sharpe and Dohme for lectures and advisory boards. She receives research grants from Johnson and Johnson, Medtronic, GORE, Applied Medical and the Australian Commonwealth Government for the Australian Bariatric Surgery Registry. She has also received research grants for investigator initiated projects from Novo Nordisc, NHMRC and Myerton. She is a practicing Metabolic Bariatric Surgeon and as such part of her income is derived from performing these surgeries.
And even though most people experience the return to work blues, the good news is there are ways to get through them. But first we have to understand why we experience them at all.
Holidays often promote idealised expectations of life, such as the freedom and joy that comes from reduced responsibilities and expectations from others.
Unsurprisingly, returning to work clashes with these expectations due to its inherent pressures and responsibilities. This mismatch between one’s expectations and reality creates psychological discomfort, or “cognitive dissonance”, which includes feelings of disappointment or frustration.
Cognitive dissonance can also occur when there is a mismatch between perceived identities or roles in life. For example, during the holidays I become “an avid watcher of TV shows I missed throughout the year” and “someone who is readily available to others”.
However, the return to work quickly shifts me to being “productive worker (who has no time for TV)” and “someone who needs to be mindful of how they spend their limited downtime and energy”. Managing this shift can be mentally taxing and quite stressful!
5 ways to ease your back to work blues
Self-determination theory further highlights the importance of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in maintaining psychological well-being.
People often have greater autonomy over their time and activities during the holidays, leading to a stronger sense of control and fulfilment. In contrast, returning to work may restrict this autonomy which in turn reduces feelings of competence and satisfaction.
An abrupt return to a demanding workplace can amplify cognitive dissonance and the negative consequences of reduced autonomy.
According to the effort-recovery model, the holidays are a time for people to replenish their physical and mental resources.
Not having enough time for a smooth transition back into work can make us feel any recovery and pleasure from being away has been lost. This makes us feel fatigued, unmotivated and less able to manage psychological stressors like cognitive dissonance.
Understanding why we experience “return to work blues” can help with managing this very common phenomena. Here are five strategies to make it easier.
1. Ease back into work gradually
Schedule a day between your return from vacation and your first day back at work to unpack, rest, and mentally prepare. If you have already started work, then consider taking the first few Fridays or Mondays off so you have a longer weekend. Also, break down your workload into manageable chunks, focusing on high-priority tasks to avoid feeling overwhelmed.
2. Incorporate elements of your holiday into daily life
Really enjoyed watching TV shows, being out in nature or trying new restaurants during the break? Then schedule time to regularly engage in these activities. You can even organise your next break so that you have something to look forward to.
3. Set meaningful goals
Use what you have learnt over the holidays to set personal and professional goals that align with your values and aspirations. For example, you might have discovered you really value social connection. So you could set a professional goal of connecting more with your colleagues by organising after-work drinks.
4. Reframe your perspective
Celebrate routine by recognising the stability and structure that work provides. You can also focus on the parts of your job that provide you with joy and fulfilment.
5. Maintain connections and prioritise self-care
Share holiday stories with your co-workers to foster camaraderie and ease the transition. Make healthy lifestyle choices, such as adopting a balanced diet, regular exercise and adequate sleep to support your mental and physical well-being.
Know that you are not alone in feeling sad or apprehensive about returning to work after the break. However, if these feelings persist or worsen, speak with a trusted friend, family member, call a support line like Beyond Blue, or seek support from a mental health professional such as a psychologist.
Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Queensland’s Bruce Highway is a bit like a 1980s family sedan: dated, worn in places, and often more than a little dangerous. But it’s also a necessary part of life for people just trying to get from A to B.
Indeed, the Bruce remains the sunshine state’s most vital road artery. Running 1,700 kilometres along the eastern seaboard, it connects and keeps alive cities and towns between Brisbane and Cairns – a distance farther than Brisbane to Melbourne.
Little wonder, then, that the Bruce Highway perennially features in state and federal election campaigns. In 2020, for example, the Liberal National Party state opposition boldly promised $33 billion – without prior federal agreement – to upgrade the beleaguered Bruce over 15 years.
It’s also no surprise an increasingly unpopular prime minister, with a tiny parliamentary majority and facing an election within months, should weigh in with his own road commitment. Anthony Albanese pledged $7.2 billion after the freshly minted Queensland LNP state government demanded action.
But what does Albanese’s cash splash tell us about the coming federal election?
Election anxiety
First, it suggests the Clayton’s campaign is genuinely underway.
Australians in a digital (and social) media age are well accustomed to the permanent campaign, in which every politician’s word and deed is a calculated ploy for re-election. But the fact Albanese has come out swinging in early January (usually a holiday-period taboo for politics) underscores Labor’s anxiety at what looks increasingly like a looming hung parliament.
The anxiety is well-founded. Last week’s Roy Morgan poll saw the Coalition lead Labor 53% to 47% – the opposition’s biggest lead in more than three years.
That constitutes a 5% after-preference swing to the Coalition, or enough to secure 15 of the 21 seats Peter Dutton needs to form majority government.
In short, while majority (or even minority) Coalition government seemed impossible just a few months ago, a minority Dutton government is now a real possibility.
The government’s only good news is that Labor’s primary vote is up 3.5 points since early December.
But that news is tempered by the fact Greens voters are souring on Labor, with just 55% intending to preference the government, compared with the 85% who would have done so in December.
Albanese has restored the 80/20 federal-state funding model, overturning Roads Minister Catherine King’s 2024 edict to the states to fund local infrastructure projects on a 50/50 basis. We can only assume Labor is genuinely fearful of cranky regional voters everywhere deserting the Labor ship.
No low-hanging fruit
But the Bruce announcement sends a cryptic message that’s not easily decoded.
Superficially, it appears to be some old-fashioned pork-barrelling designed to win back LNP seats in Queensland or, at worst, to prevent Labor losses.
But a closer look at the electoral pendulum suggests neither is Labor’s principal aim.
Put bluntly, the electoral tide is out for Labor everywhere north of the Tweed River, even in Brisbane. Federal Labor will win no new seats in Queensland, regardless of largesse.
At the 2024 Brisbane City Council election, Labor suffered a 6% primary swing across the city and, at last October’s state election, a 7% after-preference swing across the state.
Given the LNP’s most vulnerable seat is Dickson (held by an Opposition leader, Peter Dutton, well regarded in his home state), there is no low-hanging fruit for Labor in Queensland.
The only exception is the remote possibility of Labor recapturing Griffith, in inner Brisbane, from the Greens. Indeed, Labor has organised a “Get Max” committee to unseat Greens Housing spokesman Max Chandler-Mather.
Should the LNP, which finished second on primary votes in Griffith in 2022, finish third behind Labor in 2025, Labor will retake the seat on LNP preferences.
That scenario played out in the state seat of South Brisbane (which overlaps with Griffith) in 2024 and saw Labor recapture the Greens’ seat.
Interestingly, the LNP is also in with a (again, only remote) chance of recapturing the Green-held seats of Brisbane and Ryan should a Melbourne Cup field of independents preference the LNP over the Greens.
Conversely, Labor is in no real danger of losing any of its five seats (out of Queensland’s 30) to the LNP.
Even Labor’s most vulnerable seat, Blair – technically a “provincial” seat home to voters with volatile regional sympathies – is held by a healthy 5.2% and, therefore, probably secure.
So why bother with Queensland?
Labor’s Queensland pitch, then, is about maintaining Labor’s primary vote floor.
With the Australian Electoral Commission refunding $3.38 for each primary vote, Labor has a lot to gain by defending its base.
It’s also about defending the party’s Senate vote. In 2019, Queenslanders elected just one Labor Senator and, in 2022, two. Labor simply cannot afford to see its upper house representation fall.
Labor’s Bruce Highway commitment is also about drawing a strong contrast between the Albanese government’s “big picture” policies – from tax reform to housing to clean energy to four-year parliaments – and the opposition’s hitherto “small target” of nuclear power and “anti-wokeism”.
The Albanese government has a strong record to defend, including in job creation. Labor will happily remind voters of it.
Last, Albanese’s early strike is clearly an attempt to catch a small-target opposition napping on the beach.
But the fact Dutton quickly matched Labor’s Bruce Highway funding – with the added proviso of excluding the controversial CFMEU from the project – and his weekend announcement to allow Australians to access up to $50,000 from their superannuation to purchase a home suggests any early Labor advantage has already been neutralised.
Labor’s ultimate risk is that financially stressed voters across Queensland and elsewhere already perceive the Albanese government as that ageing family sedan.
Eager to trade up to a shiny new Coalition model, working and middle Australia could still take Labor off the road.
Dr Paul Williams is a research associate with the T.J. Ryan Foundation.
South Australian Home Builders’ Club members at work.SAHBC collection S284, Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
Australians are no strangers to housing crises. Some will even remember the crisis that followed the second world war. As well as producing the popular mid-century modern style of architecture, these post-war decades were a time of struggle.
As the population grew quickly after the war, Australia faced an estimated shortage of 300,000 dwellings. Government intervention was needed. A 1944 report by the Commonwealth Housing Commission stated that “a dwelling of good standard and equipment is not only the need but the right of every citizen”.
A key recommendation was that the Australian government should encourage the building of more climate-responsive and healthy homes.
Australian Architectural Convention Exhibition display pavilion, 1956. Neighbour collection S294, Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
Building small and for a sunny climate
The postwar period was a time of shortages and rationing. As well as meat, sugar, clothing and fuel, building materials were in short supply.
Government restrictions limited house sizes in general to around 110 square metres. That’s less than half the average size of new houses today. Building activity and the prices of materials were also regulated.
While people waited for building permits, many had to arrange temporary housing. Some lived in sleepouts or rented spare rooms from strangers. Others camped in tents or lived in caravans or temporary buildings erected on land bought before the war.
Looking at the published advice on housing design in the 1940s and 1950s, it’s clear passive solar design, small home sizes and climate-responsive architecture were topics of interest. A passive solar design works with the local climate to maintain a comfortable temperature in the home.
A typical builder’s house plan of the post-war period, ‘This Week’s Plan’ from The Builder, March 20 1953. Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
This preference was not driven by concerns about climate change or carbon footprints. Rather, the Commonwealth Housing Commission called for solar planning “for health and comfort”.
The commission’s executive officer, architect Walter Bunning, demonstrated how to go about this in his book Homes in the Sun. He translated government recommendations into a format appealing to home builders.
This was a time before most home owners could afford air conditioning. It was advised that homes be sited to capture prevailing breezes, have insulated walls and roofs, use window shading and overhanging eaves, and plantings of shade trees and deciduous creepers. External spaces, such as patios, and north-facing living spaces oriented to the sun, were also promoted.
Among the designs were plans for the “Sun Trap House”. This design applied passive solar design principles to a modest freestanding home.
An illustrated view (above) and plans (below) for the Sun Trap House. From Walter Bunning, Homes in the Sun (1945, W.J. Nesbit, Sydney)
‘New approach’ didn’t eventuate
Eventually, the housing crisis eased. However, this was not a result of Bunning’s hoped for “new approach to house planning”. Most of the new housing was traditionally designed and built suburban homes.
Homebuilders Handbook from the Small Homes Service of South Australia, 1953. Cheesman collection S361, Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
As a result, many homes built in the postwar housing crisis suffer from much the same problems as their predecessors. It led to a situation today where 70% of Australian houses have an energy rating of three stars or lower. That’s well short of the current seven-star standard for new homes.
It wasn’t for lack of architectural advice
In a time of shortage, most people were happy to have a roof over their heads no matter what the design. To architects, this seemed a wasted opportunity.
Architect’s plan from Small Homes Service of South Australia brochure. Cheesman collection S209, Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
Passive solar solutions are timeless
The energy-hungry mechanical heating and cooling of today’s houses often neglects passive solar and simple solutions such as insulation, eaves, window awnings, curtains and draught stoppers. These were common solutions in the post-war period.
The principles of passive solar design haven’t changed since then. The ideas advocated both in 1945 and today in design advice such as the Australian government’s Your Home guide to environmentally sustainable homes remain the same.
A house built from Plan AC 301 by the Small Homes Service of South Australia, 1959. Tideman collection S307, Architecture Museum, University of South Australia
While our world today faces many crises affecting health, climate resilience, housing affordability and inequality, we have a chance to shape the solutions.
The federal government is developing a National Housing and Homeless Plan and has committed A$10 billion to its housing fund. The target is to build 1.2 million homes over the next five years. What better opportunity to learn from the past and build a brighter, more sustainable future?
Lyrian Daniel receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Australian Research Council (ARC) and the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI).
Julie Collins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
We are surrounded by random events every day. Will the stock market rise or fall tomorrow? Will the next penalty kick in a soccer match go left or right? Will your lottery ticket finally win?
Often, we experience these events not as isolated occurrences but as part of a sequence. In these sequences, our brains crave certainty and patterns.
Sometimes there really is something meaningful behind the patterns we observe. But often, we’re simply reading into randomness.
How can we tell the difference? One thing to keep in mind is the idea of independent events. In probability, this means the outcome of one event doesn’t influence the outcome of another.
When we do understand independence, we can make better decisions in a world full of uncertainty.
The gambler’s fallacy
On August 18 1913, at the Monte Carlo Casino, gamblers witnessed one of the most extraordinary roulette streaks in history. The ball landed on black once, twice, five times, ten times — and it kept going.
Imagine you’re there, watching as black comes up 15 times in a row. What would you do? Would you bet on black, thinking the streak will continue? Or would you bet on red, convinced it’s “due” to appear?
That night, most gamblers chose red. By the 20th spin, the table was packed with players staking everything on red, certain the streak of black couldn’t last forever.
But the ball continued to defy them, landing on black again and again. It wasn’t until the 27th spin that red finally appeared — by which point, many gamblers had lost a fortune.
No matter how many times the roulette wheel comes up black, the odds for the next spin stay the same. Studio Romantic / Shutterstock
While the exact amount lost by gamblers during the 1913 Monte Carlo roulette event isn’t documented, it’s reported they collectively lost millions of francs.
This historic night is now a textbook example of the gambler’s fallacy: the mistaken belief that past events influence the likelihood of future outcomes in a sequence of independent trials.
In reality, the roulette wheel is fair, meaning each spin is random and independent of the last. The probabilities of landing on red, black or green remain the same every time, no matter what happened before.
Lotteries, kids and kicks
Such randomness traps don’t just catch us at the roulette wheel. We fall for them in other situations, too.
Lottery players often assume a number is “due” after not appearing for weeks. This often leads to debates about when to change picks based on patterns observed in recent draws.
Soccer goalkeepers too fall victim to the gambler’s fallacy. A study analysing 37 penalty shootouts in World Cup and European Cup matches found goalkeepers were 70% more likely to dive in the opposite direction after three consecutive kicks had gone to the same side, believing the streak must “balance out”. Interestingly, strikers didn’t exploit this predictable behaviour, as their kick directions remained random.
The ‘hot hand’ phenomenon
Not all sequences of random events are independent. Sometimes, events in a sequence can influence one another, creating patterns that are real rather than imagined.
But does the hot hand really exist, or is it just another example of our tendency to impose patterns on random events? The short answer: it’s complicated.
Unlike the gambler’s fallacy, which can be ruled out by clear statistical principles, the hot hand phenomenon resists definitive dismissal.
There’s no way to prove that consecutive basketball shots are entirely independent. Skill, confidence or momentum could play a role in creating real streaks.
Empirical evidence, however, remains mixed and context-dependent. Some studies have observed mild effects in certain sports, but others have ruled out the effect.
While the question originated in basketball, later research has extended to other sports, including baseball, darts, tennis and bowling. Most studies suggest that the effect, if it exists, is far weaker than many players, coaches and fans believe.
What does this all mean?
As humans, we’re wired to seek patterns and trends to make sense of the world and navigate decisions. But often, we only have access to small batches of information, which can lead us astray when interpreting randomness.
One common mistake is assuming that streaks or clusters of similar outcomes indicate something unusual or rigged. In reality, these clusters are normal features of randomness.
Fairness or balance only emerges over a very large number of events, not in small samples. Independent events such as coin flips have no memory. Each outcome stands alone, unaffected by what came before.
This tendency to see patterns where none exist, also known as the clustering illusion, can often fuel superstitions such as “bad luck comes in threes”. It’s the same bias that leads us to expect a losing streak at the casino to end soon, or to believe a series of unrelated misfortunes in life means we’re “due” for some good luck.
However, events aren’t always independent. Sometimes, a cluster of good outcomes — such as a series of career successes — may genuinely reflect skill, momentum, or changing circumstances, and could signal future opportunities.
So next time you encounter a streak of events – good or bad — pause and reflect. If there’s no reason to believe the events are connected, resist the urge to overinterpret. Understanding randomness can free us from unnecessary worry or false hope, allowing us to focus on decisions grounded in reality.
Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Athena Lee, Lecturer and Researcher, Centre for Indigenous Australian Education and Research, Edith Cowan University
When we think of writing systems we likely think of an Alphabetic writing system, where each symbol (letter) in the alphabet represents a basic sound unit, such as a consonant or a vowel.
Those who first came to the shores of Australia during colonisation likely held a similar idea of written language. As such, Aboriginal peoples were quickly dismissed as lacking a written language.
But this view is wrong.
Aboriginal message sticks, traditional tools of communication, offer a glimpse into a sophisticated and unique form of communication.
A written and oral language
Aboriginal message sticks are hand-carved wooden objects traditionally used to send messages across long distances. While there is evidence of widespread use of message sticks across Australia, the current database is still mapping the different regions in which they are used and their messages deciphered.
Message sticks often feature engravings or painted symbols, lines, dots and shapes carefully crafted to convey specific meanings.
They aren’t standalone texts, like books or letters. Instead, they are complemented by oral messages delivered by an appointed messenger who, in some instances, would be painted in ochre and dressed according to the message being delivered.
This ensured the stick’s symbols were interpreted correctly by the recipient.
The messenger’s task was to deliver the stick and speak the words that gave the symbols life and meaning. A message stick might feature simple symbols representing the date, location and purpose of an event. While the symbols carry visual meaning, the oral storytelling supplies context.
Imagine you had to send a crucial message, perhaps an invitation to a wedding or news of a tragedy. When composing your message you carefully select the right words so that your intended meaning is interpreted correctly.
Pictographic writing, a system where ideas, objects or sounds are represented through visual symbols, is a foundational stage in the evolution of writing.
Unlike writing systems that use letters to represent sounds, pictographic systems use pictures that directly resemble what they represent, while some systems mix symbols for whole words or parts of words.
Hieroglyphs from ancient Egypt originally started as a pictographic writing system before transitioning into a logosyllabic system.
An example of early Egyptian pictographic writing can be seen in the Narmer Palette, a ceremonial artefact that depicts King Narmer’s unification of Upper and Lower Egypt.
The Narmer Palette dates from about the 31st century BC and contains some of the earliest hieroglyphic inscriptions ever found. Wikimedia Commons
Its carvings include early hieroglyphic symbols that are primarily pictorial, representing objects like animals, tools, and body parts.
Likewise, writing from Aztecs from Mesoamerica also started as a pictographic system. The Aztecs used pictographs to record events, genealogies and religious rituals.
The Codex Borbonicus is a prominent example, created by Aztec priests before the Spanish conquest, conveying religious, calendrical and ritualistic information.
The Codex Borbonicus, showing the 13th trecena of the Aztec sacred calendar. Wikimedia Commons
Like the Aztec and early Egyptian pictographs, the symbols on message sticks hold complex and culturally significant information.
These symbols vary depending on the region and the purpose of the message. Common symbols include straight lines, dots, concentric circles, cross hatching or geometric patterns, animal tracks and wavy lines.
The meaning of these symbols are dependent on the region they are from and the context supplied with the message.
This perspective has contributed to the marginalisation of Indigenous knowledge systems. The claim that Aboriginal peoples lacked a written language is a misrepresentation borne of colonial agendas, designed to dehumanise and delegitimise Aboriginal cultural sophistication.
Aboriginal rock art, photographed here at Chambers Gorge, South Australia, can be another form of pictograph writing. John Morton/flickr, CC BY
These artefacts demonstrate that Aboriginal peoples developed complex systems of visual communication intertwined with oral traditions.
Recognising Aboriginal message sticks within the succession of pictographic communication legitimises their status as a form of written communication and honours their role in the diverse spectrum of human intellectual achievements.
Understanding the breadth of writing
The devaluation of Aboriginal graphic writing systems reflects a broader colonial bias that equates written language exclusively with alphabetic systems.
Writing is not merely a mechanical act of inscribing symbols on a surface. It is a medium through which humans convey meaning, preserve knowledge and create connections across time and space.
Message sticks are compelling evidence of Aboriginal systems of knowledge and communication.
These artefacts demand a reevaluation of how we define and value writing. They also challenge us to confront the colonial legacies that have marginalised non-alphabetic systems of communication.
Writing is not a singular invention. It is a diverse, multifaceted human endeavour. Like the hieroglyphs of Egypt and the Aztec glyphs, message sticks are powerful symbols of the intellectual and creative capacities of their creators.
Athena Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
While mediator Qatar says a Gaza ceasefire deal is at the closest point it has been in the past few months — adding that many of the obstacles in the negotiations have been ironed out — a special report for Drop Site News reveals the escalation in attacks on Palestinians in Jenin in the occupied West Bank.
SPECIAL REPORT:By Mariam Barghouti in Jenin for Drop Site News
On December 28, 21-year-old Palestinian journalist Shatha Sabbagh was standing on the stairs of her home on the outskirts of the Jenin refugee camp when she was shot and killed.
The bullets weren’t fired by Israeli troops but, according to eyewitnesses and forensic evidence, by Palestinian Authority security forces.
The Palestinian Authority has been conducting a large-scale military operation in Jenin since early December, dubbing it “Operation Homeland Protection”.
A stronghold of Palestinian armed resistance in the occupied West Bank, the city of Jenin and the refugee camp within it have been repeatedly raided, bombed, and besieged by the Israeli military in an attempt to crush the Jenin Brigade — a politically diverse militant group of mostly third-generation refugees who believe armed resistance is key to liberating Palestinian lands from Israeli occupation and annexation.
Over the past 15 months, the Israeli military has killed at least 225 Palestinians in Jenin, making it the deadliest area in the West Bank.
The real aim, residents say, is to crush Palestinian armed resistance at the behest of Israel. Dubbed the “Wasps’ Nest” by Israeli officials, Jenin refugee camp has posed a constant threat to Israel’s settler colonial project.
But the current operation, which is being billed as a campaign to “restore law and order,” is the longest and most lethal assault by Palestinian security forces in recent memory. While the PA claims to be rooting out armed factions and individuals accused of being “Iranian-backed outlaws,” according to multiple residents and eyewitnesses, the operation is a suffocating siege, with indiscriminate violence, mass arrests, and collective punishment.
Sixteen Palestinians have been killed so far, with security forces setting up checkpoints around the city and refugee camp, cutting electricity to the area, and engaging in fierce gun battles. Among those killed are six members of the security forces and one resistance fighter, Yazeed Ja’aysa.
Yet the overwhelming majority of those killed have been civilians, including Sabbagh, and at least three children — Majd Zeidan, 16, Qasm Hajj, 14, and Mohammad Al-Amer, 13.
“It’s reached levels I have never seen before. Even journalists aren’t allowed to cover it,” M., 24, a local journalist and resident of Jenin, told Drop Site News on condition of anonymity for fear of being arrested or targeted by PA security forces.
Dozens of residents, including journalists, have been arrested from Jenin and across the West Bank by the PA in the past six weeks under the pretext of supporting the so-called Iranian-backed “outlaws.”
PA security forces spokesperson Brigadier-General Anwar Rajab has justified the assault as “in response to the supreme national interest of the Palestinian people, and within the framework of ongoing continued efforts to maintain security and civil peace, establish the rule of law, and eradicate sedition and chaos”.
‘Wasps’ Nest’ threat to Israel’s settler colonial project But the real aim, residents say, is to crush Palestinian armed resistance at the behest of Israel. Dubbed the “Wasps’ Nest” by Israeli officials, Jenin refugee camp has posed a constant threat to Israel’s settler colonial project.
Just one week into the operation, on December 12, PA security forces shot and killed the first civilian, 19-year-old Ribhi Shalabi, and injured his 15-year-old brother in the head. Although the PA initially denied killing Shalabi and claimed he was targeting its security forces with IEDs, video captured by CCTV shows Ribhi being shot execution-style while riding his Vespa.
The PA later admitted to killing Shalabi, saying “the Palestinian National Authority bears full responsibility for his martyrdom, and announces that it is committed to dealing with the repercussions of the incident in a manner consistent with and in accordance with the law, ensuring justice and respect for rights”.
Just two days later, the PA began escalating their attack on Jenin. At approximately 5:00 am on December 14, the Palestinian Authority officially declared the large-scale operation, dubbing it “Himayat Watan” or “Homeland Protection.”
By 8:00 am, Jenin refugee camp was under siege and two more Palestinians had been killed, including prominent Palestinian resistance fighter Yazeed Ja’aisa, and 13-year-old Mohammad Al-Amer. At least two other children were injured with live ammunition.
The roads leading to Jenin are now riddled with Israeli checkpoints while the entrance to the city is surrounded by PA armoured vehicles and security forces brandishing assault rifles, their faces hidden behind black balaclavas.
Eerily reminiscent of past Israeli incursions, snipers fire continuously from within the PA security headquarters toward the refugee camp just to the west, sending the sound of live ammunition echoing through the city. The PA also imposed a curfew on the city of Jenin, warning residents that anyone moving in the streets would be shot.
PA counterterrorism units have also been stationed at the entrance to Jenin’s public hospital, while the National Guard blocked roads with armoured vehicles and personnel carriers, denying entry to journalists.
When I attempted to reach the hospital on December 14 with another journalist to gather information for Drop Site on the injuries sustained during the earlier firefight and follow up on the killing of Al-Amer, the 13-year-old, armed and masked PA security forces claimed the area was a closed security zone. When we attempted to carry out field interviews outside the camp instead, two armed men in civilian clothing who identified themselves as members of the mukhabarat — Palestinian General Intelligence — requested that we leave the area.
“If you stay here, you might get shot by the outlaws,” he warned. Yet, from where we stood between the hospital, the PA security headquarters, and Jenin refugee camp, the only bullets being fired were coming from the direction of the PA headquarters towards the camp.
PA security forces also appear to have been using one of the hospital wards as a makeshift detention center where detainees are being mistreated. While Brigadier-General Rajab, the PA’s spokesperson, denied this; several young men detained by the PA told Drop Site they were taken to the third floor of Jenin public hospital where they were interrogated and beaten.
“They kept asking me about the fighters,” said A., a 31-year-old medical service provider from Jenin refugee camp, who says he was held for hours, blindfolded, and denied legal representation.
“They kept beating me, cursing at me, asking me questions that I don’t have answers for.”
Fear of being arrested, abused again Since his arbitrary detention, A. has not returned to work out of fear of being arrested and abused again.
According to residents, the PA also stationed snipers in the hospital, firing at the camp from inside the facility. During the past six weeks, according to interviews with several medics in Jenin, PA security forces shot at medics, burned two medical vehicles, beat paramedics, and detained medical workers throughout the siege.
“What exactly are they protecting?” Abu Yasir, 50, asks as he stands outside the hospital, waiting for any news of the security operation to end.
A father of three, Abu Yasir grew up in the Jenin refugee camp. “There are people being killed in the camp just for being there. They didn’t do anything,” he told Drop Site as he burst into tears.
By December 14, with Operation Homeland Protection entering its 10th day, families in the refugee camp had run out of food, the chronically ill needed life-saving medication, and with electricity and water punitively cut from the camp, families found themselves under siege and increasingly desperate.
Women and their children tried to protest in an attempt to break the PA-imposed blockade. They also wanted to challenge the PA’s claim of targeting outlaws. As the women gathered in the dark towards the edge of the camp, several men worked to fix an electricity box to restore power to the camp.
When the lights came on, cheers echoed in the camp — but barely 15 minutes later, PA forces shot at the box, plunging the area into darkness again.
Denying electricity for families According to residents of the camp, over the course of 10 days, the PA shot at the electric power boxes more than a dozen times, denying families electricity just as temperatures began to plummet.
Elderly women confronted soldiers of the Special Administrative Tasks squad (SAT), a specialised branch of the PA security forces, SAT is trained by the Office of the United States Security Coordinator (USSC) and is responsible for coordinating operations with the United States and Israel, including joint-operations and intelligence sharing.
“I yelled at them,” said Umm Salamah, 62. “They burst through the door, and at first, I thought they were Israelis’” she told Drop Site, pointing to the destroyed door. “I told them I have children in the house. But they forced their way in.
“I told them we already have the Israeli army constantly raiding us, and now you?”
Not only were homes raided, according to Umm Salameh, but PA security forces also fired at water tanks, effectively cutting water supplies to the camp. Jenin refugee camp had already been severely damaged in the last Israeli invasion, during which Israeli military and border-police bulldozed the city’s civilian infrastructure, turning streets into hills of rubble.
Operation Homeland Protection comes just three months following “Operation Summer Camps,” Israel’s large-scale military operation between August and October.
Under the pretext of targeting “Iran-backed terrorists,” Israeli forces destroyed large swathes of civilian infrastructure in the northern districts of the West Bank, namely Jenin, Tulkarem, Nablus and Tubas, and killed more than 150 Palestinians over three months, a fifth of whom were children.
Protest over ‘outlaws’ framing Outside in the mud-filled streets, the group of women began to chant “Kateebeh!” (Brigade) in support of the Jenin Brigade, and in protest of the PA’s attempt to frame them as “outlaws” and a “threat to national security.”
Within minutes, the SAT unit responded with teargas and stun grenades fired directly at the crowd, which included journalists clearly marked with fluorescent PRESS insignia. While elderly women tripped and fell to the ground, children ran back towards the camp as PA security forces kept lobbing stun grenades at the fleeing crowd.
In an interview with Drop Site that evening, Brigadier-General Rajab affirmed that “this operation comes to achieve its goals which are the reclaiming of safety and security of Palestinians and reclaiming Jenin refugee camp from the outlaws that kidnapped it and spread corruption in it while threatening the lives of civilians.”
Days later, the PA had expanded its operations to Tulkarem, where clashes between resistance fighters and PA security forces erupted on December 19. This came just one day following an Israeli airstrike which killed three Palestinian fighters in Tulkarem refugee camp: Dusam Al-Oufi, Mohammad Al-Oufi, and Mohammad Rahayma.
On December 22, Saher Irheil, a Palestinian officer in the PA’s presidential guard was killed in Jenin, and two others injured.
According to official state media and statements by the PA, Lieutenant Irheil was killed by the “outlaws” of Jenin refugee camp. Brigadier-General Rajab claimed “this heinous crime will only increase [the PA’s] determination to pursue those outside the law and impose the rule of law, in order to preserve the security and safety of our people.”
By military order, speakers from mosques across the West Bank echoed in a public tribute to the fallen officer. The same was not done for those killed by the PA, including Shalabi, the 19-year-old whom the PA dubbed “a martyr of the nation” after being forced to admit they killed him.
That week, PA security forces escalated their attack on the Jenin refugee camp, using rocket-propelled grenades and firing indiscriminately at families sheltering in their own homes. PA security officers even posted photos and videos of themselves online, similar to those taken by Israeli soldiers while invading the camp in August and September.
On December 23, security forces shot and killed 16-year-old Majd Zeidan while he was returning to his home from a nearby corner store. The PA claimed Zeidan was an Iranian-backed saboteur.
Killed teenager had bag of chips “They killed him, then said he was a 26-year-old Iranian-backed outlaw,” Zeidan’s mother, Yusra, told Drop Site. “Look,” she said while pulling her son’s ID card from her pocket. “My son was 16 years old, killed while returning from the store with a bag of chips.”
According to Yusra, not only was her son killed, but her brother who lives in Nablus, was arrested by the PA a few days later for holding a wake for his slain nephew.
“The Preventative Security are detaining my brother because he was mourning a mukhareb,” she said. The term “mukhareb” which roughly translates to “saboteur” is a term derived from the Israeli term “mekhablim” which is commonly used when arresting Palestinians.
The funeral of journalist Shatha Sabbagh who was shot and killed on December 28 in Jenin. The journalist carrying her body the next day on the left (Jarrah Khallaf) was later arrested by the PA. Image: The photographer chose to remain anonymous for fear of reprisal by the PA/Drop Site News
A few days later, on December 28, Shatha Sabbagh, a young journalist, was shot and killed as she stood on the stairs of her home at the edges of the camp. Official PA statements claim that Sabbagh was killed by resistance fighters, not its security forces.
However, accounts by eyewitnesses and the victim’s family belie those claims.
According to testimonies from her family and residents, Sabbagh was killed while holding her 18-month-old nephew; her sister lives nearby, on Mahyoub Street in the refugee camp — the same area PA snipers were targeting. Initial autopsy findings shared with Drop Site show that the bullet that struck her came from the area in which PA snipers were positioned in the camp.
Known for her reliable reporting during both Israeli and PA raids on Jenin, local residents claim that PA loyalists had been inciting against Sabbagh for some time. Further inflaming tensions, Sabbagh’s killing underscored the risks faced by Palestinian journalists in documenting what the PA would rather conceal.
Soon afterward, Brigadier-General Rajab spoke about the killing of Sabbagh in a live interview with Al Jazeera. He turned off his camera and left the interview, however, as soon as Sabbagh’s mother was brought on air. Sabbagh’s mother, Umm Al-Mutasem, was next to her daughter when she was killed.
On January 5, the Magistrate Court of Ramallah announced a suspension of Al Jazeera’s broadcasting operations in the West Bank, citing a “failure to meet regulations.” This move followed Israel’s closure of Al Jazeera offices during Operation Summer Camps in September of last year.
100 Palestinians arrested in operation The Preventative Security, an internal intelligence organisation led by the Minister of Interior, and part of the Palestinian Security Services, arrested more than a hundred Palestinians as part of Operation Homeland Protection, including five journalists in Nablus and Jenin. Palestinians were summoned and interrogated, at times tortured, and detained without legal representation.
The PA not only targeted residents of the camp, but also expanded its repressive campaign to target anyone that would sympathise with the camp or is suspected of having any solidarity with the armed resistance.
Amro Shami, 22, who was arrested by the PA from his home in Jenin on December 25 had markings of torture on his body during his court hearing in the Nablus Court the following day. Shami was reported to have bruising on his body and was unable to lift his arms in court.
Despite appeals by his lawyer, the court denied Amro release on bail. Amro’s lawyer was only able to visit 15 days later when he reported additional torture against Amro, including breaking his leg.
An armed resistance fighter of the Jenin Brigade in Jenin refugee camp last month. Image: The photographer chose to remain anonymous for fear of reprisal by the PA/Drop Site News
At the very end of December, as the operation stretched into its fifth week, journalists were able to enter the camp at their own risk. With water and electricity cut off, families huddled outside, burning wood and paper in old metal barrels to try and keep warm.
The camp reeked with uncollected trash piled in the alleyways due to the PA cutting all social services from the camp.
Inside the camp, armed resistance fighters patrolled the streets. After confirming our IDs as journalists they helped us move safely in the dark.
“In the beginning there were clashes between the Brigade and the PA, but we told them we are willing to collaborate with anything that does not harm the community,” H., a 26-year-old fighter with the brigade, told Drop Site. The young fighter was referring to the PA’s claims that they are targeting “outlaws”, in which the Jenin Brigade agreed to hand over anyone that is indeed breaking the law.
However, the PA seemed more interested in the resistance fighters.
Spokesmen of the Jenin Brigade have made several public statements informing the PA that as long as the operation was not targeting resistance efforts, they would fully comply and coordinate to ensure law and order.
‘We are with the law . . . but which law?’ “We are with the law, we are not outside the law. We are with the enforcement of law, but which law? When an Israeli jeep comes into Jenin to kill me, where are you as law enforcement?”
Abu Issam, a spokesman for the Jenin Brigade told Drop Site: “As I speak right now, the PA armoured vehicles and jeeps are parked over our planted IEDs, and we are not detonating them,” he said.
A former member of the PA presidential guard, Abu Issam is no stranger to the PA’s repressive tactics to quell resistance.
“Our compass is clear, it’s against the occupation,” he said. “Come protect us from the Israeli settlers, and by all means here is my gun as a gift. Get them out of our lands, and execute me.
“We were surprised with the demands of the PA. They offered us three choices: to turn ourselves in along with our weapons, offering us jobs for amnesty; to leave the camp and allow the PA to take over; or to confront them.
“We have no choice but to confront,” he says, holding his M16 to his chest. “We want a dignified life, a free life, not a life of security coordination with our oppressors,” H. said.
By the second week of January, not only did the PA expand its security operations to Tulkarem and Tubas, but intensified its violence against Palestinians in Jenin refugee camp as well.
On January 3, PA snipers shot and killed 43-year-old Mahmoud Al-Jaqlamousi and his 14-year-son, Qasm, as they were gathering water. Two days later, PA security forces began burning homes of residents near the Ghubz quarter of the camp.
“Why burn it? I didn’t build this home in an hour, it was years of work, why burn it?” Issam Abu Ameira asks while standing in front of the charred walls of his home.
The operation, ostensibly intended to restore security and order, has instead brought devastation, raising troubling questions about governance and resistance in the West Bank.
“This is not solely the PA. This is also the United States and Israel’s attempt to crush resistance in the West Bank,” H. said. Like him, other fighters find the timing of the operation to be questionable.
“This is an organisation that negotiated with the occupation for more than 30 years, but can’t sit and talk with the Jenin refugee camp for 30 hours?” Abu Al-Nathmi, a spokesperson for the Jenin Brigade, said as he huddled inside the camp while fighters patrolled around us and live ammunition fired continuously in the area.
‘PA acting like group of gangs’ “The PA is acting like a group of gangs, each trying to prove their power and dominance at the expense of Jenin refugee camp,” Abu Al-Nathmi tells Drop Site. “Right now the PA is trying to prove itself to the United States to take over Gaza, but there was no position taken to defend Gaza.”
While the PA continued its attack on Jenin refugee camp, the Israeli military waged military operations on the neighboring villages of Jenin, as well as Tubas and Tulkarem where 11 Palestinians were killed in the first week of January, three of whom were children.
In the 39 days since the PA launched Operation Homeland Protection, more than 40 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli military in the West Bank, including six children. Over that same time period, Israeli courts have issued confiscation orders for thousands of hectares of land belonging to Palestinians in the West Bank.
The PA is failing to provide protection to the Palestinian people against continuous settler expansion and amid an ongoing genocide in Gaza, residents of the Jenin refugee camp say.
“The PA is claiming they don’t want what happened to Gaza to happen here, but here we are dying a hundred times,” Abu Amjad, 50, told Drop Site. Huddled near a fire outside the rubble of his home, he cries “we are being humiliated, attacked, beaten, and told there’s nothing we can do about it. In this way, it’s better to die.”
Mariam Barghouti is a writer and a journalist based in the West Bank. She is a member of the Marie Colvin Journalist Network. This article was first published by Drop News.
Indonesia officially joined the BRICS — Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa — consortium last week marking a significant milestone in its foreign relations.
In a statement released a day later on January 7, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that this membership reflected Indonesia’s dedication to strengthening multilateral cooperation and its growing influence in global politics.
The ministry highlighted that joining BRICS aligned with Indonesia’s independent and proactive foreign policy, which seeks to maintain balanced relations with major powers while prioritising national interests.
This pivotal move showcases Jakarta’s efforts to enhance its international presence as an emerging power within a select group of global influencers.
Traditionally, Indonesia has embraced a non-aligned stance while bolstering its military and economic strength through collaborations with both Western and Eastern nations, including the United States, China, and Russia.
By joining BRICS, Indonesia clearly signals a shift from its non-aligned status, aligning itself with a coalition of emerging powers poised to challenge and redefine the existing global geopolitical landscape dominated by a Western neoliberal order led by the United States.
Indonesia joining boosts BRICS membership to 10 countres — Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates — but there are also partnerships.
Supporters of a multipolar world, championed by China, Russia, and their allies, may view Indonesia’s entry into BRICS as a significant victory.
In contrast, advocates of the US-led unipolar world, often referred to as the “rules-based international order” are likely to see Indonesia’s decision as a regrettable shift that could trigger retaliatory actions from the United States.
The future will determine how Indonesia balances its relations with these two superpowers. However, there is considerable concern about the potential fallout for Indonesia from its long-standing US allies.
The future will determine how Indonesia balances its relations with these two superpowers, China and the US. However, there is considerable concern about the potential fallout for Indonesia from its long-standing US allies. Image: NHK TV News screenshot APR
The smaller Pacific Island nations, which Indonesia has been endeavouring to win over in a bid to thwart support for West Papuan independence, may also become entangled in the crosshairs of geostrategic rivalries, and their response to Indonesia’s membership in the BRICS alliance will prove critical for the fate of West Papua.
Critical questions The crucial questions facing the Pacific Islanders are perhaps related to their loyalties: are they aligning themselves with Beijing or Washington, and in what ways could their decisions influence the delicate balance of power in the ongoing competition between great powers, ultimately altering the Melanesian destiny of the Papuan people?
For the Papuans, Indonesia’s membership in BRICS or any other global or regional forums is irrelevant as long as the illegal occupation of their land continues driving them toward “extinction”.
For the Papuans, Indonesia’s membership in BRICS or any other global or regional forums is irrelevant as long as the illegal occupation of their land continues driving them toward “extinction”. Image: NHK News screenshot APR
The pressing question for Papuans is which force will ultimately dismantle Indonesia’s unlawful hold on their sovereignty.
Will Indonesia’s BRICS alliance open new paths for Papuan liberation fighters to re-engage with the West in ways not seen since the Cold War? Or does this membership indicate a deeper entrenchment of Papuans’ fate within China’s influence — making it almost impossible for any dream of Papuans’ independence?
While forecasting future with certainty is difficult on these questions, these critical critical questions need to be considered in this new complex geopolitical landscape, as the ultimate fate of West Papua is what is truly at stake here.
Strengthening Indonesia’s claims over West Papuan sovereignty Indonesia’s membership in BRICS may signify a great victory for those advocating for a multipolar world, challenging the hegemony of Western powers led by the United States.
This membership could augment Indonesia’s capacity to frame the West Papuan issue as an internal matter among BRICS members within the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs.
Such backing could provide Jakarta with a cushion of diplomatic protection against international censure, particularly from Western nations regarding its policies in West Papua.
The growing BRICS world . . . can Papuans and their global solidarity networks reinvent themselves while nurturing the fragile hope of restoring West Papua’s sovereignty? Map: Russia Pivots to Asia
However, it is also crucial to note that for more than six decades, despite the Western world priding itself on being a champion of freedom and human rights, no nation has been permitted to voice concern or hold Indonesia accountable for the atrocities committed against Indigenous Papuans.
The pressing question to consider is what or who silences the 193 member states of the UN from intervening to save the Papuans from potential eradication at the hands of Indonesia.
Is it the United States and its allies, or is it China, Russia, and their allies — or the United Nations itself?
Indonesia’s double standard and hypocrisy Indonesia’s support for Palestine bolsters its image as a defender of international law and human rights in global platforms like the UN and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
This commitment was notably highlighted at the BRICS Summit in October 2024, where Indonesia reaffirmed its dedication to Palestinian self-determination and called for global action to address the ongoing conflict in line with international law and UN resolutions, reflecting its constitutional duty to oppose colonialism.
Nonetheless, Indonesia’s self-image as a “saviour for the Palestinians” presents a rather ignoble facade being promoted in the international diplomatic arena, as the Indonesian government engages in precisely the same behaviours it condemns Israel over in Palestine.
Military engagement and regional diplomacy Moreover, Indonesia’s interaction with Pacific nations serves to perpetuate a façade of double standards — on one hand, it endeavours to portray itself as a burgeoning power and a champion of moral causes concerning security issues, human rights, climate change, and development; while on the other, it distracts the communities and nations of Oceania — particularly Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands, which have long supported the West Papua independence movement — from holding Indonesia accountable for its transgressions against their fellow Pacific Islanders in West Papua.
On October 10, 2024, Brigadier-General Mohamad Nafis of the Indonesian Defence Ministry unveiled a strategic initiative intended to assert sovereignty claims over West Papua. This plan aims to foster stability across the Pacific through enhanced defence cooperation and safeguarding of territorial integrity.
The efforts to expand influence are characterised by joint military exercises, defence partnerships, and assistance programmes, all crafted to address common challenges such as terrorism, piracy, and natural disasters.
However, most critically, Indonesia’s engagement with Pacific Island nations aims to undermine the regional solidarity surrounding West Papua’s right to self-determination.
This involvement encapsulates infrastructure initiatives, defence training, and financial diplomacy, nurturing goodwill while aligning the interests of Pacific nations with Indonesia’s geopolitical aspirations.
Indonesia has formally joined the BRICS group, a bloc of emerging economies featuring Russia, China and others that is viewed as a counterweight to the West https://t.co/WArU5O2PfTpic.twitter.com/IQKmPOJqlS
Military occupation in West Papua As Indonesia strives to galvanise international support for its territorial integrity, the military presence in West Papua has intensified significantly, instilling widespread fear among local Papuan communities due to heightened deployments, surveillance, and restrictions.
Indonesian forces have been mobilised to secure economically strategic regions, including the Grasberg mine, which holds some of the world’s largest gold and copper reserves.
These operations have resulted in the displacement of Indigenous communities and substantial environmental degradation.
As of December 2024, approximately 83,295 individuals had been internally displaced in West Papua due to armed conflicts between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua Liberation Army (TPNPB).
Recent reports detail new instances of displacement in the Tambrauw and Pegunungan Bintang regencies following clashes between the TPNPB and security forces. Villagers have evacuated their homes in fear of further military incursions and confrontations, leaving many in psychological distress.
The significant increase in Indonesia’s military presence in West Papua has coincided with demographic shifts that jeopardise the survival of Indigenous Papuans.
Government transmigration policies and large-scale agricultural initiatives, such as the food estate project in Merauke, have marginalised Indigenous communities.
These programmes, aimed at ensuring national food security, result in land expropriation and cultural erosion, threatening traditional Papuan lifestyles and identities.
For more than 63 years, Indonesia has occupied West Papua, subjecting Indigenous communities to systemic marginalisation and brink of extinction. Traditional languages, oral histories, and cultural values face obliteration under Indonesia’s colonial occupation.
A glimmer of hope for West Papua Despite these formidable challenges, solidarity movements within the Pacific and global communities persist in their advocacy for West Papua’s self-determination.
These groups, united by a shared sense of humanity and justice, work tirelessly to maintain hope for West Papua’s liberation. Even so, Indonesia’s diplomatic engagement with Pacific nations, characterised by eloquent rhetoric and military alliances, represents a calculated endeavour to extinguish this fragile hope for Papuan liberation.
Indonesia’s membership in BRICS will either amplify this tiny hope of salvation within the grand vision of a new world re-engineered by Beijing’s BRICS and its allies or will it conceal West Papua’s independence dream on a path that is even harder and more impossible to achieve than the one they have been on for 60 years under the US-led unipolar world system.
Most significantly, it might present a new opportunity for Papuan liberation fighters to reengage with the new re-ordering global superpowers– a chance that has eluded them for more than 60 years.
From the 1920s to the 1960s, the tumult of the First and Second World Wars, coupled with the ensuing cries for decolonisation from nations subjugated by Western powers and Cold War tensions, forged the very existence of the nation known as “Indonesia.”
It seems that this turbulent world of uncertainty is upon us, reshaping a new global landscape replete with new alliances and adversaries, harbouring conflicting visions of a new world. Indonesia’s decision to join BRICS in 2025 is a clear testament to this.
The pressing question remains whether this membership will ultimately precipitate Indonesia’s disintegration as the US-led unipolar world intervenes in its domestic affairs or catalyse its growth and strength.
Regardless of the consequences, the fundamental existential question for the Papuans is whether they, along with their global solidarity networks, can reinvent themselves while nurturing the fragile hope of restoring West Papua’s sovereignty in a world rife with change and uncertainty?
Ali Mirin is a West Papuan academic and writer from the Kimyal tribe of the highlands bordering the Star mountain region of Papua New Guinea. He lives in Australia and contributes articles to Asia Pacific Report.