Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Parmeter, Research Scholar, Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, Australian National University

Palestinian militant group Hamas says its top political leader, Ismail Haniyeh, has been killed in his home in Tehran. It blames Israel for the attack, saying it was “a Zionist airstrike on his residence in Tehran after he participated in the inauguration of Iran’s new president”.

Iran has not yet given any details on how Haniyeh was killed, but says it is under investigation.

With the war in Gaza showing no sign of abating and the whole Middle East on a knife’s edge, the killing raises questions about whether it may spark a wider regional war.

Who is Ismail Haniyeh?

Haniyeh is the most senior political leader of Hamas, based in Doha, Qatar. He was essentially the Hamas leader for the ceasefire negotiations with Israel in the Gaza War, brokered by the United States, Egypt and Qatar. These negotiations will obviously now be on hold.

While Israel has not yet claimed responsibility for his death – and this is unlikely, given it does not typically claim responsibility for covert actions – Haniyeh has long been on its list of targets.

What is surprising, though, is where and how it was done. Haniyeh was in Tehran to attend the swearing-in ceremony of Iran’s new president, Masoud Pezeshkian. Details of exactly what happened are still sketchy, but it appears Haniyeh was killed along with one of his bodyguards by an explosion in his building. We do not yet know if the explosion was from a remotely controlled bomb or a missile attack.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is investigating the killing.

What does this mean for a wider regional war?

There are two important issues that will be under close scrutiny in the coming hours and days.

The first is that, assuming it was Israel that was responsible for Haniyeh’s killing, it raises the question of whether Iran will retaliate because Haniyeh was under the country’s protection when he was killed. His death is likely to cause enormous anger in Iran, and may in turn prompt retaliation against Israel on top of that from Hamas.

Tensions between Iran and Israel have been long been high. In April, Iran launched more than 300 missiles and drones at Israel in retaliation for an attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus. The attack killed several senior IRGC leaders.

The attack on Haniyeh is indicative of a remarkable degree of intelligence and operational access that Israel seems to have in Iran at the moment. In recent years there has been a steady stream of Iranian scientists working on the nuclear program who have been killed. This includes the program’s “father”, Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, who was killed by a sophisticated remote-controlled machine gun in 2020.

However, there remain Hamas leaders on Israel’s list who, as far as can be discerned, are still alive. Gaza political leader Yahya Sinwar is apparently still directing the operations of militants there. In July, Israel carried out a strike that was believed to have killed the elusive military leader Mohammed Deif. However, Hamas has not acknowledged this, and Deif has survived several previous assassination attempts.

The second major question is whether Lebanon-based Hezbollah will launch an attack on Israel, at Iran’s behest.

The Haniyeh killing comes within hours of an Israeli airstrike in southern Beirut, in which Israeli officials believe they have killed senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr.

If Iran were to retaliate, it might be through Hezbollah from Lebanon. A major missile barrage from Hezbollah could potentially overwhelm Israel’s Iron Dome missile defence system.

Iran also has other allies on which it can call, including Shia militant groups in Syria and Iraq, as well as the Houthis in Yemen who have already launched a drone strike on Tel Aviv last week. Israel quickly retaliated.

What happens now is difficult to say until there is more information. But what is certain is that the killing of Haniyeh is likely to cause a significant escalation in the Gaza War, and possibly in the wider Middle East.

Ian Parmeter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Hamas leader’s killing in Tehran likely to further escalate violence in Middle East – https://theconversation.com/hamas-leaders-killing-in-tehran-likely-to-further-escalate-violence-in-middle-east-235886

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Richard Bentham, Adjunct Associate Professor School of Biology, Flinders University

Melbourne is experiencing an “explosive” and unusual outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease.

Since Friday afternoon, Victoria’s Department of Health has confirmed 33 cases (with ten more suspected) of this severe and sometimes life-threatening lung disease. Most of those infected have ended up in hospital.

Investigations are under way to identify the source of the outbreak.

Here’s what we know so far.

What is Legionnaires’ disease and how does it spread?

Legionnaires’ disease is a bacterial infection caused by inhaling contaminated water droplets. The water droplets need to be small enough to be inhaled deeply into the lungs to cause disease.

The disease isn’t transmitted between people.

Legionnaires’ disease usually only infects people with weakened immune systems or underlying health problems. People are at greater risk of infection if they:

• are over 40 years old
• are smokers
• have a chronic lung disease or existing respiratory conditions
• have a weakened immune system, such as transplant recipients
• have other underlying health conditions, such as diabetes, heart or kidney disease.

Legionnaires’ disease usually causes a severe pneumonia, which is a chest infection with symptoms such as cough, headache, fever, chills, and muscle aches and pains.

Less common symptoms are nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea and confusion. In extreme cases, Legionnaires’ disease can cause kidney impairment.

How is Legionnaires’ disease treated?

Early diagnosis and treatment with the right antibiotics is important to prevent the disease becoming severe.

If no action is taken, or the wrong antibiotic is prescribed, Legionnaires’ disease can lead to serious illness and hospitalisation.

GPs in Victoria are now on alert not to prescribe inappropriate antibiotics for people presenting with respiratory symptoms.

That’s because it may take several days of taking antibiotics for people with Legionnaires’ to realise the drugs are not effective – and that window for treatment is crucial.

What do we know about the Melbourne outbreak?

The current outbreak in Melbourne is an example of this community-acquired disease.

Investigations are under way to identify its source. The large number of cases in a short period indicates a single source, likely some equipment releasing contaminated aerosols into the environment, usually outside the building. This type of outbreak is sometimes described as “explosive”.

A cooling tower attached to a building is most likely responsible. Most explosive outbreaks of Legionnaires’ disease are associated with cooling towers.

The strain is another indicator: the Legionella pneumophila S1 subtype that has been identified in Melbourne is very different from Legionnaires’ disease caused by potting mixes.

The Victorian government has advised all cooling tower operators to ensure they’re up to date with testing, servicing and auditing requirements. But it’s not unusual for the source to remain undetected.

The high density of cooling towers in a city like Melbourne make identifying a single source incredibly complex.

How are Legionella bacteria released into the air?

It’s unusual for an outbreak like this to occur mid-winter. Legionnaires’ disease outbreaks associated with cooling towers usually happen in late summer/autumn, when air conditioning systems are being turned on after a cool period.

In winter the biofilm (biological slime) dies back and Legionella do not multiply below 20°C. If towers operate all year round then Legionella can proliferate all year round.

Cooling towers are common devices used to recycle and evaporate water for buildings, especially air conditioning systems. As part of their operation they must release water into the environment. They release large amount of aerosol into the air, even when operated optimally.

This aerosol can travel considerable distances (a kilometre or more) from the source. If it is contaminated, there is the potential for inhalation and disease.

Without good management the cooling tower may act as an incubator for the Legionella bacteria. The warm and nutrient-rich conditions inside cooling water systems are ideal for the biological slimes (biofilms) Legionella need to grow.

If sediment and slimes are disturbed – for example, when the system is turned on after months of dormancy – a sudden “bloom” of Legionella may escape in the aerosol.

The fact the outbreak is occurring in winter indicates cooling towers being used to cool something other than air conditioning, such as computer or phone systems. It is likely there has been some disruption to the system operation to initiate the outbreak.

What should I do if I’m worried?

Healthy people may inhale droplets contaminated with Legionella and experience no infection.

But for those with compromised immune systems or lung damage, the disease can be serious.

Victoria’s Department of Health advises people with symptoms to seek urgent medical care if they live in, or have visited, metropolitan Melbourne and surrounding areas. Symptoms may be flu-like and include muscle pain, a dry cough, fever and loss of appetite.

Richard Bentham works for Built Water Solutions as a risk management consultant for Legionella contamination.

– ref. Legionnaires’ cases in Melbourne are growing. Here’s what you need to know about this serious lung infection – https://theconversation.com/legionnaires-cases-in-melbourne-are-growing-heres-what-you-need-to-know-about-this-serious-lung-infection-235871

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Glenn C. Savage, Associate Professor of Education Policy and the Future of Schooling, The University of Melbourne

The Albanese government has released details of the next funding agreement for Australian schools.

The Better and Fairer Schools Agreement is a new ten-year agreement that will have significant power to shape what happens in schools until 2034.

It will replace the National School Reform Agreement from January 1 2025.

The agreement will require states and territories to adopt specific actions and measures to improve student outcomes. In return, they will get increased federal funding for schools.

How did we get here?

This new agreement follows a scathing review by the Productivity Commission in 2023, which found the current agreement had “done little” to lift student outcomes.

The government then commissioned its own review to advise ministers on reforms and targets to be tied to funding in the next agreement.

This year has been marked by extensive and highly politicised negotiations with state and territory governments, First Nations education representatives, and non-government peak education bodies.

This work has focused on two major questions:

• what reforms and targets will be in the new agreement?

• how much extra money will the federal government contribute?

So far, only Western Australia and the Northern Territory have reached agreements with the federal government over funding.

The release of the new agreement has been fast tracked to allow the NT government to sign this week before entering caretaker mode for its election. Western Australia is expected to officially sign in the coming weeks.

The remaining jurisdictions have yet to indicate their support for the new agreement. They have been demanding an extra 5% in funding from the federal government, but so far there is only 2.5% on the table.

Education Minister Jason Clare has issued a “sign-or-suffer” ultimatum. He says states must agree to the proposed 2.5% increase by the end of September or risk losing A$16 billion in extra funding from the Commonwealth.

What are the key reforms and targets?

The new agreement outlines multiple key reforms. These include:

• a Year 1 phonics check and early years of schooling numeracy check to identify students needing support

• evidence-based teaching and small-group or catch-up tutoring for students falling behind

• resources and supports to improve student wellbeing and mental health

• initiatives to attract and retain teachers and school leaders, especially in schools needing additional support

• improved access to evidence-based professional learning and curriculum resources for teachers and school leaders.

It also includes ambitious targets over the life of the agreement. These include:

• increasing the proportion of students leaving school with a Year 12 certificate to 83.8%, up from 76.3% in 2022. This would be the highest rate ever achieved

• increasing the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (age 20–24) attaining a Year 12 or equivalent qualification to 96% by 2031, reflecting the Closing the Gap target

• reducing the proportion of students in the “needs additional support” NAPLAN category for reading and numeracy by 10% and increasing those in the “strong” and “exceeding” categories by 10% by 2030

• raising the student attendance rate to pre-COVID levels (91.4%), up from 88.6% in 2023.

What does it mean for school funding?

The new agreement outlines reforms and targets to improve student outcomes and increase funding transparency. But it does not specify exact funding amounts for states and territories or determine the schooling resource standard used by the federal government to calculate school funding.

The schooling resource standard is designed as a “needs-based” funding model. It involves a base rate amount of funding per student, with extra loadings to provide additional funding for students with disability, students from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander backgrounds, students with socio-educational disadvantage, students with low English proficiency as well as smaller, regional and remote schools.

State and territory funding will be determined through individual bilateral agreements with the federal government. These agreements also set out the specific actions that systems will adopt to pursue the reforms and targets in the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement.

What are the challenges moving forward?

There are multiple challenges ahead to bring the new agreement to life and achieve its reform ambitions over the next decade. Five factors stand out.

1. A political fight

The next two months will see Clare negotiate with the remaining states and territories to finalise bilateral funding agreements. All signs suggest this could be a brutal political battle, given remaining state education ministers insist a 5% increase in federal spending is needed.

2. The ‘funding wars’

The new agreement is unlikely to end the “funding wars” that have plagued Australian schooling reform for the past two decades. Clare’s ambition is for all schools to reach “full funding” under the schooling resource standard by 2029.

However, the agreement leaves the window open for this date to be extended in bilateral agreements, meaning there is a chance that public schools in some states and territories might not achieve full funding until the 2030s. If schools do not have adequate resources, this will make it harder to achieve the proposed reforms.

3. A new Gonski?

The agreement includes a commitment to review the current schooling resource standard methodology (commonly known as “the Gonksi model”) by mid-2029. This is a reasonable step as the model was established more than a decade ago following the 2011 Gonski Review.

Given the intense and longstanding volatility of Australian school funding debates, a review of the schooling resource standard will be a major point of political contention and will no doubt reignite debates about Australia’s complex funding system.

4. A risk of new reporting burdens

The new agreement seeks to strengthen reporting and transparency requirements. This includes annual reports to the Commonwealth on progress relating to the agreement, a new public reporting dashboard, and requirements for states and territories to provide clearer information about how funding is being distributed to schools.

These are important reforms but if they are not navigated carefully, they risk adding new burdens to schools and systems, who already have significant administrative work linked to national reform initiatives.

5. The devil is in the enactment

While the new agreement establishes a national road map for schooling policy until 2034, the success of these reforms will primarily be determined by states and territories. Each jurisdiction will be responsible for executing and following through on the policy actions outlined in its bilateral agreement.

While some reforms, like the phonics and numeracy checks, will be easier to implement, the more ambitious targets, such as increasing Year 12 attainment rates, present major policy challenges.

Historically, Australian governments have struggled to meet such targets, indicating substantial efforts will be required across jurisdictions to achieve these goals.

Glenn C. Savage receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. There’s a new 10-year plan for Australian schools. But will all states agree to sign on? – https://theconversation.com/theres-a-new-10-year-plan-for-australian-schools-but-will-all-states-agree-to-sign-on-235872

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cynthia Mehboob, PhD Scholar in Department of International Relations, Australian National University

The Australian government this week announced it would spend A$18 million over four years on a new centre aimed at keeping safe the undersea cables that power the nation’s internet.

The Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre is tasked with protecting the critical undersea telecommunications cables throughout the Indo-Pacific region from deliberate interference from malicious actors, or accidental damage.

This is a crucial undertaking. The internet directly contributes $167 billion or more a year to the Australian economy. These cables enable everything from mundane social media updates to the colossal transactions that drive the global economy.

But what is driving Australia’s urgency to better protect these crucial cables now?

The backbone of the internet

Undersea telecommunications cables are laid on the ocean floor at depths down to 8,000 metres. They trace their origins back to the mid-19th century, driven by business interests and the need for imperial control.

The British Empire invested in these cables to connect and control its distant territories. In fact, they were referred to as the “nervous system of the British Empire”.

The first transatlantic cable in 1858 demonstrated the potential for rapid communication between continents. This revolutionised business and governance.

These cables are typically no wider than a garden hose. They contain optical fibres wrapped in a thick layer of plastic for protection. They can transmit data from one end of the cable to the other at speeds of up to 300 terabits per second.

For context, 20 terabits per second can stream approximately 793,000 ultra-high-definition movies at the same time. With a capacity of 300 terabits per second, the possibilities for handling digital data are virtually limitless.

There are currently around 1.4 million kilometres of submarine cables in service globally. Only 15 known international cables manage 99% of Australia’s data traffic.

What will the new centre do?

The new centre will provide technical assistance and training across the Indo-Pacific. It will also support other governments in the region to develop better policy regarding undersea cables.

This continues Australia’s longstanding commitment to protecting undersea cables from threats such as accidental damage by fishing activities or attacks by malicious actors, including both state and non-state entities.

In 2011, Australia was the first country to join the International Cable Protection Committee (which works to improve the security of undersea cables).

Australia has designated protection zones and stringent regulations for undersea cables. Other countries and industry bodies see this as the gold standard.

Australia has established the new Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre to address vulnerabilities posed by its growing dependency on the internet.

But global techno-political developments have also played a significant part.

New threats

Artificial intelligence (AI) has become the defining feature of the United States-China competition for technological dominance. And we have access to internet based AI tools because of undersea cables.

Breakthroughs in AI also could revolutionise productivity, industry and innovation. AI is already being used in medical research, diagnosis, banking and to streamline workflows. And the defence sector is growing increasingly reliant on AI for data analysis and advanced weaponry.

This further underscores the urgent need for robust data protection – which includes keeping undersea cables safe.

So the new Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre is not merely an economic necessity. It is also crucial to national security. It allows Australia to position itself as a key digital security provider in the region.

Nuance is needed

But the specialised nature of undersea cable technology requires a nuanced approach.

Though staffed by Australian public servants, the new centre’s success hinges on close collaboration with private sector experts experienced in manufacturing, laying and monitoring cables.

This partnership is crucial for addressing physical and digital vulnerabilities, while navigating complex industry and geopolitical dynamics.

The dominance of tech giants such as Google and Amazon is another complicating factor. They control more than 20% of new subsea cable installations in the cable industry.

The government’s new centre must balance national interest with industry control to avoid power concentration. This is particularly crucial as big tech grows more influential.

The government has said the new centre is an important contribution to Quad– a diplomatic partnership between Australia, India, Japan and the US. But the centre will need to engage with other international partners, too.

For example, Australia can learn from countries such as Singapore, which has ambitious cable management strategies. These include plans to double Singapore’s cable network by 2033.

Engaging with countries beyond Quad will also bolster Australia’s digital infrastructure resilience.

A new way forward

The newly announced Cable Connectivity and Resilience Centre heralds a shift in Australia’s approach to digital infrastructure security.

Historically, Australia has taken a confrontational stance towards containing Chinese tech. This is exemplified by its 2016 rejection of Huawei’s bid to build the Coral Sea Cable, citing national security concerns.

However, the fact the new centre sits within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade signifies a transition towards a more diplomatic approach.

It reflects Australia’s intent to mitigate China’s influence over subsea infrastructure, AI and technology standards while balancing national security with diplomatic engagement.

Will it work? Only time will tell. But the shift from confrontation to diplomacy is a welcome development. It will likely help Australia navigate an increasingly complex global technological landscape.

Cynthia Mehboob does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Only 15 known underwater internet cables connect Australia to the world – and they’re under threat from fishing boats, spies and natural disasters – https://theconversation.com/only-15-known-underwater-internet-cables-connect-australia-to-the-world-and-theyre-under-threat-from-fishing-boats-spies-and-natural-disasters-235772

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin Fox, Professor, School of Economics; Director of the Centre for Applied Economic Research, UNSW Sydney

If the price of a cup of coffee goes up, coffee drinkers are worse off if their income doesn’t increase by at least the same amount – they have less money to spend on other things.

But if the prices of many different goods and services all go up at the same time, it can have a significant impact on people’s ability to buy the things they want or need, such as food and paying the rent.

This is inflation – a general increase in prices that reduces the purchasing power of money.

High inflation is not good for most households, nor is deflation. Low and stable inflation is generally regarded as beneficial for economic prosperity.

But how and why do we measure it?

Tracking a ‘basket’ of important items

A range of factors can cause or contribute to rising prices. Demand for certain products can exceed their supply, particularly when there are reductions in taxes or increases in government spending. Disruptions in supply chains and tariffs on imports can also increase prices.

But how do we know if prices are going up across the whole economy, or just for some products? One popular solution is to create an aggregate measure of price changes, such as the consumer price index, or CPI for short.

The CPI measures changes in the price of products that are important to consumers, as measured by relative expenditures. It’s calculated by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS).

The CPI covers a wide range of products that come under the following categories:

• food and non-alcoholic beverages
• alcohol and tobacco
• clothing and footwear
• housing
• furnishings, household equipment and services
• health
• transport
• communication
• recreation and culture
• education
• insurance and financial services.

Currently, the full CPI is constructed on a quarterly basis. The ABS collects prices from sellers – nowadays often electronically, such as transaction data from barcode scanners at supermarket checkouts.

If information on quantities sold is available, this will also be used to understand the economic importance of particular products to consumers.

The main source of information on expenditure patterns is the Household Expenditure Survey.

Read more:
From where we work to what we spend, the ABS knows more about us than ever before: here’s what’s changing

All this information from the eight capital cities in Australia is weighted and indexed to create the CPI.

What do we use it for?

The CPI releases attract a lot of attention. They allow us to adjust welfare payments to maintain purchasing power, negotiate wage increases more fairly, and predict how costs are likely to change over time.

Most importantly though, the figure is instrumental in determining interest rates.

Our central bank – the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) – has the legislated responsibility to keep inflation between 2-3% per year. But because it cannot control things like taxes and government spending, the key way it does this is by adjusting interest rates.

The Reserve Bank sets the target cash rate – the interest rate on overnight loans between banks. Increasing this rate increases the costs to banks of borrowing.

Banks pass this cost on, charging their customers higher interest rates. By increasing the cost of mortgage repayments and discouraging consumers from borrowing money for spending, this reduces consumer demand for products and can help lower inflation.

Headline versus underlying

The CPI is unlikely to be the inflation rate faced by any one individual – we all spend differently. It’s even possible to construct your own inflation rate, if you keep thorough spending records and understand the index methodology.

But the CPI is not the only measure of inflation that is produced. It is often referred to “headline” inflation, to contrast it with measures of “underlying” inflation. Underlying inflation can better represent persistent domestic inflationary pressures which may need a policy response.

Why can’t we always trust headline CPI? Some items prone to weather conditions or supply shocks, such as fruit and petrol, can face sharp, volatile price movements that skew the headline figure. Excluding them from the calculation can reveal underlying inflation conditions.

Alternatives take a statistical approach to adjusting the headline rate, such as the trimmed-mean and weighted median estimates produced by the ABS and used by the RBA.

By excluding certain items, these measures don’t reflect full changes in the cost of living faced by households – but neither does headline CPI.

Other ‘flations

You’ll often hear other inflation-related terms bandied about in the news. Here’s a helpful guide to a few of them:

Deflation

This is negative inflation. This can be bad as consumers will delay purchases as they wait for prices to fall further, leading to economic stagnation.

Disinflation

Inflation is still positive (overall prices are going up), but the rate of inflation decreases. If inflation was 4% and falls to 3%, this is disinflation, not deflation.

Stagflation

The economy simultaneously has stagnant growth, high inflation and high unemployment. This is rare, but famously happened during the oil crisis of the 1970s.

Hyperinflation

The annual rate of inflation in Argentina is currently 271.5%. In 2018 in Venezuela, it was over 1,000,000% per month. This is hyperinflation. The costs of this are enormous.

Even with moderately high inflation, consumers are unable to differentiate relative price changes from general price changes in their consumption choices. With hyperinflation, money becomes virtually worthless.

This article is part of The Conversation’s “Business Basics” series where we ask experts to discuss key concepts in business, economics and finance.

Kevin Fox does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What’s inflation – and how exactly do we measure it? – https://theconversation.com/whats-inflation-and-how-exactly-do-we-measure-it-235673

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Senior Lecturer, Canberra School of Politics, Economics and Society, University of Canberra

After falling for five consecutive quarters to less than half of its 7.8% peak, inflation climbed slightly in the June quarter, from 3.6% to 3.8% for the year to June.

A rate of 3.8% is what the Reserve Bank had forecast. It is in line with market expectations, and well down on the 6% recorded this time last year.

It is likely not to cause much alarm at the Reserve Bank, whose board meets to consider the future of interest rates on Monday and Tuesday next week.

In Australia, as in much of the rest of the world, inflation in the price of goods has come down faster than inflation in the price of services.

Among the prices increasing the fastest are rents, up 7.3% over the year, reflecting the low vacancy rate.

The increase in average rents would have been even higher, 9.1%, had Commonwealth Rent Assistance not increased.

There have also been large rises in insurance premiums (up 14% in the past year, reflecting natural disasters) and tobacco prices (up 13.4%, reflecting increases in tobacco taxes).

There were falls in the prices of beef, lamb, furniture, household appliances, games and toys, childcare and domestic holiday travel over the past year, purchases that tend to get less attention.

To get a better idea of what would have been happening were it not for unusual and outsized moves, the bureau calculates what it calls a “trimmed mean” measure of underlying inflation.

This excludes the 15% of prices that climbed the most during each quarter and the 15% that climbed the least or fell.

Watched closely by the Reserve Bank, this measure of inflation actually fell slightly in the June quarter, from 4% to 3.9%.

The separately calculated and less-comprehensive monthly measure of annual inflation, which misled some commentators by jumping to 4.0% in May, fell back to 3.8% in June.

The monthly measure, which the Bureau of Statistics calls an “indicator” rather than an index, zigs and zags around the quarterly index and provides a poor guide to trends.

The bureau is redesigning it and will unveil the results late next year.

The outlook for inflation

From here on in, the September and December quarters’ higher crude oil and shipping costs are likely to put upward pressure on prices.

But the main short-term influence will be price-relief measures announced in the May budget.

Treasury estimates suggest the A$300-per-household energy rebate and the 10% increase in the maximum rate of Commonwealth Rent Assistance will bring down measured inflation by 0.5 percentage points.

This might be enough to return headline inflation to the Reserve Bank’s 2-3% target band for the first time since 2021.

What will it mean for my mortgage?

Having predicted 3.8%, the bank is unlikely to be spooked into increasing rates because inflation has edged up to where it expected it to be.

Importantly, the bank believes wages growth has “likely passed its peak”.

This suggests inflation in the price of services will subside over time.

For some prices, this will take some time. Many of the prices that are continuing to climb strongly are administered, the result of government decisions or automatic indexation to previous inflation.

Other prices appear to be back within the Reserve Bank’s target band.

Economy barely growing

The national accounts show the economy is barely growing.

If the most recent figure of 0.1% for the March quarter is revised down, Australia will find itself on the edge of a so-called “technical recession”.

The bank wants inflation back within its 2-3% target band. But it doesn’t want to needlessly damage the economy doing it. Its agreement with the government requires it to balance its inflation objective with the objective of “sustained and inclusive full employment” in its deliberations about interest rates.

It will be pleased to know most of the economists in The Conversation’s latest forecasting survey expect inflation to return to the band by mid-2025.

The bank’s own survey of economists shows the same thing, as does pricing on interest rate futures markets.

It is true Australia’s Reserve Bank has not raised interest rates as much as some central banks in some other countries. In part, this is because inflation didn’t climb as high in Australia as in many other countries.

Also, interest rate hikes are more potent in Australia than in many other countries because variable mortgage rates are more common here.

While the Reserve Bank is unlikely to increase rates in August, inflation of 3.8% means it is unlikely to cut. Borrowers will have to wait for relief, most likely until next year.

Read more:
Why the RBA is highly unlikely to lift interest rates next week, even as inflation climbs

John Hawkins was formerly an economic analyst and forecaster with the Reserve Bank, Australian Treasury and Bank for International Settlements.

– ref. Australia’s 3.8% inflation rate is concerning, but not enough to trigger a rate rise – https://theconversation.com/australias-3-8-inflation-rate-is-concerning-but-not-enough-to-trigger-a-rate-rise-233242

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jenny Graves, Distinguished Professor of Genetics and Vice Chancellor’s Fellow, La Trobe University

In most mammals, including humans, females have two copies of the X chromosome while males have only one (accompanied by a Y). So you might think females get a double dose of proteins encoded by the 850-odd genes on the X chromosome, while males get only a single dose.

How can this be fair? Indeed, this gene dosage difference between men and women would cause genetic mayhem if it were not for a system that balances out the dosage difference.

In humans, mice and other mammals, one of the two X chromosomes in females is “silenced”. Silenced genes on this chromosome don’t produce any of the RNA that contains instructions for making proteins. Biologists long thought that the complexity of the molecular failsafe system that achieves this silencing meant X chromosome inactivation was essential for life.

But it turns out things aren’t that simple. Some animals, such as platypus and birds, seem to function just fine with genes on both X chromosomes producing RNA. However, in a new paper, we report that these animals still balance out the dose of X chromosome proteins – they just have a different way of doing it.

X chromosome inactivation occurs in mice, humans – and kangaroos

In 1961, English geneticist Mary Lyon first suggested that one X chromosome in XX females is genetically switched off early in development and stays that way throughout life. The inactive X was quite easy to spot under the microscope, due to its “scrunched up” shape and other differences.

Inactive X chromosomes were eventually found in every species of placental mammal – and even in some non-placental mammals such as kangaroos.

Normally, inside a cell, an enzyme called a polymerase “reads” sections of the DNA – genes – and transcribes them into RNA molecules. These RNA molecules then act as instructions for molecular machines called ribosomes to build different protein molecules out of amino acids. The proteins are what do most of the work in the cell.

In 1986, one of us (Graves), produced the first evidence that inactivation of the extra X chromosome was due to failure of the genes on the inactive X to be copied into RNA. (At the time, referees for a high profile journal turned this paper down as too obvious, writing “What else could it be?”)

We now know several different molecular mechanisms conspire to prevent transcription of genes on the inactive X. These include adding small groups of atoms to parts of the DNA, various modifications of proteins that bind to the DNA, and gluing the inactive X to the membrane that surrounds the nucleus of the cell. All of this is coordinated by a giant RNA molecule that doesn’t code for a protein.

This failsafe mechanism, with its many backups, bolstered the idea that X inactivation was essential for life.

… but not in platypus or birds

In 2008, there was confusion when a research group including two of the authors (Graves and Waters) discovered that the system didn’t seem to be working in platypus. Some X chromosome genes were fully compensated (meaning females and males had the same amount of RNA for those genes), some were not compensated at all, and most were partially compensated – so females had more RNA copied from those genes than males did, but not twice as much.

This was particularly surprising because the platypus has five X chromosomes that together account for nearly 10% of the animal’s genes. So the need for dosage compensation would seem to be acute.

Other research showed birds seemed to have a similar imbalance of RNA transcribed from genes on sex chromosomes.

How could birds, let alone platypus, get away with such blatant sex differences? Maybe the unequal gene dosage in males and females was not so important after all?

Platypus male and females show dosage equality at the protein level

Well, not so fast. In a new paper we show that compensation for the unequal dosage of sex chromosomes is essential – but it can happen at the level of making proteins, as well as at the level of stopping RNA being transcribed from the X chromosome.

When we measured RNA transcribed from X chromosome genes in platypuses, we confirmed that the amounts were unbalanced in females and males, and different genes were compensated to different extents.

But when we measured proteins made by these RNA molecules, we found the amount was exactly equal in males and females. So while there are different numbers of RNA transcripts in males and females, the protein products of RNA translation are somehow adjusted to be equal.

We got the same result in birds. Genes on chicken sex chromosomes are transcribed very unequally into RNA molecules in males and females, but their protein products are exactly balanced.

So partial compensation at the level of RNA transcription is balanced by some sort of “post-transcriptional control” that occurs after RNA synthesis to cancel out the difference.

It will be fascinating to discover how this works. It might be that RNAs are translated differently into protein, or that RNA transcripts or proteins have different stability in males and females. Because different genes are partially compensated to different extents, post-transcriptional control needs to be finely tuned for each gene.

These results suggest dosage compensation of sex chromosomes between males and females is a necessity, not just in birds and monotremes but all vertebrate species.

Jenny Graves receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Paul Waters receives funding from Australian Research Council.

Nicholas Lister does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What’s the secret of genetic equality between the sexes? New platypus chromosome research may hold the key – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-secret-of-genetic-equality-between-the-sexes-new-platypus-chromosome-research-may-hold-the-key-235214

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fan Yang, Research fellow at Melbourne Law School, the University of Melbourne and the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society., The University of Melbourne

When an election rolls around, most of us know what to do on voting day. With varying degrees of enthusiasm, we go to our closest polling place, give our details and cast our ballots. After a century of compulsory voting, it seems pretty straightforward.

It’s easy to forget not every Australian is used to this process. What if you’ve never lived somewhere with compulsory voting? Or if you moved here from a place that actively discourages political engagement?

This is often the case for newer migrants. They can end up with lower levels of political literacy. This only further disadvantages these groups, which often have less social and cultural capital to begin with. It also makes our democracy less representative.

Our research shows more than 50% of Chinese people surveyed said they don’t fully understand how the Australian democratic system operates. Just under half our South Asian respondents said the same thing.

Varied political participation

Chinese and South Asian communities are rapidly growing in Australia. We researched rates of political literacy and participation in these populations.

Political literacy is the knowledge someone has to participate in a society’s political processes and have informed discussions about sociopolitical issues. This could include knowing how to vote, how to make a submission to a parliamentary inquiry, or simply understanding the structure of government.

Over the course of 2023 and 2024, we surveyed 192 Chinese and South Asian migrants. We also conducted five focus groups. More than 80% of our research participants are first-generation migrants and more than 90% have lived in Australia for more than six years. More than 70% of these are Australian citizens and therefore have the right to vote.

Our survey found Chinese and South Asian communities demonstrate varying degrees of political participation. Some actively ran political campaigns as candidates. Others were hesitant about extensively researching before making political decisions.

The majority of our participants actively consume political news and express political views publicly. Most also participate in political events such as petitions, protests and demonstrations. We found a higher degree of political participation among Chinese migrants compared with South Asian communities.

When deciding whom to vote for, our surveys show both Chinese and South Asian migrants prioritise policies and the social and political background of candidates. This aligns with the concerns of Australian voters in general.

Chinese respondents also consider what the candidates say about China and their related political preferences. South Asian respondents instead pay more attention to the individual candidate’s reputation.

Interestingly, shared ethnicity with a candidate plays a minimal role in political decision-making, though politically literate respondents are interested in meaningful representation of their communities.

Our focus groups also reveal that a lack of political literacy can lead people to favour candidates who share their cultural heritage while not understanding the policies the candidates stand for.

This is what potentially gives rise to tokenistic representation in unwinnable seats by some parties.

Challenging to get involved

Respondents demonstrated varying degrees of understanding of the Australian democratic system, including political parties, the two houses of parliament, and the electoral systems at all levels.

More than half of Chinese respondents said they didn’t fully understand the systems of government. This lack of understanding is likely due to the authoritarian system in China, where direct elections only occur at the local level, not at the national level.

Respondents from South Asian communities demonstrated a higher rates of political literacy. However, slightly under 50% of them reported not fully understanding the the way Australian politics works.

According to the 2022 Australian Election Study, trust towards democracy reached record lows in 2019. This shows a general trend towards the need for more authentic engagement from the political class.

Other research has highlighted using the internet for political information is only further widening the gap between those who are highly engaged and those who are disengaged.

The gap in understanding Australian politics allows for the spread of political misinformation and disinformation. This was seen in the the 2023 Voice referendum.

It then makes sense that nearly 50% of our research participants found it challenging to engage with Australian politics.

Chinese respondents said language barriers were a significant issue. Both Chinese and South Asian communities reported social exclusion from Australian mainstream society and a lack of shared concerns with non-migrant cohorts as common obstacles to their political engagement.

For instance, one focus group participant who is a South Asian migrant and has been here for eight years noted:

I vote on immigration issues, but I’m not sure that my white colleagues care.

Indeed, past surveys show aged care, climate change and education are among voters’ top concerns. Our research, however, reveals different priorities.

The economy and international relations are shared concerns among our participants, but our survey also highlights slightly differing approaches between Chinese and South Asian communities.

Chinese respondents focus more on Australian politicians and immigration, whereas South Asian respondents prioritise human rights, gender equity and social welfare.

What can be done to help?

Our research so far highlights a lack of organised efforts to increase political and media literacy among new migrants who are naturalised citizens.

A few engaged participants are making concerted efforts online and offline to educate their friends and family. But at the same time, many are resorting to finding information on unreliable social media platforms.

This study indicated there’s space for organisations that engage with migrant communities to leverage the political literacy of community leaders and members to help others.

It also provides a glimpse into what political parties could be doing better to engage more meaningfully, tailor their messaging to make it more relatable, and not take new migrant communities for granted.

The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of Hao Zheng, Allies in Colour, and the research participants.

Sukhmani Khorana receives funding from the Australia Research Council. She has previously received funding from organisations that work with migrants and refugees.

Fan Yang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. About half the Asian migrants we surveyed said they didn’t fully understand how our voting systems work. It’s bad for our democracy – https://theconversation.com/about-half-the-asian-migrants-we-surveyed-said-they-didnt-fully-understand-how-our-voting-systems-work-its-bad-for-our-democracy-235304

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Roy, Lecturer in Education, University of Newcastle

Today the federal government released its response to 222 recommendations made in the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability final report.

Released back in the September last year, the recommendations called for the introduction of an Australian disability rights act, a new disability government portfolio, a minister for disability inclusion, and a department of disability equality and inclusion.

The commissioners recommended an independent national disability commission and major reforms to break down barriers to inclusive education, employment and safe housing. They were split on the need for “special schools” and the report didn’t address health, transport or day programs.

The government has fully accepted 13 of 172 recommendations under its primary or shared responsibility. It has accepted another 117 in principle and says it plans to implement these in some form. Others have been deferred for further consideration or noted. The establishment of a disability rights act will be considered alongside the final report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee into Australia’s Human Rights Framework, released in May.

Commonwealth investments include A$227.6 million to implement a new specialist disability employment program and $39.7 million for disability advocacy.

We asked disability experts for their initial thoughts on the government’s long-awaited response. Here’s what they said.

David Roy, education and inclusion expert

The government’s response to the royal commission’s education recommendations can be best described as safe. The need for clearer policies, clearer communication, better data, increased funding, and workforce training are accepted in principle. So too are many of the recommendations.

There is recognition of inappropriate exclusionary discipline (such as school expulsion or suspension) of children with a disability and the failure of current complaints management. These are areas already being tackled by state governments.

The controversial disagreement within the commission on the place of Schools for Specific Purpose is merely noted, with no commentary. This leaves systems, teachers and families with uncertainty. We still need research on how such settings impact education.

The silence of the government on equal access, enrolment, participation, and inclusive education further compounds uncertainty. There is no commentary on the exclusionary nature of standardised curriculum. This fails to address barriers to ensuring children with a disability meet the two goals of the Alice Springs (Mpartntwe) Education Declaration: to promote excellence and equity and for all Australians to be confident and creative lifelong learners.

Overall, a lacklustre response from a government that should be providing leadership and innovation.

George Taleporos, NDIS policy expert

I am deeply disappointed the disability royal commission response has not fully accepted the call to end segregation of people with disability in Australia, particularly to phase out group homes.

People with disability, through the royal commission, provided overwhelming evidence closed group settings deny people with disability autonomy and choice in their daily lives. This puts us at greater risk of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. Both the human cost and the economic cost of the grave harm occurring in these settings demands transition to more contemporary housing.

The commission heard 17,000 people with disability living in group homes are at significant risk. We need the government to rule out the deeply concerning 1:3 support worker ratio proposed by the NDIS review that would force more people into group homes.

The commission recommended separating the provision of housing from the provision of support services and the implementation of National Disability Insurance agency’s co-designed Home and Living Framework. We need the immediate adoption of these recommendations to improve the housing and living outcomes for people with disability.

All levels of government must take immediate action to end segregation in all forms and break the cycle of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation people with disability experience when they are forced into group homes.

Laura Davy, social policy expert

After engaging with the disability royal commission more than four years and a long wait, the disability community is expecting transformational change. They will be disappointed with many aspects of the government’s response.

There is no clear response on big ticket proposals from the commission yet. These included recommendation for a new disability rights charter, a new independent statutory body, the National Disability Commission, or a new government department and dedicated ministerial portfolio. These were central to proposals for how to deliver a safer, more inclusive society.

The government has not yet accepted the recommendation to develop a new National Disability Agreement, agreeing only in principle. Clarifying areas and levels of government responsibility is key to preventing people with disability falling through the cracks between services. The Commonwealth has committed to responding to this recommendation by the end of the year.

Disability organisations are likely to be disappointed in the government’s decision to accept only in principle recommendations to secure sustainable funding for advocacy programs, particularly given the work these organisations have put into government inquiries including the disability royal commission.

There will be disappointment too in the response to the recommendation to improve housing options and models available to National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) participants. The government says it will consider this recommendation as part of NDIS review recommendations (which included problematic proposals for participants to share living supports), but does not give a timeline for a full response.

Sally Robinson, disability and community inclusion expert

Addressing and preventing violence and abuse is about positive action. We must respond to acts of violence and poor practice. But unless we actively promote the things we know to protect people from harm, we will not make headway in reducing the shockingly high rates of violence, abuse and neglect people with disability experience.

The federal government’s main commitments are clustered around safety, rights and anti-discrimination, inclusion and access, and employment. It seems the Commonwealth will rely on reviewing Australia’s Disability Strategy 2021–31 to deliver national change. If co-designed, this can keep the door open on how to progress change in some of the key areas which are still “subject to further consideration” in the government’s response.

Many will be disappointed to see this future consideration includes recommendations around housing and schooling, settings where people with disability experience high rates of violence and abuse.

Funding for independent advocacy is welcome and critical, especially for people who are unlikely to be able to participate in co-design. These are the people most likely to need preventative and protective measures.

Many of the government’s responses in inclusion and access will make improvements at a whole-population level. This shift responds to the evidence, targeting the drivers of violence and abuse, not the recipients of it. The responses include supporting grassroots efforts to break down stigma and improve community attitudes.

You can read our previous series here which unpacked the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability final report and recommendations for a more inclusive Australia.

George Taleporos is a Strategic Advisor at the Summer Foundation, Independent Chair of Every Australian Counts, Director of InLife, Director of Self Manager Hub and a member of the Independent Advisory Council for the NDIS.

Sally Robinson receives funding from the Australian Research Council and Federal and State governments for research. She conducted independent research for the Disability Royal Commission.

David Roy and Laura Davy do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Lacklustre’ and ‘disappointing’ – experts react to the government’s disability royal commission response – https://theconversation.com/lacklustre-and-disappointing-experts-react-to-the-governments-disability-royal-commission-response-235770

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natalie Galea, Senior Research Fellow, University of Sydney

The Paris Olympics has commenced with much excitement as fans soak in athletic achievements, medal counts and inspiring stories of success and triumph.

While we celebrate these accomplishments, we must also consider the price paid for these medals.

Not the cost in terms of money – the human cost. The physical and psychological toll of what athletes must endure in sport environments.

A prime example is the “environment of fear” some volleyball athletes endured at the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS), which was recently revealed by a Sports Integrity Australia review into volleyball in Australia.

Aussie sports under the microscope

Since the Tokyo Olympics, there have been three major reviews in Olympic sports in this country: Swimming Australia, Gymnastics Australia and last week Volleyball Australia.

All reviews uncovered systemic cultures of abusive practices. The organisations involved subsequently issued apologies for historical wrongs and made recommendations for future.

Last week, as all eyes were on the Olympic athletes arriving in Paris, Volleyball Australia quietly posted an apology to past athletes for an investigation that commenced prior to the last Olympics in Tokyo.

The apology came two years after Sports Integrity Australia finalised an independent review of women athletes who suffered harm during the time they were members of the Australian women’s indoor volleyball team between 1997 to 2005 while at the AIS.

Similar to previous reports in other sports, an executive summary recognised the systemic verbal and physical abuse of athletes, noting athletes endured coercive control, excessive punishments, body shaming, excessive physical training as a form of punishment and forced isolation from family or friends.

A recent ABC article provides a more detailed account from one of the former athletes, stating:

We were belittled and called “weak”, “pathetic” and “useless” by coaches and accused of “making excuses” when we were in fact injured […] it was an environment where no athlete could thrive and some were broken and driven out of the program.

The youngest athlete was a 14-year-old girl.

On the surface, the sport’s response of an apology and promise to do better ticks all the boxes.

Dig a little deeper though and it becomes clear there is often a lack of transparency in reporting to the public, athletes and their families (Swimming Australia and Volleyball Australia did not release full reports publicly). To their credit, Gymnastics Australia did release a full report.

But there is little accountability, monitoring or enforcement by government funders to ensure sports meet their review requirements. There are no financial sanctions, as funding for sport continues to be largely performance based.

Apologies that took too long (two years in the case of Volleyball Australia) and scant detail about other forms of redress provided to athletes.

Sport in Australia continues to act as a “special space”, whereby the rules followed in broader society often do not apply.

Systemic abuse in sport

These reports are not the first to uncover abuse in Australian sport.

As early as 2010, the Australian Sports Commission released a report that indicated high rates of players witnessing and experiencing abuse across Australian sports.

Recent research has also highlighted high rates of abuse in Australian community sport as well as a normalised culture of abuse in sport underpinned by a belief that abuse can be “functional” for motivating athletes and making them perform better.

The serious long-term negative consequences of abuse for athletes are well documented. Athletes who experience abuse suffer psychologically and physically; their performance drops and they can become injured, depressed, marginalised and traumatised.

Despite high rates of abuse in sport and continued calls for changes, athletes often go unheard, dismissed or ignored.

Athlete survivors who participate in reviews desire change to the sport so others will not have to suffer as they have done.

This cycle of abuse, review, apology, and limited acknowledgement has become a rinse, wash and repeat cycle that must not continue.

How to break the cycle

Put simply, the current system is not working. Athletes are people first and athletes second.

As Australian Olympians (Natalie and Victoria) and sports scholars, we believe respect for athletes’ safety and human rights is a must.

So, what’s needed?

1. Transparency

If we are to learn, change and hold institutions to account, full investigation reports must be made available to the public. The truth should not be hidden or sanitised, and the athletes’ voices should be heard.

To that end, gag orders on athletes and their families must cease; non-disclosure agreements are a common mechanism to silence athletes and families, with evidence of this tactic being employed by Volleyball Australia and Gymnastics Australia.

In her role of Sex Discrimination Commissioner, Kate Jenkins, now the Australian Sports Commission chair, told corporate Australia gag orders leave perpetrators in place, escalate abuse of powers and prevent victims from accessing proper support.

Without transparency we are unable to look under the hood and call for accountability.

2. Accountability

Sport bodies need to be held accountable for the recommendations stemming from these investigations.

Currently, there is no way of knowing whether review recommendations have been adhered to by sports, and, realistically, there is no clarity on who can hold them accountable within the current structure.

Sports bodies should have a clear duty to provide safe sporting environments for athletes.

3. Redress

When abuse occurs, sporting bodies have the responsibility of providing redress, or compensation for wrong or loss.

In simple terms, sports need to restore athletes to the situation they would have been in before their abuse (rarely possible in terms of health consequences), or to compensate them in some way if not.

Redress is both a process and an outcome. It is not a one-size-fits-all approach.

The needs of individual athletes must be considered and every effort must be made to support survivors in being “seen, believed and valued.”

Transparency is an essential element of redress.

Putting ‘win well’ into practice

The current systems of investigation and reporting lack transparency, accountability and holistic redress. Without these three elements, sports run the risk of re-traumatising athletes and continuing to violate their human rights.

As Australian sports continue to champion a “win well” strategy in this Olympics and in the lead-up to the 2032 Brisbane Olympics, our country must work out just how to put this into practice.

Natalie Galea receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the International Olympic Committee. She is an Australian Olympian and member of the International Judo Federation Athletes Commission.

Victoria Roberts is an Australian Olympian.

Mary Woessner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The 3 changes Australian sport must make after Volleyball Australia’s shocking abuse report – https://theconversation.com/the-3-changes-australian-sport-must-make-after-volleyball-australias-shocking-abuse-report-235661

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luke Bennetts, Lecturer in applied mathematics, University of Adelaide

The Southern Ocean is wild and dynamic. It experiences Earth’s strongest winds and largest waves. It is home to city-sized icebergs and the biggest ocean current on the globe, as well as tiny turbulent flows that fit inside a teacup.

The Southern Ocean is also crucial to Earth’s natural systems. It forms the dense water that fills the world’s deep oceans. It stores heat and carbon resulting from human-caused global warming, and controls the flux of heat to the huge ice sheet of Antarctica – the greatest threat to runaway global sea-level rise.

The scale and complexity of the Southern Ocean can be hard to comprehend. But our new paper may help. It summarises the present state of understanding of the Southern Ocean, how it is changing, and where the knowledge gaps lie.

Scientists and others regularly voyage to the Southern Ocean’s furthermost icy reaches – but more research is needed. The scientific and broader community must join together to advance Southern Ocean science and protect this vital natural asset.

Masses of ice at risk

The Antarctic Ice Sheet is the largest ice mass on Earth, equivalent to 58 metres of the global sea level.

The ice sheet flows onto the Southern Ocean surface in the form of giant ice shelves. Many of these ice shelves are being eaten away from below by a warmer ocean, or crumbling and becoming icebergs at a faster rate than before.

Beyond the ice shelves, millions of square kilometres of the Southern Ocean surface is frozen into a layer of sea ice. This acts as a giant solar reflector and shields ice shelves from powerful Southern Ocean waves.

After decades of seemingly defying warming temperatures, the Southern Ocean’s sea ice has dramatically declined in recent years. This puts ice shelves and the ice sheet under even greater stress.

Filling Earth’s oceans

Much of the sea ice is produced in small regions of open water, called “polynyas”, formed by strong and cold winds blowing off Antarctica. These winds cool the ocean surface below the freezing point, causing ice to form.

As the ice forms it ejects salt into the ocean surface. This extra salt, in addition to cooling effects from the atmosphere, makes the surface seawater heavier, or more “dense”.

The dense water sinks in turbulent plumes (imagine an upside-down volcano) and cascades through underwater canyons into the deep ocean, while mixing with overlying waters.

The resulting dense water mass, produced in only a few relatively small regions of Antarctica, accounts for an extraordinary 40% of the global ocean volume. It is ultimately lifted back to the ocean surface by centimetre-scale turbulent eddies – of the type you see when mixing milk into your tea.

In the deep ocean, this mixing is largely driven by ocean tides that slosh over the rough seafloor and produce internal waves.

Climate system at risk

It takes many hundreds of years for the ocean water to cycle from the surface Southern Ocean to the deep and back. Water returning to the surface today is like a time capsule, reflecting the cooler, pre-industrial climate when it first sank to the ocean depths.

The water that sinks today has absorbed more carbon to store in the deep ocean, helping to limit global warming.

However, models and observations suggest reductions in sea ice and ice shelves are weakening this crucial climate system. They are making the water warmer, less salty and more buoyant, so less prone to sinking. This means less carbon storage and a warmer atmosphere in the years ahead.

So much we don’t know

Making measurements in the Southern Ocean is immensely challenging due to its remote location and hostile conditions. This means in many cases data is sparse, and so scientists don’t know exactly how quickly changes are occurring.

Our review identified several areas as a key priority for future Southern Ocean research. They include observations of ocean temperatures and melting beneath ice shelves, as well as long term measurements of dense water formation.

More data is needed to monitor changes and provide early warning of significant climate events, such as ice sheet collapse. Crucially, more data is also needed to inform and assess the computer models on which government, industry and society rely to predict future climate.

Unfortunately, ocean observations are expensive. For example, Australia’s premier research vessel, the RV Investigator, costs more than A$100,000 a day to run. And the new SWOT satellite – a joint project of the European Union and United States to measure the ocean surface at unprecedented resolution – cost more than US$1 billion.

These costs also highlight the need for enhanced national and international collaboration. This would make the best use of available resources, and promote technological innovation to develop more cost-effective observing systems such as drones and drifting robotic instruments.

The federal government’s scientific priorities and funding decisions should reflect the crucial importance of Southern Ocean science.

We are currently in the UN Decade of Ocean Science, which aims to improve predictions of ocean and climate change. Improved understanding of the Southern Ocean is vital to this effort.

Luke Bennetts receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Callum Shakespeare receives funding from the Australian Research Council

Catherine Vreugdenhil receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Giant waves, monster winds and Earth’s strongest current: here’s why the Southern Ocean is a global engine room – https://theconversation.com/giant-waves-monster-winds-and-earths-strongest-current-heres-why-the-southern-ocean-is-a-global-engine-room-233669

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adele Jackson, Adjunct Researcher, College of Arts, Law and Education, University of Tasmania

Social media has once again lit up with the spectacle of aurora australis, also known as the Southern Lights, as it became visible in some skies across the southern states last night.

The lights – which aren’t seen outside the south polar region very often – were last sighted in May, unusually far north in the skies of Australia, New Zealand, South America and South Africa.

Despite (or maybe because of) their infrequent appearance, the Southern Lights have long inspired humans. From as far back as early Aboriginal ancestral accounts, to recent contemporary art, they have continued to ignite our imagination. Let’s take a look at some examples.

Visual works

1. Pavel Mikhailov

Pavel Mikhailov (1787–1840) was a Russian expedition artist with the Imperial Russian Navy’s first Antarctic expedition, which sailed from 1819 to 1821.

Captained by Fabian Bellingshausen, the voyage circumnavigated the south polar seas in search of the fabled “southern continent” which Captain James Cook had hoped to find some 50 years earlier.

In 1820, Bellingshausen’s became one of three expeditions to glimpse the edges of the continent (the others were headed by Irish-British explorer Edward Bransfield and US explorer Nathaniel Palmer).

Although there are much earlier accounts of aurora australis, Mikhailov’s watercolour – reproduced from a sketch he drew on March 2 1820, is one of the first painted depictions to come straight from Antarctic waters.

The expedition’s astronomer noted in his diary:

I saw three shining pillars […] the colour of a comet’s tail. Long did I gaze at that aurora.

2. Edward Roper

Painter and printer Edward Roper (1854–1909) was born in the United Kingdom and lived between the UK, Canada and Australia in the late 19th century.

His 1870 portrayal of an aurora seen from Port Phillip, Melbourne, shares a striking resemblance to Mikhailov’s painting (albeit minus the icebergs). The red tinge in the rays of light indicates Roper’s lower-latitude viewpoint.

3. Edward Wilson

Edward Adrian Wilson (1872–1912) was a naturalist, physician and expedition artist with both of British Captain Robert Falcon Scott’s Antarctic expeditions, Discovery (1901–04) and Terra Nova (1910–13). Throughout these, Wilson faithfully recorded Antarctica’s landscapes, wildlife and atmospheric phenomena for the benefit of science.

His white-on-black chalk sketches of south polar aurorae emphasise the shape of the various formations as seen in the winter of 1902. He meticulously recorded the date, time and a descriptive title with each of his drawings.

4. George Marston

George Edward Marston (1882–1940) was the expedition artist for famous explorer Ernest Shackleton’s Nimrod (1907–09) and Imperial Trans-Antarctic (1914–17) expeditions.

In 1908, during his first Antarctic winter, Marston used oil paints to capture the aurora australis. In his atmospheric scene the air is still, the night is clear and sled dogs frolic in the snow under the blue/green glow of the moonlight and the aurora. The Cape Royds expedition hut (now a protected historic site) blends into the hillside while three men brave the cold to watch the lights perform over Mount Erebus.

5. George Marston

Worthy of a second mention, Marston produced the images for “Aurora Australis”, the first book to be written, printed and published in Antarctica. Copies are highly prized, as fewer than 100 were lovingly hand-printed during the dark and frigid winter months of 1908. The title page features Marston’s lithographic print of the aurora australis dancing above Mount Erebus, the southernmost active volcano.

6. David Abbey-Paige

David Abbey-Paige (1901–1978) was the official expedition artist with Admiral Richard Evelyn Byrd’s second Antarctic expedition (1933–1935). The artist worked almost exclusively in pastels in Antarctica to avoid the issue of freezing paints. His drawings are a celebration of polar light and colour.

In one drawing, a lone emperor penguin stands in an icescape illuminated by a stream of green auroral light.

7. Stephen Eastaugh

Stephen Eastaugh is an Australian itinerant artist who has travelled to Antarctica nine times, including three times with the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD). He is the only AAD arts fellow to have over-wintered.

He created his Outlandish – Aurora Australis series during a winter at Mawson Station in 2009. Each panel in this work has an icy feature in the foreground and a black polar night backdrop, upon which Eastaugh has stitched astonishing green aurorae, streaming and unfurling playfully across the sky.

8. Bill Sutton

The late William Alexander “Bill” Sutton (1917–2000) was one of New Zealand’s most respected 20th-century landscape painters.

His work Aurora at Arrowtown (1949), painted early in his career, contrasts with his later expansive mountain scenes and abstracted landscapes. The greyed Arrowtown buildings are barely visible in the gloomy half-light. Like a portent of doom, a glowing blood-red aurora looms ominously over the town.

Multimodal works

9. David Haines and Joyce Hinterding

David Haines and Joyce Hinterding – two contemporary artists based in Sydney’s Blue Mountains – brought the energy of the solar and electromagnetic realms into the art gallery in their 2008 multi-sensory installation EarthStar.

The artwork combined sight, sound and smell. A video projection of the Sun’s surface, recorded through a hydrogen-alpha telescope lens, showed the detail of the Sun’s corona and the ejections of material that can cause auroral activity. Copper-coiled antennas tuned to detect electromagnetic activity were hooked up to amplifiers that emitted audible pops and sizzles of invisible energy.

To complete the “triptych”, Haines created a synthetic aroma in liquid form that represented the smell of burning ions in an aurora. As Haines explained, “If one could go up into the Earth’s ionosphere when an aurora takes place it would probably smell like this due to burning of oxygen molecules.”

10. Jason O’Hara and Warren Maxwell

Jason O’Hara is a digital storyteller, photographer and experience designer based in Wellington, New Zealand. Along with Auckland-based musician and composer Warren Maxwell, the pair created the immersive 2019 work Where Memories Sleep: The Legend of the Aurora.

O’Hara and Maxwell travelled south with Antarctica New Zealand, the government agency responsible for supporting the country’s Antarctic research program. These journeys inspired their spectacular cine-dance production which combines music, dance and cinematography.

The story follows a young explorer who ventures to the ice, where she meets a powerful kuia (female Māori elder), who gifts her the memories of the world (a metaphor for scientific research into Earth’s geological and climate pasts).

She falls in love with a selkie, a seal-human shapeshifter. In the closing scene, when she has to return home, the selkie’s love song transcends from the ocean to the sky, transforming into the aurora australis – beckoning his love back to Antarctica.

Adele Jackson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. 10 times the aurora australis inspired remarkable works of art – https://theconversation.com/10-times-the-aurora-australis-inspired-remarkable-works-of-art-228629

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert G. Patman, Professor of International Relations, University of Otago

New Zealand may be a long way geographically from Gaza, and the government’s ability to influence the course of events there may be limited, but the nation’s inconsistent position on the appalling conflict is diminishing its vital interests.

Since the October 7 terrorist attacks by Hamas on Israel, and the devastating results of Israel’s policy (unconditionally supported by the US) of “mighty vengeance”, New Zealand’s response has been erratic and disjointed.

In particular, New Zealand’s traditionally bipartisan approach to foreign policy – based on rules and principles rather than sheer power – has been strained.

When the then foreign affairs minister, Nanaia Mahuta, condemned the October 7 attacks and urged Hamas and Israel to uphold “international humanitarian law”, she was criticised domestically for being weak and failing to recognise “Israel’s right to defend itself”.

Soon after the October 14 general election last year, Chris Hipkins called for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. He said he made the statement as Labour leader, not caretaker prime minister.

The National Party accused Hipkins of “playing politics”. Then the new National-led coalition government stated it “supported the goal of a ceasefire, but acknowledges the conditions have not existed for one so far”.

Since then, New Zealand’s stance toward the Gaza disaster has remained ambiguous. On the one hand, it has pushed for a ceasefire and criticised the US veto in the Security Council. On the other, it has joined the US-led Red Sea operation against Houthi attacks on commercial shipping.

There is a clear tension within the government’s Gaza response, between its efforts at the UN and its relationship with the US. The result is a muddled foreign policy stance on the Gaza crisis.

Action at the UN

New Zealand was the only member of the Five Eyes intelligence partnership to vote for the October 27 United Nations General Assembly resolution calling for an immediate humanitarian truce in Gaza. More than 120 member states backed the resolution.

Then, on December 13, New Zealand co-sponsored a UN General Assembly resolution demanding an “immediate humanitarian ceasefire”, which was backed by 153 member states.

In mid-February 2024, New Zealand, Australia and Canada issued a joint statement calling for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. They repeated the same message in late July.

Six weeks later, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Winston Peters told the UN General Assembly the use of the veto in the Security Council – which New Zealand had always opposed – meant the council had failed in its responsibility “to maintain international peace and security”.

Peters was alluding to the US exercising its veto on October 18, December 8 and February 2024 to block Security Council resolutions calling for humanitarian pauses or immediate ceasefires.

On June 10 – eight months into the Gaza conflict – the US finally tabled a ceasefire proposal, which the Security Council adopted. But Washington has done little to enforce this, other than exhort the Israeli government to comply with the resolution.

Selective concern for international law

When the New Zealand government accepted Washington’s request in late January for a small defence force deployment in the Red Sea to counter Houthi attacks, the US was still resolutely opposed to a Gaza ceasefire.

The government insisted its support for Red Sea maritime security has no linkage to Israel’s unrelenting military assault in Gaza, but this is simply not credible.

The Houthi attacks on commercial shipping are clearly illegal, but they are essentially part of the fallout from the continuing international failure to stop the Gaza conflict.

Meanwhile, the International Court of Justice has called for Israel to take steps to prevent genocide. And the International Criminal Court has applied for arrest warrants for the leaders of Israel and Hamas.

By reaffirming support for a NZ Defence Force team in the Red Sea without publicly calling on the US administration to end its support for Israel’s military offensive in Gaza, the government has shown a selective concern about maintaining international law.

Compartmentalised policy

In the process, New Zealand also seems to have retreated from an independent foreign policy based on firm principles and values – and also on the concept of partnership and co-operation embodied in the Treaty of Waitangi.

While the founding document’s aspirations have yet to be fully realised, the credibility of its vision of reconciliation at home depends on New Zealand’s willingness to robustly uphold respect for human rights and the rule of law in the international arena.

While 146 states have formally recognised the state of Palestine, New Zealand remains in a relatively small group of former colonial powers yet to do so.

It seems clear the coalition government’s approach to the Gaza crisis has been compartmentalised between its UN diplomacy and its desire for a closer alignment with the US.

The overall impact of this ambiguous stance erodes New Zealand’s standing as a good international citizen. The government should have been making it clear in Washington and elsewhere that the absence of a lasting ceasefire in Gaza is inexcusable and unacceptable.

Robert G. Patman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. An ambiguous foreign policy on Gaza risks undermining NZ’s global reputation – https://theconversation.com/an-ambiguous-foreign-policy-on-gaza-risks-undermining-nzs-global-reputation-235653

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Skye McGregor, Epidemiologist, The Kirby Institute, UNSW Sydney

Data just published online shows a worrying increase in infectious syphilis cases in women living in Australia aged 15–44 (referred to as “reproductive age”) and a subsequent rise in transmission from pregnant parent to child. This is called congenital syphilis.

Congenital syphilis is easily prevented through timely testing and treatment of syphilis during pregnancy. Left untreated, congenital syphilis can have devastating outcomes in more than 50% of cases including miscarriage, stillbirth, neonatal death and permanent disability.

We reviewed all cases of congenital syphilis in Australia between 2011 and 2021 and found tragically 25% were stillborn. For the birthing parent of babies with congenital syphilis, we found less than 40% were tested for syphilis in pregnancy. Nearly half had no record of receiving any antenatal care.

Experts have been aware of the resurgence of syphilis in Australia for some time. But ours is the first analysis that reveals significant gaps in antenatal care, leading to devastating outcomes.

Syphilis cases have been rising for a decade

Between 2011 and 2021, the rate of infectious syphilis rose by more than 500% in women aged 15–44 years, from 141 in 2011 to 902 in 2021. This reflects an increase more broadly among young people.

Prior to 2011, infectious syphilis was rare. When cases began to rise, it was initially in men with male sexual partners in metropolitan areas, and young heterosexual people in remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. Health departments increased testing and initiated public health campaigns to decrease transmission.

Despite these efforts, syphilis cases have continued to rise, and the initial outbreaks have expanded across Australia. There has been significant investment by federal, state and territory governments to enhance syphilis detection and treatment including community-based screening, mass media campaigns, health workforce education, and rapid test results through point-of-care testing.

Cases of congenital syphilis have also been steadily rising in Australia, mirroring international trends.

Between 2011 and 2019 there was a median of four congenital syphilis cases per year in Australia, increasing to 17 cases in 2020, and 15 in 2021 and 2022. There were 20 cases reported in 2023.

These numbers might seem small. But without action, this upward trend will lead to more deaths and permanent disability in babies with congenital syphilis – a preventable disease.

What can we do about it?

It’s time for a direct focus on reducing syphilis transmissions, and particularly the impact of syphilis in pregnancy.

Testing during pregnancy range from one test at the first antenatal appointment to five tests throughout pregnancy, if the pregnant person is considered high risk or lives in an outbreak area in remote Australia. Recommendations are provided by state and territory health departments, and vary across Australia, but work is underway to make guidelines consistent.

But in many instances no screening is taking place at all.

Increases in infectious and congenital syphilis are likely associated with social social determinants of health (the non-medical factors that influence health outcomes) including homelessness, unstable housing, poverty, domestic violence, mental illness, drug and alcohol use, cultural barriers or language, racism, and discrimination in health care.

Our study found Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women reported 35 times higher rates of syphilis than non-Indigenous women. This is likely due to the lasting effects of colonisation, along with structural barriers and access to health care.

To reverse the current trend of increasing numbers of babies with congenital syphilis we urgently need to:

• explore accessible models of care for pregnant women wherever they engage with the health system

• enhance partner testing and treatment

• improve surveillance on testing in pregnancy.

Not just medical check ups

For pregnant women, we need to ensure a holistic approach to care co-designed in partnership with affected communities. For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, this could include greater access to Birthing on Country programs.

The World Health Organization (WHO) also recommends partners are routinely tested for syphilis to achieve elimination of congenital syphilis.

And we need better monitoring of syphilis testing during pregnancy. The WHO has set a global goal of elimination of congenital syphilis with a target of 95% of pregnant people tested for syphilis during pregnancy. Currently in Australia there is no way to know how close or far away we are from this goal.

Congenital syphilis is entirely preventable, and it is a tragedy any pregnancy results in this outcome.

The authors would like to acknowledge the contribution of Lorraine Anderson of Kimberley Aboriginal Medical Services, who provided guidance on the study on which this article is based.

Skye McGregor is the recipient of a National Health and Medical Research Council Emerging Leadership Level 1 Investigator Grant 2025240. The Kirby Institute receives funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care.

Belinda Hengel and Robert Monaghan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Babies infected with syphilis are part of a growing tragedy – one that could be easily prevented – https://theconversation.com/babies-infected-with-syphilis-are-part-of-a-growing-tragedy-one-that-could-be-easily-prevented-200733

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Natasha Yates, General Practitioner, PhD Candidate, Bond University

You wake with a sore throat and realise you are sick. Is this going to be a two-day or a two-week illness? Should you go to a doctor or just go to bed?

Most respiratory illnesses have very similar symptoms at the start: sore throat, congested or runny nose, headache, fatigue and fever. This may progress to a dry cough.

Best case scenario is that you have “a cold” (which can be any one of hundreds of viruses, most commonly rhinovirus), which is short-lived and self-limiting.

But some respiratory illnesses can be much more serious. Here is a brief guide to some important bugs to know about that are circulating this winter, and how to work out which one you have.

Respiratory syncytial virus (RSV)

For most people an RSV infection will feel like “a cold” – annoying, but only lasting a few days.

However, for babies, older adults and people with immune issues, it can lead to bronchiolitis or pneumonia, and even become life-threatening.

RSV isn’t seasonal, which means you are just as likely to get it in summer as in winter. However, it is highly contagious so we noticed it disappearing almost completely during COVID lockdowns.

There is now a rapid-antigen test (RAT) for RSV which also checks for influenza and COVID, and is the best way of finding out if RSV is what is causing symptoms.

Recently, a preventative immune therapy has become available for high risk babies (nirsevimab) and there are also vaccines for higher risk adults. Nirsevimab is also available to all babies for free in Western Australia and Queensland.

But there are no specific treatments. Adults who get it simply have to ride it out (using whatever you need to manage symptoms).

Babies and higher risk patients need to present to an emergency department if they test positive for RSV and are also looking or feeling very unwell (this might mean rapid shallow breathing, fevers not coming down with paracetamol or ibuprofen, a baby not feeding, mottled-looking skin, or going blue around the mouth).

If a patient has developed a bronchiolitis or pneumonia, they may need to be hospitalised.

Influenza

Once you have had the “true flu” (influenza), you will find it frustrating when people call their sniffly cold-like symptoms a “flu”.

Influenza infections generally start with a sore throat and headache which quickly turns into high fevers, generalised aches and excessive fatigue. You feel like you have been hit by a truck and may struggle to get out of bed. This can last a week or more, even in people who are generally fit and healthy.

Influenza is a major public health issue internationally, with 3–5 million cases of severe illness and 290,000 to 650,000 respiratory deaths annually.

People who are at greater risk of complications from influenza include pregnant women, children under five, adults aged 65 and over, First Nations peoples, and people with chronic or immunosuppressive medical conditions. For this reason, annual vaccination is recommended and funded for vulnerable people.

Vaccination is also readily available for all Australians who want it, through pharmacies as well as medical clinics, usually at a cost of less than A$30. In some states, it’s free for all residents.

Influenza is seasonal, with definite peaks in the winter months. This is why vaccines are offered from early autumn.

If you think you may have influenza, there are now home-testing RATs: all current influenza RATs are in combination with COVID RATs, as the symptoms overlap.

Treatment for most people is to manage symptoms and try to avoid spreading it around. Doctors can also prescribe antivirals to vulnerable patients; these work best if started within 48 hours of symptoms.

COVID

It has been less than five years since COVID-19, caused by SARS-CoV-2, started to spread around the world in pandemic proportions. Although COVID is no longer a public health emergency, it still causes more deaths than influenza and RSV combined.

Unlike RSV and influenza, only those aged over 70 are in a high-risk age group for COVID. Other factors besides age may put you at higher risk of becoming very unwell when infected by this virus. This includes having other respiratory diseases (such as asthma or chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, also known as COPD), diabetes, cancer, kidney disease, obesity or heart disease.

Unlike most respiratory viruses, SARS-CoV-2 tends to set off inflammation beyond the respiratory system. This can involve a range of other organs including the heart, kidneys and blood vessels.

Although most people are back to their usual work or study after a week or two, a significant proportion go on to experience extended symptoms such as fatigue, breathlessness, brain fog and mood changes. When these last more than 12 weeks, without any other explanation for symptoms, it’s called long COVID.

COVID vaccines can prevent serious illness and have been monitored for several years now for their safety and effectiveness. Current vaccination recommendations are based on age and immune status. It’s worth discussing them with your doctor if you are unsure whether you would benefit or not.

Antivirals can treat COVID in higher-risk people who contract it, whether vaccinated or not.

Specific advice about what to do if you test positive on a RAT will vary according to your current state guidelines and workplace, however the general principles are always: avoid spreading the virus to others, and give yourself time to rest and recover.

What if it’s not one of those?

So you’ve done your combined RSV/flu/COVID RAT and the result is negative. But you still have symptoms. What else could it be?

More than 200 different viruses can cause cold and flu symptoms, including rhinovirus (mentioned above), adenovirus and sometimes even undefined pathogens.

If an illness progresses to a cough which will not go away, and/or you start coughing up sputum, this could be a bacterial infection, such as pertussis (whooping cough), streptococcus pneumoniae, haemophilus influenzae or moraxella catarrhalis. So it’s worth getting assessed by a GP who may do a chest Xray and/or test your sputum, particularly if they suspect pneumonia.

You also may also start out with what is clearly a viral infection but then get a secondary bacterial infection later. So if you are getting more unwell over time, it’s worth getting tested, in case antibiotics will help.

However, taking antibiotics for a purely viral illness will not only be useless, it can contribute to harmful antibiotic resistance and give you unwanted side effects.

Natasha Yates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. I feel sick. How do I know if I have the flu, COVID, RSV or something else? – https://theconversation.com/i-feel-sick-how-do-i-know-if-i-have-the-flu-covid-rsv-or-something-else-234266

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Rowe, Senior Research Fellow, School of Education, Deakin University

Australians know public schools are underfunded. There are media reports of schools needing to fundraise to build essential infrastructure such as school halls and provide playground shade cloths and textbooks.

This comes alongside other reports of elite private schools building pools and theatres with multimillion-dollar budgets (helped by their tax exemptions and subsidies) and ongoing concerns about funding disparities between Australian school systems.

In our research, published in the Australian Educational Researcher, we speak to public school principals about a consequence of this lack of funding – a major part of their jobs is now applying for grants to generate revenue for their schools.

How are schools funded in Australia?

In Australia, public schools get about 80% of their funding from their state or territory government. The rest comes from the federal government.

Their “recurrent funding” is calculated through the schooling resource standard, which is an estimate of “how much public funding a school needs to meet its students’ educational needs”. This involves a base amount for every student and up to six needs-based loadings, relating to socio-educational disadvantage, location and English language proficiency.

A 2023 analysis indicated 98% of private schools are funded above the schooling resource standard and more than 98% of public schools are funded below it.

Current negotiations between the federal and state/territory governments ahead of a new school reform agreement next year have been billed as a chance to finally “fully fund” schools to 100% of the schooling resource standard. It is now more than a decade since this funding arrangement was introduced by the Gillard government in the so-called Gonski reforms.

Public schools fund capital projects (things such as building maintenance) in a separate process. While this varies across states and territories, in general it requires schools to demonstrate a need to their education department.

Read more:
As more money is flagged for WA schools, what does ‘fully funded’ really mean?

A changing job for principals

In Australia, researchers have been noting a trend towards more autonomy or flexibility for government school principals about how they manage their budgets.

While this gives principals more discretion about how they spend money according to their school’s needs, researchers have noted it has also led to a greater expectation they will generate money for their schools.

This has become a particular issue if schools are not funded adequately by governments. If basic needs not being met, principals need to apply for competitive grants from government to make up shortfalls.

Our research

To better understand this situation, we interviewed 18 school principals of schools in Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and the Northern Territory. This included primary and high schools in advantaged and disadvantaged (high and low socioeconomic) areas and in cities, regional and remote areas.

The interviews were done between July and November 2023.

The competitive funding they are applying for was to pay for basic projects and services, such as functioning toilets, roofing, windows and retaining walls. They also applied for disability support grants and wellbeing projects for their students.

‘I’ve already got enough paperwork’

A key theme from our interviews was principals feeling like they are being pulled away from their core duties to generate extra revenue.

Elizabeth*, a primary school principal from a disadvantaged area of Victoria told us, the work requirements around grants meant she was not able to spend as much time in classrooms and talking to students.

I didn’t come into this role being a grant applier. For me, it’s about the kids, the education, the passion of being here, it’s about being present. Not sitting in an office […] I’ve already got enough paperwork to then have to compete for grants.

As Susan, who leads an advantaged New South Wales high school told us, part of her work is simply about finding more money for her school.

And the frustrating thing is we all know schools need more support financially, that’s just a no-brainer, but it feels very frustrating that to run a school successfully you feel like part of your work is generating more funds.

‘Lots of time’

Principals reported applying for grants was time consuming. It is not an easy exercise – winning grant money is highly competitive and can often require a lot of additional work and different types of expertise.

As Tom, a high school principal from a disadvantaged area of Queensland told us:

[…] you’ve just got to give up lots of time. And because [applications are] all different, they all generally have different requirements […] They all have different layers of, I’m going to say, red tape in them. And usually the larger the amount you apply for, the more red tape.

Tom explained differing requirements could include “soil reports, insurance advice, flood mitigation expertise, project management and legal expertise”.

‘You have to apply’

But despite all these demands, principals said they felt they had little choice about seeking extra funds.

Mark, a primary principal in an advantaged area of Victoria, noted his school had a retaining wall that needed A$100,000 worth of work, but the education department only allocated $4,000 for it. He expressed frustration he had to go through competitive funding applications year after year – competing with other public schools in his state – for what many would consider a fundamental project.

So, you have to apply for these grants to try and get the big jobs done and top up the money. Because you don’t have enough money in your school budget.

This is why principals felt it was essential to be doing this extra paperwork. As Jason, a primary school principal in an advantaged area of Victoria told us, “we are still underfunded”.

there are things that are happening in schools that we are doing at the expense of other things. [So] being able to provide extra resources into the school, be it monetary or facilities, I do see that as part and parcel of my job, because at the end of the day it benefits the children and the teachers at the school.

What now?

Our study represents a small sample, considering there were approximately 6,700 public schools in Australia during our research. It would would be useful for further research to continue to examine the need for public schools to compete for funding for essential works.

But we argue our research is more evidence competitive grant writing is critically reshaping the principal’s role as a school leader – and not in positive ways.

*Names have been changed.

Emma Rowe receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Sarah Langman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. ‘Very frustrating’: for public school principals, applying for grants is now a big part of their job – https://theconversation.com/very-frustrating-for-public-school-principals-applying-for-grants-is-now-a-big-part-of-their-job-235664

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eleanor K. Sansom, Research Associate, Curtin University

NASA’s DART mission – Double Asteroid Redirection Test – was humanity’s first real-world planetary defence mission.

In September 2022, the DART spacecraft smashed into the companion “moon” of a small asteroid 11 million kilometres from Earth. One goal was to find out if we can give such things a shove if one were headed our way.

By gathering lots of data on approach and after the impact, we would also get a better idea of what we’d be in for if such an asteroid were to hit Earth.

Five new studies published in Nature Communications today have used the images sent back from DART and its travel buddy LICIACube to unravel the origins of the Didymos-Dimorphos dual asteroid system. They’ve also put that data in context for other asteroids out there.

Asteroids are natural hazards

Our Solar System is full of small asteroids – debris that never made it into planets. Those that come close to Earth’s orbit around the Sun are called Near Earth Objects (NEOs). These pose the biggest risk to us, but are also the most accessible.

Planetary defence from these natural hazards really depends on knowing their composition – not just what they’re made of, but how they’re put together. Are they solid objects that will punch through our atmosphere if given the chance, or are they more like rubble piles, barely held together?

The Didymos asteroid, and its tiny moon Dimorphos, are what’s known as a binary asteroid system. They were the perfect target for the DART mission, because the effects of the impact could be easily measured in changes to Dimorphos’ orbit.

They are also close(ish) to Earth, or are at least NEOs. And they’re a very common type of asteroid we haven’t had a good look at before. The chance to also learn how binary asteroids form was the icing on the cake.

Quite a few binary asteroid systems have been discovered, but planetary scientists don’t exactly know how they form. In one of the new studies, a team led by Olivier Barnouin from Johns Hopkins University in the United States used images from DART and LICIACube to estimate the age of the system by looking at surface roughness and crater records.

They found Didymos is roughly 12.5 million years old, while its moon Dimorphos formed less than 300,000 years ago. That may still sound like a lot, but it’s much younger than was expected.

A pile of boulders

Dimorphos is also not a solid rock as we’d typically imagine. It is a rubble pile of boulders that are barely held together. Along with its young age, it shows there can be multiple “generations” of these rubble pile asteroids in the wake of larger asteroid collisions.

Sunlight actually causes small bodies like asteroids to spin. As Didymos started to spin like a top, its shape became squashed and bulged in the middle. This was enough to cause large pieces to just roll off the main body, with some even leaving tracks.

These pieces slowly created a ring of debris around Didymos. Over time, as the debris started sticking together, it formed the smaller moon Dimorphos.

Another study, led by Maurizio Pajola from Auburn University in the US used boulder distributions to confirm this. The team also discovered there were significantly more (up to five times) large boulders than have been observed on other non-binary asteroids humans have visited.

Another of the new studies shows us that boulders on all asteroids space missions have visited so far (Itokawa, Ryugu and Bennu) were likely shaped the same way. But this excess of larger boulders on the Didymos system could be a unique feature of binaries.

Lastly, another paper shows this type of asteroid appears to be more susceptible to cracking. This happens due to the heating–cooling cycles between day and night: like a freeze–thaw cycle but without the water.

This means if something (such as a spacecraft) were to impact it, there would be much more debris thrown up into space. It would even increase the amount of “shove” it could have. But there is a good chance that what lies underneath is much stronger than what we’re seeing on the surface.

This is where the European Space Agency’s Hera mission will step in. It will not only be able to provide higher-resolution images of the DART impact sites, but will also be able to probe the asteroids’ interiors using low-frequency radar.

The DART mission not only tested our ability to protect ourselves from future asteroid impacts, but also enlightened us on the formation and evolution of rubble pile and binary asteroids near Earth.

Eleanor K. Sansom receives funding from the International Centre for Radio Astronomy Research and is supported by the Australian Research Council.

– ref. NASA smacked a spacecraft into an asteroid – and learned details about its 12-million-year history – https://theconversation.com/nasa-smacked-a-spacecraft-into-an-asteroid-and-learned-details-about-its-12-million-year-history-235684

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lesley Hughes, Professor Emerita, Department of Biological Sciences, Macquarie University

One of the most significant achievements of the 26th United Nations climate conference in Glasgow (COP26) three years ago was the launch of the Global Methane Pledge. The goal is to reduce global methane emissions at least 30% by 2030.

Methane (CH₄) is the second most significant climate pollutant after carbon dioxide (CO₂). In the words of one of the architects of the pledge, then US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, John Kerry, “tackling methane is the fastest, most effective way to reduce near-term warming and keep 1.5°C within reach”.

Australia signed up to the methane pledge in October 2022. It was a good start, but a promise is not a plan. To date, Australia has no official methane reduction targets, nor an agreed strategy to deal with this dangerous pollutant.

The Climate Council’s report, released today, sets out actions Australia can take right now to cut methane emissions. We need to get on with it.

Why should we care about methane?

Methane in the atmosphere is rising at a record rate: up about 260% since preindustrial times to a high not seen for at least 800,000 years.

Research just released shows if we don’t act, the problem will only worsen. It suggests increases in atmospheric methane are outpacing projected growth rates – threatening the global goal of reaching net-zero emissions by 2050.

The gas is likely responsible for at least 25 to 30% of warming Earth has experienced since the Industrial Revolution.

Methane is a “live fast, die young” gas, persisting in the atmosphere for a relatively short amount of time. But while it’s there, it punches above its weight in warming. Over 20 years, methane is about 85 times more effective at trapping heat than the equivalent amount of carbon dioxide.

After 100 years, it’s still about 28 times more effective at trapping heat.

This means methane has an outsized impact on warming in the short term, turbocharging unnatural disasters such as floods, bushfires and heatwaves.

Where does methane come from?

Roughly half of global methane pollution comes from human activities. The rest comes from natural sources such as wetlands and soils.

Australia produces more than its fair share of methane because we have such large fossil fuel and agriculture industries. We are the world’s 12th largest methane polluter, producing four to five times as much methane as would be expected based on population alone.

In the year to December 2023, Australia produced nearly four million tonnes of methane. The main sources from human activity were agriculture (52%), fossil fuel mining (25%) and waste (11%). The good news is there are plenty of ways to reduce emissions in each sector that we can and should implement right now.

What can we do about it?

The largest source of methane emissions in agriculture is the burps of ruminant animals – mainly cows and sheep.

Promising research suggests each animal’s methane production can be cut by as much as 90% using daily feed supplements. These include supplements from the red seaweed Asparagopsis, and the chemical marketed as 3-NOP.

Other approaches to reducing methane emissions from animals also show promise. They include vaccines that target methane-producing microbes in their guts, methane-reducing pasture species, and selective breeding.

These solutions should be scaled up and farmers encouraged to use them – for instance, by being eligible for carbon credits under the Emissions Reduction Fund.

Providing consumers with point-of-sale information about the climate impacts of their food choices could also serve to reduce the nation’s methane emissions. And the market can be encouraged to develop clear regulatory pathways for securing approval of animal-free protein and other lower-impact foods.

More than 90% of our food waste ends up in landfill where it produces methane when it rots. Composting is much better for the environment. Investing in organic collection services for food and garden waste, and tightening regulations to capture gas at landfill sites, can address much methane pollution from the waste sector.

We can’t control what we don’t measure. Currently, methane emissions are largely reported to the Clean Energy Regulator using indirect and outdated methods. The International Energy Agency estimates Australia could be under-reporting methane emissions from the coal and gas sector by up to 60%.

Fortunately, new global satellite capacity and, in Australia, the Open Methane visualisation tool, mean we can measure methane at its source far more accurately than before.

The federal government should make all coal and gas corporations directly measure and report their methane emissions from existing mines, in line with international best practice.

Every coal mine and gas plant produces methane during mining and processing. While we work towards phasing out fossil fuel mining, a few practical actions can reduce methane pollution:

• require underground coal mines to capture and destroy the methane vented into the atmosphere
• ban all non-emergency flaring and venting of gas
• require all gas mining companies to address leaky infrastructure
• ensure mining companies seal inactive mines.

Time for action

Without concerted action, global methane pollution from human activities is expected to rise 15% this decade. On the other hand, meeting the commitments of the Global Methane Pledge can reduce warming in the next few decades.

If the goals of the pledge are met, we could shave about 0.25°C off the global average temperature by mid-century, and more than 0.5°C by 2100.

The federal government should establish a national methane reduction target and a dedicated action plan. This should be part of our updated national emissions reduction target, due to be set in 2025.

We can’t take our foot off the pedal in cutting carbon dioxide. But at the same time, in the words of United Nations head Antonio Guterres, we have to do “everything, everywhere, all at once”.

Lesley Hughes is a Director and Councillor with the Climate Council of Australia. She has previously received funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists, a Director of the Environmental Defenders Office and a member of the Climate Change Authority

– ref. Methane is turbocharging unnatural disasters – Australia must get serious about reducing emissions – https://theconversation.com/methane-is-turbocharging-unnatural-disasters-australia-must-get-serious-about-reducing-emissions-234480

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Carly Tozer, Senior Research Scientist, CSIRO

In the past few years in Australia, seasonal rainfall and temperatures have left a lot of people confused. Sometimes, the hot, dry conditions usually associated with an El Niño have not eventuated. Similarly, there have been years where a La Niña did not lead to the cool, wet conditions expected.

It’s important for scientists to better understand all weather processes at play, so we can manage expectations around what Australia might experience when climate drivers such as El Niño and La Niña are forecast in future. That’s where our new research comes in.

We examined the state of play in November 2020 and November 2021. La Niña conditions occurred in both years. November 2021 followed the La Niña script and was wet and cool, but November 2020 departed from expectations and was dry and warm. We set out to determine why.

We found the differences could be explained by fluctuations in the path of storms over the Australian continent. These fluctuations can be hard to predict well in advance, which makes it difficult to say for certain how a particular La Niña or El Niño event will affect Australia.

A tale of two Novembers

For large parts of Australia, the presence of a La Niña or El Niño shifts the odds of experiencing wet or dry conditions. Our analysis of Novembers 2020 and 2021 shows how actual outcomes can differ from, or align with, expectations.

The first step in our analysis was to examine other climate drivers, including the Indian Ocean Dipole and Southern Annular Mode. We wanted to know if these drivers were in the same phase – negative, neutral or positive – during those two Novembers a year apart.

So what did we find? In addition to La Nina, both Novembers occurred during positive Southern Annular Mode phases and very weak negative Indian Ocean Dipole phases. These phases are typically associated with more rainfall in Australia. So this didn’t explain why November 2020 was hot and dry.

Next, we looked to the Madden Julian Oscillation. When this driver is located in the Australian region, it has been linked to more rainfall in Australia. Although the oscillation was in different phases during November 2020 and 2021, we found in general, this driver does not strongly influence rainfall across all of Australia in November.

It was time to look for answers elsewhere.

Jet streams: a key piece in the puzzle

Next, we examined weather systems – in other words, the movement of high and low pressure systems across the globe.

These systems are partly controlled by jet streams, which are bands of wind in the upper atmosphere. The effect of jet streams on weather systems, including storms, means they influence rainfall in the regions they pass over.

We found there was a strong jet stream over Australia in November 2021. This would have assisted the development of any rain-bearing low-pressure systems moving in from the west, allowing these systems to travel across the Australian continent. These systems brought rain and contributed to the very wet conditions.

In November 2020, the jet stream was largely absent over Australia. Instead, it was pushed south of the continent, which means rainfall systems received little help and were also largely steered south. That contributed to the dry month.

But why did the jet streams develop in the first place? They form in part due to temperature differences, and are found in the zones where the temperature contrast between warm and cool air is strongest.

In November 2021, Australia experienced cooler temperatures over land, but above-average sea surface temperatures in the waters off northern Australia. This pattern set up the zone of strongest temperature contrasts over the continent, which led to a persistent jet stream there.

In November 2020, Australia was relatively warm both over land and on the sea surface to the north. This meant that the strongest temperature contrasts (and the jet stream) now sat at the junction between the warm continent and cooler Southern Ocean.

But wait, there’s more

So why were temperatures over Australia so different?

To help answer this question we shifted our analysis from the monthly timescale to the daily timescale. That’s because atmospheric features such as jet streams vary strongly from day to day.

We found for about the first three weeks of November 2021, a large low-pressure system – also known as a trough – was sitting south of Australia. It pumped cold air onto the continent, cooling it down.

This maximised the north-south temperature difference between the warm sea surface temperatures to the north of Australia and the cool of the continent. And as we know, this aided the development of the jet stream over Australia.

In November 2020, the continent started off relatively warm. And for a large portion of the month, there was a large high-pressure system over Australia, pulling warmer air from the tropics over the continent.

This system would have also promoted clear skies over Australia and enhanced heating coming from the sun, contributing to the warm Australian continent in November 2020.

More puzzle pieces to fit

November 2020’s hot, dry conditions were not the only time a climate driver has failed to bring the conditions some had anticipated. Just last year El Niño did not deliver expected dry conditions, leaving many people scratching their heads.

Climate drivers play an important role in shaping rainfall. But they’re not the whole story. As our research shows, sometimes they are confounded by changes in weather patterns, which might mean that our expectations of a wet month or season don’t always play out.

When it comes to Australia’s climate puzzle, these findings show there’s more to understand about the role of weather.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is Australia’s climate confusing you? Here’s why rainfall and temperatures don’t always behave as expected – https://theconversation.com/is-australias-climate-confusing-you-heres-why-rainfall-and-temperatures-dont-always-behave-as-expected-233345

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Levon Ellen Blue, Associate professor, The University of Queensland

Cryptocurrencies and other digital assets have enjoyed an astonishing rise into mainstream consciousness in recent years. Despite all the hype – perhaps partly because of it – investing in them can still expose us to serious risks.

Last year, Australians lost A$2.74 billion to scams. Investment scams topped the list of ways we were fleeced, costing us $1.3 billion in total.

Within this category, cryptocurrency investment scams are a significant problem. And losses from other types of scam are often processed through cryptocurrency exchanges to make them difficult to trace.

Many Australians still don’t know how to safely purchase cryptocurrencies and non-fungible tokens (NFTs), let alone how to store them securely. This has presented a huge opportunity for scammers.

Read more:
Australians lose $5,200 a minute to scammers. There’s a simple thing the government could do to reduce this. Why won’t they?

By engaging with Australian crypto investors themselves, our recently published research sought to investigate who is vulnerable to such scams, and what vulnerabilities exist across the sector more broadly.

We identified two very different groups that are most at risk, and we suggest that targeted education may be needed to reduce these dangers.

Crypto has a diverse range of customers

We surveyed 745 Australian adults who had purchased cryptocurrencies or NFTs. We recruited participants of various ages (18 and above) and from a wide range of socioeconomic, educational and ethnic backgrounds.

Though our survey sample had more female participants, we found no significant gender difference in who was investing in cryptocurrencies.

But when it came to NFTs, we found participants from three groups were more likely to purchase the digital assets: non-Indigenous Australians, university-educated Australians, and the full-time employed.

Read more:
What are NFTs and why are people paying millions for them?

Our survey asked 40 questions, three of which focused specifically on the participants’ crypto literacy – regarding how to calculate interest, the tax treatment of selling cryptocurrencies, and the importance of private keys in storing blockchain assets.

Two groups at risk

Our findings revealed that two very different groups were most vulnerable to cryptocurrency investment scams.

The first of these groups possessed some features of socioeconomic disadvantage. This included being female, identifying as Indigenous, having only high-school education or lower, working part-time or casual hours, or speaking a language other than English at home.

This group was vulnerable because participants were influenced by social media hype surrounding such investments but often lacked sufficient financial or IT literacy to properly navigate the space.

There was some other notable findings within this group.

Indigenous Australians were the group most vulnerable to losing their cryptocurrency or NFT investments.

Alarmingly, female participants were found to be more susceptible to media hype around these investments, but tended not to answer any of the crypto literacy questions correctly.

And participants who spoke English as a second language had poorer knowledge about the security of their digital assets and how to calculate interest.

Overconfidence is dangerous

Perhaps surprisingly, the other most vulnerable group we identified came from an advantaged socioeconomic background.

Participants who fell into this group were non-Indigenous, university-educated, employed full-time or owned their home with a mortgage. These participants also had sufficient financial literacy and IT literacy.

So why was this group also so prone to scams? It’s likely overconfidence played a role.

Many members of this group may assume they are too savvy to fall victim to crypto investment scams, when in fact such ambition and overconfidence can actually expose them to greater risks.

In financial literacy literature, overconfidence has been previously shown to put an individual at greater risk of harm.

What needs to be done?

More generally, we found some of the biggest vulnerabilities for Australians were insufficient financial and technological literacy, security concerns, and the provision of unsolicited advice.

But there was also a serious lack of reliable educational resources. Social media was the number-one place where participants learned about cryptocurrencies and NFTs. Schools were the last place.

The growing popularity of these investments calls on the education system to engage with the topic and teach basic skills.

We recommend students are exposed to what financial literacy researcher Dr Carly Sawatzki refers to as “financial dilemmas” in high schools, TAFE and universities settings. This will help them learn and critically unpack what they are hearing and watching about cryptocurrencies and NFTs via social media.

Australians need access to better education on storing their crypto and NFTs safely, understanding the tax implications of buying and selling crypto investments, calculating interest for investment decision-making purposes, and the importance of seeking independent professional advice.

Read more:
It’s now possible to invest in bitcoin on Australia’s largest stock exchange. Is the currency going mainstream?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Think you’re immune to crypto scams? You might be more at risk than you realise – https://theconversation.com/think-youre-immune-to-crypto-scams-you-might-be-more-at-risk-than-you-realise-235667

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris McMillan, Professional Teaching Fellow in Sociology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

It’s one thing to aspire to be the “greenest games in history”, quite another to achieve it. While the Paris Olympics are responding to the threat to sport from the climate crisis, they also highlight the contradictions inherent in making global sport a platform for climate action.

Average temperatures in Paris are set to be 2.4–2.7°C higher than in 1924 when the city last hosted the games. Although the possibility of an extreme heatwave worried organisers, so far they’ve mostly contended with soggy skies and flood warnings.

But while the spotlight is on Paris, the impacts of climate change – higher temperatures, changes in rainfall patterns and extreme weather events – are already hitting the wider sporting world.

In Aotearoa New Zealand, the effects of climate change on sport are already evident. During the 2022–23 cricket season, for example, half of all recreational games were washed out in some areas. The future of snow sports is particularly uncertain as winter temperatures rise.

But sport is not an innocent victim in all this. The sports industry, and mega-events such as the Olympics in particular, have a substantial carbon footprint, and are showing few signs of scaling back their operations.

Sustainable sport

To be fair, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) adopted ideas of sustainability relatively early. In 1994, “environment” joined “sport” and “culture” as the third pillar of the Olympic movement.

And in 1996, the Olympic Charter was amended to include concern for the environment. Cities vying to host the games are also required to address environmental issues.

As a result, sustainability has become an essential part of Olympic hosting bids. Paris has taken this to a new level, with organisers promising to halve the carbon footprint of the London and Rio de Janeiro games.

This emphasis on “climate positivity”, they say, will also “supercharge” green initiatives in the city, make Paris 2024 the “greenest games in history”, and show “another model is possible”.

Other sporting organisations have followed the IOC’s lead. Of the 36 Summer Olympic sports federations, 17 have a sustainability strategy, and 23 have signed the United Nations Sports for Climate Action framework, which commits signatories to halve their emissions by 2030 and aim to reach net zero by 2040.

Extra challenges for New Zealand

Sporting organisations in Aotearoa New Zealand, however, have barely got off the environmental starting line.

The New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) does not have a sustainability strategy. Moreover, of the 56 member federations identified by NZOC, only Yachting New Zealand and Golf New Zealand have their own sustainability strategies.

Notably, although Yachting New Zealand’s strategy is well developed, neither attempts to quantify their carbon footprint or address the impact of travel.

Equally, just ten member organisations even mention environmental sustainability in their latest strategic plans. The situation is similar among non-Olympic professional sporting organisations and leagues. Neither the New Zealand Warriors nor the Wellington Phoenix, for example, have published sustainability strategies, although the New Zealand Breakers have detailed a commitment to a “thriving environment”.

Realistically, genuine environmental action is difficult for New Zealand sport. Given the county’s geographical location, teams and competitors have no option but to travel long distances, as do visitors wanting to compete here.

Indeed, New Zealand’s remoteness means our per-capita emissions from air travel are the sixth highest in the world, and even travelling regularly to compete in Australian leagues produces a substantial carbon footprint.

Sport New Zealand has shown a willingness to drive this kind of action, sponsoring an environmental sustainability award. But reducing travel and international competition would have obvious repercussions. Perhaps tellingly, the commonest reference to “sustainability” by New Zealand sporting organisations is in a financial context, not an environmental one.

Another model?

These practical challenges to implementing noble goals have seen the sustainability in sport movement accused of “greenwashing gold”. And the Paris Olympics have been criticised for a “lack of transparency and precision” in measuring and reporting on their green goals.

Previous Olympics have also demonstrated that pledges and visions are not the same as outcomes, with environmental initiatives poorly monitored overall. The environmental and climate impacts of the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics and 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar show how far mega-sport has to go.

Indeed, the Paris games will still produce 1.5 million tonnes of carbon – roughly comparable to Fiji’s entire annual emissions, with around half coming from international travel.

There have even been calls to halt the Olympics, or at least reduce their size, due to the climate crisis. Like global sport in general, the games are caught in the same tension between ecological sustainability and economic growth that hinders all attempts to combat climate change.

If commercial sport continues to encourage mass international travel from spectators and participants, as well as expanding fixtures and events in search of ever larger media audiences, its environmental initiatives will always fall short.

This may be especially true for a small, remote country like New Zealand. The claim by Paris that “another model is possible” might turn out to have a very different meaning than intended.

Chris McMillan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. As the Paris Olympics try to go green, NZ sports bodies are stuck in the starting blocks – https://theconversation.com/as-the-paris-olympics-try-to-go-green-nz-sports-bodies-are-stuck-in-the-starting-blocks-235094

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Bernard Njindan Iyke, Lecturer in Finance, La Trobe University

Even now, decades after we first began trying to avert the worst of global warming, more than 80% of the world’s total energy comes from fossil fuels.

You might think this would make fossil fuel production extremely profitable. But it’s not always the case. Much of the most accessible oil has already been extracted and burned. Many countries want to shore up domestic sources of fossil fuels to boost energy security. Energy price fluctuations and competition from new energy sources such as solar, wind and fossil gas have made it harder for some fossil fuel companies to make money, especially in coal.

This is where fossil fuel subsidies come in. Australia gave A$14.5 billion in subsidies to major fossil fuel producers and consumers in 2023–24 alone.

You might have wondered – why would some of the largest companies on Earth need subsidies? Here’s why.

Private companies, public money

Globally, private companies dominate fossil fuel production, though fossil fuel-rich nations often have state-owned companies, such as Saudi Arabia’s Aramco and Russia’s Rosneft.

Why would governments give fossil fuel companies money? Many reasons. But the most important is that wealthy countries have historically needed huge volumes of fossil fuels for manufacturing, transport and power. Many countries have some sources of fossil fuels inside their borders, but only a few are self-sufficient. This has enabled fossil fuel giants such as Saudi Arabia to become wealthy beyond belief.

Many governments have used subsidies to boost their energy security and encourage local producers to seek out new sources of coal, gas and oil. These subsidies can make all the difference in making fossil fuel companies competitive internationally. For instance, Canada spent billions on subsidies to boost its oil sands and fracking projects.

Subsidies were essential in the United States’ fracking revolution. Novel approaches to extracting fossil gas and oil – boosted by major tax incentives – turned the US from a major importer of oil and gas into a net exporter by 2019.

You can see why the US did this. At a stroke, it went from being dependent on energy provided by foreign nations to being independent.

Once subsidies are in place, they become very hard to remove. Indonesia’s lavish fuel subsidies now account for 2% of the nation’s GDP. When the national government tried to walk these back, there were riots.

And there’s another reason, too. Fossil fuels are still playing an important role in boosting the economy in most nations. Subsidising them has long been seen as a way to maintain economic growth and stability.

Globally, these subsidies are estimated at a staggering $10.5 trillion each year.

This figure has grown sharply in recent years, after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. As European nations tried to wean themselves off Russia’s gas, energy prices surged worldwide. In response, some countries introduced new subsidies to support businesses and consumers.

The top-line figure of $10.5 trillion includes two types of subsidy – explicit (meaning real dollars change hands) and implicit (for example, governments building roads and railways to encourage crude oil transport).

Explicit subsidies

Explicit fossil fuel subsidies are direct financial incentives from governments to fossil fuel producers and consumers. These incentives come in different forms, such as tax breaks, direct payments, grants and price controls. All of them aim to reduce the financial burden associated with fossil fuel production and use.

In Australia, explicit subsidies include fuel tax credits and exploration tax reductions. Fossil fuel companies can get subsidies to offset the losses they make during the years it takes to find and begin extracting new fossil fuels.

In the US, oil and gas companies benefit from the oil depletion allowance, which permits them to deduct a percentage of their gross income from oil and gas sales as an expense. They can also claim tax deductions for intangible drilling costs, such as the wages of workers and material needed to find new sources of oil and gas.

China, too, uses direct subsidies, discounted land-use fees, and preferential loans as explicit subsidies to boost coal production and consumption. The national government also supports fossil fuel consumption through direct payments to consumers.

Implicit subsidies

Implicit subsidies are often described as “imaginary”. That doesn’t mean they don’t exist, just that they’re not a direct transfer to directly paid to fossil fuel producers.

For instance, the cost of burning fossil fuels is borne by the global community and the natural world, in the form of climate change, damage to human health and other harms. Most fossil fuel companies don’t have to pay a cent for the pollution their products cause – so in effect, they are being granted an indirect subsidy.

Implicit incentives also include government investment in facilities such as transport networks, pipelines, oil refineries and port infrastructure, which will accelerate fossil fuel production and delivery. Think of the Middle Arm development in Darwin, funded by both the federal and territory government.

Why are these subsidies still being paid?

As the world grapples with a worsening climate crisis, fossil fuel subsidies are under great scrutiny.

It’s politically difficult to withdraw subsidies once given. This is why governments around the world have instead begun to give subsidies and tax incentives to green energy developers, including the enormous $500 billion Inflation Reduction Act in the US, the European Union’s Green Deal, and China’s massive subsidies of green technologies such as electric vehicles and solar panels.

The goal here is to make renewable energy and electrified transport steadily more affordable and competitive – just as fossil fuel subsidies did for oil, gas and coal.

Bernard Njindan Iyke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. For decades, governments have subsidised fossil fuels. But why? – https://theconversation.com/for-decades-governments-have-subsidised-fossil-fuels-but-why-213467

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Justin Wastnage, Adjunct Industry Fellow, Griffith Institute for Tourism, Griffith University

Winter is always a tough time to be an airline in Australia.

This current cold snap has been exacerbated by a cost-of-living crisis, causing would-be holidaymakers to tighten their belts as the aviation industry again braces for more bad news.

This time it’s from Regional Express Holdings, parent company of Rex Airlines, whose shares are in a trading halt pending a “material announcement” to the stock exchange, expected sometime this week.

Responding to many Australians having a lower disposable income, the major carriers Qantas and Virgin Australia, have reduced airfares after recovering strongly from the COVID shutdown.

Qantas’s budget sister Jetstar has been particularly aggressive, with sub-$100 fares back on the menu after a four year absence.

Yet, as witnessed by the collapse of Bonza in May, airlines without deep pockets can be squeezed out of the market.

Analysts have always had higher hopes for Rex, which provides feeder services from regional towns across New South Wales, Queensland and to a lesser extent, Victoria, to the eastern capital cities.

The airline also has significant regional operations in other states and is backed by a private equity firm PAG Asia Capital (formerly the Pacific Alliance Group).

These factors should have helped the business stave off the worst of the ravages that beset Bonza.

Supply versus demand

Yet there are some simple market economics at play in Australian commercial air transport.

We are a nation of 28 million people, but we are also concentrated into 25 population centres of greater than 100,000 inhabitants.

Studies suggest that route viability relies on towns being at least this size to ensure sufficient two-way traffic. For example, the US has about 250 population centres with more than 100,000 people, while Europe has about 400.

This was, in many ways, Bonza’s downfall, relying on one-way leisure traffic to smaller towns that could never repay the favour with passengers returning.

Budget carriers’ blighted history

Bonza was merely the latest in a string of failed low-cost carriers hoping to break the effective duopoly that is the Australian air market. Tigerair Australia collapsed during the pandemic despite earlier being rescued by Virgin Australia.

Before Tigerair, it was Air Australia in 2011 and before that, Backpackers Xpress in 2005. Impulse collapsed in 2001. Each had bet on duplicating the US and European budget carrier model, but in a much smaller market.

Yet Rex is fundamentally different, the core of its business is flying 34-seater Saab 340 turboprop aircraft in and out of regional towns, connecting with capital cities.

Much of this flying is underpinned by state subsidies that are further propped up by federal government assistance to maintain the regional airport infrastructure.

Often these routes are managed monopolies, meaning either Qantas Link or Rex have sole provider status, albeit in return for agreed service levels and maximum fares set by the relevant state government.

Not enough planes

One of Rex’s key problems is aircraft availability. As the Saabs reach the end of their working life, there don’t appear to be any suitable replacements.

So Rex has been forced to ground half of it Saab fleet, awaiting parts so scarce that the airline sent salvage teams around the world to find them.

This has caused it to axe some under-performing routes, highlighting the importance of the flights in regional communities where they have transported passengers to business meetings and medical appointments in big cities, while providing outback towns with fresh food.

The airline may have solved the Saab problem by opting for the 42-seater Franco-Italian ATR-42, which is the work-horse of regional routes in Europe. But any deliveries would be at least five years off and come with a high price tag.

Expansion problems

But now, the current headache is the expansion into Brisbane-Sydney-Melbourne routes.

This is compounded by the costs associated with its major city service, which uses a fleet of six ex-Virgin group Boeing 737-800s leased at a cut-price rate after COVID but now attract market rates of about $180,000 per week, by some reports.

These aircraft are central to Rex’s underlying objective to secure a third of Australian air traffic and become the true third player in the market.

To achieve this, it secured a $150,000 convertible note from PAG – essentially a loan the private equity group can cash in at a three times premium for shares once the company has trebled its value.

The convertible note debt instrument, common in the tech startup world, is known for raising tensions in leadership teams, as its terms are predicated on the success of a strategic plan.

Trouble at the top

This may explain some of the unusual board shenanigans that have taken place recently within Rex.

The Singaporean owners of the airline recently ousted executive chairman (and company insider) Lim Kim Hai and replaced him with Rex stalwart and former federal transport minister John Sharp.

Mr Lim’s removal appears to be partially linked to the $48 million takeover of West Australian charter airline National Jet Express (formerly Cobham Aviation Services Australia) in 2022.

The trading halt currently has no impact on Rex services. There is media speculation that a consultancy firm has been appointed to restructure the group.

Just a setback?

Yet, despite fears of another collapse, Rex appears to have more of the foundational building blocks of a national airline network than Bonza did.

It also, through years of servicing marginal electorates across regional Australia, has a far warmer welcome in Canberra than the start-up Canadian leisure airline ever could have hoped for.

It is likely, therefore, that the rumours of Rex’s death have been greatly exaggerated.

Wastnage previously worked for the New Zealand Airports Association on regional airline connectivity. Wastnage was also previously the aviation policy director of the Tourism and Transport Forum where he worked on regional air connectivity issues.

– ref. Rex Airlines’ future up in the air amid questions about viability of small airlines in Australia – https://theconversation.com/rex-airlines-future-up-in-the-air-amid-questions-about-viability-of-small-airlines-in-australia-235761

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Andrejevic, Professor, School of Media, Film, and Journalism, Monash University, Monash University

Automated facial recognition is becoming widespread in Australia. The technology has already been used by retail outlets, sport stadiums and casinos around the country. And in November, the Australian government’s digital identification system will be expanded, after new laws passed parliament earlier in the year.

As the technology becomes less expensive and more powerful, it will lend itself to a growing range of applications, such as a proposed age estimation tool.

To find out what Australians think about this fast-growing technology, my colleagues and our team conducted a representative national survey of more than 2,000 people. Our results, which we have just launched, indicate an overall lack of knowledge about the technology – and a range of attitudes towards it.

Crucially, these findings can help policymakers ensure the benefits of facial recognition technology are maximised – and the harms limited.

How does facial recognition technology work?

There are two main uses of facial recognition technology. The first, known as one-to-one use, ensures someone is who they say they are – as in the case of unlocking a smartphone. This can make life much more convenient. Instead of carrying around multiple forms of ID, people might simply submit to a face scan.

By contrast, one-to-many uses of the technology enable the identification of an unknown suspect or a face in the crowd.

In both cases, the technology works by creating a template from a photograph of a known individual. New photos can then be compared to the template to see if there is a match.

This match is given as a probability, not as a definitive yes or no – as in other cases of biometric identification. The technology can still be fooled by masks or disguises, but its ability to overcome these challenges is improving.

Attitudes vary, depending on how facial recognition is used

Overall, our research revealed that almost three quarters of Australians say they know little about facial recognition technology. Only one in 20 felt they knew “a lot” about it.

Our survey also found Australians are more comfortable with one-to-one uses of the technology. For example, a majority of respondents said they supported the use of the technology for accessing government services (57%).

This support might be good news for the country’s new digital ID system. It envisions a role for biometric technologies – most likely facial recognition – to allow Australians to prove their identity when accessing government and financial services.

A majority of respondents (75.2%) also supported the use of facial recognition technology for identifying criminal suspects. And there was strong support (80%) among respondents for using facial recognition technology to help verify the identities of people who lose their credentials during disasters or war.

There was, however, much less support for other uses.

For instance, the majority (60%) of survey respondents did not support its use in the workplace for tracking the location of workers. They also did not support its use for tracking and targeting shoppers. There was a strong sense facial recognition technology should not be used for commercial benefit.

We also surveyed perceptions of the accuracy of facial recognition tech. A majority of survey respondents felt facial recognition technology is either “accurate” or “very accurate”. In reality, however, there is a range of different systems in use and accuracy can vary widely.

For example, the technology has been shown to be less accurate when used on certain demographic groups, raising issues of racial bias. Misidentification can have serious consequences for those who are wrongly arrested and treated as criminals.

Crucial for survey respondents was notification and consent. 90% of Australians said they wanted to know when and where the technology was being used on them. They also wanted the opportunity to consent to its use.

Governments need to listen to the public – and respond

Automated facial recognition technology is a powerful form of surveillance that raises significant questions around privacy and liberty.

In 2019, the federal parliament proposed the use of a national face recognition database for law enforcement. This plan was deferred in part because of concerns that public response to its more widespread use might limit enrolment in digital ID programs.

More recent legislation restricts one-to-many matching using the national facial recognition database. However, individual states have their own databases from public records. The Australian Federal Police reportedly continue to rely on an agency that uses facial recognition provided by the controversial company Clearview AI.

Given the recent history of data breaches, there should be concern about the capability of both the government and private sector to safely store and manage people’s data.

But automated facial recognition technologies can undoubtedly be useful. We urgently need better public education about the technology and the issues it raises, to ensure the responsible and democratic use of facial recognition tech.

And, as former Australian Human Rights Commissioner Edward Santow argues, we also need legislation dedicated to minimising the risk of creating an automated surveillance society.

Mark Andrejevic receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. Australians like facial recognition for ID but don’t want it used for surveillance, new survey shows – https://theconversation.com/australians-like-facial-recognition-for-id-but-dont-want-it-used-for-surveillance-new-survey-shows-235530

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samuel Cornell, PhD Candidate – Social Media and Communication, School of Population Health, UNSW Sydney

Australia is one of several countries currently considering a social media ban for children. Nationally, there are calls to raise the age a young person can legally use social media from 13 to 16, while South Australian premier Peter Malinauskas is leading calls to raise the age to 14.

The idea of a ban has not been without controversy. But the idea is to effectively put legal boundaries on the age children can access social media, to keep kids safe and protect their health.

Politicians such as Malinauskas acknowledge that such a ban may not be completely effective, but argue measures such as age limitations should be considered, in the same way age limits are in place for smoking, alcohol use and driving.

Our research into risk-taking behaviour associated with social media use shows the harmful repercussions of social media use do not only happen online, or just affect mental health. There are many real physical risks that stem from social media use, particularly for children and young people.

As such, from a public health perspective, we argue a ban on social media use for children is worth considering.

From selfies to stunts

Many children and young people have been injured or died as a result of trying to take photos in dangerous places – such as at cliffs or waterfalls – for social media. Research has shown children and adolescents are most at risk for selfie-related incidents, with at least 109 deaths worldwide since 2008.

Others have suffered injuries from taking part in viral challenges. For example, in the “skull breaker” challenge, shared widely on TikTok in early 2020, two children would kick the legs from under a third, making them fall over. The results of this stunt included severe spinal injuries, hospital admissions, and even children being charged with assault.

Around 2018, the “Tide pod” challenge went viral, encouraging children to eat laundry detergent capsules. The repercussions of doing so can include vomiting, breathing difficulties and loss of consciousness.

A popular stunt called the “blackout challenge”, which proliferated on TikTok and was particularly popular with children, led to the death of at least 20 children in 18 months around the world. The challenge involved children holding their breath, or cutting off their supply of air, until they blacked out.

Children are much more likely to engage in these sorts of risky behaviours than adults are. Children are still forming their identities, pushing boundaries, aiming to gain approval from their peers, and learning about risk.

The scale of social media

Social media algorithms are quick to promote the most appealing content, so risky stunts can go viral quickly – potentially exponentially increasing the harm.

Dangerous activities, such as taking selfies and photos in precarious poses and locations, often garner lots of views and “likes” on social media. And children want to be liked and seen as popular online, with many aspiring to be influencers over and above regular professions.

If we restrict children from using social media, it doesn’t mean they won’t take risks. Children have always naturally pushed boundaries and taken risks, and some play can be dangerous.

But social media pushes risky activities and behaviours to children en masse, at a scale previously impossible.

Continued controversy

Academics, parents and children themselves have argued a ban is not the answer to the harms social media is having on childrens’ health and wellbeing.

Much of the discussion against a ban makes the case that social media has benefits for honing children’s digital literacy, community building and online support networks. Groups including LGBTQ+ advocates have pointed out that a ban would remove an outlet they say is essential for their mental health and sense of community.

Other experts believe a ban is the right move, arguing social media is disrupting teenagers’ identity development, increasing rates of anxiety and depression, and fuelling polarisation.

But the link between social media use and risk-taking behaviours in the real world is often neglected in the discussion. Alongside other benefits, putting a stronger age restriction on social media use may reduce the likelihood of children engaging in dangerous viral challenges and risky stunts seen online.

Implementing and enforcing a social media ban for children would face push back from both industry and the public, and would not be without technical challenges.

But if we know a product is causing harm to children, regardless of some perceived benefits, it’s only right we take action to protect them.

Samuel Cornell receives funding from Meta Platforms, Inc. His research is also supported by a UNSW University Postgraduate Award, as well as project funding from the Royal Life Saving Society – Australia. He is affiliated with Surf Life Saving Australia and Surf Life Saving NSW.

Amy Peden receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Meta Platforms Inc, Royal Life Saving Society – Australia and Surf Life Saving Australia. She holds an honorary affiliation with Royal Life Saving Society – Australia.

– ref. From selfie injuries to viral stunts, social media can be risky for children. Could a ban help? – https://theconversation.com/from-selfie-injuries-to-viral-stunts-social-media-can-be-risky-for-children-could-a-ban-help-234393

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lorna Piatti-Farnell, Professor of Film, Media, and Popular Culture, Auckland University of Technology

Last week, the Marvel Cinematic Universe’s (MCU) latest offering, Deadpool & Wolverine, opened in theatres worldwide. The film brings two highly popular characters, played by Ryan Reynolds and Hugh Jackman, back to the silver screen – raking in about US$440 million (A$672 million) from its global opening.

The film certainly doesn’t shy away from fan service, with much of the material seemingly added just to please existing fans. The plot is filled with in-jokes, including a variety of meta-references to the alleged off-screen feud between Reynolds and Jackman.

In fact, I’d say the film appears to be solely intended for a specific segment of Marvel’s existing fanbase, with very few attempts at making the story palatable to a global audience.

This is a noteworthy choice for a standalone Marvel film – especially at a time when superhero films have lost some of their lustre. Marvel’s previous release, The Marvels (2023), ended its box-office run as the lowest-grossing film in the MCU’s history, making about US$197 million globally.

It’ll be intriguing to see the effect of Deadpool & Wolverine on the declining popularity of the MCU. Will it end up being the hero Marvel needs? Or will our collective “superhero fatigue” ultimately keep it from reaching its potential?

Marvel’s formula comes undone

After the global peak of Avengers: Endgame (2019), things haven’t quite been the same in the Marvel corner. While the studios have forcefully continued to produce several films and series, the excitement that characterised the release of Marvel movies pre-Endgame seems to have virtually disappeared.

Marvel Studios’ recent failure to replicate its longstanding success can probably be attributed to a few factors. First and foremost is that Marvel seems to have lost the coherent structure that supported its pre-2019 superhero movies, beginning in 2008 with the release of Iron Man. Films from this era focused on developing stories and superhero characters belonging to the now much-beloved Avengers group.

Although there were several other films focused on the exploits of individual characters – such as Captain America: The First Avenger (2011), Thor (2011) and Black Panther (2018) – all of these narrative offshoots regularly converged back to the central Avengers storyline, which itself was advanced through films such as The Avengers (2012), Age of Ultron (2015), Infinity War (2018) and, finally, Endgame.

This winning formula ensured box-office success for Marvel. In Endgame, however, the principal storyline that had driven so much of the MCU until then overtly came to an end.

The film not only tightened the narrative strings of previous stories, it also saw the death of key characters including Tony Stark as Iron Man (Robert Downey Jr) and Natasha Romanov as Black Widow (Scarlett Johansson) – and the “loss” of Steve Rogers as Captain America. Fans worldwide felt the film had lived up to its name, marking the end of the MCU as they knew it.

Marvel has tried to keep its momentum going post-Endgame, in what has become known as “phase 4” of the MCU. In recent years, the studios have produced a growing number of series such as The Falcon and the Winter Soldier (2021), WandaVision (2021) and Loki (2021), to name a few.

Disney’s takeover

Central to the boom in production has been Marvel’s merger with Disney. The acquisition of Marvel Entertainment by Disney actually happened in 2009. However, it wasn’t until after Endgame that the relationship openly came to fruition, when Disney’s new streaming venues truly came to play a part.

After 2019, Marvel’s series have been primarily streamed on Disney+, consolidating the studios’ place as part of Disney. The decision to adapt to the online Disney model, however, may have contributed to the decline in Marvel’s success. In following the production-heavy model that suits platforms such as Disney+, Marvel may have been spread too thin – leaving characters and storylines half-developed and gaining a series of flops.

Trying too hard?

Another result of the overproduction of superhero films and media is what has become known as “superhero fatigue”, wherein there are just too many superhero stories around (often of questionable quality) for even loyal fans to appreciate them.

Deadpool & Wolverine therefore comes in the wake of a very difficult time for Marvel. The film definitely relies heavily on the iconicity of the two titular superheroes and in particular on the introduction of Wolverine into the MCU canon. Whether this gamble has been successful remains to be seen.

Although box office returns have been high since opening night, reviews have been mixed. Some have appreciated the meta-humour, where the specific jokes give the film a kind of “self-awareness”. But others have been put off by the unbelievable plot which often leans into pastiche, even as it tries to echo the visual spectacle that was characteristic of the Avengers franchise.

In a way, Deadpool & Wolverine feels like something of a filler film, strategically placed to recapture fans’ attention through what is essentially a parody of the superhero genre.

The film was also released alongside Marvel’s announcement of the upcoming Avengers: Doomsday, expected in 2026–27. This will be directed once again by the Russo brothers and will (somewhat unexpectedly) bring back Downey Jr in the new role of Doctor Doom.

It’s hard to predict whether this new direction will revive the MCU. For the time being, Deadpool & Wolverine – while generally enjoyable – does little to ease the pain of Marvel fatigue.

Lorna Piatti-Farnell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is Deadpool & Wolverine the hit Marvel needs? It’s entertaining – but it likely won’t cure our superhero fatigue – https://theconversation.com/is-deadpool-and-wolverine-the-hit-marvel-needs-its-entertaining-but-it-likely-wont-cure-our-superhero-fatigue-235675

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Smith, Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney

Last week, Donald Trump promised a Christian audience that if they voted for him in 2024, they wouldn’t have to vote again in four years.

Christians, get out and vote, just this time. You won’t have to do it anymore. … You got to get out and vote. In four years, you don’t have to vote again. We’ll have it fixed so good you’re not going to have to vote.

Democrats pounced on this as evidence of Trump’s dictatorial ambitions. But not all conservative Christians were thrilled about it, either.

David Lane, who leads an organisation dedicated to getting Christian leaders elected, fretted that Trump’s comments could discourage Christians from voting in the future.

“Evangelicals in 2028, 2032, and 2036 must raise their civics game to a new level if America is to return to the Judeo-Christian heritage and Biblical-based culture laid out by the founders”, Lane told the Washington Post.

Was Trump really promising dictatorship? Or claiming there would be no need for Christians to vote in future elections? Or was he just repeating a joke he made a week earlier, based on his (wildly inaccurate) belief that conservative Christians are reluctant voters?

Even jokes can be revealing, especially when it comes to the relationship between Trump and his supporters. Trump was not saying he would end elections, but he was being coyly apocalyptic about what Christians could expect from this one.

Trump identifies as a Christian, but he is not a traditional Christian politician. Conservative Christian leaders typically fight policy battles to bring or keep their country in line with their moral beliefs. But as I’ve written before, many rank and file Christian conservatives in America have been left unsatisfied by the failures of this approach, and Trump has tapped into their frustrations.

Either explicitly or through hints, Trump has repeatedly promised Christians far bigger victories than incremental policy gains or temporary reversals of fortune in the culture wars. Trump instead talks about winning the “final battle”, which reminds many Christians of the prophesied victory of God over Satan.

If anything, this election Trump has been downplaying policies that conservative Christians might want. The Republican platform for 2024 has modified the party’s hardline opposition to abortion, because Trump has said Republicans must “win elections”.

Only Trump, who appointed the judges who overturned Roe v Wade, would have the credibility to do this without fearing the loss of conservative Christian support. And that credibility is as high now as it has ever been.

In the past, Trump has enjoyed the way some Christians have likened him to righteous biblical rulers such as King Cyrus, King David, and Queen Esther. Many of his supporters took his “miraculous” survival of an horrific assassination attempt as an unmistakable sign that God is protecting him. And ever since the shooting, Trump also seems to see himself in increasingly religious terms.

When he first joked about Christians only needing to vote once, he also said

I have the wounds all over my body. If I took this shirt off you’d see a beautiful, beautiful person but you’d see wounds all over me. I’ve taken a lot of wounds, I can tell you. More than I suspect any president ever.“

Trump’s use of “wounds” would not have been lost on his Christian audience. The idea of him taking wounds for them parallels Saint Peter’s proclamation about Jesus that “by his wounds you were healed”.

Most Christians would not go as far as conservative broadcaster Wayne Allyn Root in calling Trump “the second coming of God”, but many of them trust that God is using Trump to achieve His ends and protect them from their enemies.

There are two other serious revelations in Trump’s joke.

The first is that he is counting on his base to win the election. His selection of JD Vance as his running mate was not calculated to win over groups with whom Trump has struggled in recent years, particularly suburban women. Rather, it came at the height of the Trump team’s conviction that they were destined to win anyway.

Vance has become the intellectual muscle of the Trump movement, articulating a fiercely post-liberal vision of the future. A consistent implication of Vance’s rhetoric in recent years, from his support of abortion bans and his opposition to no-fault divorce to his disparagement of “childless cat ladies”, is that the main duty of American women is to have children.

This excites Trump’s base, but Democrats have effectively cast him as “weird”, and Vance has the lowest approval ratings since 1980 for a non-incumbent vice presidential candidate at this stage of the race. If Trump is going to win with Vance against Kamala Harris, he might need even more votes from conservative Christians than the record numbers he got from the last two elections.

The second is that for all the talk of Vance being a choice for the future, Trump has little interest in the future beyond his own second term. This comes across more clearly in the original version of the joke:

They go to church every Sunday, but they don’t vote. In four years, you don’t have to vote. Okay? In four years, don’t vote. I don’t care.

Trump has remade the Republican Party as his personal vehicle. When he finally exits, no one else may be able to drive it.

David Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Does Donald Trump really want to be a dictator? – https://theconversation.com/does-donald-trump-really-want-to-be-a-dictator-234669

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Eva Ellmer, Researcher, The University of Queensland

Action sports used to be a niche interest but they are continuing to gain in popularity, especially among younger generations.

So, why are more people turning to sports such as BMX, skateboarding and surfing?

The popularity of the X-Games would have helped but there are likely other factors.

One is that participants can engage in these activities in a way that suits their lifestyle and they can express themselves freely – outside of rules, regulations and schedules seen in more traditional sports.

With action sports, people are often empowered to explore their potential and develop their skills and abilities without coaches or sporting organisations imposing rigid structures and expectations.

These athletes don’t have to worry about running laps to warm up or doing push-ups for punishment. Instead, they usually don’t have coaches telling them what to do, and when and how – they tread their own paths.

From rebellion to acceptance

When action sports first came onto the scene in the late 1990s, athletes started to challenge traditions and norms by embracing an anti-establishment and counter-cultural, do-it-yourself philosophy.

This was particularly evident at the 1998 Nagano Winter Olympics, when snowboarders such as Norway’s Terje Haakonsen boycotted the games due to the demands the International Olympic Committee (IOC) was placing on athletes and their sponsors.

Some critics felt the IOC did not respect the unique history and values of snowboarding. Since then, several other action sports athletes have spoken out about their sports’ inclusion in the Olympics.

Over the past few decades, participation rates in these sporting activities have continued to rise both locally and globally.

In Australia, an estimated 196,000 individuals aged 15+ have taken up surfing and 119,000 have taken up skate sports since 2019.

As action sports are being accepted into the mainstream, the narrative is beginning to change.

Rather than perceiving action sports participants as being rebellious, their positive values and behaviours are being recognised. At the Tokyo Olympics for example, skateboarders were highlighted for their friendship, inclusivity and collaboration.

These are values that all sports can continue to learn and benefit from.

Thriving on independence: how these athletes learn

This evolving landscape has allowed researchers to explore not only the values and motivations of sports participation but also how action sports athletes learn and develop their skills.

Spoiler alert – they’re often different from traditional learning methodologies and pathways.

Instead of being coached from junior levels as seen in most traditional sports, action sports participants tend to take responsibility for their own learning by going to the skate park or building their own ramps and obstacles in dirt or snow.

Indeed, some athletes like BMX freestyler Logan Martin have built their own freestyle parks in their backyard.

This speaks to the flexibility, freedom and creativity of when, where, and how participants engage in their sport.

In Martin’s case, it was an investment in his own professional development and it paid off – he won gold in Tokyo.

The role of peer-coaching

In action sports, athletes often learn from each other rather than from coaches. They watch each other’s moves, talk about what works and solve problems together.

This kind of peer-coaching boosts confidence and team spirit especially when everyone has a common goal.

In these sports that are considered high-risk, athletes rely on their peers’ advice and encouragement when attempting to complete a new jump or trick. The emotionally safe environment allows athletes to turn fear into courage, supporting their learning and skill development.

Even at the elite level, many action sports athletes learn differently. While some may have touchpoints with performance support staff like coaches, sports scientists, psychologists and dietitians, many don’t.

For many action sports athletes, this often occurs only once they have been identified as a “podium potential” athlete – meaning they have already met certain performance benchmarks alongside international competition performances.

Under these guidelines, athletes are afforded scholarships allowing them to dictate their own performance support management.

Even though action sports participants remain independent athletes, insights from my research into the Australian BMX scene shows coaches are respected and accepted as being “one of them” because they understood the BMX world; they created a positive, trusting environment where athletes could be themselves, share feedback and get the most out of their training sessions.

Out with the old, in with the new?

No doubt some coaches and clubs from traditional sports have started to move the goalposts to meet the demands of the younger generation. However, there remain many that can learn valuable lessons from the practices of action sports athletes.

Encouraging athletes to learn from each other, rather than solely relying on coaches, can enhance skill and personal development. Just like in action sports, observing teammates, discussing strategies and collaborating can lead to better performance.

Traditional sports can benefit from creating environments where athletes feel supported, which will result in them remaining committed to a sport and continuing to develop both on and off the field.

Coaches can achieve this by prioritising the building of trust and feedback-rich relationships between them and their athletes.

Coaches in more traditional sports can empower their athletes by giving them more control over their training, recovery and mental wellbeing. This is where scholarships and personalised resources like physiotherapy, psychology, and nutrition can be helpful.

So rather than coaches calling all the shots, why not let the athletes take over? What’s the worst that can happen?

If it’s safe in a high-risk sport, it’s likely to be safe in a traditional one.

Eva Ellmer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. No coaches, no worries? How action sport athletes are bucking traditional sports pathways – https://theconversation.com/no-coaches-no-worries-how-action-sport-athletes-are-bucking-traditional-sports-pathways-234481

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ran Porat, Affiliate Researcher, The Australian Centre for Jewish Civilisation, Monash University

There have been widespread, large-scale protests against Benjamin Netanyahu’s government in Israel for more than a year.

These have been in response to a controversial judicial reform plan and then the horrors of the October 7 Hamas attack and the fate of Israeli hostages in Gaza.

So far, Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition government remains intact. However, draft notices sent in recent days to about 1,000 young Jewish religious men now have the potential to bring it down.

The current war in Gaza – as well as the heightened tensions with Hezbollah in recent days – have made clear an urgent need to increase the size of the Israeli army.

But the crisis surrounding the army service exemption for ultra-Orthodox youth is more than a political, economic or even moral issue. It touches on the very essence of the relationship between the Jewish state and its citizens.

The origins of the exemption

Israel’s founding father and first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, decided in 1948, during the war that resulted in the creation of Israel, to grant service exemptions in the newly founded Israel Defence Forces (IDF) to 400 ultra-Orthodox men (Haredim in Hebrew).

The idea of “Torahto umanuto” (“His Torah is his job”) was intended to allow these men to pursue their studies in Jewish religious institutes (yeshivas). The goal was to ensure the preservation of hundreds of years of Jewish learning and religious knowledge, which was under severe threat after millions of Jews perished in the Holocaust.

For many years, the number of exemptions remained capped. Following the 1977 elections, the Likud Party secured a governing coalition for the first time by wooing religious parties to join the government in exchange for removing the limitations on such exemptions.

As a result, by 2021, the number of exemptions jumped to almost 10,000 Haredim each year, representing 18% of the total 18-year-old Jewish men and women required by law to enlist in the IDF.

For decades, this arrangement has caused significant tensions within Israeli society.

Critics point to the inherent injustice it represents. A large majority of Israelis of all denominations dedicate years to serving in the army, with many risking their lives and even being killed in action. A politically powerful minority group, however, is given a free pass from any such obligation.

Financial interests in avoiding the draft

This inequality also has significant financial implications. The Haredim population is growing faster in proportion to other segments of the Israeli population due to higher fertility rates (six children per family, double that of secular families).

Demographic predictions suggest the Haredim will constitute about 25% of Israel’s population by 2065, up from about 13% today.

And in recent years, the Haredim have turned their growing population into increased political power in Israel’s system of proportional representation; they now have 19 members in the Knesset (Israel’s parliament) out of 120.

And over time, Haredi politicians have constructed a complex system of state financial subsidies to sustain the young men exempted from military service and their families. To maintain these benefits, the yeshivas list them as students until they turn 26 – the age when all citizens become exempt from service.

As a result, keeping the exemption arrangement intact has become a major economic pillar of the ultra-Orthodox sector.

Because of this, many Haredi men do not work, which has led to an increase in the percentage of ultra-Orthodox women entering the workforce to support their families. Other men are working illegally in violation of their IDF exemptions.

Religious leaders fear that army service will lead to secularisation, due to exposure to the outside world. For example, women are an integral part of the IDF, including in combat roles, but certain types of inter-gender interactions are perceived as “promiscuous” in ultra-Orthodox circles.

Yet, in recent years, the army has been able to incorporate a small number of ultra-Orthodox youth into specific units (such as the Netzach Yehuda), thanks to special adjustments made to accommodate their religious expectations and skill sets.

A threat to Netanyahu’s coalition

Despite the power of ultra-Orthodox political parties, attempts to codify the Haredi draft exemption into Israeli law have so far failed.

Last month, Israel’s Supreme Court ordered an end to the funding of yeshivas that do not comply with draft quotas and instructed the army to start enlisting ultra-Orthodox men. The IDF then began issuing the first draft notices.

The ultra-Orthodox response has been defiant – the leadership ordered yeshiva students to ignore the notices and started collecting money to replace the government funding being withdrawn.

In March, the former chief Sephardic rabbi, Yitzhak Yosef, threatened to leave Israel if Haredim are forced to join the army, while other Haredi leaders have said that they would “rather die” than obey the orders.

For the ultra-Orthodox parties, the draft exemption is the single most important issue. Unless a solution is found soon, they could elect to bring down Netanyahu’s government by leaving the coalition. This would allow the opposition to win a no-confidence vote.

There is little appetite among the members of the governing coalition to go to an election. Recent polls have predicted a heavy defeat for the Likud bloc.

Israel needs a new contract

More than a political question, the relationship between the state and its citizens is at the heart of the Haredi army draft conflict.

A core obligation of any government to its people – to provide security – was shattered on October 7. The army also needs more recruits.

Given this, many Israelis are now demanding that what they see as years of injustice and inequality be corrected by establishing a new contract between the ultra-Orthodox sector and the rest of society. They believe this is especially important as the size of the ultra-Orthodox community and the impact of their exemptions are expected to become ever more significant in coming years.

Ran Porat is a research associate at The Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) and Research Fellow at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Reichman University, Herzliya, Israel. He is affiliated with Australian Centre for Jewish Civilization, Monash University,

– ref. Why ultra-Orthodox opposition to serving in the Israeli army is the most significant threat to Netanyahu’s government – https://theconversation.com/why-ultra-orthodox-opposition-to-serving-in-the-israeli-army-is-the-most-significant-threat-to-netanyahus-government-235585

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gita Mishra, Professor of Life Course Epidemiology, Faculty of Medicine, The University of Queensland

What’s the difference? is a new editorial product that explains the similarities and differences between commonly confused health and medical terms, and why they matter.

Former US First Lady Michelle Obama revealed in her memoir she had a miscarriage. UK singer-songwriter and actor Lily Allen has gone on the record about her stillbirth.

Both miscarriage and stillbirth are sadly familiar terms for pregnancy loss. They can be traumatic life events for the prospective parents and family, and their impacts can be long-lasting. But the terms can be confused.

Here are some similarities and differences between miscarriage and stillbirth, and why they matter.

Let’s start with some definitions

In broad terms, a miscarriage is when a pregnancy ends while the fetus is not yet viable (before it could survive outside the womb).

This is the loss of an “intra-uterine” pregnancy, when an embryo is implanted in the womb to then develop into a fetus. The term miscarriage excludes ectopic pregnancies, where the embryo is implanted outside the womb.

However, stillbirth refers to the end of a pregnancy when the fetus is normally viable. There may have been sufficient time into the pregnancy. Alternatively, the fetus may have grown large enough to be normally expected to survive, but it dies in the womb or during delivery.

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare defines stillbirth as a fetal death of at least 20 completed weeks of gestation or with a birthweight of at least 400 grams.

Internationally, definitions of stillbirth vary depending on the jurisdiction.

How common are they?

It is difficult to know how common miscarriages are as they can happen when a woman doesn’t know she is pregnant. There may be no obvious symptoms or something that looks like a heavier-than-normal period. So miscarriages are likely to be more common than reported.

Studies from Europe and North America suggest a miscarriage occurs in about one in seven pregnancies (15%). More than one in eight women (13%) will have a miscarriage at some time in her life.

Around 1–2% of women have recurrent miscarriages. In Australia this is when someone has three or more miscarriages with no pregnancy in between.

Australia has one of the lowest rates of stillbirth in the world. The rate has been relatively steady over the past 20 years at 0.7% or around seven per 1,000 pregnancies.

Who’s at risk?

Someone who has already had a miscarriage or stillbirth has an increased risk of that outcome again in a subsequent pregnancy.

Compared with women who have had a live birth, those who have had a stillbirth have double the risk of another. For those who have had recurrent miscarriages, the risk of another miscarriage is four-fold higher.

Some factors have a u-shaped relationship, with the risk of miscarriage and stillbirth lowest in the middle.

For instance, maternal age is a risk factor for both miscarriage and stillbirth, especially if under 20 years old or older than 35. Increasing age of the male is only a risk factor for stillbirth, especially for fathers over 40.

Similarly for maternal bodyweight, women with a body mass index or BMI in the normal range have the lowest risk of miscarriage and stillbirth compared with those in the obese or underweight categories.

Lifestyle factors such as smoking and heavy alcohol drinking while pregnant are also risk factors for both miscarriage and stillbirth.

So it’s important to not only avoid smoking and alcohol while pregnant, but before getting pregnant. This is because early in the pregnancy, women may not know they have conceived and could unwittingly expose the developing fetus.

Why do they happen?

Miscarriage often results from chromosomal problems in the developing fetus. However, genetic conditions or birth defects account for only 7-14% of stillbirths.

Instead, stillbirths often relate directly to pregnancy complications, such as a prolonged pregnancy or problems with the umbilical cord.

Maternal health at the time of pregnancy is another contributing factor in the risk of both miscarriage and stillbirths.

Chronic diseases, such as high blood pressure, diabetes, hypothyroidism (underactive thyroid), polycystic ovary syndrome, problems with the immune system (such as an autoimmune disorder), and some bacterial and viral infections are among factors that can increase the risk of miscarriage.

Similarly mothers with diabetes, high blood pressure, and untreated infections, such as malaria or syphilis, face an increased risk of stillbirth.

In many cases, however, the specific cause of pregnancy loss is not known.

How about the long-term health risks?

Miscarriage and stillbirth can be early indicators of health issues later in life.

For instance, women who have had recurrent miscarriages or recurrent stillbirths are at higher risk of cardiovascular disease (such as heart disease or stroke).

Our research has also looked at the increased risk of stroke. Compared with women who had never miscarried, we found women with a history of three or more miscarriages had a 35% higher risk of non-fatal stroke and 82% higher risk of fatal stroke.

Women who had a stillbirth had a 31% higher risk of a non-fatal stroke, and those who had had two or more stillbirths were at a 26% higher risk of a fatal stroke.

We saw similar patterns in chronic obstructive pulmonary disease or COPD, a progressive lung disease with respiratory symptoms such as breathlessness and coughing.

Our data showed women with a history of recurrent miscarriages or stillbirths were at a 36% or 67% higher risk of COPD, respectively, even after accounting for a history of asthma.

Why is all this important?

Being well-informed about the similarities and differences between these two traumatic life events may help explain what has happened to you or a loved one.

Where risk factors can be modified, such as smoking and obesity, this information can be empowering for individuals who wish to reduce their risk of miscarriage and stillbirth and make lifestyle changes before they become pregnant.

More information and support about miscarriage and stillbirth is available from SANDS and Pink Elephants.

Gita Mishra receives funding from National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Funds, Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care. She is a board member of the Queensland Heart Foundation.

Jenny Doust receives funding from NHMRC for grants, including understanding the relationship between women’s health and later diseases.

Chen Liang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What’s the difference between miscarriage and stillbirth? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-miscarriage-and-stillbirth-225660

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Deborah L Harris, Associate Professor Nursing, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

New Zealand’s health system is grappling with a severe workforce shortage. Media reports frequently highlight individuals and families being unable to access timely healthcare, exacerbated by a shortage of general practitioners (GPs) and overflowing emergency departments.

But one potential solution to the ongoing crisis – the greater use of nurse practitioners (NPs) – is conspicuously absent from the government’s 2024 health policy statement.

Nurse practitioners are highly skilled nurses with advanced education (a minimum of a masters degree), clinical training and experience. They have the legal authority to practice beyond the level of a registered nurse.

NPs can write prescriptions and help people with screening and vaccinations. They can also help manage chronic conditions such as diabetes, high cholesterol and high blood pressure.

New Zealand’s 800 NPs practice in primary health services, hospitals and speciality clinics. They work on their own and in teams with other health professionals.

But despite having delivered healthcare for nearly 25 years, and playing a critical role in closing gaps in access to health services, there remains a disconnect between policy support, education funding and practical implementation of the nurse practitioner workforce.

The role of nurse practitioners

The role of nurse practitioner was first established in New Zealand in 2001.

Globally, the ability of NPs to diagnose, treat and manage patients has been shown to enhance the efficiency of hospital services, reduce wait times, and improve both patient outcomes and experiences.

Nurse practitioners are not a substitute for medical doctors. However, overseas research has shown collaboration between doctors and NPs can lead to improved delivery of healthcare and patient satisfaction. Where NPs were available, there was a statistically significant decrease in emergency room use and admissions to hospital.

While there is ongoing debate over whether NPs can or should replace doctors, this is ultimately unhelpful. They are different roles. And it distracts from the very real concern of decreased access to healthcare for many New Zealanders.

A more useful approach is to identify where each can contribute expertise to delivering healthcare and improving the patient outcomes.

A health workforce solution

Supporting nurse practitioners is essential to address New Zealand’s healthcare workforce crisis. However, to sustain and grow this workforce, the government must address a number of critical issues.

After two decades, many New Zealanders are unaware of the role of registered NPs. The lack of a comprehensive plan following the development of the role has led to uneven integration into the health services. This failure in planning has continued to this day.

Despite research highlighting the capabilities of NPs to diagnose and treat patients effectively, there is a noticeable lack of strategic planning for the role.

Decisions about the nurse practitioner workforce are commonly made by people who do not understand their role – there are no NPs at decision-making tables, including the Nursing Council of New Zealand.

Another critical issue is the uncertain funding for nurse practitioner training programmes. These are offered in partnership with employers and educational organisations such as universities and polytechnics.

Earlier this year, the government announced funding for 121 places on the nurse practitioner training programme (NPTP). But the funding is largely unstable and fragmented, creating uncertainty and anxiety for aspiring nurse practitioners, education providers and the wider workforce.

Implementing supportive policies that maximise the nurse practitioner contribution is essential. This includes removing legislative barriers, and ensuring stable funding for training programmes. Additionally, fostering a culture of collaboration between nurse practitioners and doctors will further enhance patient care, as each profession brings unique strengths to the healthcare team.

Bridging the gap

Supporting nurse practitioners through policies and collaborative practices is an essential and logical pathway to address New Zealand’s healthcare workforce crisis.

By recognising and utilising the full potential of nurse practitioners, we can bridge the gap in healthcare delivery and support access for everyone.

With nearly 800 registered nurse practitioners, and another 100 expected to register between December and February 2025, we have an evidence-based, capable, caring and flexible workforce ready to meet growing healthcare demand.

It is imperative policymakers, nursing and healthcare leaders, as well as the wider public, recognise the vital role nurse practitioners play in our health system. By championing policy changes that support their proper integration, we can create a more resilient, dependable and accessible health system for those we serve.

Kathy Holloway is affiliated with National Nursing Leadership group as co-chair

Deborah L Harris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Nurse practitioners can ease NZ’s healthcare pressures – why is the role not better recognised or funded? – https://theconversation.com/nurse-practitioners-can-ease-nzs-healthcare-pressures-why-is-the-role-not-better-recognised-or-funded-235658